Matt maycock understanding masculinity 26th jan 2016

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Understanding masculinities

Dr Matt MaycockSettings and Organisations Team, MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow

26th January 2016Gender, Health and Development, GMU, Edinburgh

MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow.

Session overviewTheories of masculinityHegemonic masculinity (Connell, 1995)Inclusive masculinity (Anderson, 2009)Examples of the application of these theoriesMasculinities and bonded labour in Nepal (PhD)Masculinity within Scottish prisons (post-doc)Practical application of theories of masculinity to a health promotion resource


Hegemonic Masculinity, Raewyn Connell (2005)


Hegemonic Masculinity hegemonic masculinity - a form of masculinity that is dominant in society, establishes the cultural ideal for what it is to be a man, silences other masculinities, and combats alternative visions of masculinity. Hegemonic masculinity is a concept that draws upon the ideas of Gramsci. It refers to the dynamic cultural process which guarantees (or is taken to guarantee) the dominant position of men and the subordination of women. hegemonic masculinity - rejection of the idea that all men are the same


Hegemonic Masculinity Conta change from the concept of masculinity to the concept of masculinities allows meaningful distinction between different collective constructions of masculinity and identification of power inequalities among these constructions. Masculinities: Are actively constructed (not biologically determined)Are dynamic- change over timeHave negative impacts- be tough dont cry, can lead to disengagement, health problems, aggression, overwork and lack of emotional responsiveness.


Criticisms (V. Seidler)Leaves gender roles, and in particular patriarchy unchallengedLeaves out personal and emotional perspectives- emotional lives of men ignored. There is a danger of creating a fixed category of abusing men, rather than learning how pregnancy invokes unresolved emotional feelings in men Is often applied to research quite uncritically


Inclusive Masculinity, Eric Anderson (2009)


Eric Andersons theory of Inclusive Masculinity describes changes in the ways some men conceive of and enact their masculinity. Employing ethnographic methods and social-feminist thinking (14)

Inclusive masculinity, like hegemonic masculinity, frames gender (partially) in terms of power relations. However, it suggests a shift toward a more egalitarian conception of masculinity and a less rigidly vertical notion of hierarchy

Anderson claims that university-attending men are rapidly running from the hegemonic type of masculinity that scholars have been describing for the past 25 years (4). Inclusive Masculinity (2009)


Connells definition of hegemonic masculinityemerges as insufficient for describing the complexity of what occurs as cultural homohysteria diminishes. To rectify this shortfall, Anderson proposes inclusive masculinity theory, his own new social theory (7).

homohysteria describes the fear of being homosexualized,

diminishing homohysteria, which Anderson defines as combining a culture of homophobia, femphobia, and compulsory heterosexuality (7).

Inclusive Masculinity


Criticisms (de Boise, 2014) Misread hegemonic masculinity to be a type of person as opposed to a web or matrix of configuration

Assumes that hegemonic masculinity is inflexible and doesnt adapt to periods of low homohysteria

Assumes a singular dominant ideal, but Connell uses a multidimensional understanding of gender

Claims of a decline homophobia and homohysteria are questioned; can levels of prejudice be objectively established; are acts like same-sex kissing indicative of attitudes, is homophobia is really as insignificant as inclusive masculinity claims.


Ethnographic turn in masculinity studiesmen do masculinity according to the social situation in which they find themselves. (Messerschmidt, 1993, 84)

In Masculinities (1995, 2005), Raewyn Connell talks about a ethnographic turn in masculinity studies, what does she mean by this?

Ethnographic studies of masculinity tend to:Assume masculinities are multiple (both locally and globally). Unpack the ways in which masculinities are socially and culturally constructed and performed.Examine how masculinities impact on each other.Examine the ways in which masculinity is constructed in relation to subordinate women and femininities.Be micro level in focus.Undertaken in both urban and rural contexts.Consider positive masculinities and subvert the idea of men as a [or the] problem.


Ethnographic studies of masculinity have:Illustrated the cross-cultural variance in performances and modes of masculinity.Proven that there is no single masculinity.Showed that masculinities can and do change. This was important in overcoming the tendency in the mass media and popular culture to treat men as a homogenous group masculinity as a fixed, ahistorical entity. Identified the importance of intersectionality of gender with class, caste, race, ethnicity, sexuality, age etcConsolidated men and masculinities as a world-wide field of knowledge.

A significant amount of the research at the beginnings of this turn focused on discourses of hegemonic and subordinate masculinities (following Connell).

More recently a number of studies have focused more on intricate studies of social practice, with a focus on ambiguity and context specific performances of masculinity.

Collections of micro-research and applied studies of masculinity exist for practically every continent or culture-area.Consequences of the Ethnographic Turn in Masculinity Studies


This response emerges from the tension between theory and empirical work.12

Until relatively recently masculinity has not received significant explicit attention, despite the gender awareness of the NGO and academic sectors. For example, in South Asia:

For a long time, South Asian men have been treated as universally given, ungendered objects and have rarely been examined as gendered. (Sharma, 2007a: 33)

There is an unresolved tension between [western] theories of masculinity and local performances I have studied.

I am still unclear of the utility of of hegemonic masculinity within ethnographic research on masculinity.How has this shaped my research?


Sorry but here I will indulge in some self promotion of my research, but not too much as I dont want to bore you.

One of the arguments that I make in my thesis is that . I am not a good enough scholar to be able to do this . Furthermore, in some ways I am not the right scholar to do this.

So one of the limitations of this area of study is that it is quite new and I would say overly reliant on theories of masculinity derived from developed contexts. Often this is done quite uncritically, without really getting into the core of the thoery and really seeing if this helps to illuminate the masculine performances that are being specially considered.13

Example 1 - PhD research far-west NepalMasculinity, Modernity and Bonded Labour: Continuity and Change amongst the Kamaiya of Kailali District, far-west Nepal (School of International Development, UEA, Norwich)


PhD fieldwork far-west Nepal 2009Yearlong fieldwork in Nepal:Three month language training and key informant interviewsNine months in two fieldsites

My thesis addressed the the following research questions:How have the links between Kamaiya bodies and Kamaiya masculinities changed following freedom?How are working patterns changing following freedom, and what implications does this have for Kamaiya masculinities?What are the Implications of modernity for Kamaiya masculinities in family settings?


MethodsHousehold survey

Life History interviews

Participant observationI wore clothes similar to my research participants and made a conscious effort not to display conspicuous signs of consumption.I tried to behave like the men of my age at both fieldwork sites as far as possible. On occasion this involved doing the work that the men in Kampur were involved in, although this did not include driving a rickshaw as the rickshaw drivers found the idea ridiculous.I took part in various agricultural and hunting activities.I took part in the social life, which posed various difficulties for me.


PositionalityAs Reinharz (1997) indicates, researchers have multiple identities apart from those associated with being a researcher; mine include being white, Welsh, heterosexual, male and, at the time, unmarried.

My positionality through the various identities I brought to the research my gender, race, class etc. influenced both how I collected data and its interpretation (Mullings, 1999)

My position constituted both an advantage and a disadvantage. West (2003) found that being positioned as an outsider brought certain benefits in his research with victims of torture in Mozambiques war for independence. It allowed some of his research subjects to discuss issues that they found it difficult to speak about with members of their community.


My home for nine months



Participant Observation - Going hunting





Migration in NepalIn 2001, 760,000 people had officially migrated out of Nepal, 77 per cent of whom had gone to India (Central Bureau of Statistics, 2002).

Migration is strongly gendered in Nepal, around 90% of those who migrate are men

Seddon et al (2000) estimate that between 0.5-1.3 million Nepalis temporarily migrate to India.

Data in South Asia is problematic particularly between Nepal and India due to the open border


A little background to migration in Nepal there are a number of studies focusing on migration to the Gulf, but this wasnt relevant in the fieldsites in which I worked.

Despite this there is very little research that considers masculinity and migration.

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Masculinity and Mobility prior to 2000Movement severely restricted.

Masculine references similarly constrained (cf. Connell, masculinities being relational).

Extremely clear occupier of the hegemonic position.

Problematic labourer/landowner relationship.

The system undermined the notion of a Kamaiya male breadwinner and the ability of Kamaiya men to protect their families.


As Cornwall and Lindisfarne (1994) illustrate in each cultural context, the ways in which masculinity is associated with power varies significantly. In the context in which I was undertaking research caste and ethnic identities were extremely formative of masculinity.

It was Kamaiya men who negotiated with landlords their position of exploitation something that some of the men I spoke to about this found quite difficult.

The last point was highlighted to me a number of times by NGOs focusing on the Kamaiya, who considered that the end of the Kamaiya system would equate with the re-emergence of the Kamaiya breadwinner. My research illustrates that this is only partially true.

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Experiences of Migration and masculinity Facilitates new performances of (Indian) masculinityIn the place where men migrateAlso in villages when men returnPotential for mimicry and the learning of new masculine styles and performancesMoney Diversification of incomeMigration and breadwinningCertain aspects of (sexual) freedomExciting and newAnonymity


In this presentation and the paper on which it is based focuses experientially on the links between masculinity and migration, I dont really consider in much detail the reasons for it. During my fieldwork I met many men who migrated at different stages in their lives and for a very wide range of reasons.

Certainly straight after 2000, there was some migration, due in part to the fact that this group were suddenly able to migrate.

But the type of length of migration was (and is) restricted by limited economic means.

These men are going to India, so certain Indian masculinities are having a major influence on these men Bollywood and associated products and marketing efforts are highly valued.

As a consequence of migration men were able to project a certain vision of success through consumption. Osella Osella consumption. This is despite the harsh realities of migration something I consider shortly

I was able to observe a number of men come back to the village where goods, and particularly clothes from India were viewed with some reverence. Part of the appeal of migration for these men were that when in India they were no longer Kamaiya they were simply poor Nepali men26

Problems associated with migrationFrequent exploitation and mistreatmentIsolating often no or limited support networkNo group history of movementLow and instable payPressure of remittancesFamilial expectation to move as they were menSuccess through migration difficult to achieve Migration has not questioned the link between hard work and successful manliness amongst the Kamaiya


I talk about this at some length I was told many stories of exploitation non-payment etc

Many of the men talked of the pressure to sent certain amounts of money back, often a young man from a certain family was chosen as the person to migrate this put a lot of pressure on him.27

The example of Ram I use in my paper, highlights some of the joys and difficulties of migrating as a man.

Freedom has corresponded with a increased diversity of Kamaiya masculinities. I.e. there are more ways to be a Kamaiya man, but there are also more ways to fail.

Migration is contradictory process in relation to Kamaiya masculinitiesMigration for Kamaiya men is both liberating and restrictive

Following freedom in 2000, migration has become an important marker of being free as this is something that wasnt possible previously.

Critically, moving is becoming a marker of being a (young) Kamaiya man.

Conclusions


The other major marker was owning land something that not all Kamaiya families still do.

What does migration men for those who were, or are bonded labourers?I have to go with Breman in the sense that migration hasnt really changed the structural position of men such as Ram within class and caste structures.28

Example 2 Prison masculinities in Scotland (post-doc)


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Can FFIT be adapted to attract men to positive lifestyle change in a prison? Football Fans in Training (FFIT) has helped overweight and obese men lose weight, improve diet, and increase physical activity (Hunt et al, The Lancet, 2014)


The Football Fans in Training (FFIT) programme is a group-based, gender-sensitised weight management, physical activity and healthy lifestyle programme which is delivered through Scottish Professional Football League football clubs. In this community setting, FFIT has attracted overweight and obese men and helped them to lose weight, improve their diet and increase physical activity. Following expressions of interest from other stakeholders, we wanted to see if a) FFIT could be translated to other settings, without compromising the integrity of the programme, and b) could engage different target groups within these novel settings. In this paper, were asking whether FFIT can be adapted to attract men to positive lifestyle change in a prison?

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Context

Prisons are largely all-male environments

p-FFIT delivered to men-only groups

Content

Info about science of weight-loss presented simply

Role of alcohol in weight management

FFIT logo branding

Delivery notes adapted to take account of prison contextStyle of delivery

PEIs have detailed knowledge of prison context

Participative and peer-supported learning

Encouraged male banter to facilitate discussion of sensitive topicsTesting feasibility of delivering an adapted version of FFIT, Fit for Life was delivered in two prison gyms over course of 10 weeks


These borrow heavily on the main FFIT adaptations.

Adapting FFIT for prisoners (p-FFIT) capitalises on the known appeal of football to this disadvantaged and excluded population,

Context

Content mention literacy issuesThis is quite different to the main FFIT study given that the p-FFIT participants supported quite a wide range of football clubs.

Delivery stress the impressive work of the PEIs

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Methods

Prison A

Delivered to 18 prisoners by prison Physical Education Instructors (PEIs)

Data collection Observations of all 15 sessionsInterviews with participants who completed programme (n=9)Interviews with participants who did not complete (n=3)Focus group with PEIs (n = 1)

Delivered to 21 prisoners by community coaches from a professional football club

Data collection Observations of all 12 sessionsInterviews with participants who completed programme (n=9)Interviews with PEIs and staff (n=3)

Prison B


18 men were recruited to p-FFIT, a pilot version of FFIT adapted for the prison setting, by prison physical exercise instructors. P-FFIT was delivered in the prison gym by PEIs over the course of 15 weeks (including baseline measures and a graduation week).We evaluated p-FFIT to assess the programmes potential to recruit prisoners to lose weight and become more active, improve health behaviours and deliver physical and mental health benefits.

Data collection included:Collection of a number of objective, self-report and biomarker measures (at baseline, post-programme, and at 6, 9, and 12 months)Observations of all 15 sessionsInterviews with participants who completed the programme Interviews with men who do not complete the programme A focus group with the PEIsThere is significant movement of prisoners within the prison system, which makesmeasuring participants challenging.

Ethical approval was gained from the College of Social Science, Glasgow University and NHS Greater Glasgow and Clyde West of Scotland Research Ethics Board.

Due to time restrictions, we wont be reporting the results of the quantitative data or PEI focus group in this presentation.32

Health in prison contextsContext-specific challenges to prisoners mental and physical well-beingThe prevalence of overweight and obesity among male prisoners in the UK is unacceptably high (Herbert et al, 2012)Many prisoners do not take given opportunities to eat healthily and exercise regularly and are less likely to achieve recommended minimum PA guidelines (Herbert et al, 2012)


Men living within prisons experience many context-specific challenges to their mental and physical well-being, which are often compounded by lifetime disadvantage that makes the adoption of healthier practices particularly difficult.

The prevalence of overweight/obesity among male prisoners in the UK is unacceptably high (even though previous substance misuse can lower BMI for some prisoners).

Despite being given opportunities to eat healthily and take part in PA, many prisoners choose not to do so, and they are less likely to achieve recommended minimum PA guidelines than non-incarcerated men.

National recommendations suggest using prison settings to promote PA, healthy eating and wellbeing.

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Prison masculinitiesIn (largely male) prisons environments, there are performances of masculinity that are structured in hierarchical ways in reference to both orthodox/hegemonic' and 'inclusive' masculinitiesOrthodox/ hegemonic masculinity" inclusive form of masculinity based on social equality for gay men, respect for women, and racial parity and one in which... men bond over emotional intimacy" (Anderson, 2008, 604)"masculine performance labeled as orthodox attempts to approximate the hegemonic form of masculinity, largely by devaluing women and gay men." (Anderson, 2005, 338) (Bourdieu, 1998) (Connell, 1995) Inclusive masculinity


*Towards the end of the programme fidelity declined noticeably (I have removed this as a bullet on slide but you could just say it instead)

I have also taken out coaches from the 4th bullet as we havent mentioned anything about external coaches before this.

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Prison is an ultramasculine world where nobody talks about masculinity. (Sabo et al 2001, 3)

a hegemonically defined hypermasculine and heteronormative environment with an abundance of alpha males, sexism, and violence. (Jenness and Fenstermaker, 2013, 13)

prison facilities are a particular kind of institutional setting, one that actively resists the diversity of masculine practices and identities. (Curtis, 2014, 121)places of great humour and playfulness, of friendship and camaraderie, of educational enlightenment, of successful therapeutic intervention. (Jewkes, 2013, 14).

in their mutual support and encouragement, it was also possible to discern sublimated forms of intimacy. Certainly, the vivid and joyful ways in which prisoners engaged in collective exercise, and the sheer amount of physical horseplay among younger prisoners, pointed to submerged emotional sentiments. (Crewe et al, 2013, 11)Orthodox/ hegemonic prison masculinitiesInclusive Prison masculinities




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Orthodox masculinities in the context of the Fit for Life programmeI can understand aboot guys being apprehensive an that, ken I think when, especially wi everybody else in the hall, ken, an youre goin and theyre goin aye, goin tae fat club, an a this carry on, ken whit I mean? So I could imagine people being apprehensive aboot it, eh. (Prison A - P2)I was hammering everybody fae the word go. I'm the sort o' person, see once I get up there I don't like anybody beating me, you know? Determined an' that, you know? (Prison B - P11)Ken what I mean? Ill parken, Ill... Ill takeIll partake in anythin eh? And as I say when, ken when I got there I was like that, right, fair enough. I mean youre only putting your view forward. I mean were in a hostile situation here, eh? And people dinnae want tae speak forward in case the boy, hes a fucking idiot, excuse my French. (Prison A - P11)


Read through inclusion and exclusion criteria.

Elevated BP = systolic160mmHg and/or diastolic100mmHg (Ive taken off slide)

This give a sense of the sorts of prisoners we were trying to attract to the programme, although participants did not have to meet all three inclusion criteria.

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Inclusive masculinity within the context of the Fit for Life programmeI think it was a part ofit was being a part of a group. On the outside Im a lone person. Im no part of any group. So see learning in a group, and interacting wi people, and speaking to people in the group that kept me motivated as well. (Prison A - P11)it was important for me tae, for me tae do my thing and for me tae tell people that they was doing good at their thing, and encouraging them and pushing them and stuff like that. (Prison A - P3)Well youre having a laugh wi people and its like yous are losing a wee bit o weight an youre kinda like, its just youre no coming an youre no like if youre coming tae the gym, its like youre no the fattest person in the gym. So youre here and yous are all kinda fat, yous are all here for the same reason. (Prison B - P3)





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Embodied masculinity - The gym, muscularity and weightYouve gottae get big, aye, youve got a group, your group o guys, thats what theyre intae, their bodybuilding an theyre strength things like that. (Prison A - P8)You want everybody tae go intae a prison an' they all want tae dae the weights, they a want tae get big an' strong. That's what they all want tae dae. (Prison B P11)I actually get people that go like that, oh how long did it take you to get that [large] size? And this is the first time Ive ever trained in my life! Know what I mean? And Ive just worked hard at it, and worked hard, and I explain that to guys. I just, know what I mean? Guys were all wanting to get like me, and like as big as me kinda thing. (Prison B-P1)





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Changes to bodies and appearanceI think people in general do take a lot more care of themselves nowadays and it happens more in prison. So you're not automatically in inverted commas 'a poof' if you use face cream and keep yourself clean and... yeah. (Prison A - P4)When I lost weight I kind o'... I like tae keep my strength up an I felt as if when I was losing my weight that I was losing my strength as well, that my strength was falling away. (Prison B - P11)Some people don't care aboot themselves 'cause they're in the jail, they've hit rock bottom. (Prison A - P7)





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Orthodox to Inclusive masculinity - Group dynamicsI think it was a part ofit was being a part of a group. On the outside Im a lone person. Im no part of any group. So see learning in a group, and interacting wi people, and speaking to people in the group that kept me motivated as well. I mean I enjoyed the group. Its one of the biggest things Ill take away fae it has been involved in the group. (Prison A - P11)...you dinnae want tae be yourself, cause you just single yoursel oot, ken whit I mean? As I say you can put yourself the gither as a team an you take it on as a team, ken whit I mean? An you support each other through it. (Prison A - P2)Yeah, there was two lads in particular that were like really taking the piss an I didnt enjoy that bit. No-one had control over them. Dyou know what I mean? But other than that everything went really, really well. (Prison B - P5)





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Fit for Life - ConclusionsMasculinity has shaped the planning and the experience of engagement in the Fit for Life programme.

An approach to men's health similar to that taken by FFIT has the potential to be successfully adapted for secure settings.

A gender and context sensitised health promotion intervention has the potential to facilitate engagement with a cohort of hard to reach and disadvantaged men in a secure setting.

Performances of both hegemonic/orthodox and inclusive forms of masculinity were evident amongst men who took part in the Fit for Life programme.

Programmes such as Fit for Life have the potential to enhance more inclusive forms of masculinity.

There are many, often contradictory implications for masculinities in taking part in programmes to enhance health and wellbeing.




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Practical exerciseIn groups think about a health promotion resource in the form of a leaflet that will communicate men or boys about health.

Consider how the theory/s of masculinity will shape the resource Consider how you will design the leaflet in a gendered wayConsider about what subjects/issues you will cover


Masculinity and health the Haynes Man Manuals


with the majority of participants having maintained or put on weight between enrolment and session five43

Masculinity and health the Haynes Man Manuals


with the majority of participants having maintained or put on weight between enrolment and session five44

[email protected] www.matthewmaycock.com

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