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1 Running Head: DEVELOPING JAPANESE CHILDREN’S LITERACY AT HOME Developing Japanese Children’s Literacy at Home (by A.B.) Nanzan University Silver feet rushed through the forest, cutting through the dense thicket as though it were paper, splashing through deep puddles of murky water in their haste. Faster. Faster. Run! You can make it! Heavy breathing echoed in the air and silver rimmed ears jerked towards the sound of loud crashes and shouts approaching from behind, barely audible over the rumbling of thunder that resonated throughout the trees, signaling the onslaught of yet another storm. Sirens sounded in the distance, screeching into the crisp air as smoke billowed into the night sky. Faster! Faster! Don’t look back! The pace was brutal; the small silver paws of the creature were raw from overuse. I have to keep going! All of a sudden, it went completely silent. The creature came to an abrupt halt, alarmed by the sudden change of atmosphere. He turned slowly, examining the vicinity with his ice blue eyes, when suddenly—SLAM! The book snapped shut, snatched away from the hands of the child curled up on the leather couch. “Oi! Yomu no ha yamenasai! Shodou no juugyou ga aru yo!” [Hey! Stop reading! You have calligraphy class!] The air was heavy with the scent of fish and rice—remains from dinner, no doubt. The room was cluttered with stacks of books and papers that were sprawled out across the wooden floor. “Yada!!” [No!] With an exaggerated huff, the child tried to steal the book back from his overbearing mother, only to have it placed on a shelf above his reach.

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Page 1: Literacy.final researchpaper

1  Running  Head:  DEVELOPING  JAPANESE  CHILDREN’S  LITERACY  AT  HOME  

Developing Japanese Children’s Literacy at Home (by A.B.)

Nanzan University

Silver feet rushed through the forest, cutting through the dense thicket as though it were

paper, splashing through deep puddles of murky water in their haste. Faster. Faster. Run! You

can make it!

Heavy breathing echoed in the air and silver rimmed ears jerked towards the sound of

loud crashes and shouts approaching from behind, barely audible over the rumbling of thunder

that resonated throughout the trees, signaling the onslaught of yet another storm. Sirens sounded

in the distance, screeching into the crisp air as smoke billowed into the night sky. Faster! Faster!

Don’t look back!

The pace was brutal; the small silver paws of the creature were raw from overuse. I have

to keep going! All of a sudden, it went completely silent. The creature came to an abrupt halt,

alarmed by the sudden change of atmosphere. He turned slowly, examining the vicinity with his

ice blue eyes, when suddenly—SLAM! The book snapped shut, snatched away from the hands of

the child curled up on the leather couch.

“Oi! Yomu no ha yamenasai! Shodou no juugyou ga aru yo!” [Hey! Stop reading! You

have calligraphy class!]

The air was heavy with the scent of fish and rice—remains from dinner, no doubt. The

room was cluttered with stacks of books and papers that were sprawled out across the wooden

floor.

“Yada!!” [No!] With an exaggerated huff, the child tried to steal the book back from his

overbearing mother, only to have it placed on a shelf above his reach.

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2  DEVELOPING  JAPANESE  CHILDREN’S  LITERACY  AT  HOME  

Overview

The ability to read or write a story such as the one above is often taken for granted due to

the fact that literacy is a basic skill that nearly all humans acquire at one point or another. As a

result, the development of these skills is frequently overlooked. This paper will examine the

development of these skills, focusing not only on how Japanese children ages six to twelve years

old develop their literacy, but also placing a major focus on the role that the mother plays in this

development, as well as details about the literature that is utilized during this developmental

period.

According to Merry I. White (1987), Japanese mothers act as active teachers for their

children, utilizing methods of teaching aids such as games, songs, and so on, to engage the child.

In her article in the book Education and Training in Japan, she states that in Japan, “children are

believed to be born with no distinguishing abilities (or disabilities) and can be mobilized to

perform and achieve at high levels” with effort and commitment from the mother (p. 299). This

effort and commitment is a requirement and an expectation of a good mother. Likewise, White

states that in order to be a good mother, the mother must orient her child towards education by

acting as a teacher before the child enters the school system. This includes teaching them to read

and write the phonetic alphabet, teaching them to count, and teaching them to concentrate before

they entire preschool. Due to this expectation, many preschools do not offer such activities in

their curriculum (as cited in Steury, 1993, p. 36). Therefore, mothers play a large role in their

literary education before the children even begin schooling.

Mothers continue their involvement once a child enters the school system. According to

Susan Holloway (2010) in her book Women and Family in Contemporary Japan, parents enroll

their kids in supplementary classes (juku) because they want their children to be enriched

intellectually, assisted if they are struggling in the classroom, or to get a favorable score on high

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school entrance exams. “Mothers are usually responsible for determining what forms of

supplementary education are available, selecting options that are appropriate for the child’s

needs… and monitoring the child’s progress” (Holloway, 2010, p. 150). In the end, the child’s

achievement reflects the mother’s commitment.

This idea is also emphasized in White’s works involving sunao and wakaraseru. Sunao is

frequently translated into English as “obedient” but it actually holds the concept of cooperation.

In order to invoke this ‘cooperation’ of the child, one must “get the child to understand” or

wakaraseru. Wakaraseru is a process where the child is engaged in their mother’s goals,

therefore turning the mother’s goals into the child’s own, “thus producing an authentic

cooperation, as in sunao” (White, 1987, p. 300). When a mother gets her child to understand her

goals, she is able to morph the child’s goals into her own. Therefore, the child reflects her goals,

just as the child’s achievements reflect the mother’s achievements. This is important in the

development of literacy because the mother’s desires and commitment (her role) is revealed

through the child’s achievement.

In terms of content within literature, themes that tend to appear in Japanese stories

frequently revolve around 4 cultural values: harmony, empathy, loyalty, and patience (Kelly,

2008). In her study, Jane Kelley (2008), an assistant professor at Washington State University

specializing in multicultural analysis of children’s literature, evaluated children’s books in

Japanese and attempted to have them authenticated by native Japanese citizens. In other words,

she wanted to see if the morals within them were accepted as social norms of Japanese society.

This aspect is important in children’s literature due to the fact that these lessons are what

children are incorporating into their own morality through their reading. Moreover, these lessons

could be a contributing factor to a mother’s involvement in deciding what her child reads.

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4  DEVELOPING  JAPANESE  CHILDREN’S  LITERACY  AT  HOME  

Self Introduction

Ever since I was a child, I have been an avid reader. Some of my earliest memories

revolve around my mom curled up in a small, twin-sized bed with my sister and me, cradling us

to her sides as she read Green Eggs and Ham by Dr. Seuss. As I grew older, this interest in

literature progressed, spanning into a range of topics from non-fiction autobiographies to

medieval fantasy. Once I was introduced to Japanese, however, my interests suddenly narrowed.

I fell in love with the culture embedded deep within Japanese stories, and consequently, fell in

love with Japanese literature as well. My adoration of these topics followed me into college,

which eventually led me to pursue a major in Japanese Language and Literature and influenced

me to choose Japanese literature as my topic for my Honors College thesis.

Likewise, my interests in these topics encouraged me to participate in a yearlong study

abroad program at Nanzan University. Through this program, I have been given a unique

opportunity to live with a host family consisting of two young boys and two host parents. As

such, I am able to see what types of literature my host brothers read, as well as how they become

fluent readers. With my mom playing such a large role in the growth of my reading skills, I was

curious to see just how important mothers were to the Japanese literacy development. Therefore,

by using my host family as participants, I will be able to examine first-hand just how Japanese

children acquire literacy.

My Study

In order to determine how Japanese children develop literacy, I have decided to design a

case study around my living situation where I have the opportunity to observe how a Japanese

family develops their literacy on a day to day basis and how the mother assists this development.

Through the use of observation and interviews, I will be able to determine not only what types of

books the children read, but also when they read them, where they read them, and why they read

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those particular books, among other valuable information (such as what role the mother plays in

this development). This case study will be conducted with my host family based on convenience

sampling. Other data will be created using subsequent interviews with other mothers with

children ages six to twelve, also chosen by convenience through relations with the professor.

Through a thematic analysis of the data, I will be able to compare my case study with the various

interview responses and then determine patterns that arise between the diverse situations, which I

will then be able to use to create generalized claims about Japanese children and mothers as a

whole.

Permission to perform this research was granted by the Nanzan University Ethics

Committee, and the details of this research were individually explained to each participant using

an explanation form in Japanese or English. Once these explanation forms were read and

explained, participants then signed a consent form which was also presented in Japanese or

English.

Problems with my various techniques during this study include the inconsistencies

between formal interviews (for example, not asking each interviewee the same exact questions),

losing information due to my lack of Japanese skills, and being unable to perceive new details

from my observations due to the fact that I have become accustomed to the daily routine of my

host family. Also, I feel I should have had a larger sample size to make my results more accurate.

These issues may influence the consistency and detail of my results. It may also impact how

much one could generalize the data, consequently making it very difficult to make claims.

Claim 1: Japanese mothers are active teachers

Based on several interviews (and observations) with mothers of Japanese children, a

common theme arose: Japanese mothers act as teachers outside of school. Japanese mothers will

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go out of their way to teach their kids useful skills in life, whether or not it is detrimental to their

relationship. This includes offering corrections, providing extra materials for the children, and

teaching them a new language.

For a mother of a bicultural family, AJM (Australian-Japanese Mother) feels that it is

imperative to share her culture and language with her children. In our interview, AJM spoke of

how her bilingualism impacts the way she influences and encourages her children to read. Since

she is a native English speaker while her children are Japanese, she feels that she is the only one

in their environment who can improve their skills in English. After all, the majority of their

environment—school, stores, and friends, for example—uses Japanese as the main form of

communication. So, the majority of books she reads to her children are in English. However,

reading books in English (when the children prefer books in Japanese) creates a pressured,

hurried, and stressful environment. She wants her children to enjoy reading and tries not to force

them to read (other than for their homework), but also wants them to improve their skills (in both

languages). Therefore, she forces them to practice their English whether they want to or not.

My host mother (HM), on the other hand, enrolled both of her children (HB1 and HB2)

into her ECC program—a private supplementary school where kids go to learn English—where

she is their actual teacher. These classes take place four times a week, but due to her status as a

teacher, her English lessons extend outside of the homebound classroom. When asked about why

children join ECC, HM replied “because some of them… like English and they want to learn.

And some of them, their parents want them to learn because they're not good at English or

they're good at English. I don't know which one” (personal communication, November 10, 2013).

While this answer is still rather vague, it emphasizes the parent’s involvement in children’s

literacy attainment. Moreover, it conveys how a parent’s desires can be pushed onto the child’s

actions, and quite possibly the child’s desires as well.

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7  DEVELOPING  JAPANESE  CHILDREN’S  LITERACY  AT  HOME  

Likewise, HM registered both of her children into a calligraphy class in order to promote

their kanji writing skills. She also buys her children challenge books each month, which they do

at the beginning and end of each day—before breakfast and after dinner. These challenge books

include a range of subjects, spanning from math to writing, but are treated as a game and a

competition between the brothers. This competition is one of the strategies HM uses to get her

kids (and her students) to form an interest in a topic—especially English. That is why, during

events such as the ECC Christmas Party, HM makes sure to put them on opposite teams—to

encourage competition and spark their interest in practicing their languages.

Claim 2: Japanese children do not share a common book, just folktales

Unlike in Australia, where a large amount of kids read stories such as Diary of a Wombat

and Wombat Stew (AM, personal communication, December 13, 2013), there is no set book in

Japanese society that all children are familiar with other than folktales.

HM introduced a book from her childhood called Guri to Gura that many kids in her

generation read, but upon further contemplation, she stated that it is probably not well known. As

soon as she mentioned this book, HB1 expressed his distaste, so it is quite possible that the

generation gap has shifted this book towards the back of the shelf—away from this generation.

When HB1 was asked (in Japanese by his mother) about whether or not all children know of or

have read a certain book, he also does not give a response. They both state that all Japanese

children know Momotarou and Urashimataro though.

Since all children know folktales but are unfamiliar with a set of books that all children

would know, I am inclined to believe that there is not a set of books that all children are familiar

with as there is in Australia.

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8  DEVELOPING  JAPANESE  CHILDREN’S  LITERACY  AT  HOME  

Claim 3: Mothers treat reading as a bonding activity

For many Japanese mothers, reading to their children is not only a way to increase their

children’s abilities in reading, it is also a way to transmit traditions and share their childhood

memories, which, in turn, makes their relationship stronger and strengthens the child’s interest in

literature. Mothers of Japanese children explain the way the feel about reading to their children.

“I guess one more thing that I should mention when I read to the children… there is a

kind of a selfish-parent kind of thing… I feel like it is a way to, should I say, to pass on the

tradition. To share the stories that I enjoyed in my childhood. It is a way to share their stories

with them,” reflected AJM, a mother of an interracial Australian-Japanese family (personal

communication, December 13, 2013).

In an informal interview, HM, a native Japanese mother of two boys, remarked that when

she is teaching her children about Japanese folktales, she is also teaching them about Japanese

history and culture (personal communication, n.d.).

By using reading to their children as a tool to share traditions and memories, mothers are

not only connecting with their children, but they are also strengthening their roles in their

children’s literacy and increasing their children’s interest in reading.

Claim 4: The focus of reading is for personal development,

not academic development

Many Japanese mothers consider the personal benefits reading has on their child rather

than the benefits it has for the future. Two mothers of Japanese children consider the benefits of

their children reading.

AJM considers how she reads with her daughter and whether or not she corrects her. As

she does this, she states “I guess I do correct her but I want her to read for enjoyment so I try to

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keep the pace fast enough that we can enjoy it rather than just struggle through. And I tend to

have her read one page and then I read one page, or make it so that it’s not too tough for her”

(personal communication, December 13, 2013).

HM views this in a very different way. When asked what she want is important about her

children reading, she says “kanjou toka souzou toka wakaru [So they can understand things such

as feelings and imagining] So they can imagine? So if you watch TV it shows what they look

like, but if they… read, they don't know what kind, what’s the shape, what kind of smell. So they

can imagine” rather than reading for enjoyment (personal communication, November 10, 2013).

Enjoyment and imagination are personal goals rather than attributes that would assist the

children in the future (for careers or for school). Therefore, mothers of Japanese children focus

on the qualities that impact their children’s happiness and personal life rather than concentrating

on academic characteristics.

Discussion

As a result of the various strategies mothers implement to improve their children’s skills,

mothers have adopted the substantial role of a teacher to their children and reading has become a

method of transmitting traditions and childhood memories—a strategy used to relate and connect

to the kids while improving their literacy. The focus of having the children read, though, is on

allowing them to gain qualities that impact their personal life, such as enjoyment or the ability to

imagine. Common books that are read by all children are not usual in Japanese society either,

extending only to folktales.

This research is significant because it shows how much of a function the mother plays in

the child’s literacy attainment. Her feelings on reading impact how her children read, so it is very

important to see what she believes. Likewise, the types of books that are read by children have

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an influence on common morals and lessons that they learn. If children are reading different

books, there is no real congruency between children and what values they learn.

Unfortunately, this small-scale project could not produce a significant amount of data to

make completely generalized claims about Japan. With the small sample size (due mainly to the

inaccessibility to other participants), a language barrier that prevented me from understanding

accurately, and a biased relationship with my participants, I was unable to gather accurate data to

fit the entire population. I was also unable to complete all the goals I set out to achieve since I

could not answer a variety of my questions definitively.

In addition to these problems, there is another problem with this research: although it

reflects Japan, it is also true of many other countries, making it difficult to specify Japan’s

unique qualities in literacy development. Australian mothers treat reading in much the same way

as Japan. Australian mothers teach their children that reading is a “lovely, warm, cuddly, nice

thing to do” for bonding, enjoyment, and to encourage their children’s interests. They also

provide their children with all of the materials necessary for them to expand upon their literacy—

such as a $200 book budget per month that supplies them with age-appropriate books (AM,

personal communication, December 13, 2013). Perhaps we are not so different after all, though.

If I were to continue this topic in the future, I would put more emphasis on both sides of

literacy—reading and writing. Similarly, I would conduct more case studies to gain a more

general idea of what methods are used to develop literacy. It may also be interesting in the future

to see what role the father plays in the children’s literacy when he is with them. More research is

definitely needed in this topic.

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And with that, the child hopped up from the couch and rushed off to gather his

calligraphy gear—his paper, his brushes, and his ink—with one sidelong glance in the direction

of his beloved book. Yup, it was just another Friday night.

References

Holloway, Susan D. (2010). Women and family in contemporary Japan. New York, NY:

Cambridge University Press.

Kelley, Jane E. (2008). Harmony, empathy, loyalty, and patience in Japanese children's literature.

The Social Studies, 99, 2. (61). Retrieved from General OneFile.

Steury, Jill. (1993). Working mothers in Japan and the effects on children and society. ICS, 3,

number 2. Retrieved from

http://www.uri.edu/iaics/content/1993v3n2/04%20Jill%20Steury.pdf

White, Merry I. (1987). Inside the Japanese School. In Rohlen, Thomas P., Bjork. (Eds.),

Education and training in Japan. (Vol. 1). (299-300). London: Routledge.