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Are there political "Center" in Chile?

By Alexis Lopez Tapia

Above: General States in France, May 1789

This text has been translated automatically; we apologize for any errors it may contain.

Five recent columns: "Rebuilding the political center," by Andrés Velasco, published in “El Mercurio”

newspaper1; "Velasco is not center," by Diego Shalper2; "What center are we talking?" by Lucas Blaset3,

both published on “El Mostrador”; “Where is the political center”4, and "Morphology of the Chilean

political space" by Jose Joaquin Brunner5, both published in “El Líbero”, debate and attempt to define or

at least "maping" ideologically the current political scenario, and determine what ideas or at least those

who represent the alleged Chilean political "center".

The first three items are a debate that emerges from this statement that Velasco concludes his article:

"Chile has more of a tradition of center. Some of these traditions come from social democracy,

other social-Christianity, other progressive liberalism, and also about the world of the center-

moving toward the center. "

Shalper responds:

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"Velasco foreshadowed in the last paragraph that he would be a" liberal-progressive. " Indeed:

its sights on social matters rests in liberalism (moderate), and in moral matters is expressed in

the progressive (in honor of the truth in the most radical version of the same, as he has expressed

his commitment to abortion in general terms and the adoption of marriages between same sex).

So hard to see how these ideas congeal at home the political center in Chile. Rather we could say

that, socially, approaches Evopoli or Amplitude and, as and valoric terms, a “Democratic

Revolution” or PPD".

And, finally, Blaset says:

"In these opinion columns we see the weakening of the center" moderate "by the radicalization

of positions in today, especially that of the political left Chilean context is therefore not surprising

strengthening more ideological centers. In this battle for the conquest of the center it will not be

uncommon to see the Social Liberals accuse right-wing or progressive depending on the context,

and perhaps see some liberals doing the same with the Social Christians, accusing them as

conservative or as statist. This, until we realize that there is no single political or until one of the

political centers prevails in the minds of Chilean voter "center.

Last but not directly related to the above, Brunner makes in his article topology Chilean political parties

and movements, defining two initial classification schemes: the "left-center-right metaphor," and a

cross-shaped quadripartition, with the state and the market in the horizontal and Liberals and

Conservatives in the vertical.

From this latter scheme, modifies the vertical axis, replacing the Community / Contractualist, antinomy

takes Durkheim and Tönnies: "In the spirit of the latter speak of a contractualist orientation of

contemporary culture, which is opposed to the orientation Community, reinforcing trends toward

individuation." In this final scheme, Brunner ranks and then positioned at various Political Parties and

Movements6:

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In qualifying, the "Center" in the horizontal curiously occupy the Coalition and the Radical Party, which

in turn intersect the vertical axis. The PDC, which also crosses the vertical, is in the upper horizon

(Community) and the "liberal progressive ones," which also intersect the vertical State / Markets, are in

the lower horizon (contractarian).

Notably, the ideological foundation of this scheme is purely materialistic: the dichotomy State / Markets

is primarily economic, and Contractualist / Community, is situated on the horizon of degeneration

theory (Durkheim) of Volunteerism and the Dialectic (Tönnies).

Finally, Bruner says in "Where is the political center":

"For this reason, it is concluded that the so-called struggle for the political center is a mere mirage,

triggered by the confusion in the political elite and a mechanistic interpretation of political space as

dimensional space (left-right)".

Facing the debate and above topology, we wish to present the reader an independent analysis, which

not only contrasts widely with the views and classifications already mentioned, but which-in our view,

reflects a more precise political and, especially, ideological reality, in our country.

1) The absent dimensions

In any taxonomic, systematic and topological order, it is essential to define quantitative, qualitative

and spatially what we ordered, ie, what we try to classify.

Hence, when we talk about politics a "Center" is defined in relation to the "left" and the traditional

"Right", as pointed out at the beginning of your article Jose Joaquin Brunner.

However, even before making that indication, it is absolutely important to define the "Universe" is

intended to classify. Indeed, Brunner analysis is limited only to political parties and movements

institutionalized, and therefore we shall see, quantitatively very minor, both in terms of representation

and participation.

To date, 13 political parties are established in the country according to SERVEL7:

• Chilean Communist Party (PC) • Christian Democratic Party (PDC) • Green Ecologist Party (PEV) • Humanist Party (PH) • Equality Party (PI) • Game Most-Region (PMR) • Party for Democracy (PPD) • Progressive Party (PRO) • Social Democratic Radical Party (PRSD) • Independent Regionalist Party (PRI) • Chile's Socialist Party (PS) • Independent Democratic Union (UDI) party • National Renovation (RN)

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And the next 9 are political parties in training [F] and process [T], also according to SERVEL8:

• Patagonian Regional Democracy (DRP) - [F] • (DNA) National Democratic Alliance Party - [F] • Party andha Chile (andha) - [F] • Equality South (IDS) - [F] • Chile Liberal Party (PL) - [T] • Development Policy (EVOPOLI) Party - [T] • Power Party (PP) - [T] • Citizen Left Party of Chile (IC) - [T] • Amplitude Party (RANGE) - [T]

Then we point out that to date, Chile has 22 institutionalized political parties, which are likely to

increase from modifying the requirements to constitute them.

The first question to define the "universe" we intend to classify, is how many people are members of

these parties further?, and how many citizens participate with their vote in the elections?

According to CIPER Chile9, to 2009 there were a total of 794,023 members in the 14 existing political

parties at that time.

For its part, the SERVEL sent us the following information updated to 31/05/201510:

REGION XV I II III IV V VI VII VIII IX XIV X XI XII XIII TOTAL

PRI 371 436 940 2 5 27 10 0 15 8 3 1 0 0 44 1.862

PRO 438 542 1.083 560 1.341 4.026 1.974 2.264 4.441 2.014 1.619 1.808 353 400 13.912 36.775

MAS-R 570 2.153 4.344 1.126 48 196 105 121 8.675 100 47 43 213 27 21.730 39.498

IGUAL 707 1.008 2.024 12 1.485 5.247 42 35 10.795 25 15 27 329 13 19.739 41.503

ECOLV 21 565 966 591 1.547 186 91 81 8.068 50 833 1.654 239 12 27.334 42.238

PC 783 1.108 1.734 639 1.827 4.375 2.543 2.309 4.851 1.991 638 1.616 206 455 20.072 45.147

UDI 1.039 1.054 2.141 936 3.316 7.824 3.431 3.811 7.709 4.191 1.224 4.432 620 757 31.607 74.092

PH 3.322 2.861 7.061 2.767 3.035 4.660 4.753 2.966 4.384 2.298 2.013 1.246 300 551 36.428 78.645

PRSD 3.583 1.790 2.316 2.211 3.836 12.052 6.143 5.740 6.678 6.202 2.054 3.989 682 1.207 26.178 84.661

RN 1.595 1.638 2.025 1.336 4.627 11.797 5.431 5.865 11.054 5.356 4.049 6.169 1.703 732 30.400 93.777

PPD 1.586 3.135 2.775 1.363 4.392 11.834 4.296 4.150 9.709 5.090 1.872 4.310 520 1.355 41.131 97.518

DC 1.360 1.880 3.726 1.992 4.550 15.745 6.440 6.995 11.770 6.449 2.833 6.186 1.283 1.669 42.217 115.095

PS 1.793 2.623 4.795 5.377 5.691 10.237 6.258 6.729 14.132 3.670 2.330 7.015 1.181 2.274 46.736 120.841

TOTAL 17.168 20.793 35.930 18.912 35.700 88.206 41.517 41.066 102.281 37.444 19.530 38.496 7.629 9.452 357.528 871.652

According to SERVEL11, the amount registered in the Electoral Register for 2013 was 13,573,143 people.

Of that amount, in the second round of the presidential election of that year, he voted a total of

5,684,681 voters12. It is worth remembering here that -actually-, voting is voluntary and Registration in

the Election Registration is automatic.

Plotted, the above figures can be expressed as follows:

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It is also interesting to see the percentage of registered political parties by region, relative to the total

population of each of them13, in the following table and in the chart below.

Región Inscritos en PP Población Total de la Región % inscrito en PP

Metropolitana 357.528 7.228.581 4,9 %

Biobío 102.281 2.100.494 4,9 %

Valparaíso 88.206 1.808.300 4,9 %

Maule 41.066 1.035.593 4,0 %

La Araucanía 37.444 983.499 3,8 %

O'Higgins 41.517 910.577 4,6 %

Los Lagos 38.496 834.714 4,6 %

Coquimbo 35.700 759.228 4,7 %

Antofagasta 35.930 613.328 5,9 %

Los Ríos 19.530 401.548 4,9 %

Tarapacá 20.793 328.782 6,3 %

Atacama 18.912 308.247 6,1 %

Arica y Parinacota 17.168 235.081 7,3 %

Magallanes 9.452 163.748 5,8 %

Aysén 7.629 107.334 7,1 %

Total 871.652 17.819.054 4,9 %

6,4%

93,6%

Affiliate citizens in Political parties of Chile

Afiliados No Afiliados

42%

58%

Voters in Second Round Presidential Elections 2013

Votantes No Votantes

Inscritos PP

0

5

10

Mill

on

es

Total population and registered voters in political parties by Region

Inscritos PP

Población

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Stated in other words, in Chile, votes less than half of registered voters, and almost 95% of these

citizens, not belonging to any political party.

And in most of the regions, less than 5% of the population is enrolled in a political party.

It then necessarily ask: who represent political parties?

This purely quantitative dimension –absent in the previous analysis-, it is highly significant, because if it

is intended to establish the existence of a "center" political, specify clearly the "Universe" reference is

being considered.

In strictly terms, to exist a political "center", only taking into account the existing political parties, the

"center" would account for less than 5% of the national electorate, which in turn, less than half

participated with her vote in the last presidential election.

Similarly, it is necessary to quantify the number of votes obtained by each party in the last election, to

verify how many voters specifically represent the supposed "center" political.

For purposes of this analysis, we will use only the result of the Election of Deputies of 201314, by

political party, for a total of 6,220,222 valid votes cast15:

Party Acronym Votes % Movimiento Amplio Social MAS 6.387 0,10 %

Partido Liberal de Chile PL 16.664 0,27 %

Partido Ecologista Verde ECOV 32.762 0,53 %

Izquierda Ciudadana IC 39.281 0,63 %

Partido Igualdad IGUAL 67.094 1,08 %

Partido Regionalista de los Independientes PRI 72.306 1,16 %

Independientes Lista H ILH 73.047 1,17 %

Independientes Lista I ILI 85.437 1,37 %

Independientes Lista C ILC 95.839 1,54 %

Independientes Lista J ILJ 146.402 2,35 %

Independientes fuera de pacto IND 206.634 3,32 %

Partido Humanista PH 208.879 3,36 %

Partido Radical Socialdemócrata PRSD 225.955 3,63 %

Partido Progresista PRO 235.722 3,79 %

Partido Comunista de Chile PC 255.914 4,11 %

Partido por la Democracia PPD 685.804 11,03 %

Partido Socialista de Chile PS 691.713 11,12 %

Renovación Nacional RN 928.037 14,92 %

Partido Demócrata Cristiano PDC 967.003 15,55 %

Unión Demócrata Independiente UDI 1.179.342 18,96 %

To visually simplify the above table, meet in a single percentage to all Parties and Independent scoring

less than 4% (statistical) of votes and grouping as "Other":

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If from this chart Simplified wanted, at the same time simplify the first classification using Brunner in his

article, that is, the "left-center-right metaphor as organizer of political space"16 (Figure 1 down), and

assuming commonplace, adjudicásemos the Christian Democrats and the parties grouped under "Other"

category of "Center", we could see that the political space would be roughly divided by the famous

"Three Thirds" that was historically framed Chilean politics, what it is indicated by the black lines on the

chart above.

However, as discussed below, both the "Universe" used, quantitative analysis based on the votes

obtained by party, and classification on the horizon "Left-Center-Right" are not only quite limited, but

also, politologicly (in “political science”) inappropriate and unrealistic.

The analysis must necessarily move from quantitative aspects such as those mentioned by way of

example, a basic qualitative elements, and effectively-to-consisting, allow us to develop a realistic

topology of Chilean politics.

And for that, we necessarily rule out all the above.

PRSD 4% PRO 4%

PC 4%

PPD 11%

PS 11%

PDC 15% OTROS 17%

RN 15%

UDI 19%

Percent Votes by Political Parties, Election of Deputies 2013 - Simplified

Partido Radical Socialdemócrata

Partido Progresista

Partido Comunista de Chile

Partido por la Democracia

Partido Socialista de Chile

Partido Demócrata Cristiano

Otros

Renovación Nacional

Unión Demócrata Independiente

Rigth Left

Middle?

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2) Fundamental Ideopolitical Axes

In Chile historically have had expression seven ideopolitical axes, or fundamental principles, which led to

most of the political parties of the twentieth century. These are: Nihilism (NIH), Communism (COM)

Radicalism (RAD), the Social Christian (SC), Liberalism (LIB), conservatism (CON) and Nationalism (NAC).

Each of these axes through history, originated various political expressions: currents, movements and

parties, some of the main those indicated in the graph below, greatly simplified for purposes of this

article17:

Let us begin with the "Left".

Nihilism, as a philosophical foundation, has had systemic political expression in Chile.

Communism has two fundamental political aspects, Anarchism (A) and Marxism (M). From this they

emerged a large number of parties including these grounds in its principles, and the Communist Party

(PC), the Socialist Party (PS) and the Party for Democracy (PPD), among others.

Radicalism was also expressed in two ways: the Radical Party (PR) and Social Democrats (PSD), which

currently converge in the PRSD.

Let's look at the supposed "center" political:

Social Christianity is expressed in the Christian Democrats (DC) and from it, on the pattern of the

"Christian Left" (IC, MAPU, MOC, etc.). We look at these principles later to verify whether they can be

labeled "Center".

Then review the "Right":

Historically, the Chilean right was represented by liberal and conservative ideas, which respectively gave

rise to the Liberal Party (PL), the Conservative Party (C) and (N) National Party. The current policy of the

expression "right" would consist of National Renovation (RN), the Independent Democratic Union (UDI)

and several training games discussed later.

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Finally, see the Nationalism:

This principle had three main currents in Chile, National Socialism (N), Fascism (F) and corporatism (C).

The first two were short-institutional political life through the National Socialist Movement (MNS 1932-

1938) and the National Fascist Party (1938-1940). Meanwhile, corporatism was projected as a principle

in the Agrarian Party Labor (PAL).

It should be mentioned that the unionism of Jaime Guzman, came precisely from its break with the

corporatist doctrine of his trainer, Father Osvaldo Lira, so their primary ideological foundations, the UDI

is completely devoid of nationalist history.

Nationalism often poorly categorized as "extreme right", which is politological improper, since both by

definition and by political practice, the nationalist parties and movements founded, went

anticommunism, anti-capitalist, anti-liberal and anti-bourgeois at same time. Hence, to be classified as

"extreme right" property, party or movement must be at least, "ultra-conservative", "ultra-capitalist" or

"ultra-liberal".

In short, Nationalism currently lacks institutional political representation and is outside the

continuous "left-right", so cannot be considered in this analysis.

3) The true extent of the "Left"

So far, we've done a cursory primary quantitative and qualitative analysis of systemic movements and

political parties. However, particularly in the "Left", the picture presented is highly incomplete and

understated, to ignore the existence of at least two additional levels of political expression.

In effect, political movements and parties of the "Left" institutionalized, can be divided into those with

Parliamentary representation, and those extra-parliamentary.

To this must be added the existence of a wide spectrum of currents, movements and institutionalized,

organic and inorganic "parties", so the "Left" is much broader than is commonly perceived, considering

only the parties institutionalized parliamentary representation, which can be seen in the following

diagram:

Parliamentary Extra Parliamentary

Left Institutionalized Left non Institutionalized

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The fundamental difference between the old “Concertación” coalition and the actual "New Majority" is

that the first only watched the parliamentary left -PS, PPD, PRD and the Christian Democrats, and the

second added to the PC (Communist Party), the “Citizen Left” (formerly the “Left Christian” Coalition)

and MAS-R (the union of the regionalist party MAS ad “Force of North”), which even before that were

extra-parliamentary parties, belonging to the "Together We Can Do More" coalition.

In simple terms, the "New Majority" has grown into the extra-parliamentary left, a sector that had

gradually abandoned the coalition for various reasons (among creators movements and parties of the

coalition were counted: the MAPU (United Popular Action Movement) MAPU of Workers and Peasants,

the Liberal- Socialist Party Chilean, the Popular Socialist Union, the PADENA, the Green Party, the

Humanist Party and the “Christian Left”).

From the above, the question naturally arises can still be considered "Center" the DC (Christian

Democrats)?

In this regard, we forgive make a minimum of history, because the "drift" towards ideological "left" of

the Christian Democrats has been permanently: from its remote origins in political today "National

Falange" –from fully fascist and corporatist character–, first supported the "Popular Front" which

included the PC (1938); then he rejected the "Cursed Law", which persecuted the Communist Party

(1948); then he joined the "Revolutionary Christianity" (Chonchol and Silva, 1951); in its sixth congress

he accepted an alliance with "Marxist sectors" (Jaime Castillo Velasco, 1953), and Eduardo Frei Montalva

said that "to communism we see that there is something worse: anticommunism" (1947); to finally

become the Christian Democrats (1957).

Therefore, as in the 1970 elections, the candidate Radomiro Tomic had assumed in all honesty that

the ideological position of the Christian Democrats had ceased to be in the "Center":

"Give me the thesis of the Popular Unity, give me a united party and give me a program clearly located

on the left and revolutionary, and I will give the party the victory on September 4".

He added: "The DC must be a driver of broad coalition of social forces and political, Marxist and non-

Marxist parties engaged in a defined process, limited term and goals of further development within the

ultimate goal of replacing minority and capitalists structures to bring Chile's underdevelopment and

finish forever with internal poverty and external dependency. This is for me the reason for the Popular

Unity ".

45 years after that speech, with the creation of the "New Majority", this true "political prophecy"

Tomic, it seems to have fully complied.

Noted above, it is quite evident that the Christian Democrats –in its permanently ideological drift–

long time is not part of, nor is the alleged Chilean political "center", but is an integral and

fundamental part of the "Left ago "as we have seen, it is much broader than the political parties

institutionalized the" New Majority ".

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In fact, in the investigation "Political identification in Chile: symptom of a paradox,"18 notes that the

policy alternatives identification in Chile are presented on three not exclusive alternatives:

1) Identification with ideological axis, 2) With Political Party 3) or with coalition of parties.

Noted above, it is quite evident that a large number of those who identify with the "left", it is with the

first alternative, ie the ideological axis as the framing, and not necessarily with the political parties

institutionalized, or with the coalition thereof, that is, the current "New Majority". Furthermore, in the

same research indicated, it is argued that:

"It appears that a high degree of institutionalization does not necessarily imply a high party

identification. Some institutionalized systems coexist with low levels of party identification and,

conversely, countries with low levels of institutionalization have high levels of party identification. 19"

To which he adds: "In sum, the features described interacting as a result we have a party system"

institutionalized "that paradoxically coexists with low levels of political identification.20"

And further, specifically he notes regarding the identification with the "center" political: "No wonder no

variables to explain identification with the center axis, as compared to those who identify with the ends,

the moderates are so identified with lower intensity"21 (emphasis added).

Regarding the "Left, the study says:" None of the independent variables [Socioeconomic Group, Religion,

Economic Perception] is significant in explaining cross-identification with the left parties. Not so, for

identification with the center party and right "22.

And finally he concludes: "Chile has a paradoxical relationship because it presents one of the most

institutionalized party systems in Latin America but live with low levels of political identification."

For its part, the study "Cleavages supporters and distributional changes in preferences in Chile"23,

presents an analysis of the relationship between party identification and / or policy, distributive

different beliefs between 1999 and 2009.

"The analyzes in this article are opposed to the idea of coherence between party identification and

distributive preferences" ... "However, in connection with the main objective of this article, we note that

such changes are weakly associated with an identification political party, with the exception of support

for higher taxes on the rich 1999. Unlike the case of the (left-right) political trend, we find significant

differences in distributional issues at the ends of the continuum.24"

Holding concludes: "Despite the apparent consensus on distributional issues on the traditional party

system, citizens have recently expressed a series of demands on these issues through various social

movements. For example, the proposed tax reform, free education in higher education and tax cuts to

disadvantaged groups are topics that have become relevant in the national political agenda in the

second half of 2011. These lawsuits, which have been channeled mainly through new non-traditional

forms of participation, they could be indicating that the cleavages in distributional issues would not be

found framed in the traditional party system, but rather between formal and informal instances of

approach to politics ".

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This finding reinforces the idea that the institutionalized political parties represent only a very small part

of those who have political affinity with notions of "left", and thus tend to assign greater responsibility

in the distribution of wealth to the State (eg , tax increases).

Indeed, those who have pursued claims as "Free Education" or "Constituent Assembly", have not

fundamentally been institutionalized parties, but the "social movements" or so-called "civil society

organizations".

In short, the "Left" Chile is not only much broader than institutionalized parties pointing Brunner in

his analysis but also, most of those who identify with it, do not belong nor necessarily adhere to these

parties, nor the "New Majority" that groups. But what are these "new forms of non-traditional

participation"?

4) Systemic, Antisystemic and Asystemic

One of the most important factors is not mentioned in any of the analyzes with which we began this

article, is related to the existence of three different foundations of political participation: systemic, anti-

systemic and asystemic participation. Indeed, political parties institutionalized only realize systemic

political participation, nor is the only form of participation, much less the majority, as seen above. This is

the "traditional way of participation."

Meanwhile, groups or anti-systemic movements in Chile have a very broad term, ranging from sectors

anarchists, communists (excluding PC), indigenous, environmentalists and anti-capitalist generic, to so-

called "urban tribes", where there are even groups generically called "fascist", as so-called "neo-Nazi

Skinheads".

And although the term "anti" has no negative connotation in terms, often used in a pejorative sense by

Media, simplify its meaning, combining the concept with the alleged existence of a single organized

movement which is not - which would necessarily violent and radical character, which also realizes his

true nature.

This is essentially collective not formally institutionalized, which may or may not have a solid internal

structure, and whose way of expression range from the aforementioned "urban tribes" and "collective"

so-called "citizens' movements" and " social organizations ". What unites them, then, it is neither its

structure nor a particular ideological definition but dissent, disapproval or rejection regarding

institutionalized and systemic forms of politics.

However it should be noted that the anti-systemic ideological condition does not exclude its expression

in organized and structured forms of participation, such as streams, groups, movements and parties:

then it is not the organizational structure adopted, but its ideological foundations.

Finally, from the arguments arising from deconstructionism, and more recently, of deconstructionism

post as philosophical foundations, they have been developing currents, groups and movements

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Asystemic character, which by their nature, declared to be beyond the systemic / anti-systemic

dichotomy and are the ideological vanguard of an effectively radical transformation of the way of doing

and understanding politics that has so far prevailed.

Thus, trying to classify topologically ideological currents present in Chile today, we should also frame

them necessarily within these three foundations: the binomial Systemic / Anti-systemic and -front of

them both, currents, groups and movements A-systemic:

5) Metaphysical, anti-metaphysical and A-metaphysical

As we have seen, to try to correctly categorize the various political currents that exist in Chile, we must

pay close attention to their ideological foundations, rather than their specific political expressions, but

anyway the use to sort effects.

In this sense, a fundamental definition that allows us to differentiate ideologically different groups,

currents, movements and political parties, is your position on the metaphysical and anti-metaphysical-

recently conceptions, conceptions Ametafísicas arising from deconstructionism.

Metaphysical concepts hold all or part of the belief in the existence of non-material factors ("beyond

the physical"), Being and Transcendence, as part of reality.

The Anti-metaphysical conceptions deny all or part of the existence of non-material factors as part of

Reality (Materialism). By definition adhere to Becoming and immanence.

Finally, from the deconstructionist theory, the A-metaphysical conceptions deny Metaphysics / Anti-

metaphysical binomial, standing in the same position with respect to the binomial Systemic / Anti-

systemic. Conceptions is in the process of projection within the political system, whose enormous

impact and consequences are just beginning to be viewed in political terms.

Noted above, this system allows effectively differentiate ideologically the majority of political forces in

the country, and their results may seem curious at first glance:

A-systemic

Syst

em

ic

An

ti-s

yste

mic

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METAPHYSICAL ANTI METAPHYSICAL A-METAPHYSICAL UDI – PDC – PRI – ADN RN – PL – EVOPOLI – AMPLITUD

PC – PS – PPD – MAS – IC – PH PRSD – PRO – PC – PP Izquierda Extraparlamentaria Izquierda No Institucionalizada

IGUALDAD ECOLOGISTA VERDE

Why National Renewal (RN), the Liberal Party EVOPOLI and AMPLITUD appear as anti-metaphysical?

Because if their respective Declarations of Principles are revised, instead referring or considering any

ideological foundations of metaphysical order. It is, in all these cases, parties to fully materialistic and

(neo) liberal, as we shall see below- which have been strongly determined by the Deconstructionism

own categories.

Meanwhile, Equality and the Green Party, from its Statements of Principles, - provisionally- can be

classified as institutional referents of some of the Ametafísicas thesis: the party considered as a "tool",

"equality" and "diversity "(indifference - relativism) as axiological axes25.

6) The Neo-Neo-Communism and Neo-Capitalism

To deal effectively with the political position of all the references that we have mentioned, it is essential

to devote a very brief summary of the impact of deconstructionist theory in ideopolíticos axes that we

have been discussing. In both philosophical principle, since the 60's on, the Deconstructionism began to

impact directly on two fundamental and apparently antagonistic ideological principles: Communism and

Capitalism.

Thus, Communism was resignified systematically, first by the neo-Kantian and neo-Hegelianism -the

modern revision of the theory of Kant and Hegel, and subsequently by structuralism, through the

"Institute for New Marxism", better known as the "Frankfurt School" and finally, the impact of

deconstructionist theory, which determined the emergence of Neo-Marxism and Neo-Anarchism.

The ideological and political significance of this re, expressions I expressed in the theses of the

"Libertarian Communism" Neo-Anarchism emerged; and "Communism Critical", emerged from the Neo-

Marxism. To them the "Radical Communism" that arises directly from deconstructionism adds.

All these proposals (and others) make up the current "Neo-Communism," some of whose foundations

are irrationalism (the critical overcoming of Descartes and Hegel); primitivism, which considers issues

such as Indians demands, cultural relativism and radical environmentalism; and neo-Malthusianism with

catastrophic planetary level (ecological, economic and social) predictions.

The same process occurred in Capitalism, which, from the originally Liberalism gave way to Neo-

Liberalism, the total market primacy to society, and whose valoric proposals also referred to a strong

cultural relativism, full individualism and sociobiological selfishness.

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The thesis of neo-liberalism, not as many believe refers solely to the economic sphere, they permeated

both the "left" and the traditional "right". In fact, the same concept with some differences in approach,

was used by the American "left" to describe his ideology, two of the most prominent representatives of

" left neo-liberalism" are Bill Clinton and Al Gore.

So did the neo-Marxists that involved the emergence of the "new left" as current, ie a valoric left (neo)

liberal thesis.

From there then, that many positions "liberal" in valoric, are in full agreement with some supporting the

"Left" and that helps explain holding positions such as, for example, the AMPLITUD party, which is favor

of decriminalizing abortion, or EVOPOLI, he favors the so-called homosexual "marriage."

Finely both the Neo-Communism, and for the Neo-Capitalism, a problem is not the capital, but who

owns and controls the State, in the case of the former, or Private, in the case of seconds.

In short, the Neo-Marxism and Neo-Liberalism, it is categorically modified by the influence of

deconstructionism, gave rise to the current Neo-Neo-Communists and Capitalists, positions that also

distinguish between "Left" and "Right" whose similarities may turn out to be truly amazing in "value-

based" issues, and differ in the control of Capital.

7) The Chilean political spectrum in the "left-right continuum."

Mentioned above, back to the beginning to try to then make an enlarged topology of Chilean political

reality.

Let's start by noting that the "left-center-right metaphor," has a particular interpretation, depending

precisely on the position in the ideological horizon from which you look.

Indeed, to a certain "Right Objectivist" or "Radical Capitalist" American heiress theses Ayn Rand - self-

defined by the principles of "Reason, Selfishness and Capitalism" - the scheme should be presented the

following essential way26:

LEFT MIDDLE RIGTH Ideologies and systems that violate rights

Ideologies and systems that attack Rights

Ideologies and systems respectful Rights

Using Extreme Strength Using Strength Grades No use of force

Communism, Socialism, Fascism, Anarchism, Theocracy, Monarchy

Modern Liberalism (Neo), Progressivism, Conservatism

Capitalism, Classical Liberalism, Constitutional Republicanism

16

We quote here this conceptual variant, to be noted that the supposed "center" depending on the

interpretation of the extremes, may include seemingly dichotomous currents, such as "progressive" next

to the "Conservatism".

And it is that-in effect-can be done consistent criticism this inconsistency, as Crispin Sartwell pointing in

"The Left-Right political spectrum is Bogus"27.

"The arrangement of positions along the left-right, progressive-reactionary axis, liberal-conservative,

communist-fascist, socialist, capitalist, or Democrat-Republican, is conceptually confused, ideologically

biased, and historically contingent. And any position, at any point where you are, is infected with

contradictions. "

In this regard, it is clear that the "Centrists" positions are always defined in relation to the other

positions, and so, so in a certain context can appear as a position of "center" in a different context can

be a position "Extreme".

That is why we speak of a "continuous left-right", which due to its own continuity, lacks a "center"

defined. Then there is sole speak of "center-left" and "center-right", ie, the ends of the extremes that

touch (in the "nonexistent Center") the political spectrum.

This finding also explains why it is so difficult to determine the specific principles underpinning the

political "center" has nothing to do with the radical / moderate, which wants to raise Blaset with his

statement about the weakening of a "moderate center" dichotomy versus "ideological centers".

"Moderation" can have as radical ideological foundations as the "immoderation" to clarify the alleged

dialectical antithesis.

17

8) Is there the political "center"?

Considering the above, the question of the existence or nonexistence of a Political "Centro" then takes

on its full meaning.

If we take two criteria analysis: State Capitalism versus private capitalism, and liberalism versus valoric

economic liberalism, we could present the following chart for analysis purposes only:

Perhaps it may seem surprising that we include Amplitude and Evopoli and National Renewal (RN) in the

"Left", and part of the UDI in the "Left Centre", but it is not when you consider that these sectors, in

valoric terms have been arguing proposals equal or very close to those proposed by the "Left"

decriminalization of abortion, homosexual "marriage", legalizing marijuana, etc.

The same picture changes then, if we emphasize economic liberalism:

However, the above tables regardless of where you want to place the "Center" and how is shifted to one

side or another - are not considered incomplete if the above dimensions: first, the "Left" and

extraparliamentary "No institutionalized ", and then the anti-systemic and nonsystemic sectors.

18

Let us see the whole picture:

It is very likely that we are wrong in the relative proportions of the "extra-parliamentary left" and "non-

institutionalized" (should be assigned to the same area each stream, group, movement and party would

be considered), and it is possible that the division between systemic, anti-systemic and nonsystemic is

much less marked and in a different position, however, we basically emphasize the existence of a very

broad sector and probably the majority in terms of participation and identification, which is not found

in any of the matches Institutionalized politicians.

From our perspective, the debate we committed at the beginning of this analysis, several

representatives called "Political Center" is an attempt to position itself in this large sector "not shown"

which just assume as "Center".

The brief quantitative, qualitative and topological analysis enables us to point out that this is a debate

overtaken by events. The real political representation is not institutionalized parties.

In Chile there is no "Political Center", hence the absence of criteria that allow us to effectively identify,

for the remarkable "imbalance" between the extremes of "left-right continuum."

Bias "towards the ends" that has been settled in Chilean politics, is really the expression of strength and

power transfer to sectors of the "extra-parliamentary left" and "non-institutionalized" and also to the

Anti-systemic and A-systemic sectors.

Meanwhile, the "Right" has been shifted their ideological coordinates, not to a supposed "center", but

directly own categories of Neo-Communism, by way of Neo-Liberalism in valoric terms.

From this analysis, it is possible to predict a growing polarization and increased use of force in the

political and social demands, arising from non-institutionalized, horizontal, to the detriment of

institutionalized, vertical, solutions.

In that scenario, the alleged "center" political, not only not exists, but has a no place.

19

Notes

1 Velasco, Andrés, “Reconstruir el centro político”, 13-06-2015. Ex ministro de Hacienda del primer gobierno de Michelle Bachelet, actual

dirigente del movimiento Fuerza Pública. 2 Shalper, Diego, “Velasco no es de centro”, 19-06-2015. Ex director ejecutivo de Idea País, actual dirigente de un movimiento socialcristiano en

formación. 3 Blaset, Lucas; “¿De qué Centro estamos hablando?”, 24-06-2015. Miembro del Comité Político del movimiento Amplitud.

4 Brunner, José Joaquín, “Dónde está el centro político”, 17-06-2015. . Ex ministro Secretario General de Gobierno durante la presidencia de

Eduardo Frei Ruiz-Tagle, ex militante del PPD y fundador del movimiento Fuerza Pública. 5 Brunner, José Joaquín, “Morfología del espacio político chileno”, 24-06-2015

6 Brunner; op. Cit.

7 Ver: Partidos Constituidos, SERVEL

8 Ver: Partidos Políticos en Formación, SERVEL

9 Ver: Estadística de cantidad de afiliados a partidos políticos al 14/08/2009, CIPER Chile

10 SERVEL: Respuesta vía correo electrónico, a consulta N° 76128 – 300620151411 11

Ver: Padrón electoral definitivo 2013 por circunscripción electoral y tipo de mesa, SERVEL 12

Ver: Cantidades de votantes elecciones presidenciales (segunda votación) 15-12-2013, SERVEL 13

Ver: Regiones de Chile por Población, año 2014, Wikipedia 14

Ver: Elecciones parlamentarias de Chile 2013, Wikipedia 15

Estimamos que para efectos de este análisis, los resultados en esa elección constituyen suficiente ejemplo. 16

Brunner; op. Cit. 17

Simplificado de “Ejes Ideolpolíticos”, Luis Heinecke Scott. 18

Torres, Javier; “Identificación política en Chile: síntoma de una paradoja” , Working papers ICSO UDP – Nº 1 - 2009 19

Torres; op. Cit. 20

Ibíd. Pp. 15 21

Ibíd. Pp. 24 22

Ibíd. Pp. 25 23

Castillo, Juan Carlos; Madero-Cabib, Ignacio; Salamovich, Alan; “Clivajes partidarios y cambios en preferencias distributivas en Chile”, Rev. cienc. polít. (Santiago) vol.33 no.2 Santiago, 2013. 24

Ibíd. 25 Cabe señalar no obstante que el Partido Ecologista Verde quiere garantizar “a cada persona las oportunidades para su mayor desarrollo

material y espiritual posibles” (Ver: Declaración de Principios) considerando así ciertos criterios Metafísicos 26

Biddle, Craig; “Political “Left” and “Rigth” Properly Defined”, en “The Objective Standar”, revista política por internet de corte “Objetivista”, basada en los postulados de la filósofa de origen ruso, Ayn Rand (Alisa Zinov’yevna Rosenbaum), conocida por sus obras “El Ma nantial” y “La rebelión de Atlas”. 27

Sartwell, Crispin; “The Left-Rigth Political Spectrum is Bogus”, en The Atlantic Magazine en Internet.