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1 Whether West Eur
Whether Wes
as Burden or
Introduction
What was Cold War?
The Cold War was a peri
most of the world betw
actors in the Cold War w
Russia and countries alig
potentially devastatingthe Cold War jockeyed for
When did the Cold War
USSR came out of the uni
reform the vulnerable ec
became a matter of time.
Post-Cold War Soviet States
pe Considered NATO as Burden or Prot
Europe Considered
rotector
d of tension and subdued hostility
en the 1940s and the early 1990s.
re the United States and its allies,
ned with that nation. Rather than
out and out war, the countriesposition in more subtle ways.
nd?
The Cold
ended
Soviet U
in 1991
Gorbach
The sym
collapse
Union,
consecuti
control t
various
were see
Countries
Ukraine,
Germany
controlle
n in the first days of 90s. After the p
nomy of the union failed, the fall of
ctor
NATO
hich gripped
The primary
countered by
ngaging in a
involved in
War virtually
when the
ion collapsed
and Mikhail
v resigned.
ptoms of the
of Soviet
which was
vely failing to
he unrest in
parts of it,
n in late 80s.
like the
West
who were
by the
olicy taken to
Soviet Union
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Virtually Soviet Union was seen as a victim of the Cold War. But In 1992
Geroge F.Kennan, one of the three leading fighters of the Cold War, made a
point of stating that nobody won the cold war. It had been a long, costly
tragedy, fuelled on both sides by unreal and exaggerated estimates of the
intentions and strength of the other side.
Effects of Cold war in West EuropeIn many ways it was very good for Western Europe. For the first time ever,
France, Germany, the United Kingdom and Italy worked together with the
USA and forge an alliance. Their economies grew together, and modern.
North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO)
NATO is an alliance of countries from Europe andNorth America. It provides a unique link between
these two continents for consultation and
cooperation in the field of defense and security,
and the conduct of multinational crisis-
management operations.
NATO was a byproduct of the Truman Doctrine in
one sense. By 1947, US president Harry S. Truman's advisers urged him to
take immediate steps to counter the Soviet Union's influence, citing Stalin's
efforts (amid post-war confusion and collapse) to undermine the US by
encouraging rivalries among capitalists that could precipitate another war.
Trumans response to this was the adoption of containment, the goal of
which was to stop the spread of communism.
West Europe and NATO
Recent research has revealed secret armies have existed across Western
Europe, during the Cold War. Coordinated by the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization (NATO), they were run by the European military secret services
in close cooperation, with the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and the
British foreign secret service Secret Intelligence Service (SIS, also MI6).
Trained together with US Green Berets and British Special Air Service (SAS),
these clandestine NATO soldiers, armed with underground arms-caches,
prepared against a potential Soviet invasion and occupation of Western
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3 Whether West Eur
Europe, as well as the c
communist parties. The
clandestine NATO armies
guarded secret through
until 1990.
As a Cold War mechanis
primary function of bein
economic rival of th
However, with the disban
Pact, the organization wa
for a new role in order to
the post-Cold War worl
attempting to handle th
disarmament and the rep
with the former Soviet Un
By the mid-1990s, there
NATO as disarmament
proceeded relatively sm
Western Europe apparat
that both strengthened
encompass the Eastern E
Partnership for Peace (initiatives, which aimed t
the former Soviet bloc.
pe Considered NATO as Burden or Prot
ming to power of
xistence of these
remained a closely
ut the Cold War
, NATO served the
the political and
Warsaw Pact.
ing of the Warsaw
s forced to search
remain relevant to
d. It did so by
e immediate post-Cold War conce
sitioning of a unified Germany, as w
ion.
was a need to reconsider the securit
as in process and the German u
othly, with the new state integra
s. The organization consequently s
xisting partnerships and expanded
uropean states. This can be seen es
fP) and the North Atlantic Cooperstrengthen NATOs relationships wit
NATO and Warsaw
ctor
rns involving
ll as relations
approach of
ification had
ted into the
ught policies
eastwards to
ecially in the
ation Councilmembers of
act States
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Content
By the end of the century, there was a need to critically question NATOs
changing role. This was especially true after the NATO bombing of Kosovo,
which further questioned NATOs security role, given that the organization
had made a military offensive against the Serbian forces, a change from its
original defense-related aims. In addition, questions remained about the
need for continued US involvement in Europe as well as the possible
inclusion of Russia into NATO, as postulated by then Acting President
Vladimir Putin. NATO is therefore in the process of addressing such
concerns, and its functions have tended to head towards crisis management
and peacekeeping. It has, however, remained as the key European security
institution, as reflected in the centrality of the organization in determining
European security issues.
Now, we will try to discuss whether the West Europe countries considered
NATO as a burden or protector. As France, Germany and Britain were the
superpowers, we will focus on these three West European countries.
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Germany and NATO
NATO has been important for Germany especially because of the value of the
transatlantic partnership with the United States, which Germany believes to
be an important anchor of its security policies. This is because American
military ties to Europe have been essential towards maintaining peace and
stability on the European continent.
NATO has also been important in maintaining the strategic balance in
Europe, and in offsetting Russias military power, especially since Germany
lacks a nuclear arsenal, and has to depend on the US to provide such a
security guarantee. An important aspect of German interests in NATO lies in
the idea that the organization serves as an avenue for the denationalizationof the German military, especially as seen in the Kosovo bombings.
Consequently, Germanys involvement in NATO has served to address issues
of increased German responsibility in security issues while at the same time
allaying neighboring countries fears of a German military resurgence.
In order to attain these aims in NATO, Germany has mainly sought to
revitalize NATO in the wake of the Cold War. It has been critical in the
development of NATOs post-1990 strategic concept, especially in the
adaptation of NATOs nuclear policy of flexible response, altering it to
promote no first use of nuclear weapons. In addition, Germany has also
worked to change the nature of NATO itself, steering it from a defense
organization to one actively participating in crisis prevention and
management. The country has also been essential in reshaping NATOs
conventional force structure, increasing military integration through the
establishment of increased multinational units, which also helped to allay
Germanys neighbors fears now that it was part of a multinational force
committed to multilateral European security. In attempting to establish ties
with Eastern and Central Europe, Germany has been instrumental in the
development of the North Atlantic Cooperation Council (NACC) with the aim
of bringing together NATO countries and the former Soviet bloc states so as
to stabilize the countrys eastern borders. It has also approached NATO
enlargement in a similar manner, favoring a more conservative position so
as not to isolate Russia.
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France and NATO
In the post-Cold War era, France has increased its appreciation of the
transatlantic relationship with the US, and has seen NATO as a means of
enhancing this partnership. This is because Paris, like Berlin, sees NATO as ameans of anchoring the US to Europe, and the American military as a force
to ensure the security of Europe, as can be seen from the Yugoslav and
Kosovo crises. Moreover, an enlarged NATO with a strong integrated
command, linked by charters to Russia and Eastern Europe, ensured the
primacy of the organization over pan-European organizations like the OSCE.
In addition, differences over the role of European security organizations like
the WEU have relegated their importance as secondary to NATO, allowing
the institution a greater contribution towards the security of Europe.
However, despite French recognition that a US role is important to Europes
security, the country has also expressed a desire to maintain its national
independence, as can be seen by its military isolation from NATO until the
late 1990s. This can be explained by the countrys reluctance to allow
America to totally dominate the proceedings in Europe. Indeed the French
agreed to NATOs Combined Joint Task Force (CJTF) concept only because it
allowed the country to join in peacekeeping operations without being a part
of NATOs integrated military command. French interest in the WEU has
been geared towards the promotion of European integration and the creation
of an independent defense entity separate from the influences of the US and
NATO. This is because France, like Germany, recognizes the importance of
European autonomy, which it believes should exist alongside the NATO
alliance. There was therefore a consequent shift from the 1980s stance that
any European defense organization served merely as European pillar of
NATO, towards the position that Europe deserved a more separate entity of
its own. This can be reflected in the promotion of the Maastricht Treaty to
bind Germany to a Western European alliance, as well as the promotion of
the CFSP as a means of advancing European collective security in an era of
German post-unification, so as to counterbalance the US influence in Europe.
In addition, the development of the Eurocorps has also served to emphasize
a French need for competing European and transatlantic security structures.
Despite such French initiatives at creating a distinct European defense
identity, the country also believes that in the short to medium term,
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European initiatives cannot replace the primacy of US-led NATO.
Consequently, any WEU initiatives should only be made within the auspices
of a NATO framework, embodying the policy of NATO first, Europe second.
To this end, France has pursued a different path from Germany, and
rejected the idea of totally integrating the WEU and the EU, proposing thatthe WEU should serve only as the defense arm of the EU.
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Britain and NATO
Like Germany and France, Britain believes that America should be involved
in European security. This has resulted in London adopting a strongly
positive stance towards NATO, as reflected in its belief that Europeansecurity should be underwritten by a strong US/NATO leadership. NATOs
importance is therefore linked to the value ascribed to transatlantic debates
and armament cooperation. In addition to the primary role of NATO as a
means to engage the US in Europe, Britain also values the organization as a
credible and effective guarantee of its members territory, especially in the
peaceful engagement of military forces within the continent, with the aim of
maintaining the security of Europe as a whole.
To this end, Britain has consistently pursued policy measures increasing its
role in NATO, such as by undertaking a leading role among the European
powers in NATOs Allied Command Europe Rapid Reaction Corps (ARRC).
This involved a British commitment of at least 8 out of the 15 initial brigades
constituting the initial ARRC force. By adopting such a leading posture in the
ARRC, Londons leadership of the European NATO countries was confirmed
within the context of a NATO-led security system. In addition to British
involvement in the ARRC, the country was also supportive of NATOs
initiatives to be linked to the peacekeeping process. This could be seen in
the British acceptance of NATOs role as an organizing body for the
peacekeeping needs of both the UN and the OSCE.
Despite Britains strong support of NATOs operations in Europe, the country
is hesitant to expand NATO membership because it is cautious about having
to guarantee the territorial sovereignty of additional states. In addition, if
states are admitted to NATO because they are free democracies, there is the
possibility of having to agree to Russian membership or face a
destabilization of ties with Moscow, especially if it was to be refused
membership.
Unlike Germany and France, Britain views the WEU primarily as a means of
strengthening the European pillar of its Atlantic alliance, and not purely to
promote greater Europeanization. Consequently, London holds the view
that any European security framework should be complimentary to NATO,
even though it promotes a European identity independent of NATO. To this
effect, the WEU could be involved directly in peacekeeping operations either
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as a secondary role to NATO or in the event of US disinterest. This is not to
mean that European interests should be subjugated to US interests, but
should be viewed more as a hedge against overwhelming American influence
in Europe, as can be seen in the British refusal to lift the Bosnian arms
embargo in 1993.
So, we can see that that in most cases West Europe considered NATO as
protector. But at the same time, West European countries were very much
conscious of their national independence. So, to some extent, West
European countries considered NATO as burden it was hindering their
national independence in one way or other.
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West Europe and the USA
In any discussion on the construction of Western European security, it is
important to consider the role of the United States. This is because America
has been a crucial player in European security since the post-World War Tworeconstruction of the continent, which left the country facing its Cold War
foe, the Soviet Union. With the collapse of the Soviet Union, the important
Atlantic relationship did not diminish in significance, and was instead
strengthened, reaffirming the primacy of America in European security. This
continued significance of the US to post-Cold War Europe can be explained
by two main reasons the remaining possibility of a Russian threat and the
lack of European unity and strength.
A Poster on the NATO bombing campaign in Yugoslavia
A continued need for the US to serve as a European power can be seen by
Western Europes lack of military strength as well as its failure to agree on a
cohesive collective security policy. This is illustrated by the decreased
military spending policies in Western Europe despite American calls for
increased burden sharing, which have led to concerns that European
nations are free riders in preserving continental security. There has also
been the failure of consensus among Western European nations with regards
to European security arrangements such as the European Security and
Defense Identity (EDSI) and the Common Foreign and Security Policy
(CFSP). This lack of a cohesive European response to crises has ensured the
USs primacy in ensuring European security, as can be seen by the increased
role of US-led NATO in the Balkans.
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In attempt to retain control over Western Europe, as in the Cold War years,
Washington has utilized NATO as its institution of choice in post-Cold War
Europe. This can be seen through the numerous changes America has
initiated in NATO to facilitate the evolution of the organization to a post-Cold
War world. For instance, the development of the North Atlantic CooperationCouncil (NACC) was initiated to promote rapprochement with former
Communist states as part of Americas Partnership for Peace (PfP) efforts. In
addition, NATOs Combined Joint Task Force (CJTF) concept enabled America
to assert leadership in European security because it retained veto power
over use of NATO assets despite allowing the WEU the power to use the CJTF
for its initiatives such as the CFSP. Similarly, Western Europes efforts at
developing an EDSI were allowed to continue provided it established the US
as the cornerstone of its policy, and operated only as a European pillar
within NATO. This was similar to the US agreement to the WEU being thedefense arm of the EU only if it acknowledged the primacy of NATO in the
European security arena. As can be seen in all these multilateral
agreements, the US allowed Western Europe greater autonomy in European
affairs, but only if it acknowledged the continued significance of Americas
role in Europe.
So, we can see that that in most cases, West Europe considered NATO as
protector. But at the same time, West European countries were very much
conscious of their national independence. So, to some extent, West
European countries considered NATO as burden it was hindering their
national independence in one way or other.
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ConclusionThe shaping of European security is a delicate process involving a consensus
in foreign policy making by the major Western European actors of Germany,
France and Britain, as well as by the only superpower of the post-Cold War
world, the United States. In their search for a consensus on the new security
structure, these four major powers have modified some of their foreign
policy preferences in exchange for the acceptance of some of their other
policy objectives. This can be seen not only in the multilateral discussions,
but in the bilateral relationships such as the Franco-German partnership or
the Anglo-American friendship. Hence, the shaping of post-Cold War
European security has been through interplay of power between these four
major countries, which has been the underlying issue behind the tensions of
European assertiveness and American dominance.
One of the most realistic future partners to NATO would be The Western
European Union (WEU) which was formed in 1955 as a result of the failure of
the European Defense Community (EDC). The WEU has followed the work of
NATO. There is a string case for improving coordination between the two
international institutions. The objective of WEU is to build up WEU in stages
as the defense component of the European Union. To this end, WEU is
prepared, at the request of the European Union, to elaborate and implement
decisions and actions of the union which have defense implications.
Furthermore, WEU may become an important link between NATO and theEuropean Union.
We can assume that there is a future for NATO, even though the institution
has not got any principal enemies (such as the threat from the former
Warsaw pact). The North Atlantic Treaty Organization can effectively
coordinate its efforts, and its military power with the activities of the
Western European Union.
At the end of the day the quote of Lewis Gaddis, the biographer of George F.
Kennan, can be depicted.
American imperial powerhas been a remarkable force for good,
for democracy, for prosperity.
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