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ViolenceagainstwomenandthefeministcritiqueofLaw:abriefanalysisofBrazilianacademicproductionViolência contra mulheres e a crítica jurídica feminista: breve análise daproduçãoacadêmicabrasileira CarmenHeindeCampos11 The University Center – UniRitter, Porto Alegre, Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil. E-mail:[email protected]:http://orcid.org/0000-0002-4672-0084.FabianaCristinaSeveri22TheUniversityofSãoPaulo,SãoPaulo,SãoPaulo,Brazil.E-mail:[email protected]:http://orcid.org/0000-0002-8399-7808.Thisarticlewasreceivedin01/01/2018anditwasacceptedon24/05/2018.
ThisworkislicensedunderaCreativeCommonsAttribution4.0InternationalLicense
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Abstract
Thisarticleanalyzesthefeminist legalscholarproductioninLaw,especiallythestudies
onviolenceagainstwomen,startingfromthe1970s.Itexploresboththeemergenceof
feminismandthestudiesonviolenceandgenderinBrazilandalsoexaminesthegrowth
ofthisfieldandthepotentialitiesfornewfeministapproachesinLaw.
Keywords:FeministcritiqueofLaw;Violenceagainstwomen;Rightsofwomen.
Resumo
O presente artigo analisa a produção acadêmica feminista no campo do Direito, em
especial, os estudos sobre violência contra mulheres, a partir da década de setenta,
buscandoexploraraemergênciadofeminismoedosestudossobreviolênciaegênero
nodireitobrasileiro.Examinatambémocrescimentodessecampoeaspotencialidades
paranovasabordagensfeministasnoDireito.
Palavras-chave: Crítica feminista ao direito; Violência contra as mulheres; Direitos
humanosdasmulheres.
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Introduction1
Thisworkisanefforttomapoutandanalyze2feministlegalstudies,withemphasison
worksaboutviolenceagainstwomenthathavebeenpublishedsincethe1970s.Thisisa
necessary task since feminist production in this field is significant, although not
sufficientlyrecognizedbymalestream3.Furthermore,weconsiderit importanttobring
up the historical path of construction of feminist perspectives in legal studies, as a
processofcumulativeandconstantconstructionthatcontinuallygainsprominence.We
emphasize that thiswork certainly doesnot encompass all feminist production in this
field,butthosethatwecouldaccessthroughourownresearchuptonowandwereof
help to shed some light on the main characteristics of the intellectual trajectory of
Brazilianfeministlegalstudies.There is still much to be done about the reconstruction of the genealogy of
Brazilian legal feminisms.Here,weonly aim to identify the early contours of feminist
critical legal thought, its articulation with the struggle for women’s human rights in
Brazilandpinpointthepotentialitiesofthisfieldinamorerecentdevelopment.
We consider as academic feminist production thoseworks thus considered in
their theme, editorial line or theoretical-methodological approach (SILVA, 2013). We
prioritizedanalyzingacademicproductiondeliveredinbookformats,articlesthatwere
publishedinacademicjournalsandreportsproducedbyfeministadvocacyactions4.
We have identified that pioneer Brazilian authors using a feminist legal
approachhavedifferenteducationalbackgrounds,whoseworks5arebothinsertedinan
academic environment and in the context of feminist political action strategizing.
Consequently,wecanclearlyseeBrazilianfeministcritiqueofpolitical-legalinstitutions
1WewishwiththisworktopayhomagetothepioneersofBrazilianlegalfeminism. 2Thisworkisaresultofsomeofourpreviousstudies(SEVERI,2018;CAMPOS,2017). 3Weusemalestreaminsteadofmainstream(SMART,2000)tohighlightthemaleprivilegedpositioninLaw. 4 Theexpressionadvocacy isusedby feministmovements to refer toabroadanddiverse setofpoliticalactionsofwomen'smovementswiththeaimofinfluencingpublicdebateasalsopolitical,socialandculturalactorsandinstitutionsinordertogeneratepoliticalandinstitutionschangesincivilsocietyandintheState,basedonthefeministagenda’sspecificcontentandproposals. 5Thereareseveralwaysofreferringtosuchstudies,accordingtothehistoricalmomentandthetheoreticaldiscussionsthatunderliethem:womanandwomen’sstudies,genderstudies,studiesongenderrelationsorgendertheories.
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and identify some of feminist legal scholar pioneers6 in studies on women, gender,
relationsanddomesticviolence,agrowinginterdisciplinaryfieldsincethemid-1970s.
The classification of the types of interactions that happen between feminism
and Law in LatinAmerican, establishedby Isabel Cristina Jaramillo (2000), helps us to
analyze theBrazilian case. According to her,wehave: a) feminism as Law critique; b)
Law as a tool of feminism. Jaramillo also divides feminist critical legal studies in two
parts:acritiqueofLawgeneralelements(feministcriticallegaltheories)andcritiquesof
particular juridical (and political) institutions. Among the production that discuss the
uses of Law, she also distinguishes those that approach the strategic and the
nonstrategicuseofLawbyfeminisms.
Brazilian feminist academic production on Law, despite its recent expansion,
may seem rather small or incipient when compared to the strength of Global North
feminist legal studies. This is because the studies gatheredunder theaxes of feminist
jurisprudence or feminist legal theory have been consolidated as an important
theoretical field of legal criticism since the late 1980s in the United States, in some
EuropeancountriesandintheUnitedKingdom.
WeconsiderthatBrazilianfeministanalysesofLawarebeingconsolidatedasa
delimitedfieldofresearchinthelegalacademy.Ontheonehand,theyhavebeenmade
indialoguewithavigorous interdisciplinary field inBrazil since themid-1970s: theso-
calledstudiesonwomen,genderandviolenceagainstwomen-and,ontheotherhand,
they have been strongly associated with the feminist strategies of political-legal
mobilizationfortheaffirmationofwomen'shumanrights.
ThisfieldofstudyalsoemergedfromthedynamicsofBrazilianfeminismandits
interaction with European and North American feminisms, which was marked by a
processofreception-assimilationandconflict-differentiation-accommodation.According
to Bila Sorje and Maria Luiza Heilborn (1999), in the United States the so-called
Women's Studies emerged from protests that took place in universities in the 1960s
alongwithracialstudies,questioningthescientificfoundationsofthesocialsciences.In
Brazil, studiesonwomenandgenderarosealongwithother leftmobilizationagenda,
suchasthecriticismofsocialinequalitiesandpoliticalauthoritarianism.Socialresearch
aimedatthefoundationofpublicpolicyproposalsandspecificnormativechangeswere
6WenamedlegalscholarsthoseimportantBrazilianfeministswhohavebuiltacriticalframeworkonLawnotonlyfromwithinuniversities,butmainlyfromtheirpoliticalperformanceandlegalknowledge.
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also more recurrent among Brazilian feminists, in relation to the North American
emphasisonepistemologicalcriticism.
Concerning the interaction between feminism and Law, our argument is that
Brazilianfeministlegalscholarsfocusedlessonlegaltheoryorepistemologyissues,and
more on the elaboration of critical analyzes about specific legal institutions and the
strategic use of legal discourse. This can be clearly perceived when we analyze, for
example, thediscussionsabout the theoretical productionondomestic violence. They
reflect, to a large extent, the conceptual contributions of feminism to national and
international laws about human rights and the notions of the subject of rights,
citizenship,publicspace,democracyandaccesstojustice.
Brazilian academic production on women, gender and violence has grown
considerablysincethe1970sinseveralareas.Thiswasduetotheconditionscreatedby
the re-articulation of the Brazilian feministmovement in this same period and to the
greater importance given to the theme of violence against woman (BANDEIRA, 2014;
BRUSCHINI;UNBEHAUM,2002).
Wehopethatthisworkcanhelptostrengthenastillincipientresearchagenda
on Brazilian feminist legal thought and on the theoretical and methodological
contributionsthatstudiesonviolence,genderandfeminismhavebroughttoLaw.
1.Overviewoflegal-feministstudies,genderrelationsandviolenceagainstwomenin
theyears1970-1990
The resurgence of the feminist social movement, especially since 1975, has been
articulatedwithsocialstrugglesfordemocracy(forexample,thestruggleforAmnesty).
ItwasbasedonsometheoreticalMarxistaspectsandalsoonAmericanandEuropean
feministperspectives,inthiscasespawnedmainlybytheexileofBraziliansabroad.
Debating democratic freedoms, Brazilian feminists launched newspapers to
spread their ideas. In São Paulo, two important newspapers, Brasil Mulher andNós,
Mulheres,begantoreflectfeministdiscussions.AccordingtoMariaPaulaAraújo(2000),
thosenewspapers innovated in languageand for spreadinganewpolitical conception
thatexplainedtherelationsbetweenpublicandprivatedomains.Theypoliticizedwhat
was, until then, considered personal matters and politicized emotions, personal
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relationships,andfamilyties.Theyalsodealtwithchangesineverydaylifeandissuesof
thedomesticsphereandwiththemessuchaslove,sex,pain,frustration.Thisway,they
soughttogiveattentiontopersonalexperiences.
Dialoguing with Marxism, these journals addressed the theme of the female
labor force or female wage labor, but also incorporated other subjects such as
maternity, reproduction, sexuality, daycare, schools andhealth, aswe can read in the
passagebelowfromthenewspaperNósmulheres:Wedemand good daycare centers and schools for our children, collectivelaundriesandrestaurantsatpopularprices,sothat,togetherwithmen,wecantakeontheresponsibilitiestosociety.(Nósmulheres,1976,page2).
This is also the arrangement of works produced by the pioneering Brazilian
scholarswithafeministapproach.Forexample,HeleiethSaffioti,asociologist,published
the book A mulher na sociedade de classes: mito e realidade in 1969, which soon
becameoneofthemainreferencesindiscussionsonthestatusofwomenintherealm
of work. She analyzes how the “sex factor”works in class societies to get rid of the
femalelaborforceinthemarket.Forher,thecapitalistorganizationproducesahierarchy
betweensexesasakindofexpropriationanddeterminestherolesthatawomanplaysin
the family (sexuality, reproduction and child socialization). Thus, the condition of the
woman,bothasthe“worker”figureandthe“inactive”figure,arebuiltfromahierarchy
of sex differences (SAFFIOTI, 1969). This book became a reference for the Brazilian
academicreflectiononthefeminineconditioninclasssocietiesandforfeministgroups
that emerged in that period throughout the country and influenced a number of
scholarlyfeministapproaches.
The support given by United Nation for holding the Conference on Brazilian
Women in The International World Women Year (1975) led Brazilian feminists to
approachthediscourseonwomen’srightandtoincludeitinfeministpoliticalstrategies.
Thecloseinvolvementofthefeministmovement,whichwasbecomingbiggerandmore
transnational, in national and international human rights networks has strengthened
feministadvocacy,whichfromthemonstartedtocondemndiscriminatoryBrazilianlaws
and to propose new ones, using human rights as a tool to denounce and demand
investigationsintowomenrightsviolations(PITANGUY,2002;BARSTED;HERMAN,1999).
ItisinthiscontextthattheBrazilianfeministcriticallegalstudieswillcomeabout.
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SilviaPimentel,authorofthebookAevoluçãodosdireitosdamulher(1978), is
one of the first feminist legal scholars to use the feminist approach in the Brazilian
academy.Inthiswork,sheanalyzestheevolutionofwomen’srightsinBrazilandaround
theworld. She ismainly concernedwith researching the rights granted towomen by
Law, analyzing the position ofwomen in the social structure, and finally reflecting on
axiologicalaspectsofgenderrightsequalityandthe levelofparticipationofwomen in
society.Shedevelopsherargumentsatlegal,sociologicalandaxiologicallevels,withfew
references to international feminist hot topics of the time. For example, when she
reflects on equality before the law, she reviews the constitutional debate without
referring to discussions about equality and difference issue, an important subject
discussedamongglobalnorththeoristsofthesameperiod.
In the 1980s, concomitantly with the struggle for democracy and for a
constituentassembly,Brazilian feminists started to fight for rules that couldguarantee
genderequalityinthenewConstitution7.
Silvia Pimentel’s other bookAmulher e a constituinte (1985) is a result of her
activity inside the feminist movement for democracy in Brazil. In this work, a
comparative studyonwomen’s rights in theBrazilian constitution andother countries
provides the basis for some proposals for changes in the constitution to strengthen
democracy.Referringtothelegalequalityprincipleshestates: The article 153 from the current constitution is insufficient: ‘all are equalbefore the lawwithoutdistinctionof sex […]’. It is important that thenewConstitution affirms thatwomen andmen have the same rights regardingfamily,social,economic,politicalandculturallife(PIMENTEL,1985,p.11).
This passage expresses the 1980s Brazilian feminist movement concern about
therelevanceofincludingthedemandsofwomeninthenewconstitutionforaproper
democraticsociety.
Pimentelalsoaffirmsthat legalequality (legal recognition)alone isnotenough
to change women’s condition in Brazilian society; it would be also necessary to
guarantee a set of rights such as the right to public daycare, labor rights and other
measures that could introduce social tools for the socialization of domestic and care
activities. Collective laundries and restaurants, for example,would be a necessity that
should be guaranteed by the new Constitution (PIMENTEL, 1985). This would allow
7ThestrongfeministperformanceintheBrazilianconstituentassemblywasknownasLipsticklobby.
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decentworkingconditionsformenandwomen,whowouldthenbelessconcernedwith
the conditions of childcare and work relations. In these proposals for the new
Constitution,wecanclearlyseesocialistfeminism’sinfluenceonPimentel’sthinking8.
Similarly, Florisa Verucci and Ediva Marino in Os Direitos da mulher (1985)
analyzetheconditionofwomeninmanylegalfieldsandcriticizecivil,criminal,laborand
socialsecuritylawthatstilldiscriminatewomen.Theproposalofthebookistoprovidea
perspectiveofthedevelopmentofwomen'srightsinthedecade,[butthat]ishampered
bythefactthat“adecadeinlawisinsignificant"(VERUCCI;MARINO,1985,p.5).Inthis
period,theycallattentiontothepromulgationofthelawondivorceandthedraftbillon
marriedwomenincludedinthenewcivillawproject.Regardingtheproposaltoamend
thepenalcode,theauthorsreflectonfeministideasandaffirm: All feminists agree that rape can no longer be considered a crime againstacceptedbehaviorandshouldbepenalizedasacrimeagainstpersons,asinthemostadvancedlegislation,suchasItalianandSwedishones,whererape,inadditiontobeingconsideredaqualifiedaggression,cannotbedefendedwith the classic claim that the woman provoked the crime. (VERUCCI,MARINO,1985,p.5).
Aswecansee,theauthorsharshlycriticizedtheproposalforanewpenalcode
that would continue treating rape as a crime against “accepted behavior”. They also
argued that physical violence against women practiced by their partners in their
domestic setting should be treated by law and by authorities as a bodily injury crime
rather thanasaprivatematterbetweencouples, leaving themunpunished.Theyalso
affirmedthatthebeatingofwomenisnotadequatelydealtwitheitherbylaw,Brazilian
societyorevenbythepolice,whowouldnottakethiskindofreportingseriously.
Considering women’s homicide as a crime of passion and claiming legitimate
defenseofhonorasalegalstrategytofreecriminalsfromconvictionissomethingthat
Verucci&Marinoalsostronglyoppose.
ThreeremarksareclearlyemphasizedinVerucci&Marinostudies,whichare:a)
the rejectionof the framingof femalehomicideas crimeofpassionand repealof the
legitimatedefenseofhonorthesis;b)therecognitionofrapeasacrimeagainstpersons
andnotasacrimeagainstcustoms;c)areviewofthetreatmentgivenbycriminallawto
bodily injury crimes, especiallywhen committed by intimate partners againstwomen.
8ItisalsoremarkabletheinfluenceofHeleiethSaffioti’sthinking.
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Without this, 'the so difficult equality', to quote Fanny Tabak and Florisa Verucci’s
phrase,wouldnotbeachieved.
SilviaPimentel,FlorisaVerucciandEdivaMarinowritingsexpresslyrefertothe
legal changes necessary to achieve legal and material equality between women and
men.Thelawisseenasatoolforsocialchangecapableoftransformingthelegalstatus
andthefemalecondition.AccordingtoFannyTabakandFlorisaVerucci:The law may serve to extend the rights already recognized, to combatdifferent forms of discrimination based on sex, to penalize violations ofthese rights and topunishattacksonwomen’sphysical, psychological andmentalintegrity.(TAKAK,VERUCCI,1994,p.47).
According to thisperspective, the Law is considered tobeapath for concrete
change,as itwouldeffectively secureandbroaden rights, servingasan instrument to
fightdiscriminationandpenalizeviolations. Legal feminismembracesaprofound legal
reform in all fields.According to them, the constitution shouldenshrine legal equality
betweenwomenandmeninallotherareassuchascivil,familyandcriminallaw.Atthe
sametimethatfeministlegalscholarsfoughtforequalityinthenewconstitution,they
also sought reforms, especially in civil and criminal law, as a strategy for dealingwith
violenceagainstwomen.InthebookAmulhereodireito(1987),FlorisaVeruccitakesup
the analysis of women’s rights and gives more attention to the issue of the barriers
againstthedecriminalizationofabortioninBrazil.
Specifically in the field of criminal law, Ester Kosovski may perhaps be
consideredthefirstfeministcriminologist.Inher1983bookAdultério,sheclaimsthatit
wouldbe“patriarchalsociety’smaintaboo,onethatpersistsinthelegalprohibitionofa
manorwomanhavingsexoutsidemarriage"(KOSOVISKI,1983,p.24).Sheinvestigated
the historical reasons for the criminalization of adultery and advocated its
decriminalization. It is interestingtonotethatwhenEstertalksabout family,marriage
and divorce there is little reference to foreign feminist authors, revealing a reflection
and theorizationmade fromnational issues, since adulterywas an important topic to
Brazilianwomen.
In addition to the national debate, Brazilian feminist legal scholars have also
followed the feminism agenda on internationally recognized human rights, especially
thesexualandreproductiveones.Theworksthatexemplifythisapproachare:Cladem:
MulhereDireitosHumanosnaAméricaLatina,organizedbySilviaPimentel(1992)and
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AsmulhereseosDireitosHumanos,organizedbyLeilaLinharesBarstedandJacqueline
Herman(1999).
From the 1990s onwards, some works started to highlight issues related to
health, sexual and reproductive rights. This may be due to the interaction that took
placeintheprocessofmobilizationaroundtheconstituentassembly,betweenfeminists
andsocialmovements,activistsandscholarsthat fought forapublichealthsystem. In
addition, Brazilian feminists, unlike those of the global north, do not address the
abortion issue as an individual and universal right, but as a public health problem
because of the risks to women's health and physical and emotional suffering. Such
framework, according to Bila Sorj (2002, p. 103), seemed to best fit the struggle for
abortiondecriminalizationwithinBrazilian social reality,markedby social inequalities,
andmobilizesupportandcoalitions,especiallybetweenthe leftand importantsectors
of the Catholic Church, which share a social and political agenda with other social
struggles.Accordingtoher:Thediscursivestrategyofthefeministmovementavoidsproducingconflictsrootedindifferentsystemsofmoralunderstanding,whoseresolutiontendsto be a zero-sum game, precisely because of the doctrinal character thatunderliesthem.Thestruggleforabortion inthecountryfocusesmainlyonargumentsaboutsocialjusticeand,toalesserextent,ontheaffirmationofindividual rights that are expressed in the sovereignty of individuals overtheir own bodies, from which the right to abortion is a necessaryconsequence.
This kind of approach on sexual and reproductive rights can be found in the
following documents: Direitos humanos, ética e direitos reprodutivos, organized by
DeniseDoraandDomingosdaSilveira(1998);Mulher,SaúdeeCidadania:cuidedasua
saúdeeconheçaseusdireitos,organizedbyLeilaLinharesBarsted,JacquelineHermann
and Ruth Mesquita (1997); Cairo-Brasil: 5 anos de experiências relevantes em saúde,
direitos reprodutivos e sexuais, organized by theNational Feminist Network of Health
and Reproductive Rights (SOS-CORPO, 1999) andCadernos Themis - Direitos Sexuais,
organized by Denise Dora (2002). Most of these works were organized by authors
affiliated to feminist NGOs founded in the 1990s9 and which, in the early 2000s, are
articulatedaroundfeministadvocacyactionstocreateMariadaPenhaLaw.
9Forexample,theworkseditedbyCEPIA,AGENDE,SOS-CorpoeTHEMIS.
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Despite some affinities between foreign feminist theses and the Brazilian
production10, the subjects addressed in these works were in tune with the national
context. The critique of the discriminatory character of legal and political institutes is
developed from analyzes that emphasize social rights and the need for the
democratizationofBraziliansociety.Theseworksmustbeunderstoodinthecontextof
feministactionoutsidetheacademicspaceoflaw.Thepioneeringfeministlegalscholars
mobilized the struggle fordemocracyand facedmore specific issues suchas childcare
requirements,costoflivingandemployment.Theysoughttotracethelegalelementsof
thoserights,whileexplainedthediscriminatorynatureofBrazilianlaw.Inthe1970sand
1980s,someofthefacetsofthephenomenonofviolenceagainstwomenbegantobe
consideredinthesestudies.
The intellectual production presented above was essential to promote
institutionalchangesfordemocracyanddiscussthediscriminatorycharacterofBrazilian
law.However, its circulation in the academic legal environmentwas limited. In Brazil,
legalprofessions,whether in thepublicorprivatesphere,arehistoricallyconsolidated
as a field of male and white hegemony, drawing on the small contingent of women
holdingpositionsinlegalcareersandthevaluesandtypesofknowledgethatunderpin
Law and its professional practice. Feminists who attempted to influence academic
productioninthefieldoflawfacedseveralobstacleswhiletheoreticallyopposing"white
males" (using Saffioti's expression). However, feminist legal scholars were paving the
waytobuildafeministlegalthought.
2.Thedebateongenderandviolenceagainstwomen
Inthelateseventiesandearlyeighties,theissueofdomesticviolencegainsmomentum
withinsocialmovementsaswellasfeministacademiccircles.Forexample,themurder
of AngelaDiniz by her partner “Doca Street” in 1976, shocked the country. However,
defense allegations such as “legitimate defense of honor” and “killing for love” were
effectivetosoftentheconviction,whichwasharshlycriticizedby feminists.Therefore,
10Given theMarxist formationofBrazilian feminists, it is alsonecessary tohighlight the influenceof theRussianandGermanrevolutionariesRosaLuxemburg,ClaraZetkinandAlexandraKollontai.
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theslogan“wholovesdoesn’tkill”waslaunchedasastrategytobringpublicawareness
tofemalehomicidescommittedbyintimatepartners.
Besides the“legitimatedefenseofhonor” thesis, theallegationsof“softrape”
or “rape by courtesy”11 are other recurrent examples of strategies to acquit the
defendant and condemn the victim in cases of sexual violence and femalemurder in
legalactionsbetweenthe1980sand1990s.Forthisreason,confrontingviolenceagainst
women and promoting changes in legal practices became important points in the
Brazilianfeministmovement’sagenda.
Thecreationofspecializedpolicestationsforwomen(DEAMs)canbeidentified
as the first experience of a criminal policy supported by feminism. The São Paulo
WomenSecondCongress,heldinValinhosin1980,andthecreationofwomen’sgroups,
suchasSOSCorpoandCentrodeDefesadaMulherwereveryimportantfeministactions
to increasepublicdebateonviolenceagainstwomen.Thisdiscussion foundresistance
even among progressive sectors that were allied with feminists on other agendas.
AccordingtoMariaAméliaTeles(1993,p.131):Until then, Brazilianwomenhad remained silent about domestic violence.Theyboldlydenouncedthetorturesandmurderscommittedbythepolice,but omitted violence committed by their husbands or partners. Feministsdenounced domestic and sexual violence without however showingconcrete cases, such as a woman murdered by her partner or visiblybattered. This way, journalists and leftist leaders claimed that Brazilianfeminists only reproduced the agenda of the European, since this kind ofviolencewouldnotexistinBrazil.
Maria Amelia Teles’s conclusion openly shows that the issue of domestic
violenceonlygetscreditwhenspecificconcretecasesexplicit theviolencesufferedby
Brazilianwomen. It also shows the influence of European feminists on their Brazilian
counterparts, who, according to the press, "copied" the claims made by foreign
feminists.
Therelationshipbetweentheacademyandactivismwasimportantnotonlyto
develop a theoretical understanding of violence against women, but also to criticize
discriminatory legaleffectsand to formulatepublicpolicies.So, itwasonly in the late
1980s, following a significant growth in feminist academic research in many fields of
11Among these works, we highlight the studies carried out by Ana Lucia Schritzmeyer and ValériaPandjiarjianattheendof1990scalledEstupro:crimeoucortesia?
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knowledge,thatstudiesongenderrelationsanddomesticviolencegainedcentrality in
theagendaoffeministlegalscholars.
According toMiriam Grossi, LuzineteMinella e Juliana Losso (2006) 12, in the
1980s,theissueofdomesticviolencewasmuchmorevisibleinthefeministmovement
agenda, which considerably influenced the development of feminist academic
productiononthissubject.Somescholarsofthisperiodarestillimportantreferenceson
studiesaboutviolenceagainstwomen13. Besideselaborating concepts,manyof them
havealsodoneempiricalresearchesonthefunctioningofspecialcriminalcourts,police
stations and criminal expert institutes. Such studies often presented diagnoses and
proposalsforpublicpolicies.
MarizaCorrêa, inherworksOscrimesdapaixão (1981)andMorteemFamília:
representações jurídicasepapéissexuais (1983),waswhofirstcriticizedtheuseofthe
legitimate defense of honor thesis in cases ofmurders ofwomen committed by their
husbands as a legal strategy to acquit the defendant. Jaqueline Hermann and Leila
LinharesBarsted(1995)examinedcriminallegalproceedingsthatinvolvedmurdersand
bodilyinjurycrimesagainstwomenpracticedbytheirintimatepartners.Theysoughtto
identifyaspectsoftheanswersgivenbyjudgestotheissueofdomesticviolenceagainst
womenandhowthoseanswerscould transformdifferencesbetweensexes intosocial
inequalities.Accordingtothem,legaldecisions,especiallyabout“crimesofpassion”,are
based on judgments about feminine sexual morality. Legal proceedings about crimes
betweenpartnerswouldbedefinedbyjudgmentsaboutthewoman,whethervictimor
offender: if she was a good mother, a good wife and a good house-wife. Therefore,
“family”asaninstitutionisoftenconsideredalegalgoodofmoreimportance,valueand
worthy of protection than women´s lives. When a woman’s behavior threatens the
familyorganization,thereisastrongtendencytosocialcomplacencyabouthermurder
oraggressioninthehandsofherpartner.
Othersimilarsocio-legalstudiesalsosoughttodenouncesituationsofviolence
againstwomenandaddressedtheuseofbiasedstereotypes in trials involvingwomen
and women's perceptions of the legal system. They were frequently done by
12 The authors carriedout a balance sheet on the expansionof studies on violence and gender in Brazil,basedontheanalysisofthestudyofpostgraduatestudies(thesesanddissertations)andtheconclusionofcoursesongenderandviolencepublishedbetween1975and2005indifferentknowledgeareas. 13 Some of the authorswe canmention include:Mariza Corrêa,Maria Amélia Azevedo,Marilena Chauí,HeleiethSaffioti,PaulaMontero,BilaSorj,DanielleArdaillon,HeloisaAndréPontes,GuitaDebert,MatildeRibeiro,LuizaBarrios,EdnaRoland,SueliCarneiroandWaniaSantanna.
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multidisciplinary research groupsof feminist legal scholars,whowere also involved in
advocacy for changes in a discriminatory legal framework. Someof these studies are:
Quandoavítimaémulher:análisedojulgamentodecrimesdeestupro,espancamentoe
homicídio (1987) byDanielleArdaillon andGuitaGrimmDebert;A figura/personagem
mulher em processos de família (1993), by Silvia Pimentel, Beatriz Giorgi and Flavia
Piovesan; Percepções das mulheres em relação ao direito e à justiça (1996) by Silvia
PimentelandValériaPandjiarjian.
Theacademicdiscussiononviolenceagainstwomeninthe1990s,comparedto
the1970sand1980s,presentsagreatertheoreticalunderstanding.Theaggressionsand
homicidescommittedagainstwomenby theirpartners started tobeseenasa sortof
violenceand, therefore,shouldbe legallyknownasahumanrightviolation.Then, the
research carried out in this area started to present types,meanings and concepts on
violence againstwomen alongwith changes in feminist politics and the rise of others
analytical categories such as: gender, body, sexuality, race, ethnicity, social class and
age.
While in the 1970s, for example,we only considered violence againstwomen
homicidescommittedbyhusbands,partnersorlovers,fromthe1980son,withfeminist
NGOsandspecializedpolicestationsforwomen,westartedtorecognizeotherkindsof
violenceindomesticormaritalrelationships,andlater,todiscussothersubjectssuchas
sexual harassment, child abuse and ethnical violence (GROSSI, 1994). The homicides
committed by intimate partners against women were now called by the Brazilian
feministsfeminicide14,incontrastwiththelegaldefinition:“crimesofpassion”.
Criminallawwasrepeatedlycriticizedbyfeministlegalscholars.FlorisaVerucci
wroteintheforewordofMariaAméliaAzevedo’sMulheresEspancadas:Incriminallawthereisnodifferencebetweensexesforbodilyinjurycrimesbutineffect,thiscrimeisnotpunishedwhenitcommittedbymenagainstwomen.Domestichomicidecannolongerbecalled“crimeofpassion”anditmustbe seen,which is in themost cases, as aqualified crimeagainst adefenselessperson.Rapemustalsobeconsideredinthecaseofcouples,asitisinItalyandSweden,forexample.Thiswouldallowwomentoreportatspecialized police stations […]. In criminal law, we are still far away fromequalityandrespect,muchmorethaninotherlegalfields(VERUCCI,1985,p.IX).
14Asanexample,wecanciteSuelyAlmeida(1998).
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FlorisaVerucci'sdiscoursehighlightstwoimportantpointsinthisdebate:onthe
one hand, legal equalitymust be built also in the field of criminal law. On the other
hand,thedifficultiesofachievingthistypeof"equality"inthisfieldseemtobegreater
than in others. Althoughnot explicitlymentioned, it canbe said that FlorisaVerucci’s
analyticaleffortsaimtomakeexplicitthesexistnatureofcriminallaw15.
In the 1980s, the issue of violence against women started to be addressed
throughagender-basedapproachwithoutturningbackonthe“woman”and“women”
categories,though.
From a gender perspective, two interpretations on violence against women
arise: The first,which identifiedwithMarxismand radical feminism, understoodmale
violence as a reflection of patriarchal andmale domination16. The second, of amore
relativistic nature, considered violence as part of domination/submission in gender
relations(GREGORI,1993;GROSSI,1991).
Whether in academic environments or in social movement, the discussion
among those two perspectives divided feminists. The first one, closer to sociology, is
more often used by feminist legal scholars. But further research carried out by
anthropologistsandsociologists, suchas LourdesBandeira,MireyaSoares, LiaZanotta
Machado, Bárbara Musumeci Soares and Eliane Brandão, sought to break up the
dualism.Althoughtheissueofviolentmenbegantobediscussed,therewerenotmany
studiesinthisarea17andveryfewmaleresearcherstookviolenceagainstwomenasan
objectofstudy.
ThearticulationbetweenraceandgenderhadalreadybeenconsideredinLelia
Gonzalézstudiesfromthe1970s.Inthe1990s,itwaspresentinapproachesadoptedby
scholarslinkedtoblackwomen’slibsuchasSandraAzeredo(1994),EdnaRoland(1995),
MatildeRibeiro(1995)andLuizaBarrios(1995).Later,SueliCarneiro(2003)emphasized
theneedforblackeningfeminism:
(A) Foryears,blackwomenhavebeentryingtoextendtheconceptofviolenceagainstwomenbeyondaggressionandsexualabuse.Theconceptof racialviolence would be a way of approaching actions that produce physical,psychological,developmentaldamageordeprivation.(...)Storiesthatsoundmore like echoes of the colonial period remain present in the social
15 Carol Smart inTheWomanof LegalDiscourse (1992) presents three elements for reflecting on law assomethinggender-biased. 16SeealsoHeleithSAFFIOTI(1987,1994,2004)andMariaAméliaAZEVEDO(1985). 17MariaReginaLisboamentionsthatthefirst"SymposiumofMan"organizedbymenandformenwasheldinOctober1985.
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imaginary. Renewed, they havenew functions in a supposedly democraticsocialorderinwhichtherolesestablishedforgenderrelationsaccordingtocolor or race, since the slavery period, remain intact. This traditioncontinues to legitimize specific formsof violence currently experiencedbyblack women such as sexual tourism and trafficking in women. All thesesubjectsclaimaracialaxisasafundamentalframework.
Studiesalongthislineare:AsMulhereseaLegislaçãoContraoRacismo,byLeila
LinharesBarsted, JacquelineHermannandMaria ElviraVieiradeMello (2001);Razão,
‘cor’ e desejo: uma análise comparativa sobre relacionamentos afetivo-sexuais “inter-
raciais”noBrasilenaÁfricadoSu”,byLauraMoutinho (2004)andViolênciacontraa
mulher e saúde: umolhar damulher negra, organized by Casa de Cultura daMulher
Negra(2004).
At the beginning of the 21st century, studies on domestic violence play an
important role in the feminist agenda. The previous feminist position of denouncing
impunity for violence and legal system disregard for violence against women raised
concernsaboutproposalsofchangeinlaw.Thischangeoccurredduetothreeimportant
facts inthisperiod:a)thecreationofthefirstspecializedpolicestationsforwomenin
1985; b) the successful feminist intervention in the National Constituent Assembly,
whichresultedinanumberofproposalsapprovedinthenewConstitution18andc)the
emergenceofnon-governmentalwomen'srightsorganizations19.
At theendof1980s, feminists started todo research toevaluateandmonitor
specializedwomen'spolicestationsandotherpublicpoliciesdesignedtocurbdomestic
violence.Theideawastoencouragereportsondomesticviolencebymeansofamore
welcomingenvironment,countingonqualifiedfemaleprofessionalstoconductrequired
criminalprocedures.Also,thiswouldmeananopportunitytogivevisibilitytotheissue
andshowStateactionthroughthecriminal liabilityof theaggressors.Theexpectation
was that women who suffered violence would have access to proper services and
therefore denounce abusers, who would be exemplarily punished. Despite being a
publicpolicesupportedbythefeministmovement,several furtherstudiespointedout
difficultiestoaccomplishthegoalsestablished20.
18According to Cecília Santos (2010), the National Council ofWomen's Rights played a significant role inincorporating80%ofthefeministproposalsinthe1988ConstitutionAssembly. 19Formoreinformationaboutthechangesinthewomen'smovementandthecreationofNGOs,seeMiriamGrossi(1998). 20 See Bárbara SOARES,1996; JacquelineMUNIZ, 1996; Lia ZanottaMACHADO, 2001 andWânia PasinatoIzumino(1998).
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Ontheotherhand,thetransnationalactivismofthefeministmovementinthe
1990saroundinternationalhumanrightstreatiesmadeforeignfeministscomecloserto
Brazilians.AldaFacio,Carol Smart,RebeccaCook,KimberléCrenshaw,VirginiaVargas,
Gladys Acosta, Lorena Fries are some of themost recurring foreign authors in works
producedbyBrazilianfeministlegalscholarsatthattime.
In themid-2000s, the setof studiesonviolenceagainstwomendeveloped for
almostthirtyyearsgavebasisforfeministadvocacyworksorientedtoapproveMariada
PenhaLaw,whichproposedanimportantchangeinlegalapproachonviolenceagainst
women. This process gave wing to the theoretical-critical approaches to law and
institutions of the legal system through varied feminist perspectives (SEVERI, 2018,
CAMPOS,2017).
3.Violence,genderandrecentfeministpublicationsinthefieldoflaw
Feminist publications - even theproductionof the authorsherepresentedare absent
frommost university libraries aswell as references in professional and scholarworks,
whether by teachers, students and Brazilian courts of law. This production began to
expand and become more visible in the legal field only in the last decade, with the
creationofMariadaPenhaLaw,whichbecameoneofthemostrecurringtopicsinthe
studiesonviolenceagainstwomen(SEVERI,2018).
Thisisnotacoincidence:MariadaPenhaLaw(Brazil'sFederalLaw11340)isthe
result of a long trajectory of feminist movements and advocacy in the country; it
reinforces the duty of the Brazilian State to guarantee women’s human rights in
accordance with international treaties Brazil was already bonded to; it brings several
legal institutes and novel concepts into Brazilian legislation; it also introduces the
conceptofgenderasacategoryforlegalanalysis.
Althoughinprogressforatleastthirtyyears,theeffortstocomprehendthelaw,
dispute itsmeaningsandseta feminist standpoint in critical legal studieshasbecome
moreprominentinBrazilianlegalacademyonlyinrecentyears,throughtheeffortsofa
widefieldoffemaleactivistsandauthorsfromvariedtheoreticalstrands.
Thisrecentproductionhasbeenbringingvisibilitytopreviouslylittleknown,or
evendenied,bibliographyonthehistoryoffeminismandfeministlegalcritiquesaswell
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as to thevastproductionongenderand feminism inother fieldsofhumanandsocial
sciences.
Oneof themainbooks that faceaconsiderablepartof thesechallenges isLei
Maria da Penha comentada em uma perspectiva jurídico-feminista, organized by
Carmen Hein de Campos, as coordinated by CLADEM / Brazil - Latin American and
CaribbeanCommitteeforWomen'sRightsdefense.Mostofthetextsinthisbookwere
producedbymembers21ofthefeministNGOsconsortiumthatdraftedthebillofMaria
daPenhaLawandbythelegalmindswhotookpartinthedebatesaboutthecreation,
interpretationandenforcementofthislawinaccordancewiththepurposesthatledto
its elaboration. The texts also analyzedMaria da Penha Law from awomen’s human
rightsframeworkandthroughtheperspectiveofthesocialmovementsthatfoughtfor
itsapproval.
Thefirstsectionofthebookpresentsdataaboutthetrajectoryofthefeminist
strugglefortheapprovaloftheMariadaPenhaLawinBrazil.Itanalyzesthelegislative
processthatresultedinthepassingofthislaw,thelegaldisputeoverthedefinitionofits
final textand themainchallenges for its legal interpretationandpracticalapplication.
ThesecondsectioniscomposedofarticlesthatstudiedeachofthelegaldeviceinMaria
daPenhaLaw,consideringthesocialandlegalreasonsforwhichtheywereestablished.
IndialoguewithfeministtheoriesonLawproducedallovertheworld,thebookbroke
new ground for the construction of a feminist critique on the main criminological
paradigms and juridical-penal hegemony in theBrazilian academy. It also provided an
interpretationofMariadaPenhaLawthatwasmoreattunedtowomen’shumanrights.
The analysis of Maria da Penha Law, or even laws on domestic violence in
general,isanusualsubjectinfeministlegalstudies.Manyoftheseapproachespointto
thestrengtheningofthedialoguebetweenBrazilian,foreignfeministsandothercritical
legal approaches. An important part of this production also calls attention to the link
betweentheproblemofviolenceagainstwomenandtheracialissue.
Thiskindofapproachcanbeseen intheseworks:DiscursosNegros: legislação
penal,políticacriminaleracismo,organizedbyAnaFlauzina,FelipeFreitas,HectorVieira
andThulaPires(2015);AsituaçãodosDireitosHumanosdasMulheresNegrasnoBrasil:
21Someofthenamesinclude:CarmenHeinCampos,LeilaLinharesBarsted;MyllenaCalasansdeMatos,IárisCortes,RosaneM.ReisLavigne,SilviaPimentel,WâniaPasinato,FabianeSimioni,RúbiaAbsdaCruzandElaWieckoV.deCastilho.
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violências e violações, organized by JuremaWerneck andNilza Iraci (2016);Tramas e
dramas de gênero e de cor: A violência doméstica contra mulheres negras, by Bruna
Cristina Jaquetto Pereira (2016); and Da expectativa à realidade: a aplicação das
sançõesnaLeiMariadaPenha,byLuannaThomazdeSouza(2016).
This production, unlike the initial frameworks that emphasized exclusively
criminal lawor criminological issues,bringsnew readingsofMariadaPenha Law that
callattentiontotheracialdimensionindomesticandfamilyviolenceagainstwomen.
Inthissense,BrunaPereira(2016)makesapointofthesilenceabouttheracial
issueinstudiesonviolenceagainstwomeninBrazil.Sheunderlinesthatitisextremely
necessary to include race/ color as an analytical category in studies of domestic and
family violence, since Brazilian women are constituted by, and through, racialization
processes. Feminist studies from the 1980s and 1990s succeeded in turning the
domesticviolenceissueintoapublicdebate,butit isalreadyessentialtodiscussother
aspectsofthiskindofviolencethathappensindomesticenvironmentfromframeworks
thattakeintoaccounttheinterlockbetweenracial,genderandsocialclassaxes.
AnaFlauzina(2015),forexample,inframingdomesticviolencethroughgender
and race categories, highlights other effects of racism in the interpretation and
applicationofMariadaPenhaLaw,whichweakenitsgoalsanddeepenthevulnerability
ofblackbodiesbeforethecriminaljusticesystem.Accordingtoher,Unfortunately, the discussions on Maria da Penha Law have not givenattentiontothesefeaturessince,fromasexistandracistlogicreinforcedbythe aggressors, they have silenced important aspects of psychological andphysicalabusesagainstblackwomen.Inthissense,thedefinitionofwhatisviolenceagainstwomen indomesticand family settingsdoesnot considertheaggressionsbasedonraceasanimportantaspectthatmustbeanalyzednotonlytoframethecrimewithaccuracybutalsootheractionsaddressedtotheaggressors,suchasgroupsofreflection.Aswecansee,thedemandfor women’s protection against domestic violence is based on whiteness,leaving aside those whose lives are shaped by racial terror in their lives(FLAUZINA,2015,p.138).
The embracing of the feminist perspective in different fields of Law became more
frequent in laterworks.Theyalsogavemoreattentiontootherdimensionsofgenderviolence.
ThisisthecaseofOlharesFeministassobreoDireitodasFamíliasContemporâneo,byLígia
Ziggiotti de Oliveira (2016); Práticas de justiça em direito de família: estudo de caso
sobre a guarda compartilhada, by Fabiane Simioni (2017); Feminicídio - uma análise
sociojurídicadaviolênciacontraamulhernoBrasil,byAdrianaRamosdeMello(2016);
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Criminologia feminista: teoria feminista e crítica às criminologias, by Carmen Hein de
Campos (2017);Criminologia feminista: novos paradigmas, by Soraia da RosaMendes
(2017); and Lei Maria da Penha e o projeto jurídico feminista brasileiro, by Fabiana
CristinaSeveri(2018).
By the end of the 1990s, most feminist legal minds were strongly bonded to
feministmovements;onlya fewofthemwere inanacademicenvironment.Butthese
recentworksrevealthatfeministstudiesonLawarenowprofessionalizedastheyhave
started tobedoneby scholarswho, although relatively close towomen’smovements
providing specialized service in courts that deal with violence against women, are
researchersorteachersformallylinkedtolawschoolsorresearchgroupsinthisarea.
This considerable changedeserves special attention because both science and
Lawareplacesthatarehistoricallyaddressedtomen.Thisisnottosaythatwomenhad
been formally excluded from those fields and that barriers do not exist anymore. But
thereisaneedtoanalyzeingreaterdepththebreachesthatallowedthosewomento
beinthoseplacesdespitetheresistancetotheirpresence.
Recently, works concerned with legal education in a gender perspective have
beengrowing.Forexample,thebookofafeministactivist,MariaAmeliaTeles,entitled
Os cursos de direito e a perspectivas de gênero, was released by a legal commercial
publisher (Sergio Fabris). It focuses on presenting the main concepts, theoretical
frameworksandhistoricalrecordstoenableprofessionalstoadoptagenderperspective
whileanalyzinglaw,improvingtheimplementationofwomen’shumanrights.Thereare
alsootherworksdealingwithfeminismandlegaleducation(orpopulareducationinlaw)
such as:A violência de gênero nos espaços do direito, organized byVanessaDorneles
Schinke(2017),ManualparaPromotorasLegaisPopulares–PLPs,organizedbySuelaine
Carneiro and Tânia Portella (2013) Introdução crítica ao direito dasmulheres, a book
organized by José Geraldo de Sousa Júnior, Bistra Stefanova Apostolova and Lívia
GimenesDiasdaFonseca,in2011,withotherbooksofthecolletionOdireitoachadona
rua.
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Conclusion
Ourresearchso farshowsthat former feminist legalstudieswerenot in thecenterof
thewholescholarproduction in law.Wealsohighlight that in this firstmoment these
studies are strongly linkedwith the agenda of feministmovements, in particular, the
demand forwomen’s rights. In this sense, theywerepartof the feministmovement’s
strategies to create new legal, political and institutional tools to confront violence
againstwomeninBrazil.
Sincethemid-2000s,feministlegalstudieshavebeengettingmorevisibilityand
expanding their research proposals, subjects and theoretical-methodological
approaches, with greater dialoguewith transnational feminism and other theoretical-
epistemologicalframeworks.Iffeministcriticalthoughtappearstodayassomethingnewintheacademicfield
and impose itself as a an innovative theoretical trendwith a strong critical potential,
thatisbecauseanumberofpioneerfeministlegalscholarshadalreadypavedtheway.
Thisisnotonlyduetotheoriginalityoftheiranalysis,butmainlytheintellectualmodel
role they tookonasboth thinkers and feminist activists that fought for legal changes
thatwereextremelyimportanttoenforcewomen’shumanrightsandconfrontviolence
againstwomen.
Maristella Svampa uses the image of an amphibian to explain this particular
abilityofbeing,at thesametimeascholar,a researcherandaprofessional, sincethis
kindofanimallivesindifferentworlds,withdifferentsolidaritiesandbonds.Unlike,for
example,thechameleon-whichadaptstodifferentsituations,accordingtothetypeof
interlocutor - “the so called amphibian scholar states her own knowledge and skills,
developingagreaterunderstandingand reflexivityon thedifferent social realitiesand
on herself”. The main challenge to the amphibian feminist legal minds was thinking
creatively "the crosses, the bridges and the linkages that are possible to establish
betweentheseverydifferentuniverses",even if theyarefleetingandprecarious. The
effectsofthiswork,inouropinion,canalreadybefelt.
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AbouttheauthorsCarmenHeindeCamposProfessoratLawSchoolGraduateandPosGraduateProgramoftheUniversityCenter–UniRitter/RS.PhdinCriminalLawatPontificalCatholicUniversityofRioGrandedoSul.E-mail:[email protected]:http://orcid.org/0000-0002-4672-0084.FabianaCristinaSeveriProfessor at Law School Graduate Program of the University of São Paulo in RibeirãoPreto (FDRP/USP). Associate Professor of Human Rights at College of Ribeirão Preto/University of São Paulo. E-mail: [email protected]. ORCID: http://orcid.org/0000-0002-8399-7808.Theauthorscontributedequallyforwritingthearticle.
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