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The Taming Of The Shrewd
A famous friendship. A famous fallout. There has been a seismic
political rupture in Tamil Nadu. This is the inside story of why it
happened. Ambition. Betrayal. Fact. And f iction. Jeemon Jacob has
it all
Photo:PTI
POLITICAL FRIENDSHIPS AREN¶T SUPPOSED TO DIE
this abruptly, at least not ones of such long standing. The corridors of
power in Chennai are agog with the sudden, inexplicable blood feud
that has broken out between AIADMK supremo J Jayalalithaa, chief
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minister of Tamil Nadu, and Sasikala Natarajan, her closest friend
and political lieutenant.
ALSO READ
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A little over a month ago, on 17
December 2011, in a dramatic and
sweeping move, Jayalalithaa
expelled Sasikala and her brood
from her legendary 36 Poes Gardenhouse in Chennai (The Posse is out
of Poes Garden, by Sai Manish, 31
December 2011), triggering a
Byzantine story of thwarted
friendship, overweening ambition
and political vendetta that perhaps
has no equal in India. The sheer
seismic nature of this rupture ²and the huge political ramifications
it is likely to have ² can only be
understood if one recalls the sheer
depth and spread of the
relationship.
Over the past 25 years, ever since the death in 1987 of her mentor
MG Ramachandran ² or MGR, as the late chief minister of Tamil
Nadu was known ² no one has been c loser to the enigmaticJayalalithaa than Sasikala. She has been everything: soulmate,
housekeeper, political confidante. And a tremendous but unelected
power centre.
In this time, Sasikala¶s family ² the µMannargudi mafia¶, as it is
disparagingly called, the name referring to the small town in Tiruvarur
district that Sasikala comes from ² has become extremely
controversial and influential. The family includes her husband M
Natarajan, her brothers, nieces, nephews and brothers- in-law. In
1995, in one of the most flamboyant displays of their friendship, the
wedding of V Sudhakaran, Sasikala¶s nephew, was presided over by
Jayalalithaa. It was a staggeringly ostentatious event, with tens of
thousands of guests, and became an election issue the following
year, when Jayalalithaa was voted out of office.
Trusted men Chief SecretaryDebendranath Sarangi (top) and DGP KRamanujam
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Much of this is part of Tamil Nadu folklore. The legendary friendship
had even withstood the many dark cycles of political wilderness,
when Jayalalithaa would lose power and stay largely out of public
eye. This time round, when the AIADMK swept back to office in the
summer of 2011, it seemed the good times were back for Sasika laand her family. They were in business again.
Yet, barely six months into power ² and into the perceived good
times ² and the two are at daggers drawn. To many, it just doesn¶t
seem to make sense. Yet, in the intricate political circles of Chennai,
there are some who know the story ² or at least elements of the
story. The result, as TEHELKA finds, is a fascinating mix of fact and
myth, of conspiracy and unverifiable truths, and political rumours so
bizarre, it¶s almost as if they could only be true.
SINCE JAYALALITHAA¶S sudden ambush on 17 December, Sasikala
² once known to loyalists as C hinnamma or Little Mother ² has had
the police at her doorsteps. A case has been registered against her
brother VK Divakaran (nickname: The Boss) and he is on the run,
evading arrest. Rumours in the state say he is already in illegal
custody. The case against Divakaran relates to a complaint by one
Kasthuri Balasubramanian of Rishiyur village in Tiruvarur district.
Kasthuri has alleged that her house was demolished on 28 November
2011, by seven persons and some local officials, at the behest of
Divakaran. In response, the police raided Divarakan¶s house in
Mannargudi as well as his office in the nearby Sengamala Thayar
Arts and Science College that he runs.
That¶s not all. Ravanan RP, married to Sasikala¶s cousin, has
apparently been tortured by the police in the course of anti-corruption
investigations. The Tamil Nadu Directorate of Vigilance is believed to
be preparing to act against many members of the Sasikala clan. The
There is a perception the mafia was hoping to replace Amma
(Jayalalithaa) with Chinnamma, and install Sasikala as the CM
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long queues of favour-seekers and hangers-on have disappeared.
Ousted by Jayalalithaa, the Mannargudi mafia is in deep trouble.
Why did this happen? The grapevine is hyperactive. There is a
perception that Sasikala, 55, is guilty of planning a palace coup, andof the Mannargudi mafia hoping to replace Amma (Jayalalithaa)
with C hinnamma, and install Sasikala as chief minister. Allegedly, the
disproportionate assets case that Jayalalithaa has been trave lling to
Bengaluru for ² she is being questioned by a special trial court there
² gave the Mannargudi group ideas. An unfavourable judgment or
remark by the court and an orchestrated political campaign, it was
felt, would have put pressure on Jayalalithaa to resign and hand over
the government to somebody she could trust.
IT SOUNDS like a wild conspiracy, but worse has happened in Tamil
Nadu politics. Also, though Jayalalithaa has been so dependent on
Sasikala all these years, she may have been smelling something
fishy. Till a month ago, her Poes Garden residence was full of
Sasikala¶s men. (When Sasikala had first moved in with her in 1989,
she had brought 40 servants from Mannargudi to Poes Garden to run
Jayalalithaa¶s house. All maids, cooks, securitymen, drivers and
messengers at Poes Garden were hired from Sasikala¶s hometown.)
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For a decade, nobody had access to Jayalalithaa without Sasikala¶s
permission. All independent assistants had been s lowly but
systematically moved out. It had reached such a stage that ministers
were discussing policy issues with Sasikala. Civil servants were
briefing their chief minister in the presence of Sasikala. Her words
were considered Jayalalithaa¶s command. She was the unstated
deputy chief minister.
She also had a grip on the party structure. The AIADMK organisationis divided into regions, and most of the regional directors were
Sasikala¶s relatives. As such, MLAs were either chosen by the
Mannargudi mafia or tried to ingratiate themselves to it.
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Jayalalithaa had created a Frankenstein¶s monster. It was she who
had initially told party workers to meet Sasikala if they wanted to
bring issues to her notice. Sasikala grabbed the opportunity and
began to filter what information went up to the chief minister.
Jayalalithaa became a prisoner of the Sasikala coterie.
So how did Jaya lalithaa find out? According to an AIADMK insider, it
was Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi who alerted the lady in
Poes Garden and warned her about the Mannargudi mafia. Modi
apparently told Jayalalithaa to keep a watch on her inner ring. He is
believed to have indicated to her that big investors were avoiding
Tamil Nadu because of the extortionate demands of Sasikala and her
family.
Specifically, an NRI businessman who came to Tamil Nadu with a
project had to shift to Gujarat because the Mannargudi mafia had
sought a 15 percent cut.
The degree and brazenness of Sasikala¶s operations were a shockfor Jayalalithaa. She could not have been unaware that members of
the Mannargudi mafia were taking money for transfers and postings
in the state bureaucracy and from local business groups ² for party
affairs, among other things ² but Modi¶s cautionary story told her of
corruption of a far higher order: she was being kept out of the loop by
Sasikala.
Shortly after the conversation with Modi, there came the episode of
the Chennai monorail project. The chief minister was keen to put it onthe fast track and favoured awarding it to a Singapore company that
she felt was best equipped. She told Chief Secretary Debendranath
Sarangi to begin the paperwork. At the end of the process, when the
file reached the chief minister, she found a Malaysian company had
Jayalalithaa was allegedly given sedatives and chemical substances
that had small quantities of poison by a nur se appointed by Sasikala
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been put on top and the Singapore company downgraded. She called
Sarangi and questioned him.
It was Sarangi¶s turn to be surprised. He told her he had received the
file with a note from her saying the Malaysian company waspotentially the best choice. Jayalalithaa asked for the entire
correspondence related to the monorail project and was surprised to
find her signature on a note favouring the Malaysian company. It was
forged. Furious, Jayalalithaa summoned Sasikala, who denied any
involvement.
Following another tip-off, Jayalalithaa sought independent medical
opinion on the medicines she was being given. Without telling
Sasikala, Jayalalithaa apparently went to see a well-known doctor.
Her tests revealed, the story goes, that she was being given
sedatives and chemical substances that had small quantities of
poison. Her nurse at home had been appointed by Sasikala, and
served the chief minister fruits and medicines at regular intervals.
By now Jayalalithaa had realised she had to act fast. She was also
beginning to sense the unease in the bureaucracy and picking up
murmurs of protest against the Mannargudi mafia. For instance, ever
since re-election, she had planned to charge senior DMK leaders in
land-grab cases. Several senior DMK leaders had been arrested and
a case filed against MK Stalin, son of former chief minister M
Karunanidhi.
Jayalalithaa had told the Directorate of Vigilance and Anti-Corruption
(DVAC) to implicate the Karunanidhi family only when it had solid
evidence. Nevertheless, the case against Stalin was a weak one.
When Jayalalithaa asked Pon Manickavel, the then Inspector General(IG), Intelligence, he told her the case had been filed following
consent from Sasikala. Jayalalithaa could smell trouble and a secret
deal between the Mannargudi mafia and the DMK family.
It was K Ramanujam, Director-General of Police (DGP), Tamil Nadu,
who put the last nail in the coffin. Ramanujam was alerted by
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Shanker Bidari, DGP Karnataka, about a secret meeting of the
Sasikala family in Bengaluru in the first week of December.
Apparently, intelligence officials in Karnataka had bugged the room
where the meeting took place and the tapes made their way from the
state police HQ in Bengaluru to its counterpart office in Chennai.
According to
police
sources in
Tamil Nadu,
the tapes
revealed
details of the
conspiracy
against
Jayalalithaa.
The meeting
in Bengaluru is believed to have been attended by Sasikala,
Natarajan, Ravanan (married to Sasikala¶s first cousin), Midas Mohan
(Natarajan¶s business partner), VK Sudhakaran, TTV Dinakaran
(Sasikala¶s nephews) and M Ramachandran (Natarajan¶s brother). At
the meeting, Jayalalithaa¶s troubles re lating to the disproportionateassets case were discussed, and names of potential successor chief
ministers thrown about.
After listening to the tapes, Jayalalithaa decided to get going. For five
days, the state police kept a close watch on individual members of
the Mannargudi mafia. Ravanan ² his father-in-law and Sasika la¶s
father were brothers ² was tracked in Singapore, where he had gone
for a business meeting.
It was a meticulous operation. The DGP was tasked with gathering
evidence against the Sasikala cabal. A private detective agency was
hired. Phones of the Sasikala family members and their close
associates were allegedly tapped. Daily reports were sent to the chief
minister directly.
On the warpath Sasikala¶s husband Natarajan is inching closer to the DMK
Photo: A Shankar
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At the end of it all, Jayalalithaa
had a thick dossier on the
Mannargudi mafia but also
realised its tentacles were all
over her party and government.They had the men and resources
to seriously challenge her. It was
not going to be easy to strip away their influence. Changes were
made in the state police¶s intelligence wing, which was believed to be
a hotbed of Sasikala loyalists. Jayalalithaa posted Thamarai Kannan
as the Inspector General (IG), Intelligence, as she wanted an officer
who had no links with the Mannargudi mafia.
Next, the chief minister made changes in her personal security. Her
personal security officer (PSO), Thirumalai Swami, had been serving
her for the past 10 years, brought into the job from the state police in
2001. It is believed Sasikala used him to monitor the chief minister¶s
movements. Swami too has been transferred.
Finally at a Cabinet meeting, Jayalalithaa made it clear ministers
would receive instructions from her alone and should not act on
messages delivered, allegedly on her behalf, by Sasikala or others.
Many ministers took this lightly, presuming Sasikala and Amma had
had a temporary tiff. The Mannargudi mafia, however, was alarmed. It
was beginning to see a pattern.
On her part, Sasikala was confident that she could win back
Jayalalithaa through emotional blackmail, and that the chief minister
needed her around in Poes Garden. It was a fatal miscalculation. The
ground had shifted.
On 17 December came the moment of truth. Jayalalithaa asked the
Mannargudi clan to pack up and leave her house. Some of these
people had been staying in Poes Garden since 1989, when
Jayalalithaa became Leader of the Opposition. No amount of
pleading would get her to change her mind. Meanwhile, police and
Nobody had access to Jaya
without Sasikala¶s nod. It had
reached such a stage that
minis
ter s
were talking abo
utpolicy issues with Sasikala
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legal teams, as well as chartered accountants, began investigating
the Sasikala family¶s investments and started the process of
recovering money.
Ravanan was picked up as soon as he landed from Singapore. A raidat his house recovered Rs 50 crore in cash. Ravanan ² or Ravanan
Ratnaswami Pichai, to give his full name ² heads the Coimbatore-
based Midas Golden Distilleries, which supplies liquor to the Tamil
Nadu State Marketing Corporation. Sasikala set up the disti llery in
2002 when Jayalalithaa was in power, but it is understood that the
company continued to get lucrative contracts through the DMK years
as well.
Chief adviser Modi alerted Jayalalithaa that Sasikala was extorting money from businessmen
Photo: AP
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Ravanan holds the key to Sasikala¶s business empire. It is estimated
to be worth at least Rs 5,000 crore. ³That is certainly not an
overestimation,´ says a senior politician, ³in fact, it may be an
undervaluation. The chief minister doesn¶t have much money with
her. Her household, government and party were run by theMannargudi group.´
Even tickets for the 2011 Assembly election were sold, and Sasikala
is alleged to have collected 300 crore in this manner. Of course, the
tickets were sold to Mannargudi sympathisers, and thereby the deal
was doubly beneficial.
One example cited is that of Sivarajamanickam, former district
Congress president in Tiruvarur, who was given the AIADMK ticket
from Divakaran¶s home constituency. As it happened, he lost to TRB
Raja, son of TR Baalu, former Union minister. Even so, Divarakan¶s
plan had been to get a weak man to represent Tiruvarur and so
control the constituency himself.
IN THE six months the AIADMK has been in power, the Mannargudi
mafia has been very busy. According to some observers, it may
already have earned Rs 1,000 crore ² largely from the bus fare hike
(which benefited private operators who paid kickbacks) and the liquor
price hike (which helped Sasikala¶s own companies).
³The Mannargudi mafia was very organised and well structured,´ says
an AIADMK functionary. ³They had persons tracking ministers and
key bureaucrats. With every minister, one personal assistant would
be attached to monitor him. There is a saying in Tami l Nadu that we
have a minister wearing a dhoti (the real minister) and a minister
wearing a pant (personal assistant). The pant minister is often morepowerful than the dhoti minister.´
Jayalalithaa is also believed to
have identified 13 minister s who
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On 18 December, Jayalalithaa
expelled leading members of the
Mannargudi mafia from the party.
She also transferred 38 personal
security officers attached toministers. Among those expelled were Sasikala and her husband
Natarajan. Also out were Divakaran, S Anuradha (Sasika la¶s niece
and the managing director of Jaya TV), Sudhakaran (once called
Jayalalithaa¶s foster son), Ravanan and others.
However, Jayalalithaa did not touch any of her Cabinet colleagues,
not even those regarded as close to Sasikala and her brother. In mid-
December, Public Works Department Minister KV Ramalingam called
on the chief minister. She greeted him with a disarming smile and
then threw a barb: ³Welcome, future chief minister of Tamil Nadu.´
Ramalingam allegedly turned pale.
Ramalingam, 54, is a former Rajya Sabha member. In the 2011
Assembly election, he was given a ticket from Erode (West)
constituency on Sasikala¶s insistence. Ramalingam is well-regarded
for his astrological skills and knowledge of tantra. It is understood he
carried out rituals in early 2011 to facilitate the AIADMK¶s victory inthe Assembly election.
It is here that the story gets murky. Jayalalithaa now believes that in
the past few months, Ramalingam was told to depute a Kerala
astrologer to perform tantric and other occult rituals to help Sasikala
replace Jayalalithaa as chief minister. Ramalingam apparently
double-crossed Sasikala, and got the ri tuals and pujas performed not
to help Sasikala but to help himself. Trusted by none, Ramalingam
could soon lose his job in the Cabinet.
Now the heat is on the Mannargudi mafia. Sasikala herself may be
arrested in a Coimbatore land-grab case. The account books of Jaya
TV reveal many discrepancies, and Anuradha too may be arrested in
may be dr opped soon. An
overhaul of the bureaucracy is
already on the anvil
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this connection. Divakaran has apparently been offered a deal: return
the money and buy freedom. He is still bargaining, insiders say.
Ilavarasi Jayaraman, Sasikala¶s sister-in-law, has already been
detained and interrogated by the Tamil Nadu Po lice.
Jayalalithaa is also believed to have identified 13 ministers who may
be dropped soon. Already, Agri SS Krishnamoorthy has been
removed as Minister for Commercial Taxes and placed in the School
Education Department. The ministries of industries, electricity,
transport, public works, revenue, prohibition and excise, and forests
have been identified for a purge. The veteran O Panneerselvam,
Minister of Finance and former chief minister, is also said to be
jittery.
An overhaul of the bureaucracy ² especially in the Revenue
Department and other key economic departments ² and in the upper
echelons of the police is already on the anvil.
One source says the chief
minister is planning changes in
the Legal Department and could
replace many prosecutors
handling sensitive cases. The
future of Navaneetha Krishnan,
Tamil Nadu¶s advocate general, is
also under question in political circles.
Nevertheless, all this is just the tip of the iceberg. The Mannargudi
mafia is believed to have investments not only in Tamil Nadu and
neighbouring states, but also in Singapore, Malaysia and Dubai. Itwas so comfortably ensconced in business affairs of the party and of
Jayalalithaa personally that Sasikala was acting as printer and
publisher of Namathu MGR, the AIADMK publication. As she was
shown out of Poes Garden, Sasikala was forced to sign documents
relinquishing the publisher¶s post in favour of Jayalalithaa.
Tickets f or the 2011 Assembly
polls were so ld to mafia
sympathiser s, and Sasikala is alleged to have collected Rs 300
cr in this manner
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That was the easy part. ³To recover the money looted by the
Mannargudi mafia,´ says a senior politician, ³needs a lot of work.´
On its part, sections of Sasikala¶s family are understood to have
established contact with the Karunanidhi family and sought theDMK¶S protection. Things will come to a head only after the court in
Bengaluru decides on the corruption charges against Jayalalithaa.
THE NATURE of this fallout between the two most powerful women in
Tamil Nadu cannot be fully understood unless one recalls their
beginnings. Sasikala came from humble roots, and ironically, from a
family across the political divide: the DMK.
Today, Mannargudi, a sleepy town 34 km from Thanjavur, is famousas Sasikala¶s home territory, though she was not born there. Her
family actually comes from Thiruthuraipoondi, 28 km away from
Mannargudi, where Sasikala¶s grandfather Chandrasekharan ran a
medical shop. His son Vivekanandan took over from him and was
known to be a DMK sympathiser.
Vivekanandan¶s elder son Sundaravadanam, who worked in the State
Bank of India, was transferred to Mannargudi in the late 1950s. He
constructed a house there and moved his brothers and sisters to help
them get a better education. Sasikala was the fifth among the
siblings. She grew up as something of a local beauty. The entire
family had strong DMK moorings but the idyll ended when
Sundaravadanam was caught for diverting loans meant for poor
families to his mother¶s account and pocketing the subsidy. Following
this, he was shunted out of Mannargudi.
In 1974, Natarajan, a DMK youth leader, wanted to marry Sasikala.Sundaravadanam objected because Natarajan¶s government job was
only a temporary political appointment. However, Natarajan
approached Sasikala¶s brother-in-law Vivekanandan, and permission
was finally given. Ironically, Sasikala was blessed at her wedding by
DMK supremo Karunanidhi, who had been impressed by young
Natarajan¶s oratory. No one could have foreseen at the wedding that
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Sasikala would wind up as the confidante of Karunanidhi¶s most bitter
political opponent.
During the Emergency, Natarajan was sacked from his job. He took
his dismissal to court and Sasikala sold her ornaments to pay thelawyers. It was a hard life. Shortly afterwards, she opened a video
rental shop in Chennai to make ends meet. She purchased a video
camera and learnt to shoot social functions and weddings for a fee.
Around this time, there was a woman called V Chandralekha, who
was district collector of Arcot, and Jayalalithaa was already a
powerful figure in the ruling AIADMK. Natarajan, who knew
Chandralekha, approached her to put in a word with Jayalalithaa, so
that his wife could record Jayalalithaa¶s public events. Chandralekha
obliged. The introduction changed Sasikala¶s destiny. Sasikala
impressed Jayalalithaa with her skills as a cameraperson.
Chandralekha remembers her as being ³shrewd, hard-working and
determined´. She certainly was.
In the late 1980s, as MGR began to weaken and then passed away,
there was a power struggle within the AIADMK. Jayalalithaa was
harassed by RM Veerappan, then acting chief minister, and extremely
isolated. It is during this time that Sasikala moved closer to her and
finally into her residence.
Sasikala provided Jayalalithaa emotional and managerial support.
Natarajan, an old hand in politics, masterminded Jaya lalithaa¶s
comeback. The rest is well known.
DESPITE THE rupture now, the Mannargudi mafia is not giving up.
On 17 January, Natarajan addressed a Pongal gathering in Thanjavur and sent veiled threats to Jaya lalithaa. ³Now, I have become a
complete leader,´ he said. ³Now, I¶m a leader without strings or
fetters« Many people have come here expecting to hear decisive
announcements from me. I will take the decision at an appropriate
time. I changed the government in Tamil Nadu. Many feel that
someone else is reaping the reward for my efforts. I¶m silent because
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the decision I take should not adversely affect the peace and
harmony of the state«´
Clearly provoking the chief minister, he also exclaimed he needed Rs
50 lakh to build a memorial for the ³martyrs of the Tamil Eelam war´in Sri Lanka. The money was raised in a matter of minutes. First,
Natarajan sold his Nissan car, with its VIP number plate, for Rs 20
lakh. Next his Rolex watch was sold for Rs 5 lakh. Third, his Hyundai
Sonata and Ford Endeavour SUV were sold for Rs 10 lakh each.
Natarajan was still Rs 5 lakh short, and resorted to theatrics. He
called an NRI businessman in Dubai and demanded a donation of Rs
5 lakh ² which was duly given.
Financial resources, political clout, community mobilisation, the
Eelam card (indicating an obvious synergy with the DMK): Natarajan
was sending multiple signals in Thanjavur that day. The question is,
has he worried Jayalalithaa at all?
J eemon J acob is Bureau C hief, South with Tehelka.