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Copyright 2001 SAGE Publications(London,Thousand Oaks,CA and New Delhi)Vol 1(2):155171 [1469-6053(200110)1:2;155171;019032]
Journal of Social Archaeology A R T I C L E
155
The limitations of doxa
Agency and subjectivity from an archaeological point of view
ADAM T. SMITH
Department of Anthropology,University of Chicago
ABSTRACT
In recent years, archaeological discussions of agency have relied quite
heavily upon Pierre Bourdieus rendering of doxa in discriminating
between those phenomena resulting from habit and those from active
intention. However, doxa presents considerable problems for
archaeological analyses as it rests upon a troubling theory of history
and fails to assist in promulgating an archaeological account of sub-
jectivity. This article presents an explicitly archaeological critique of
Bourdieus doxa, utilizing a decorated silver-plated goblet from theMiddle Bronze Age site of Karashamb, Armenia, to explore future
directions in the theorization of subjectivity.
KEYWORDS
agency q Armenia q Caucasia q doxa q ideology q Karashamb
q Middle Bronze Age q representation q subjectivity
In a parenthetical remark buried deep in the pages of his Outline of aTheory of Practice (1977), Pierre Bourdieu raises a troubling problemfor archaeologists and historians interested in representing the past as a
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creation of reflective individuals who actively produced and reproduced
social formations. Bourdieu writes, when there is a quasi-perfect corre-
spondence between the objective order and the subjective principles of
organization (as in ancient societies) the natural and social world appears as
self-evident. This experience we shall call doxa (Bourdieu, 1977: 164,
emphasis added). With a casual parenthesis, Bourdieu consigns the prac-
tices of the denizens of ancient societies to the realm of doxa, their lives cast
as rout ines predicated upon the mis-recognition of social orders as natural
ways of life, rather than political products. The persistent opposition
between structure and individual is historicized, lent temporal depth as not
only a synchronic array of sociological forces but as an emergent feature of
(world) social transformations.
Bourdieu is arguing (at least) two points with this parenthesis. The first is
historiographic in that descriptions of doxa are posit ioned as exhausting
studies of social life in the more remote past . The focus of archaeological
analysis is therefore restricted to iterations of the highly scripted routines
that reproduced the existing world as the only conceivable order of things.
Bourdieus second point is historical in that he posits a broadening of the
horizon of agency somewhere between the ancient and the modern.
Archaeological theory has tended towardsjust the opposite view in the years
since the publication ofOutline of a Theory of Practice, dismantling the
systems that once compressed the past into rigid models of st imulus and
response in order to locate the complicity of individuals in social production,reproduction and transformation (cf. Barrett, 2000; Brumfiel, 1992; Dietler,
1998; Dietler and Herbich, 1998; Hodder, 1986: 69; Knapp, 1996; Miller,
1982; Saitta, 1994; Shanks and Tilley, 1987: 712). In the context of a move
within both archaeology and general social thought to re-consider the restric-
tions of subjectivity (cf. Foucault, 1978; Jameson, 1992; Z izek, 1999), we must
ask whether the tyranny of doxa that Bourdieu posits for ancient societies
represents a satisfactory way of thinking about the limitations of agency.
It is important that we critically examine Bourdieus account of the limi-
tations of agency for (at least) three reasons. First, Bourdieus move to vestagency in a substantive understanding of will presents great problems for
an archaeological view where actions may be manifest in the extant record,
yet intentions obscure. Thus an inquiry into Bourdieus conceptualization
of doxa is central to identifying an approach to agency that can flourish
within archaeological thought rather than simply reproduce, in D obres and
Robbs phrase, an ambiguous platitude (2000: 3).
Second, Bourdieus account of doxa provides the historical foundation
to his formulation of practice theory, a theoretical approach that has gained
increasing popularity within archaeology. It is thus important that the impli-cations of doxa for studies of the past be fully elaborated, given the chang-
ing frameworks within which archaeologists have begun to confront the
problem of action (Wobst, 2000).
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157Smith The limitations of doxa
Lastly, Bourdieus account of the correspondence of the social order and
the natural world in pre-modern contexts has already begun to fashion a
new formulation of a dramatic historical rupture between the pre-modern
and the modern, as in Timothy Mitchells account of the novelty of modern
subjectivity imposed on Egypt by European colonial powers (1988: 5960).
If archaeology is to succeed in articulating the past with the present in
meaningful ways, then we must actively resist the construction of rigid
boundaries that set the ancient apart from the modern as an ontologically
distinct other.
This article out lines a theoretical response to Bourdieus assertion of the
primacy of doxa in antiquity. In the first half I develop a critique of
Bourdieus substantive sense of agency (that is, his definition of agency as
a capacity for action vested within individuals) and a historiographic
argument against represent ing ancient societies as inherently more enslaved
to routine than those in the present. The second half of the article employs
a silver goblet from Middle Bronze Age A rmenia to extend the critique of
doxa into an explicitly archaeological domain of theory and to suggest a
conceptualization of action in the past, rooted in a multidimensional, rela-
tional sense of the creation of subjects within daily practices.
s
AGAINST DOXA
Like the critical theorists of the Frankfurt school, Bourdieus overall philo-
sophical project centers on an account of how culture, understood as
practices of symbolic manipulation and consumption, contributes to the
reproduction of social (class) privileges. As Gartman rightly points out,
Bourdieu improves on the abstract conspiracies of the Frankfurt school (e .g.
Adorno, 1997; Horkheimer and Adorno, 1993; Marcuse, 1964) by creating
a highly empirical blueprint of a structure of class and culture whose logic
produces its effects behind the backs of individuals (G artman, 1991: 422).Bourdieus steadfast empiricism has much to do with the productive ways
in which archaeologists have engaged with his thought, mustering his
account of practice to bat tle various forms of extra-social determinism that
remain a prominent part of the intellectual terrain of the discipline.
However, in theorizing the restrictions on agents that stave off upheavals in
social orders (the logic of practice), Bourdieus Whiggish conceptualization
of doxic history ultimately alienates actors in ancient societies from their
activities in a far more self-conscious and programmatic way than many of
the traditional archaeological determinisms.Let me begin by briefly exploring what Bourdieu means by doxa. Doxa
refers to the field of activities that are taken for granted, those so thoroughly
regularized that their pursuit cannot be considered agency as they are
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deprived of intention. As doxa incorporates fields of knowledge in which
the existing order of the social world appears self-evident, it is a political
instrument, ensuring reproduction of existing formations. Doxa emerges in
the mis-recognition of a field of possible courses of action as an unchange-
able singular routine (Bourdieu, 1977: 1646). Agency, in contradistinction,
rests upon the will to supersede such limits, to recognize the arbitrary nature
of the objective order and to refuse to accede to its demands. Agency is thus
defined as a substantive concept, a capacity of the individual to recognize
ingrained socio-cultural traditions as political constructions and to over-
come such orders through the exercise of will (Bourdieu, 1977: 166; 1990:
689).
Bourdieus description of agency and doxa can be read in a number of
different ways. On the one hand, by basing doxa on the mis-recognition of
politically created orders as natural worlds, Bourdieus account can be read
as a reworking of classic Marxist ideas of false consciousness (e.g. Althusser,
1969; Lukcs, 1971; Marx and E ngels, 1998). Indeed there is a clear sense
in which doxa emerges as a but tress to the division of labor and apport ion-
ment of power amongst social groups (Bourdieu, 1977: 165). On the other
hand, by predicating agency upon the will to exceed limits on the refusal
to take the world at hand for granted as a natural order doxa can also be
read as a retelling of the Nietzschean account of herd morality. Agents,
through their embrace of will to power, supersede the limits of the doxa,
elevating themselves above the herd who remain blind to the myriadalternatives to their dull routine (Nietzsche, 1989: 2018; cf. Foucault, 1984).
These readings are by no means mutually exclusive. However, each brings
with it a legacy of critique that undermines the utility of Bourdieus sub-
stantive conceptualization of agency and its limits.
By predicating doxa upon mis-recognition, Bourdieu takes on the prob-
lems attendant with identifying false consciousness, of which I would like to
briefly touch on three. First, by holding motives to action in deep suspicion,
the concept of doxa alienates the subject from his or her own decision-
making process. The analyst, in our case the archaeologist, inserts him orherself between the individual and their everyday practices, evaluating the
degree to which the link between the two was informed by a fully conscious
understanding of alternatives. Analysis of agency is founded not upon an
understanding of the contextual situation of actors but rather upon a claim
of pr ivileged knowledge of the actors intent ion vis-a-vis the existing struc-
ture of class relationships. This knowledge is not based on a real sensitivity
to motives, emotions or convictions but rather is entirely prefigured within
theory such that a choice for the existing way of things is emphatically not
a choice but slavish devotion to routine.This leads us to a second problem with Bourdieus account of doxa.
Reproduction of the existing order within a doxic account of the limitations
of agency can never be a conscious, considered choice out of an array of
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159Smith The limitations of doxa
options but merely the misjudgment of an insufficiently self-conscious
subject. The critical impetus to analysis in the doxic mode lies in the drive
to limit agency to the revolutionary subject. Unfortunately this leads Bour-
dieu to conflate agency and praxis, the latter of which specifically denotes
transformative activities within Marxist thought (Gramsci, 1971: 3646;
Marx, 1998: III). A s a result, agency is left a rather anemic concept, limited
to spectacle, inured to the quotid ian. While I have some sympathy with
the desire to locate revolutionary sensibilities in the past, to limit agency to
radicalism precludes the development of a parallel understanding of the
conservatism of social production in ancient contexts. To dismiss the indi-
vidual who assents to the doxa as simply part of the herd is to miss the
analytical mark as the forces behind the active desire for the continuance
of the existing order are as compelling and vital for social analysis as the
logic of deviance.
The psychological locus that Bourdieu assigns to agency raises a third
objection to his account of doxa. The agent, according to Bourdieu, is
defined, a priori, in reference to a restricted set of socio-political structures.
Agents and non-agents are distinguished solely on the basis of their (political)
stance towards a monolithically conceived structural order intent on their
subjugation. The result is to obscure the contextuality of assent and the
meaning of deviation. After all, the assent of a wealthy elite to relations of
inequality surely holds different implications than that of an impoverished
farmer, factory worker or minimum wage service-sector employee.Alternately, an individual who attempts to b low up a government building
may be radical or reactionary, Adolf Verloc or Guy Fawkes, depending not
upon intention to subvert the existing order but on multi-dimensional
relations to political institutions, economic resources and cultural traditions
(real and imagined). Indeed, Gramscis (1971: 1802) more highly devel-
oped temporal view makes clear the centrality of the historical moment to
an adequate account of the political act, a contextual sensibility entirely
absent from the concept of doxa.
A second set of theoretical problems arises from Bourdieus attempt tobase agency in a sociologically moderated sense of will to power. In so
doing, Bourdieu redescribes the historical view as one focused upon those
who transcended the doxa. The sort of history that results would presum-
ably pair an account of what did not happen in history that is, the alterna-
tives not embraced with biographies of those who dared, in the words of
Apples grammatically regrettable slogan, to think different. On the one
hand, Bourdieu may be accused of overestimating the unthinkable, as not
even slavish devotion to rout ine can be said to preclude tolerance, or at least
awareness, of alternatives. As Giddens (1993: 812) points out, constraintsupon action cannot be presumed to imply a lack of awareness of choices,
since constraints are not all identical. On the other hand, Bourdieu over-
privileges the will, as sources of revolution must be constituted within the
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existing field of political power. Even those who tear off the mask of natu-
ralness assumed by political practices do so within a field of possibility
limited by the very historical formation which they aspire to overcome
(Abrams, 1988; Corrigan and Sayer, 1985). As Holston (1989: 1213)
cogently argues in his study of the modernist city, intentions are conceiv-
able only in relation to the instruments and practices within which they
emerge as realizable possibilities. They are thus intelligible not as substan-
tive components of a generalized sense of will but only as dimensions of sub-
jectivity set closely within contexts of practical activities. Unless we wish to
return archaeology to the service of great man history in which the subject,
qua revolutionary hero, provides the privileged locus of social transform-
ation, we must center analysis on the relations amongst various structural
positions and actors that create opportunities for both assent and praxis.
The central question of analysis is thus shifted from the limits of agency
established in a simplified dialectic between structure and individual to a
consideration of the social creation of subjects, by which I mean individuals
complicit in a broad cultural process of self and social formation.
In both its Marxist and Nietzschean threads, Bourdieus definition of
agency as will to supercede the doxa creates a host of theoretical diffi-
culties for an examination of the human past. Of most immediate concern
for archaeology is his exclusion of agency from ancient societies. Why does
Bourdieu place this condition within his argument? I think the answer lies
in his implicit historical argument regarding the development of fields ofknowledge over time. While every social order tends to produce . . . the nat-
uralization of its own arbitrariness it is only in the ancient world, he writes,
that the arbitrary and the natural essentially fuse together (Bourdieu, 1977:
164). Human history, in a doxic mode, is an account of the cracks that have
been forced between the objective order and the subjective principles of
social organization in the oscillation between orthodoxys drive to reinforce
the doxa and heterodoxys instinct to broaden the field of what is simply
opinion. By enslaving the more remote past to routine, this impetus to
question the existing order is not simply a structural possibility but takes onthe pale echoes of a Marxist historical imperative. If Bourdieu does not
damn the ancient world to mindless routine, his account loses its sense of
moral urgency, its revolutionary drive to heresy. However the price for
creating this rather thin sense of temporality, in what is otherwise a rather
ahistorical philosophical corpus, is the utility of doxa for an archaeology
interested in constraint but opposed to determinism.
In turning away from an account of action located in a dialectic between
agents as wilful transgressors and structures as formalized jailors, the
creation of personal identity, and the limitations placed upon this project,emerge as integral to the reproduction of social orders as well as their con-
testat ion. Self-format ion and the formation of social worlds are inte lligible
as indivisible elements of one another. As a result, agency does not hang on
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161Smith The limitations of doxa
the intentions of the isolated revolutionary, but rather is entailed within
intertwined projects for producing political subjects, for developing cultural
frames of subjectivity, for promoting social structures of subjectivization
and for art iculating all of the preceding into a shifting sense of subjecthood.
This is not to argue, following a trend in cultural studies led by Judith Butler
(1990, 1997), that a focus on personal transformation (identity politics)
should replace a consideration of political economy or the power of
institut ions (cf. critique in Z izek, 1999: 2604). Rather, the conclusion that
should be drawn is that subjectivity, and thus the parameters of action, are
constituted in multidimensional contexts that are simultaneously personal,
social, cultural and political. Within these overlapping realms the subject
emerges as more complex than either agent or patient, actor or dupe. What
is more, descriptions of subjectivity are not constrained to substantive
accounts of possibility and intention. Instead, the creation of subjects is
understood as an intensely public process, locatable within daily practices.
As a result, it provides an account of action and constraint that is more
accessible and potentially productive from an archaeological perspective.
Despite the foregoing objections to Bourdieus account of doxa, there is
most certainly a need within archaeology for an understanding of the par-
ameters that restrict how individuals make choices about their daily lives.
Yet such a theorization should not simply replicate stale structure-actor
dichotomies what Dietler and Herbich term (with palpable impatience)
the persistent centra l paradigmatic dichotomy of the social sciences (1998:245). But how can this problem be framed such that we neither remove
aware individuals capable of making decisions from the past nor create a
reliance upon a substantive sense of intention?
The foregoing discussion has primarily confined itself to a consideration
of the theoretical implications of Bourdieus account of doxa for archaeo-
logical studies of the past. However, the interpretive possibilities opened by
an examination of subjectivity and foreclosed by a theoretical allegiance to
doxa warrant grounding within the realm of material culture. The following
discussion considers doxa and subjectivity from the point of view of a singleartefact a Middle Bronze A ge goblet found in a kurgan1 at the site of
Karashamb, near the Razdan river in modern Armenia. The purpose of
limiting discussion to a single artefact is not to restrict the archaeological field
of vision to the purely art historical, but rather to allow material culture to
bear upon the formulation of theory without the former overwhelming the
latter. The following discussion is not intended as a case study of the preced-
ing theoretical discussion, as is the dominant formal aesthetic within
contemporary archaeological writing. I do not want to suggest that the
Karashamb goblet in itself provides sufficient empirical grounding for thetheoretical case described above. Instead, consideration of the Karashamb
goblet is intended as a further extension of the critique of doxa developed in
the preceding pages within an explicitly archaeological frame of reference.
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s THE KARASHAMB CUP
Set between the Black and Caspian Seas, Caucasia is a broad isthmus
linking southwest Asia to the Eurasian steppe. Southern Caucasia is mostreadily defined as the highland regions between the Middle Araxes and
Middle Kura river drainages (Figure 1). It is a region of rugged mountains
and elevated basins shaped by the tectonic action of the Arabian and
Eurasian plates. The legacy of this geologically active landscape can be seen
in numerous volcanic peaks, such as Mount A rarat and Mount Aragats, and
in the large deposits of basalt, tuff and obsidian found across the region
(Milkov and G vozdetskii, 1969). Average elevations within southern Cau-
casia are between 1200 and 1800 m above sea level, dipping below 1000 m
only in the Ararat p lain.D uring the E arly Bronze A ge, southern Caucasia lay near the geo-
graphic center of a mater ial culture horizon known as the Kura-Araxes
complex that was distributed in a broad arc from the eastern Mediter-
ranean (Khirbet Kerak ware; Amiran, 1965) to the northern slope of the
Caucasus range (e.g. Velikent; Gadzhiev et al., 1997), to the central Zagros
mountains (e.g. Godin Tepe; Young and Levine, 1974). Kura-Araxes
Figure 1 Map of southern Caucasia
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163Smith The limitations of doxa
settlements in southern Caucasia in general were small villages with a sub-
sistence economy based upon plough and irrigation agriculture and sea-
sonally migratory stock herding (Kushnareva, 1997: 181). In the last
centuries of the third millennium BC, extensive transformations in
economy, culture and society provoked the dissolution of Kura-Araxes
communities and a broad alterat ion in the archaeological record for the
succeeding Middle Bronze Age.
The most conspicuous archaeological feature of the Ear ly to Middle
Bronze transit ion is the extensive shift in sett lement pattern that led to the
abandonment of a large number of late Kura-A raxes communities.
Although the st rat igraphy of sites such as Metsamor (Khanzadian et al.,
1973), Garni (Kushnareva, 1997: 141) and Uzerlik-Tepe (Kushnareva,
1985) indicate some continuity between Kura-Araxes and Middle Bronze
Age levels, the large majority of late Early Bronze Age sites appear to
have been abandoned near the end of the third millennium BC. A s a
result , most of our evidence for the early second millennium comes from
cemetery rather than settlement contexts. Mortuary customs also changed
dur ing the Middle Bronze Age as kurgans such as those documented at
Trialeti (Kuftin, 1941), Vanadzor (Kirovakan; Piotrovskii, 1949: 46), and
Karashamb (Oganesian, 1992a) became the dominant form of burial
architecture.
Ceramic styles and forms shifted in the Early to Middle Bronze Age
transition, most noticeably in the disappearance of the characteristic black-and brown-burnished wares of the Kura-Araxes horizon and the appear-
ance of the painted wares of the Trialeti-Vanadzor and subsequent
Karmir-Berd (Tazakend), Karmirvank, and Sevan-Uzerlik horizons.2 These
new ceramics were accompanied by changes in metal tools, weapons,
vessels and jewelry, including new daggers and swords, socketed spear-
points, flat axes, chisels and drinking vessels. During the Middle Bronze
Age, a broad differentiation in burial treatment, including massive kurgan-
style funerary monuments and rich artefactual complexes, indicates the
emergence of a new elite. The association of this elite with the trappings(weapons, shields, chariots) and the iconography of warfare (discussed
below) strongly suggests that social stratification in the Middle Bronze Age
hinged upon a martial culture where the values of social violence had
become the legitimating values of a newly formulated social hierarchy
(Badalyan et al., forthcoming).
In the autumn of 1987, a team of archaeologists excavated a large Middle
Bronze Age kurgan at the northern end of a well-known burial ground at
Karashamb, on the west bank of the Razdan River. The kurgan was a raised
earthen and stone mound built atop a funerary area delineated on theground surface by a ring of stones. Within this funerary area, the excava-
tors uncovered the cremated remains of the deceased accompanied by
numerous animal bones, weapons, ornaments and utensils. The architecture
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of the kurgan and its inventory indicate substantial parallels with similar
tombs at Vanadzor (Kirovakan) and at Trialeti (Oganesian, 1988: 145).
Current periodizations of the extant materials suggest that this Trialeti-
Vanadzor complex dates to the first centuries of the second millennium BC
(Avetisyan et al., 1996, 2000; Oganesian, 1992a).
Figure 2 Photo of a silver-plated goblet from Karashamb,Armenia (source:courtesy of the Armenian Institute of Archaeology and Ethnography,Yerevan)
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165Smith The limitations of doxa
Amongst the finds in the Karashamb mound was a silver-plated goblet,
its exterior surface divided into six registers, separated by raised bands, each
decorated with images in relief (Figures 2 and 3; Oganesian, 1992b: 86). The
top register depicts a boar hunt. A n archer, attended by a dog with a collar,
prepares to loose a second arrow into a wounded boar that is also being
attacked by a lion and a leopard. The second register depicts a battle, a
parade of a captive and a banquet, most likely providing a narrative order
in which the scenes are to be read. The batt le scene is composed of two sets
of two foot soldiers fighting with spears and daggers. In the adjacent pro-
cession, three soldiers trail behind a single unarmed captive pressed forward
by a spear in its back. The banquet scene is bracketed by a large stag on one
side and a seated figure with what appears to be a musical instrument on
the other. At the center of the scene, two attendants fan a seated figure
(generally interpreted as a king) who sips from a cup as servants attend to
offerings set atop two large tables (Oganesian, 1992b: 86).
The third register presents a group of scenes related to the aftermath of
conquest. At the center of the composition stands a winged creature with a
lions head. To its right we find a defeated foe being killed with a spear and
a seated figure sharpening an axe next to a pile of decapitated heads.
Following that we find a pile of weapons, presumably left strewn upon the
bat tlefield, and another captive being killed. To the left of the winged lion,
Figure 3 Drawing of Karashamb cup scenes (source:Kushnareva,1997)
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166 Journal of Social Archaeology 1(2)
three headless figures stand adjacent to a superimposed lion and ram. Inter-
estingly, all of the enemy por trayed in the register have been given bushy
tails.
In the fourth register, a row of leopards and lions parades from right to
left. Only the interjection of a single shield ties this scene of predators to
the battle depicted above. The fifth register, which completes the body of
the goblet, is ornamental, consisting of relief-engraved rosettes with pointed
ends. The last register , encircling the foot of the goblet, depicts a single lion
with its head en face flanked by four lion/leopard pairs standing on hind
legs.
Similar metal drinking vessels are known from kurgans V and XVII
at Trialeti and from a burial at Maikop (Dzhapar idze, 1988: 8; Kuftin, 1941:
8, 90). Echoes of this tradition in stylistically similar ceramic cups from
Uzerlik Tepe have led Kushnareva (1997: 112) to suggest that the vessel
form and aesthetic tradition were locally developed even as certain
symbolic motifs suggest diverse influences from southwest Asia (e.g. the
hunt scene in register one) .
The most compelling aspect of the Karashamb cup is its representation
of a rather limited set of practices central to the reproduction of political
order : war and conquest, feasting and celebration, punishment and ritual,
hunting and the technology of violence. The central theme of the piece is
clearly the conquest of enemies and the glorification of the ruler and the
apparatus of political authority. That the martial scenes on the centralregisters are bracketed by images that depict violence in the natural world
would seem to support Bourdieus description of the equivalence of natural
and political orders. Indeed a number of studies of royal art from south-
west A sia have revealed a great concern by rulers to embed their regimes
and activities within sets of naturalistic symbols (Kantor, 1966; Marcus,
1995; Russell, 1991; Smith, 2000; Winter, 1981). If we are to accept a doxic
interpretat ion of the Karashamb cup, then we are forced to understand its
imagery as purely mimetic as representations of the real state of things in
which nature and state conjoin unproblematically, just as Bourdieusuggests. Such a position would preclude an account of the production of
the vessel as an ideologically conditioned instrument; production, exchange
and consumption are necessarily intelligible only as performances of highly
scripted roles.
We can see from the organization of the composition, the use of ellipsis to
reduce the number of figures and the inclusion of fantastical elements that,
while the scenes depict concrete, perhaps even historical, activities, there is
considerable distance between the real and the represented. And it is in
this distance that decisions were made as to how activit ies should be rep-resented, that is, what argument the images should make. In the case of the
Karashamb cup, the most obvious argument seems to be that the political
violence of the era was an extension of the violence of the natural world.
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But if the images are an argument as to how the world should be seen,
then the implication is that the equivalence of the objective natural world
and the subjective political order was by no means taken for granted as
Bourdieus account of doxa demands. Rather , such sources of legitimization
had to be actively produced within political practices, of which the cup is
one instrumental manifestation. This demands a relational view of action,
such as that forwarded by Feldman who argues: Political agency is not given
but achieved on the basis of practices that alter the subject. Political agency
is relational it has no fixed ground it is the effect of situated practices
(Feldman, 1991: 1). Analysis of action, as a result, cannot be vested in the
substantive intentions of a single, isolated actor, but rather can only be
understood in the confluence of both first and third person views that come
together in the identification of the subject and the constitution of subjec-
tivity (O Shaughnessy, 1980; Ryle, 1993).
The central concern for an archaeological account of action is not
simply agency, either in its seemingly forgotten Hobbesian sense of a
relationship between agent and patient or in the extant formulations of
structure/agent dialectics. Rather, the problems that the Karashamb cup
poses center on the creation of subjects of political regimes, of economic
systems, of social orders that carry out actions. This is a problem not
simply of opposition to an existing structural power, as Foucault (e.g. 1978,
1979) cogently demonstrated, but of multiple relationships amongst
various structurally embedded social positions (e.g. elite institutions, grass-roots social groups) and plurally sited individuals ( that is, individuals
located as profoundly in heterarchical roles as hierarchical ones) . Nor
would it seem a particularly compelling interpretive stance to yield agency
itself to the Karashamb cup, as Gells (1998: 1719) vision of things as
social agents would advocate. Such anthropomorphism tends to obscure
the dist inction between act ion and inst rument, between subject and the
apparatus of subjectivity. Instead, the Karashamb cup should be thought
of as instrumental within a broader framework of culturally shaped
subjectivity.Here we might do well to consider Thomas Franks (1997) highly engaging
analysis ofThe Conquest of Cool, of the appropriation of 1960s counter-
cultural symbolics by Madison Avenue in the production of hip con-
sumerism. In his account of this ongoing process of cultural production,
Frank does not reduce Madison Avenue to a unidimensional structure
inseparable from the guiding political currents (indeed the appropriation
of countercultural icons to sell consumer goods coincides with a neo-
conservative backlash against the 1960s). Nor does Frank portray con-
sumers as a mass of dullards. Rather, we find in Franks analysis amultidimensional account of the creation of subjects in which cultural
productions are shaped by grassroots discourses (such as a constantly shift-
ing vernacular avant-garde and enduring identity affiliations that structure
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168 Journal of Social Archaeology 1(2)
niche marketing) even as they endeavour to appropriate those discourses
to a specific end (selling commodities).
The Karashamb cup can be seen in this light as a cultural production
directed towards the creation of particular kinds of subjects actors who
accede to the putative rulers claim to the naturalness of the existing order as
they go about their daily activities. This relational process of cultural produc-
tion entails a host of practices, each of which presents opportunities for
decisions, both grand and quotidian, that potentially implicate subjects in
social reproduction, revolutionary praxis or, most likely, something in
between. As it is produced, the cup embeds material and compositional
decisions of the maker within the decisions of the ruler as to the appropriate
representational strategies for securing legitimacy;as it is exchanged, the cup
articulates decisions about form and representation with decisions as to the
intelligibility of symbols and marks; as it is visually consumed, the cup enters
yet another set of relationships as variously delineated audiences embrace,
scorn or ignore its representation of the order of things possibilities which
then recursively impact subsequent directions of cultural production. Such a
view on the limitations of subjectivity allows us to approach the past with an
understanding of social transformation less exclusively focused upon the
revolutionary moment and hence less skeptical in its description of social
actors in the past.This isan unapologetically liberalemplotment of the ancient
world, one that looks to human action in the creation of social conditions but
does not hang all transformative possibility on the isolated revolutionary.In bringing the Karashamb cup into the production of archaeological
theory, it provides an effective reminder that limitat ions upon agency do
not arise out of a pre-existing universally held field of restrictions but rather
are produced within a complex set of practices that shape subjects and
recursively alter the conditions of subjectivity. If archaeology is successful
in defining the instrumental roles played by material culture in creating sub-
jects, we will have gone far towards building a more profound account of
possibility and constraint within ancient societies.
Notes
1 Russian term for a large stone and earth mound erected over an interior
chamber.
2 A tradition of black-burnished pot tery does continue in the Middle Bronze Age
in some places, as reflected in the wares from the Meskheti kurgans
(D zhaparidze et al., 1985).
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ADAM T. SMI TH is an assistant professor in the Department of Anthro-pology at the University of Chicago.He holds degrees from Brown Uni-versity, the University of Cambridge and the University of Arizona.He iscurrently co-director of Project ArAGATS,an international archaeological
programme focused on the archaeology and geography of ancient trans-caucasian states that is investigating early complex societies of the LateBronze Age in the Republic of Armenia.[email:[email protected]]