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SOCIO-CULTURAL ROLE OF MUSLIM WOMEN DURING THE SULTANATE PERIOD
DISSERTATION
SUBMITTED FOR THE AWARD OF THE DEGREE OF
jRasftcr of ^Ijilosfopljp
in
Jslamtc ^tubics!
By
Under the Supervision of
Prof. lafarul Islam
DEPARTMENT OF ISLAMIC STUDIES
ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY
ALIGARH-202002 (INDIA)
2009
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1 9 SEr 2012
DS4034
Phones : Ext. 2701131, Int. 1365,1366 Fax : 0571-2700528
DEPARTMENT OF ISLAMIC STUDIES ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY
ALIGARH-202 002 (INDIA)
25/9/2009 Dated
CERTIFICATE
This is to Certify that the M.Phil. Dissertation entitled "Socio- Cultural
Role of Muslim Women during the Sultanate Period" is an original work
done by Ms, Aliya Hasan under my Supervision. The Dissertation is fit for
submission for the award of M.Phil, degree in Islamic Studies.
(Prof Zafarul Islam) Supervisor
CONTENTS
Acknowledgement
Introduction
CHAPTER -1 Advent And Spread Of Islam in India 1-19
CHAPTER - II Social Structure In Sultanate Period
CHAPTER - III Socio-Cultural Activities Of Muslim
20-50
51-68
Women In Sultanate Period
CHAPTER - IV Role Of Muslim Women In Political And 69-124
Religious Life
Conclusion
Bibliography
125 - 127
128-134
ACKNOWLEDGEMEMT
Acknowledgement
First of all I thank the Almighty Allah, the most gracious
and merciful, who gave me the gift of impression and insights
for the completion of this work with a sense of utmost gratitude
and indebtness.
1 consider my pleasant duty to express my sincere thanks
to my Supervisor Prof. Zafarul Islam, Chairman, Department of
Islamic Studies who granted me the privilege of working under
his guidance and assigned me the topic "Socio and Cultural
Role of Muslim Women during Sultanate Period (1206 to
1526)". He found time to discuss various difficult aspects of the
topic and helped me in arranging the collected material in the
present shape. Thus, this dissertation would hardly have been
possible without his learned guidance and careful supervision. I
do not know how to adequately express my thanks to him.
I have always benefited from interaction v^th the scholars
and my learned teacher's such as Prof. Sayyid Ahsan, Prof. M.
Y. M. Siddiqi, Dr. Sibtey Hasan, Dr. Ahsanul Haq, Dr. Tauqeer
Ahmad, Dr. Adam Malik Khan, Dr. Obaidullah Fahad, Dr.
Gazanfar Ali Khan, Dr. Bilal Ahmad Department of Islamic
Studies, and Prof. Iqtidar Hussain Siddiqi, Dr. Sheereen Mosvi,
Dr. Shahabuddin Iraqi, Dr. Ali Athar Centre of Advanced Study
Department of History, A.M.U., Aligarh. I express my gratitude
to all of them because of their unhesitating support and
encouragement till the completion of the work.
I place an record my gratitude to my father Dr. Mehdi
Hasan, my mother Mrs. Tasveeran Jahan andmy brother Shriq
Kamal, Bhabi Nahid Kamal and sisters Rafia Hasan, Shazia
Hasan for all their love care, support, encouragement and best
wishes which helped me-and encouraged me to complete the
work in a right way, I am thankful to all of them for bearing
with me all the time while I was busy with my work.
I must accord my sincere thanks to my uncle Late Dr.
Waqarul Hasan Siddiqi, Director, Rampur Raza Library, whose
love and affection for me was purely himself. May his noble soul
rest in place in the highest quarters of Jannatul Firdaus.
I am deeply indebted to the help and cooperation of the
Library and Office Staff of the Department especially to Mr.
Kabir Ahmad Khan, Mr. Khalid Hamid, Mr. Anees, Mr. Muqeet,
Mr. Zakir Ali Beg, Mr. Zeeshan Ahmad Khan, Mr. Arif, Mr.
Saleem for their help and continuous co-operation towards the
successful completion of this work.
1 am also thanks sincerely to Librarians and staff of
Maulana Azad Library, A.M.U., Aligarh, Raza Library, Rampur
for their cordial cooperation and providing books and materials
for this dissertation.
In the course of its preparation I have received help from a
number of seniors, friends, colleagues and well wishers. 1 am
thankful Miss Razia, Dr. Parvez Ahmad, Mrs. Zarfisha, Miss
Suhaleha, Miss Nikhat, Miss Atia Farheen, Miss Mutahira, Miss
Razia, Miss Shahida, Miss Farhat, Miss Uzma, Miss Shabnam,
Miss Afsana, Miss Zoya, Miss Ibrat, Miss Sehar, Miss Ishrat,
Mr. Azeem Iqbal, Ali Mohd. Naqi who have helped me in various
ways.
INTRODUCTION
INTRODUCTION
The first part of Muslim rule in India, popularly known as Delhi
sultanate is quite well known for socio-cultural rule
development and academic progress. Many studies have
appeared about this aspect. But not detailed study was done so
for in the context of women especially the present work is
important for the point of view this related to the assessment of
the socio and cultural Role of Muslim women in the sultanate
period (1206-1526) of aocio and cultural contribution of Muslim
women During Delhi sultanate. The Dissertation is divided into
four chapter.
The first chapter tji? {Adver\t and spread of Islam in India)
gives a detailed account of introduction pf Islam in different
parts of India. In this connection 1 have examined the role of
Arab trevellers, Ulema Sufis and rules and have attemped to
assers the contribution to the spread of Islam. It leaves quite
clear from the present study t^at credi); for propagate and
spre&d of l^lm-pi could not be gfven to evny singlo oection of
Muslim society. The second chapter which deals with "social
examines the division of structure in sultanate period" Ex^m
influenced Muslim society of those days into different classes
takes the Indian life in various ways into account the respective
position of the people of each class in the society the discussion
is mainly concentrated on the position of nobles, Ulema, sadat,
Sufis traders, artisans, presents and masses. The discussion
shows that through the Muslim society was not leased on caste
system but it was not free from division into different classes or
sections and in this division main considered was give either to
political power or socio economic status.
In third chapter socio cultural Activities of Muslim women
was studied in detail in sultanate period taking into account
the social position of different sections of Muslim women, it was
also diseased that how for they enjoyed freedom in cultural life
and what was their contribution in development of the cultural
activities. The chapter also examines interest of category rules
in the elevation of social states of Muslim women.
The fourth chapter is related to the role of women in
political and religious life. It is generally assumed that the
Muslim women had no role to play in political matter or state
administration or that they are not given opportunities to
render religious service. In this chapter it was proved with
reference to authentic sources that many of the women of the
sultanate period had played veiy active role in the political life.
In the same way it was also shown that how some of them took
keen interest is the promotion of Islamic learning and passed
pious and saintly life infusing religious sprit within others.
This M.Phil work would be quite relevant to the present
situation when interest is rising in the study of position of
women in the light of Quran and Hadith or provision of Islamic
law as well as with references to actual condition that existed in
different periods of Islam history.
On account of lack of source material the present
research work can not be claimed to be very comprehensive one
But it would give a direction to understand the problem and
carry on further research on this subject. It would, of course,
demand a through and investigative study of relevant sources.
CHAPTER -1
ADVENT AND SPREAD OF ISLAM IN INDIA
CHAPTER-I
"ADVENT AND SPREAD OF ISLAM IN INDIA"
To, examine the contribution of Ulama and Sufis to the
propagation of Islam in India it is necessary to study the socio-
religiou-s condition of Indian people during 7^ and 8^
centuries. The people were generally idol worships. Almost
everything that possessed some power and authority or had
utility had been vested with divine attributes. Trees, Plants
Rivers and Mountain, Animals and even organs of procreation
were adored as gods.i Society at that time was divided into
several castes and four of them were well known-Brahman,
Kshatriya. Viasihya and Sudra. Conduct of religious affairs was
the exclusive monopoly of the Brahmans. He not only
administered the religious needs of the people but stood like an
intermediary between God and man. The idea of physical
contamination was prevalent among them. Every Brahman was
required to have his separate drinking Vssels and eating
utensils. If any other person used them they were broken. The
Kshatriyas were next to the Brahmans in the social hierarchy.
They ruled over the people and defended them as according to
the principles of caste system they were created for this task.
The vaishyas and Sudras were had very lower place in the
social hierarchy.2 in such situation, Islam was introduced by
the Arabi merchants in India and it was propagated later by
ulama and mystics on a large Seals. They tried to bring about a
religious and social change in Indian society in which they had
been successful to some extent. The spread of Islam in India is
largely indebted to the untiring efforts of ulama and saints who
had left deep impression in the heart of the Indian due to their
religious and missionary work.3
Advent and spread of Islam in South
The Muslim entered India through three open doors the
sea route, land route, leading through Persia into Sind and
Khaybar pass. Through the same routes the Arab merchants.
Ulama, Sufis and other travelers would have also entered India.
Islam was first introduced in South India by the Arab traders,
who also worked as the preachers of their faith as they
demonstrated Islamic teachings and values through their
practices in their daily life.
The Arab vessels set out towards India either from the
coast of the Red sea or from the southern coast, and their
objective was to disc mark either at the mouth of the Indus and
in the Gulf of Combay by sailing along the coast, or on the
Malabar coast. The ships starting from the Persian Gulf
followed the same course and reached Koulam. According to
popular tradition, the first Muslim fleet appeared in Indian
waters in 636 A.D. during the caliphate of Hazrat Umar (R.A.)
Usman Saqfi the governor of Bahrain and Oman, sent an army
across the sea to Thana.5 The Caliph expressed disagreement
with this development and directed not to repeat this
experiment. About the same time expeditions were sent to
Broach and Debal but the caliph's opposition temporarily
suspended the activities of the fleet. During the caliphate of
Hazrat Usman (R.A) and the subsequent period the Arab
soldiers, advanced several times towards Indian coasts and
certain officers were also posted in border areas to keep watch
on the situation and collect information. These development
helped too much for further advancement and starting military
campaign in this region, particularly for the conquest of Sindh
in the 8^ century by Mohammad Ibn Qasim. Meanwhile,
commercial transaction continued by the sea route, and
Muslim made their settlements in three towns along the South
Indian coast and in Ceylon. Rowlanson says "That the Muslim
Arab first settled on the Malabar coast about the end of 7th
century'.e in the 8th century the Arab fleet advanced towards
Broach and other parts on the Kathiawad coast. Their trade
and settlements continued to flourish. Henceforth Muslim
influence grew rapidly. For over a hundred years the Muslim
had established their colonies on the Malabar coast. They were
welcomed as traders, and provided all kinds of facilities to settle
and do their business. They were also allowed to Proffess and
practice religion. They must have ventured upon missionary
efforts also after settling down, as Islam is essentially a
missionary religion and every Muslim is considered a
missionary of his faith. These Muslims were undoubtedly held
in high esteem by the local people. The south India was then
greatly agitated by the conflict of religions, for Neo-Hinduism
was struggling with Buddhism and Jainism for the upper hand.
Politically, too, it was a period of unsettlement and upheavals.'''
The cheras were losing power and new dynasties were emerging
to capture power, the minds of the people were perturbed and
they were prone to accept new ideas from whatever quarter they
came. Islam appeared upon the scene with a simple formula of
faith, well defined Principles of social organization. It produced
a tremendous effect and before the first quarter of ninth
century was over, the last of the Cheraman Perumal kings of
Malabar who reigned at kodungallur had become a convert to
I slam. 8
As a result of rising number of Muslims mosques were
built at eleven places in the Malabar Colonies. In the following
centuries the influence of Islam continued to increase as
informed by travellers and geographers. Masudi who visited
India in the beginning of the tenth century (1916 A.D.) found
over ten thousand Muslims of Siraf, Oman, Basra and Baghdad
at Seymore (The modern chaul) beside numerous others who
were children of Arabs born there.^
They had their own chief whose title was Hazama
(Probably Hunarmand) and who received his authority from the
Hindu king. Abu Dulaf Muhalhil found mosques in he port of
Seymore. 10 Marco Polo noticed that the people of Ceylon got
Saracen troops from foreign countries whenever they needed
them.ii Abul fida^^ (1273-1303) mentions a fme mosque and a
square at koulam.
(ii) Advent and Spread of Islam in Sindh 8B Multan
There were numerous Muslim communities in south India
living under Hindu rule, they were prosperous and influential.
We are not certain if there were any Muslim trading community
in North-India before the establishment of Muslim rule. The
coast of Sind was inhospitable because of the policies of local
rulers. Being in close proximity to the expanding Arab power,
they were naturally not too keen upon creating centres of Arab
influence in this region. We, therefore, do not hear of any Arab
trader's Settlement in Sind on the eve of Muslim conquest. i3
There were many pirates on the sind coast who were strong
enough to disrupt the sea-journey and to make the ships
(Passing through the Debal) the target of their loote, and
plunder. The Umayyad government had, for some time, been
protesting to the rulers of Sind about the activities of Sindhi
pirates against the Arab travelers. Matters came to a head when
they intercepted a ship which had on board the family of some
Arab merchants and presents sent by the ruler of Ceylon to
Hajjaj, the Umayyad governor of Iraq. When the Umayyad
government demanded action, the ruler of Sind expressed his
inability to punish the pirates. On this the unsatisfactory
response governor decided with the permission of the caliph to
send military expedition toward Sind which resulted in its
conquest. This was achieved by Muhammad Ibn Qasim, a
young military commander who succeeded in the conquest of
Sind within less then two years (712-13). The young conqueror
was also successful in setting up an administration based on
just and on liberal principles.i4 The establishment of the
Muslim rule in this area opened a significant chapter in the
history of Islam and of the subcontinent.
The establishment of Muslim rule in Sind opened the way
for the propagation of Islam. During the conquest period there
had been many cases of conversion to Islam by local people.
This is evident from the account of historians that several
chieftains and tribes accepted Islam on invitation from
Mohammad Ibn Qasim.is it seems that these converts were
mostly Buddhist. Some of them might have accepted Islam with
certain motives but many must have changed faith through
conviction, because there was a good deal in the beliefs and
practices of the Arab Muslims to impress and attract the people
of the region. This is quite possible that with greater contacts
with the non-Muslim Islamic ideas attained greater currency
among them. Muslim Traders and others, who came in to close
contact with the populace, were in all probability as active in
Sind as they were elsewhere. However all this is conjecture
because the sources do not provide enough material about
these facts. There are merely occasional glimpses which the
sources give us about the cases of conversion which only show
that missionary activity was not dormant. The Muslim
missionary sometimes unturned even into areas where Islam
had not established its domination as some such cases have
been recorded by Baladhuri.i^
Similarly we hear of the Holy Quran having been
translated into the native language in 883 A.D. by a Muslim
scholar at the request of a Hindu ruler Raja Mahrug whose
capital was somewhere to the North of Sindh.i^ Debates
between Hindu and Muslims as well as between Muslims and
Buddhists have also been recorded even in Baghdad the seat of
the Abbasid Caliphate, is All these suggest different auenues of
relations between Muslims and followers of other religions
which obviously resulted in the introduction of Islam. There
was atmosphere of free discussion among advocates of various
religions irrespective of the religion of the rulers. It has already
been mentioned that Muhammad Ibn Qasim formally invited
the native popular to accept Islam. Another formal invitation
came from the pious Umayyad caliph, Umar Ibn Abd-ul-Aziz,
the response to this call was good, the large number of converts
came from among the followers of Buddhism.i9 Yaqut, the
famous Arab traveller complied his book Mujma-ul-Buldan in
987 A.D. and this book records that the ruler of Mansura at
that time was Yahya bin Muhammad and the Khutbah was read
in the name of Umayyad caliph.20 Most probably this yahya b.
Muhammad was the son of Muhammad bin Umar son of
Abdullah bin Abdul Aziz Habbari. This dynasty ruled over
Mansura about two hundred years (862 -1026 A.D). Then after
Mahmud of Ghazna became the ruler of this area Sind. But
unfortunately only scanty information is available about this
period.
iii) Advent and Spread of Islam in North India:
The Conquest of sind contributed to the spread of Islam
and Islamic culture in different parts of Sind but as regards
North India it was only with the rise of Ghazni Kingdom in the
10 ^ century that Turkish pressure on the north western
frontiers increased and prospect of the conquest of North India
by Muslims increased.
Sabuktigin, a Turkish slave of Alptigin, consolidated his power
around Ghaznin by conquering Lamghan a part of the
sprawling Hindushahiyya Kingdom and Seistan on the Persian
border. His son and successor Sultan Mahmud (999-1030)
continued the forward policy of his father and captured many
frontier forts and strategic places which facilitated his future
operations into the heart of the country.
During the thirty two years of his rule Mahmud invaded India
more than seventeen limes and though he carried his
successful military expedition up to Mathura, Qannauj, Baran
and Gwalior, he did not annex any area beyond the Ravi. Infact
he did not aim at ruling over India. His military expedition were
only a means to buled up the Turko-Persian Empire. However
his campaigns exposed the wealth and the weakness of the
Indian ruling class. And opened the door for further conquest.
The Punjab became a part of the Ghznavid Empire and as such,
the political frontier of Muslim power in India during the
century that followed attempts were made for the extension of
Muslim cultural and political influence towards the Gangetic
plains and the Rajput territories with the expansion of the
Turkish political influence there had been another important
development and that was settlement of a number of Ulama
and saints. They had peacefully penetrated the country and
settled at different places.
Through second route which leads from Mesopotamia and
south Persia through Baluchistan, South of the mountains of
Makran into Sindh. The Muslim made very early contact with
India but the third route through which the Turk Mangol and
10
Afghan forces invaded India, proved to be the main entrance for
Ulama and Sufis.21
Sultan Moizuddin Muhammad Ibn sam (popularly known
as Shahabuddin Ghori started his military campaign in the
second half of 12* Century22 and he conquered Multan, Delhi,
Gujarat, Lahore, Qannauj and some other regions of India.
Delhi was made capital in 1193-94 A.D.23 After the death
Qutbuddin of Moizuddin (popularly known as Shahabuddin
Ghori) his deputy Qutbuddin Aibak was proclaimed the first
sultan of Delhi. Delhi Sultanate continued to 1526. During this
period of the Sultans of different dynasties ruled over India.
Role of Suils in the spread of Islam:
As regards the work of propagation of Islam the Muslim
saints followed wherever Muslim armies led their campaign or
where in the traders settled. Our information about the
activities of Muslim saints in the early period is very brief and
sketchy. This is recorded by some historians that Abu Hufs
Rabi Ibn Sai'd al-Asad al Basari (776 A.D.) who was an ascetic,
reached Sindh in 9* century where he died in 160 A.H. Baba
Raihan came Broach from Baghdad with a group of saints in
the eleventh century. ^
11
Therefore most of the Sufis came from foreign countries
and settled in Sindh and Punjab. Later on they started their
missionary work. After the invansion of Sultan Mahmud of
Ghazna those Muslim Scholars and Sufis who arrived in India.
The names of famous Sufis are given below.
Shaikh Ismail
Sayyed Nathar Shah
Shah Sultan Rumi
Abdullah
Data Ganj Baksh
Shaykh Safiuddin Garzoni
Shaykh Yusuf gurvizi Multani
Sultan Sakhi Sarwar
Mohammad Ali25
Shaikh Ismail belonged to sayyed family of Bukhara and
was well versed in both traditional and rational sciences. He
migrated from Bukhara and settled at Lahore in 1005 A.D. He
devoted himself the propagation of Islam in the region.
Sayyed Nathar Shah. The converted Muslim (969 A.D. -
1039 A.D.) was the most famous of the early sufis in India. It is
12
said that the traveled many countries such as Arabia, Presia
and many parts of Northern India and at last settled in
Trichinopoly where he died in 1039 A.D.26
The Sufis as mentioned earlier came to India before the
establishment of the Sultanate of Delhi and that in later period
their number increased.
The main centres of the Chishti silsilah, the most popular
of all the orders were Ajmer, Narnaul Sarwal, Nagaur, Hansi,
Ajodhyan, Badaon and other towns of U.P. and a good number
of the followers of this order were found in Bengal, Assam and
the Decan. The Chisti order was very popular and it achieved
extra-ordinary success due to the liberal Catholic outlook of
many of its saints.
The Sufis played an important parts in shaping the
character of the people. Barani speaks of Shaikh Nizam-uddin
Auliya, Shaikh Alauddin, and Shaikh Rukh-uddin who adorned
the age by their noble practices and discourses. They exercised
immense influence upon the people and as a result of their
work for propagation teachings many people were put on the
road to righteousness and started devotional prayer. They were
engrossed in religious talks works and prayer became part and
parcel of their life.
13
The Chishti Saints made no discrimination between
people on the basis of their wealth, religious beliefs and family
status. At a time when the Turks had overlooked the Islamic
concept of brother hood and looked down on the ordinary
people including the converts. The sufi attitude of non
discrimination not only made them popular, but helped to
relieve social tensions. Thus, the doors of Nizam-uddin Aaliy's
Jamaat-Khana were always open to people for help, support
and advice. This attitude and behaviours was great appealing to
the common including non-Muslims.
Role of Ulama
With the establishment of Muslim rule in India, many
Muslim Scholars, Ulama and Sufis arrived in India. The Ulama
played very important role in the Society, there comprised
scholars, teachers, qazis, (Judges) jurists, muhtasibs (censor of
public morals) preachers, khatibs. Barani, the well-known
historian of the Delhi Sultanate (1206-1526 A.D.) furnishes us
a plenty of interesting information about the Ulama and their
contribution to the propagation of Islam and development of
Islamic learning. According to him the Ulama who rendered
remarkable services in the dissemination of Islamic learning
and development of Islamic culture they not only achieved
14
distinction in the study of fiqh, teaching of Islamic sciences.
But also contributed to the progress of these sciences, through
their works in Arabic and Persian. It is noteworthy that Ulama
known as Ulama-i-Akhirat made significant contribution in this
connection. Barani states that several of them delivered
religious discourses in public, attended by a large number of
people. Some of the contemporary rulers also showed interest
in their sermons and used to attend them. They were specially
known as mudhakkiran^s (preachers and sermonisers).
In the Khalji period (1290-1320 A.D.) there existed many
Ulama who upheld the standard of the faith and worked for the
development of Islamic Culture.
The Khairul Majalis, Malfuzat of Sheikh Nasiruddin
Chiragh-i- Delhi, also contains a good account of the religious
services of the Ulama in general and the Mudhakkirin
particular. They won the hearts of many people by their
religious discourses and preachings. Among the Mudhakkirin
Maulana Shihabuddin Awshi was very prominent.29 Siyarul
Auliya,30 Tarikh-i-Mubarakshahisi Masalikul Absar32, THE
other historical, biographical and hagiographical works of the
early period Mudhakkiruns contain valuable accounts of the
mudhakkirs and their propagation works.
15
They made conscious efforts of proselytising Hindus and
other non believers to Islam. Infact, the nature of their work
provided them with better opportunities of mingling with a
cross section of people, for they delivered their sermons in the
public where non Muslims could be attracted. Another factor
which further obliterates the proselytising contribution of the
medieval Ulama is the fact that they are often confused with the
Sufis, as no clear demarcation line is generally drawn between
the genuine 'Ulama and the true Sufis it was a religious fashion
in the middle ages, that the pious Ulama in their quest for the
purification of their soul and eventual salvation on the day of
judgment adopted several sufi traditions by becoming disciples
of sufis and in due course by turning into Sufis and pirs in
their own right, enlisting their own disciples and murids.
Peaceful missionaries who introduced Islam in this
subcontinent arrived almost simultaneously in west and south
India, especially in Sindh and Western Coast traditionally called
by the Arabs as Malabar. In their fore front were the traders
and merchants of both Arab and Indian Origin.
16
References
1. Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, Some Aspect of religion and politics
in India during thirteenth Century, Aligarh, 1961, p.67
2. Ibid, p.68
3. A. Subhan John, Sufism its saints and Shrines, Lucknow,
1960, p. 18
4. Ibid, p. 119
5. Elliot, History of India, Idarah-i-Adabiyat, Delhi, Vol.1,
pp.115-116.
6. Row lanson: Tuhfat ul Muhahidin, p.25, quoted by Tara
Chand, Influence of Islam on Indian Culture.
7. Ibid, p.26
8. Ibid, p.27.
9. Elliot, History of India, vol-I, P. 120.
10. Tara Chand, Influence of Islam on Indian Culture, p.29
11. Ibid, 29
12. Ibid, 29
13. Syed Sulaiman Nadwi, Indo Arab relations, Hyderabad
1962,p.l20.
17
14. I.H. Qureshi, The administration of the Sultanate of Delhi,
Lahore, 1942, pp.2-3.
15. Kufi mention at various places that Chieftains and others
accepted Islam on the invitation of Muhammad bun
Qasim (e.g. p.209).
16. Syed Sulaiman nadwi, Indo Arab relations, 1962, p. 131
17. Buzur b. Shahariyar, Ajaib-ul-Hind, E.J. Brill, 1883-
1886, p.3
18. Elliot and Dowsan, History of Sindh, Delhi, vol.1, p.26.
19. Ibid.
20. In this period Umayyids were replaced by Abbsides,
Yaqut, V. p.419.
21 . A. Subhan John, Sufism its saints and Shrines, Lahore,
1938, p.118-19.
22. M.N. Nabi, The Development of Muslim Religious in
Thought in India, Aligarh, 1962, p.6
23. Ibid., p.6
24. Ibid., p.7
25. Mohammad Inamul Haq, A History of Sufism in Bengal,
Bangladesh, 1975, pp. 5, 6, 7.
18
26. Ibid, p.26
27. Shams Siraj Afif, Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi, Calcutta, 1891,
pp.341-342.
28. Zia-ud-din Barani, Datawa-i-Jahandari, pp. 154-55
29. The role of Ulama in the spread of Islam in the Indo-Pak
subcontinent. A Critical Appraisal M.Y.M. Siddiqi, Journal
of Objective Studies, vol.3, No. January, 1997, Chief
Editor, Dr. F.R. Faridi, Editor, Dr. M.M. Siddiqi
30. Ibid, 50
31 . M.Y. Siddiq, Journal of Objective Studies, op. c i t , p.55.
32. Ibid.
33. Ibid.
19
CHAPTER - II
SOCIAL STRUCTURE IN SULTANATE PERIOD
CHAPTER-II
SOCIAL STRUCTURE IN SULTANATE PERIOD
As regards division of the population. Baranii speaks of
persons of low birth and high birth, illiterate, wise and foolish,
artists, free born and abids, merchants, darveeshes, soldiers,
bazaris, cultivators employed and un-employed. In the Fatawa-
i-Jahandar2 he refers to religious scholars, mystics. Physicians,
astrologers, artisans, dancers, buffoons, tavern-keepers,
jugglers, story-recitors, wrestlers and jokers. The author of the
Tarikh-i-Mubarak Shahi^ speaking about the people of Delhi
and its vicinity refers to amirs, maliks. Sadat, mashikh,
artisans, merchants and the cultivators. These observations of
the chroniclers throw a significant light on the social and
economic life of the population. It was possible for an individual
to rise from the lower to a higher class even as high as a leading
position in the government. But still some distinction was
maintained though there was no rigidity about it.
The population was divided into three classes with. At the
top of the social order were the governing class or military
aristocracy and relatives of the King. In the next were men of
the pen, comprising theologians and literatures, Mashaikhs and
Sadat. At the bottom of the ladder were Awam-i-Khalaa or the
20
common people comprising peasants, professional clerks and
men of business like artisans, bankers, money-lenders,
merchants and professional people, homeless city-dwellers and
vagrant religious mendicants.
The composition of various social classes was more or less
simple. The Sultan considering that he was the leader of the
people and the main guarantee of peace in this world of strife
and chaos was at the head of society. The nobles and other
privileged classes were in some form of subordinate alliance
with him. The masses of the people (which term includes the
various classes of Hindus and the lower classes of Muslim) were
below them and divided from them by an almost impossible
barrier in ordinary circumstances'* just at the commenced of
the Muslim rule, there was an almost indiscriminate
commingling of the upper Muslim classes, which were mainly
composed for the Ulama and the religious class in general.
The Ahl-i-Qalam (what might be termed the intelligent)
and the Ahl-i-Tigh or Soldiers. All of them served in various
degrees in the great task of establishing Muslim rule and were
rewarded accordingly by the monarch^ with the growing
organization of the state and Muslim society, however, a certain
2]
amount of specialization began in the assignment of the
functions of various classes of Muslim.
MUSLIM SOCIETY
The position of the privileged classes in their broad
divisions :-
1. The umara or the nobility.
2. The ulama or theologians together with other religious
classes^.
Umara its Characters:
Immediately below the monarch come his nobles. They
usually supported him in power, but at times usurped his
functions and if a ruling dynasty grew weak. They stepped into
its shoes and founded a new ruling dynasty of their own. Even
if a noble was deposed or otherwise robbed of his position and
power. The traditions of former dignity and social honour were
unfailingly handed on to his descendants; and with the
approbation of the people, who tenaciously adhered to the
hereditary principle, restoration to former power and was only a
question of time and opportunity.
A noble usually began his life as a slave or a retainer of
the Sultan or of another noble and proceeded on a graduated
22
scale of promotion until a suitable opportunity brought to him
the dignities of an office and the rank of an Amir. Hence forth
he was treated as a noble and his social position, as well as
that of his descendants, was secure for ever afterwards. There
was no valid rule of succession to the throne or any peculiar
dignity which is associated with an ancient ruling house; there
was not even a law of primogeniture, a fact which made the
occupant of the throne very suspicious of the growing influence
and power of a noble and his assumption of an independent
attitude. A noble had no other choice except that of living as all
other subjects of the Sultan or as a rebel. Thus in comparison
with the privileges of their western compeers or nearer home
those of Rajput Chiefs, the privileges of the nobles of Delhi fill
short in one important respect, namely, that the state did not
encourage their independence or even allow their titles and
emoluments to descend to their children. Their dignities could
be snatched away from them during their lifetime and were
always at the mercy of the reigning Sultan. This did not,
however affect the social importance"^ of a noble or of his
decedents.
The Titles and Distinctions:
23
The highest among the nobles bore the title of Khan which
signified the uppermost grade of nobility^. As a special
distinction some of them were given the title of Ulug Khan-i-
a'zam^.
Next in rank came the title of Malik and lastly that of
Amir. There was no lower rank of peers in the court of Sultans
of Delhi.
The Khans, as has been sad occupied the highest rank
next to them were the Maliks who were usually raised from
among the Amirs on certain occasions, as for instance the
installation of new monarch, or on the discharge of some very
conspicuous services to the state^o.
The Maliks shared with the Khans some of their ordinary
privileges although a difference of degree was always retained.
They were similarly entitled to be addressed by their title of
Malik and any additional titles of honour a breach of the rule
being punishable at law^i it was the same with the last rank of
the Amirs.
The Nobility and the Sultanate of Delhi:
In the early period of the Sultanate, the 'Umara' or nobles
held very high position their significance was duly recognized
by Sultan Shams-ud-din lltutmish and other Sultans. The
24
establishment of the Kingdom had only been possible because
of the support and the devotion of there chiefs who came from
the same class as other monarchs of the slave dynasty, and had
no particular reason to subordinate themselves like other
common subjects for the state to will of the Sultan. As a result,
long before the region of Sultan 'Ala-ud-din Khalji, the power of
the nobles and their organization began to develop. They
organized themselves into a corporate body of nobles which was
better known as 'the forty' who were most powerful nobles of
early Sultanate period.
The composition of the JNTobility:
It is difficult to give the exact number of nobles of various
ranks under the Sultanate^^ in point composition. They were a
heterogeneous body, being composed of all sorts of foreigners
and Indians, whose character and number varied wiUb. every
ruling dynasty. In the beginning of the Muslim rule almost all
for them were of Turkish extraction. The Afghans came to be
incorporated gradually at a later date. They are said to have
come to, India from Roh, a territory between Hasan Abdal and
Kabul, and claimed to be descended from the Sultans of Ghur.
Firuz Shah Tughluq was the fist monarch who extended his
favours to the Afghans though the latter had come and settled
25
in India long beforei3 the Mongol invasions introduced a small
element of Mongols who accepted Islam and were favoured by
the state in the beginning. They were given the appellation of
Non-Muslims or new converts to Islam. The Tughlugs are
supposed to be of a 'mixed breed' being originally the slaves of
Sultan Balban who had intermarried with the Jats in
Hindustanis.
The Ulama or Theologians with other religious Classes:
The religious class of those days included the theologians,
Sufis, the Sayyids, and their descendants of these, the most
important were Ulama of theologians. Whose functions and
position in the state have been dealt with previously. The
theologians who occupied the judicial and religious offices in
the Sultanate were collectively known as T)iastas-bandan', or
turban-wearers, because they were their official head-dres
called Amama (lurban). The Sayyids were recognized by their
distinctive head-dress of a pointed cap or Kulahand were
known as kulah-daram or cap wearer^s.
Sadat, descendant of the Prophet Mohammad through his
daughter Fatimah, constituted a very respected section of the
Muslim society.
26
Sayyeds came to the capital during the time of
Iltutmishi6. It is difficult to assess the numerical strength for
the Sayyeds and non-Sayyeds, but a considerable number of
Sadat settled in different parts of the country^^. Sultan
Iltutmish is reported to have instructed his son to consider it as
a rule and basis of the Islamic faith to honour and severe the
descendants of Prophet^s. fhat great reverence was shown to
the Sadat is evident from the statement of Barani when he says
that he had the good fortune of meeting Syed Taj-ud-din and
Syed Rukn-ud-din. Barani speks very highly about Sadat in
general and those of Kaithal in particular Sultan Balban was
very particular in attending the funerals of Sayyeds i from the
very beginning the sentiment of respect for the Sadat was
strong in India.
The Sadat maintained their livelihood by adopting varied
types of Professions. Normally they took the work of teaching or
joined the judicial services^o the Economic position of the
Sayyeds as Gleaned from literature of the period cannot be
stated to be satisfactorysi. Afif says that owing to the generosity
of Firoz the Sadat married their daughters in young age. They
received stipends and scholarships throughout the period.
27
Their economic position fluctuated depending upon the
generosity of Sultans and Amirs.
In Muslim Society a prominent place is accorded to Ulama
as they had great influence over the common Muslim. They also
had very effective role remoulding the society of the time. They
occupied a commanding place both in secular and religious
affairs. The status enjoyed by the ulama in Muslim society can
be gleaned from the tradition of the Prophet which states that
"the ulama are the heirs of the Prophet. On the day of
Resurrection the ink used by the Scholars will bout weigh and
turn the scale. The world exists on account of the piety of the
learned. The laws of shariat are enforced by them, and they
attempt to stop unlawful practices and to eliminate innovations
for Muslim society it is natural if the people expected ulama to
be chaste truthful, science, adherent to the shariat and sunnah
and free from all worldly greed. The ulama were classified by
the contemporary historians into two major categories^s
Ulama-i-Akhirat
Ulama-i-Dunya
This classification was not according to the standard of
knowledge but in view of their approach to mundane affairs and
the maintenance of the high standards of conduct.
28
The ulama-i-Akhirat kept themselves aleof from worldly
greed. They put aside their own desires to render themselves
agreeable to all. They were respected.
Uama-i-Dunya held the world dear. They were experts in
explaining away their irresponsible statements and actions. A
worldly-minded Alim felt no scruple in finding excuses for the
Sultan jalal-ud-din Tabrezi once observed that the one great
ambition of such ulama was to become Mutawallis or Teachers
or Qazis and Sadr-i-Jahan their highest ambition of life was to
become Sadr-i-Jahan^s. At that time posts of Sadr-i-Jahan24,
Shaikhul Islam25, Qazi and Mufti ^ were filled in by the Ulama.
Some times the influence of the ulama was on the wane
due to the attitude of the reigning sovereign. This happened in
the time of Ala-ud-din khilji and Mohammad Tughlaq but
during the reign of Balbab, Firoz Tughlaq and Sikandar Lodi, as
also during the short reign of Sher Shah, the Ulama wielded a
tremendous influence and their voice was felt in matters,
political as well as religious27 it was the intrinsic virtue of the
individual ulama that gave them an effective reverenceand a
distinct place in the Muslim society. Whatever might be said
against those hypocritical, conceited and selfish ulamas, cases
are not rare of fearless ulama who gave their independent views
29
and their interpretation of the real spirit of Islam without any
consideration of the consequences that migh follow . There from
Shihab-ud-din28 called Haq-go (Truthful). Muhammad
Tughlaq's questioned justificationof assessing title of Adil.
Sikandar Lodi wanted to destroyed a temple and a tank of
Kurukshetra were the Hindus used to go for a holy dip ulama
were consulted over this matter. Mian Abdullah of Ajodhyan
stated that as it was against the spirit of Islam to interfere with
their the religious rights of muslims. Mian Abdullah was
threatened with death penalty for his view
At last the sultan had to bow down before his father29.
Merchants and Traders:
Another distinct class of the society was that of the most
prosperous were the three groups of Hindu merchants:-
(a) The bankers (Sarrafs and Sahus)
(b) The transport merchant (Tujjars)
(c) Wholesale merchants
With regard to bankers and money-changers. Barani^o
tells us that the Multanis and Sahus of Delhi provided loans on
interest to the extravagant and luxurious nobles of the time. As
30
a result of their money-lending business they became rich.
They used to get reward and presents from the nobility. The
creditor and money-lenders frequented the houses of the debtor
nobles3i. They also used to advance loans to foreigners who
came to India in order to purchase articles of presents32 for the
sultan.
Ibn Batuta says33 that the merchants of sindh and Hind
advanced a loan of thousand dinars to every new-comer
intending to visit the sultan. They provided him with all that he
needed for the purpose of offering presents to the King and to
facilitate the purchase of animals and goods for personal use.
They not only rendered monetary help but personal services to
such persons. Their debt was paid with the gift the Sultan gave
them. Thus they made enormous profit . The money lenders
some times relieved even the Sultan of their financial worry34.
The borrower was to execute a document and the creditor
was expected to keep the document the Multanis had
specialized in money lending business. Barani^s tells us that
often the death of Sultan Ala-ud-din Multani sold articles at
profitable rates. Under favourable circumstances the merchants
and shop-keepers became prosperous. We glean something
about the economic position of the mechants under Firoz Shah
31
from Barani36. According to Barani they became the rulers of
the market. They bought as they liked and sold as they liked
and thus as a result of absence of competition the prosperity of
the shop-keepers, merchants and bankers reached lacs and
crores.
We hear of Merchants, some dealing in horses some in
slaves and some in clothes^^ we are told that some articles like
wheat, gram, sugar-candy were carried from Delhi to those
places where these were not available^s the merchant went to
far off places and stayed there for two or three years^^. The
merchants also accompany the army, they had to seek
permission of the chief of all town. In order^o to get their
consent they used to offer giff i there were also some
restrictions on the movement of articles.
Sometimes the attitude of the officials was not
encouraging. Merchants brought grain, salt, sugar and other
goods laden upon beasts of burden into the city. The men of the
Diwani seized those animals by force and sent them to old
Delhi. It caused great inconvenience to the merchants. The
merchants had also to pay tremsit duty or toll tax42 Jbn Batuta
tells us that it was the custom at Multan that one-fourth of the
32
commodities brought by the merchants was appropriated by
the state and on every hoarse was levied a tax of seven dinars.
Later on these taxes were remitted'^s. In spite of all there
obstacles trade continued to develop and those who were
occupied with this profession became quite prosperous.
In addition to the merchants the artisans, the land a
important place in the society. There was different categories of
artisans such as:
Khabbaz (Bakers), Halwai (confectioners), Zarger (Gold
smith), Ahangar (Black Smith), Darzi (Tailor), Kufshdoz (Shoe
makers), Kulah-doz (cap-makers), Moza-doz (makers of
stocking), Kamanger (bowbaker), Kuzagar (potter).
Amir Khusrau condemns those goldsmiths who took out a
portion of the gold by heating it and using borax. They were
masters of manipulation.^^. Yet their fine workmanship earned
praise."^5
Another important member of the artisan community was
the blacksmith. They manufactured various implements. Amir
Khusrau makes special mention of the fine flexible swords. He
refers to a certain blacksmith who made the sword as thin as
the leaf of a willow and shook even when there was no breeze.^5
Speaking about the needle-worker he says that the needle
33
worker had borne so much pain attaining such perfection in his
profession that his thorn like iron needle. He made golden
flowers to blossom.'^^
Beside the individual artisans there were those who were
employed in the emperors Kaskhana. Shihab-ud-din, the
author of masalik-ul-Absar, tells us that Sultan Muhammad
Tughaq employed five hundred manufacturers of golden tissue,
who wow the gold brocade.'^s We are about the existence of an
embroidery house of the Sultan in Delhi in which four
thousand workers in silk prepared different kinds of
embroidered royal robes and other clothes.'*^
Amir Khusrau has given a vivid account of different kinds
of artisans. His observation on the dignity of labour and the
lawful and unlawful professions of the different kinds of
artisans is interesting and important. He tells us that he
professional artisans earned their livelihood by lawful means.^o
Some historians are of the view that India had a large number
of skilled artisans who could be compared favourably with
similar people elsewhere in the world.
Domestic and Slaves:
At the lower level of the society there were domestic and
slaves who were a familiar feature of every respectable Muslim
34
home.51 The life of a Muslim nobleman was so much divided
between war (Razm) and pleasures (Bazm) that he hardly
foundany time to attend to his personal and domestic work. In
course of time the code of social behaviour began to view
domestic work as unworthy of a gentleman's dignity and
honour. The most important section of these domestics
comprised of male and female slaves. Many of them come slaves
were from other countries. Among the slaves of India origin,
those of Asam were especially valued because of their strong
physique and their powers of endurance. Their price being
many times that of slaves of other nationalities.52
A special class of slaves was employed for the care of the
female inmates of the harm. They were usually bought in
childhood and castrated. Trade in eunuchs was carried on in
Bengal in thirteen century. They were sometimes imported also
from the furthest Maly islands.53 No doubt, slaves were at
the bottom of the social ladder, but they could rise to the top in
fact he could be anywhere. With the mass of the
chandalaspayaks in the country, slavery could only be an
artificial institution. In ancient Greece and Rome the slave had
no right to life even.
35
In India slaves right to life and livelihood were
guaranteed. Slavery come to an end when the master was
unable to feed his slave. The position of a slave was better than
that of chandala slavery as an institution was so well
established that Barani records the advantages and
disadvantages of retaining slaves in Fatawa-i-Jehandari.
He observes: "Owing to a large number of slaves the king
looked powerful and dignified In order to maintain their
peculiar distinction and to establish their superiority in courage
and loyalty over the King's ordinarj' servants, the slaves enter
into battles and fort-sieges before the rest of the army; and they
strike with their hearts and souls for the success of every
enterprise The pride and arrogance of the army-officers
decreases at the sight of their organization. When the slaves are
numerous. No community or groups prefer of them can think of
over-powering the government. At the same time they could be
dangerous for the state "Most of the slaves are reckless and
shameless there can be no permanent security against their
revolt.54
Female Slaves:
Female slaves were of two kinds those employed for
domestic and menial work, and other who were bought for
36
company and pleasure. The former, wanting in education and
skill, and bought expressly for rough domestic work, were often
subjected to all sorts of indignities.ss The latter had a more
honorable and sometimes even a dominating position in the
household. Apart from the slave girls of India, female slaves
were also imported from China and Turkistan.^^
Slave were sold in market one such market was at Delhi.57
Ibn Batuta tells us that a slave from Kanru (Kamrup was in
Assam) was worth several times more than the slaves of other
stocks.58 He found plenty of slave girls in Bengal.^^ Even the
Hindu kingdom of Mithila served as emporium of slaves.
The owners of the slaves purchased females and united
them in wedlock with their male slaves.
Chroniclers refer to the price of slaves-male an female the
price as obtainable from the slave market of the time Sultan
Ala-ud-din may be noted. The price of a working girl was fixed
between five and twelve tankas and a good looking gir could be
had between twenty and thirty and forty tankas.
Male Slave:
Male slave of handsome appearance also were rated high
and good price was paid for them price of handsome slave boys
ordinarily varied from twenty and thirty tankas. Mulik Kafur is
37
called Hazar-Dinari because he is said to have been purchased
for a thousand dinar, but it was the work and the
accomplishments of the male slaves which attracted buyers. A
working slave was available at ten or fifteen tankas and ill
favoured boys and sevean and eight tankas.^o A good looking
boy of tender age could be purchased at a few gold dinars.^i
With regard Babary (Abyssinian slaves) and Ghulamm-i-
Zangi (Ethiopean or negro slaves). Amir Khusrau observed that
they were tall, stout-bodied and very fast runners. They ran so
fast like giants that even the shooting stars in the atmosphere
could not keep pace with them.^s
Relation between master and slave:
Vachaspati Mishra lays down conditions fo the
emancipation of slaves in the Hindu society.^s The liberation of
slaves in Islam was looked upon as the highest
In Islam slavery was allowed under some emergent
requirements, but it always encouraged their liberation and
considered this as on highest act of virture entitling its maste to
a special reward in the next world. They wre to be regarded as
members fo the family. A slave was sometimes preferred to a
son.64 There are many instances of intimate and happy
relations between the two slaves were taken in to the social
order of their masters and they shared their ideas and
contributed towards the growth of a homogenous culture and
also exercised a positive. Sometimes powerful, influence on the
direction of the affairs of the government. When once a courtier
expressed regret at the fact that Mohammad Shihab-ud-din
Ghori had no son. The Sultan replies "I have so many sons in
my Turkish Slaves. Qutb-ud-din as a slave read the Quran with
the Qazi's son and also learnt the art of riding.^s Balbon was
treated by his master, Khwaja Jamal-ud-din, like a son.^^ The
slaves were entrusted with responsible posts.^? Literary
evidences also testify to the manumissionof slaves.^s Ibn Batuta
tells us that Sultan Mohammad Tughlaq manumitted his slaves
on the fourth day of Edi evey year. 69 Slaves did numerous and
varied types of work. Domestic slavery was one of the prevalent
features during the period under consideration. The nature of
their household wok depended upon the economic status of
their masters.'^o
Some of the slaves engated by a Sultan used to work as
Chashni-gir (Tasterof Food), Saqi-i-Khas (special cup bearer),
Sar-abdar (incharge of drink). Khassa-dar (incharge of master's
meal) etc.' i
39
The best testimony to the trust of the Sultans on slaves
was their employment as informers. Sultan Ala-ud-din
employed slave boys to verify the market prices J2 We are told
by Ibn Batuta the Sultan Mohammad Tughlaq kept one of his
slaves with every amir. Great or small to watch his activities.
The slave-spy informed the Sultan about the activities of the
Amirs.73 Those who were brave, trust-worthy and loyal were
appointed as personal body-gurads of their master.^^
References are also found to the employment of slaves by the
merchamt class to ensure their personal safety. The slave looked
after the comfort of his master and transacted business also.' s
Valour, beauty and trustworthiness were not the only
qualities of the best slaves, some including female slaves, were
fairly educated. Some slave girls knew the Quran by heart and
were good swimmers and riders. They performed the five daily
prayers and observed the fasts regularly.^s Afif tells us that the
slaves were given training in different vocations. Many became
artisan and craftsmen.' '
Slavery during the period did not form a regular part of
productive work as was the case with contemporary European
counties. There was nothing like agrarian selfdom. The slaves
for the most part confined themselves to the house-hold duties.
40
Shariat enjoins that slaves should be treated humanely and
also guarantees them a more dignified position. The inner sense
of equality and a religious motherhood provided the slaves in
many cases with opportunities to rise in the social scale and
brought them to the very highest position in the state. Some of
them became the progenitors of ruling dynastic. Often talented
slaves acquired a position of intimacy with the rules and finally
they themselves occupies important positions in the state.
Hindu Society:
The distinctive feature of Hindu Society was its division of
into castes and sub-castes, as it is even today.^^ Let us make a
note here of the foet that, as a result of Muslim impact a
number of old social and legal functions had passed outside the
operation of caste rules. The position and the legal and formal
powers of the Brahman had undergone a considerable change
with the fall of the old time Kshatriyas or the ruling classes of
Hinduism. On the other hand with the elimination of the moral
rivalry of the Kshatriyas, the authority and personal influence
of Brahmans increased among the Hindu masses. This led to
even more restrictions of caste rules and a wider caste
jurisdiction in marriage and diet, and a few other sphres that
were left to them.
41
It is difficult to give the exact number of castes which
existed in the early Muslim period. Nicolo Conti puts the
number of groups wherein no man of one creed will drink, eat
or marry with those of others at eighty-four.^o The orthodox and
popular tradition of Hindustan counts thirty six such castes
which include, besides the subcastes of the Brahmans, the
Kshatriyas and the Vaisyas. Other separate occupational castes
namely those of brewers, goldsmiths, weavers, betel-leaf sellers,
tim workers, shepherds, milkmen, carpenters, smiths, bhats,
ahirs, kayasthas, dyers, flower-sellers, caloco-paintes, barbers,
oilmen, jugglers, mountebanks, musicians and still others,^^
A number of social and economic factors were operating
to modify the rigidity of the caste system and to change the
relative position and privileges of the old higher castes of
Hinduism, of these factors, one was the introduction and
spread of Islam in India. The essentially proselytizing nature of
the faith of Islam, and the Profession of social equality and
fraternity among its followers, opened its doors wide to receive
the lower castes of Hindu Society. Its offer had an additional
force because it came from those who ruled over India, and
possessed unlimited resources.
42
A popular liberal and catholic religion began to spread in
India deriving its inspiration from more democratic creeds
offering extraction. As against the older creeds of 'Deeds* and
'Knowledge' this new creed based itself on 'Bhakti' or devotion
of man to the Divine being, and demolished, as it were, the
whole view of life centering round caste and the Ashrama.82
In other respects, the alterations in the economic position
of the various classes went a long way to modify the social
positions of the erstwhile higher and privileged classes. Under
the new conditions of life, the Brahmans, whose former
privileges and occupations did not equip them for any socially
useful vocation were in a very unenviable position.*^ Some of
them qualified as physicians and astrologers, and managed to
earn a living but on the whole they lived in a miserable plight,
unless they migrated to the kingdom of a Hindu chief where the
old order existed in same sort of vigour. The lower classes of
Hindus, on the other hand, who lived under the Sultanate were
no longer hampered by the old restrictions, even when they did
not accept the new faith of Islam, in some cases they made
notable material progress which reacted on their status in
Hindu Society.84 However, as we have remarked, the
introduction of Islam effected a change in the concept of classes
43
that of their relative position, but this could not uproot the
institution. Infact, Muslims were influenced by same Sultans
and they forgot the message of Quran in this regard.
44
REFERENCES
1. Shams Siraj Afif, Tarik-i-Firuz Shahi. Ed. Maulvi Vilayat
Hussain, Calcutta, 1891, pp.74, 108, 570.
2. A. Rashid, Society and Culture in Medieval India,
Calcutta, 1969, p.
3. K. M. Ashraf, Life and Condition of the people of
Hindustan, Delhi, p.
4. Ibid.
5. Ibid.
6. Ibid, pg. 55.
7. This rule however, does not hold god when the succeeded
informing independent ruling dynasties after Sultan Firuz
Tughluq.
8. Ibn Batuta, Kitab al-Rehla, Cairo, 1870-1, Vol. 1, Pg. 107.
9. K. M., Ashraf, Life and condition of the people of
Hindustan, p. 56.
10. Ibid, pg. 60.
11. Ibn Batuta, vol 1, p. 107.
12. Ibid, p. 65.
13. Ibid, p.66.
45
14. Ibid.
15. Ibid.
16. Ibid, 166.
17. Society and Culture in Medieval India, Calcutta, p. 18.
18. Ibid.
19. Ibid.
20. Ibid, p.21.
21. Ibid.
22. Society and culture in Medieval India, Calcutta, p.21.
23. Ibid.
24. Ibid, p.22.
25. Ibid.
26. Ibid.
27. Ibid, p.24.
28. Ibid.
29. Ibid.
30. Shams Siraj Afif, Rarikhi-Firuz Shahi, p. 120.
31. Society and culture in Medieval India, p.25.
46
32. Ibn Batuta, Eng. Tr. H.A.R. Gibb, Travels in Asia and
African London, 1957, p.25.
33. Shams Siraj Afif, Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi, p.61.
34. Shams Siraj Afif, Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi, p.385.
35. Ibid, p.554.
36. Minhaj-us-Siraj, Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Eng. Tr. H. G. Ravety,
Delhi, 1970, Vol 1,2, pp. 138, 159.
37. Society and culture in Medieval India, p. 26.
38. Shams Siraj Afif, Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi, p. 181.
39. Shams Siraj Afif, Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi, ed. Maulvi Vilayat
Husain, p. 181.
40. Ibid, pp. 375-376. .
41. Ibn Batuta, p. 12.
42. Society of culture in Medieval India, p.28.
43. Shams Siraj Afif, Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi, pp. 347-48.
44. Society and Culture in Medieval India, p.28.
45. Ibid, p. 28.
46. Ibid, p.28.
47. Elliot, H. M. (ed.) History of India as told by its own
Historians edited by Dowson, London, Vol. Ill, p. 578.
47
48. Society and Culture in Medieval India, p. 28.
49. Ibid.
50. Ibid.
51. Ibid, p.74.
52. Ibid.
53. Ibid.
54. Fatawa-i-Jahandari, of Zia-ud-din Barani, Eng. Tr. by
Afs£ir Begum under the title, The political theory of Delhi
Sultanat, Kitab Mahal, pp. 25-26.
55. Society and Culture in Medieval India, p.30.
56. Ibid.
57. Fatawa-i-Jahahdari, of Ziauddin Bareni Eng. Tr. by Afsar
Begum under the title. The political theory of Delhi
Sultanate, Kitab Mahal, p. 314; Society and culture in
Medieval India, p.31.
58. Rehla (G.O.S.), p.237.
59. Ibid, p.235.
60. Ibid, pg. 33.
48
61. Fatwa-i-Jahandari of Zia uddin Barani Eng. Tr. by Afsar
Begum under the title The political theory of Delhi
Sultanate, Kitab Mahal, p.3l4, A. Rashid, p.32.
62. Ibn Batuta, p.235.
63. Society and culture in Medieval India, p.34,
64. Ibid.
65. Ibid.
66. Ibid.
67. Ibid.
68. Ibid.
69. Fatawa-i-Jahandari of Zia uddin Barani pp. 134, 381.
70. Society and culture in Medieval India, p.34.
71. Ibn Batuta, p.63.
72. Ibid.
73. Ibid.
74. Ibid.
75. Ibid.
76. Ibid.
77. IbnBututa, p.105.
49
78. Society and Culture in Medieval India, p.36.
79. Society and Culture in Medieval India. P.36.
80. Afif, p.270.
81. Life and condition of the people of Hindustan, p.78.
82. Ibid.
83. Ibid.
84. Ibid, p .81.
50
CHAPTER - I I I
SOCIO-CULTURAL ACTIVITIES OF MUSLIM WOMEN IN SULTANATE PERIOO
CHAPTER-III
"SOCIO-CULTURAL ACTIVITIES OF MUSLIM WOMEN IN
SULTANATE PERIOD"
Women always played an important role in the social and
cultural life of a Society. They looked after the family and
managed the household. They had their own role in marriages,
religious ceremonies and festivals. Women lay and carry on the
customs and traditions in society with regard to education and
learning and various other cultural activities women made their
own contributions. A women as a mother occupied a pious and
honourable place in medieval society. The pain and suffering
which she undergoes at the time of the child birth and the
sacrifices which she make in the up bring up of her children
speaks of her selfless love. Amir Khusrau,^ Placed mothers on a
high pedestal by proclaiming that no child is born without a
mother. The first lesson of a child starts in his mother's lap.3 A
mother players a dominant role in budding up the character of
her children. She is the foremost teacher. If the mother is good,
gentle, and God fearing the children will naturally inherit these
virtues.4
Generally a mother's Chief concern revolves reduces
around the welfare and upbringing of her children in a proper
51
manner.5 This is also evident for the account of the poet
historian Amir Khusrau.^
In the Hindu Society, Sati was quite common but during
Muslim rule it was ordained that no widow could be ferried to
burn herself against her will. In the Muslim Society their
position was different. They were given due respect and honour
and their requirements were attended to with Sympathy. Sultan
Iltutmish is re-reported to have allowed widows to avoid the
enefit of "Iqta" (Land grant) given to their husbands.'^ But
Sultan Balban Stopped this practice and extended monetary
assistance to them.s Sultan Mohammad-bin Tughlaq also
worked for the welfare of the widows.^ Charity houses were
setup in him empire which were entrusted with the task of
providing relief and benefits, o Sultan Firuz Shah Tughluq was
also muchconcerned about the welfare of the widows. ^ During
the Lodi period Muhtasibs^^ were entrusted the task of finding
suitable match for the widow. 3 This is how the state attempted
to improve the status of widow. Thus, especially arrangement
for widow re-marriage proved to be boon for them Sultan
Sikander Lodi had great reverence for Niamat Khatun, the
widow of Qutb Khan Lodi ^ Niamat Khatun joined Sultan
Sikander Lodi's Camp while he was busy in the fortification of
52
Narwar fort in 1508 A.D.is The Sultan treated her with due
respect and honour. To show his reverence to Niamat-Khatun,
Prince Jalal Khan (Niamat Khatun was his foster mother) was
assigned the jagir of Kalpi,i6 besides 120 horses and 15
elephants. 1' He was provided with a huge sume of money and
was entrusted by Sultan Sikandar Lodi to take Niamat Khatun
to Kalpi where she was to be given all comforts. Sultan made all
these special arrangements inconsideration and s)mipathy for
the widow of Qutub Khan Lodi. ^
The seclusion of women continued to be inforce during
the Sultanate Period. The public appearance of women and
their equal participation along with men in various spheres of
life was not deemed congenial in the early medieval society.
Ismaili9 advocated for complete seclusion of women and
considered those women pure and moral who observed Purdah.
Amir Khusrau, harped on the same string with the help of
a number of metaphors and similies.20 The renowned poet
considered Purdah (veil) is the best ornament of women which
should be religiously observed.21 The place of women was home,
which provided the security and enabled them to lead a moral
life.
53
Such was the spirit of the age.22 In practice things were
slightly different, for we find women of the middle class without
purdah when they attended their duties. Ordinary women came
out to fetch water from tanks.23 well and rivers,24 women
generally moved in groups when they visited these places.^s
In the royal household purdah was generally strictly
observed.26 Raziya ardently followed this custom in the
beginning of her reign but in order to conduct the state affairs
she discarded her veil.27 The movement of women in places was
restricted probably to preserve the integrity and chastity of
women. It was with this aim that Sultan Firuz Tughluq28 and
after him, Sultan Sikander Lodi had put some restriction on
women for visiting tombs.29
Though a life of women was not free from seclusion and
segregation but they were not entirely confined to their house.
In order to participate in various activities women came out of
their homes. Their prime mode of transport was the palanqin^o
or the dola and chariots. A palanquin was used as a means of
transport by both men and women. But the one carrying
women had silken curtain.3i which symbolized that it was an
era of Purdah and seclusion for women.
54
Ibn Battutah, has vividly described the dola of
Makhdama-i- jahan, the mother of Sultan Mohammad-bin-
Tughluq.32 It was in the shape of a cot, knitted by Silken
threads, covered by bent sticks with bamboo projecting on
either sides.^^ The common women as well as women of royalty
used palan quin in order to move from one place to another.
Marriage was an occasion of Jubiation and celebration
during the sultanate also. Due to the dowry^^ system the
expenditure incurred at the time of marriage of a girl, marred
the very sanctity of the institution. To the royal household
marriage served political purpose too.^s In setting marriages
generally the parents played an important role and the
prospective bride and bridegroom hardly had any say?36 Even
in the royal household. The final verdict of the parents was
upheld the emotional set back which prince Khizr Khan had to
face in the beginning, and his marriage with Alpkhan's
daughter was primarily because of his mother, Malika-i-Jahan's
insistence.37
Efforts were made to provide financial relief to the parents
for the marriage of their daughters. During the reign of Sultan
Balban. Fakhruddin Kotwal made arrangement to provide
'\•^^^^ Azad 7^>^
dowry for the poor girls." o it was estimated that dowry of about
one thousand girls was provided by this benevolent noble.^i
In this context the contribution of Sultan Firuz Shah
Tugluq remains unsurpassed. The Sultan was greatly moved by
the sorrow and misery of the common masses especially on the
question of dowry. Thus he established a department known as
"Diwani-i-Khairat"'^2 under the supervision of Sayyid Amiri
miran, who was entrusted with the task of providing relief to
the financially handicapped parents. The needy parents sought
the help of this institution.'^^ The genuinely of the case was
examined and provisions were granted according to the needy
for this purpose. Three degree of grants were available-first,
second and third,'*^ after investigating the applicant's plea
grants were bestowed upon them which was either 50,30 or 20
Tankas.45
Divorce was instrumental in breaking the social contract
of marriage, women were divorced and often they were accepted
again as wives.^6 Qazi Nasiruddin divorced his wife, who was
later accepted by his disciple as his wife. ^ In Multan, the
period of waiting after divorce was not followed. A different
custom existed inMultan. The husband without divorcing their
wives, brought about matrimonial alliance of their wives with
56
other men.' s widow remarriage too were prevalent in the early
medieval society.49
Among the various means of amusement playing musical
instruments was quite popular with the Females. They were
skilled in playing instruments like vina, Sitar, flute, Majamir,
tabla and Sarangi^o Singing, painting, riding were the other
popular means of their entertainment-^^ Amir Khusrau^s
maintaining singing and dancing as items of amusement has
warned women not to patronize them, for it also bring illfame to
them. Women also took delight in playing polo, chess
chaupal.53 Swimming was also popular amongst women.54
The activities of the women mainly centred around
household choses. They took keen interest in spinning,
weaving,55 sewing, cooking and in serving food.56 Isami has
stressed that the place of women was the home " instead of
wearing the crown they should take interest in spinning and
weaving.58 Amir Khusrau, also considered spinning to be the
Chief activity of women. They should be able to spin "dupatta"
for themselves59 Even if they were wealthy women should not
abandon the task of spinning and weaving. Women went to
Hauz,60 rivers^i and wells^s to fetch water in pitchers for
household chores. Cooking and serving of food was another
57
duty of the females. Some of them prepared delicious dishes for
which they were often rightly rewarded. Asad Khan an
influential noble of Sultan Sikander Lodi, was so much pleased
after eating that tasty dish of fresh green leaves cooked by a
common women that he rewarded her with a plate full of gold
coins.^3 Hindu women who were well versed in household
duties sought employment at low wages in the house of
Muslims64. This depicts the pitiable condition to which they
were reduced and were called upon to earn their livings in a
hard way. They often helped their husband in the fields where
they especially looked after cattle.^^ a part from the household
chores women also worked in different capacities. As guard
they looked after the harem's security^^ whereas they were
employed inside the Harem to keep a record of its income and
expenditure. 67
The dresses of women were governed by the social status
and individual taste. The Muslim women dress comprised of
kurta along with shalwar (or lungi) and had a will the women of
Doab were seen wearing lahanga angiya and chola.^s
The garments of women were generally made of cotton,
wool, silk69 and leather.^o The women of Malwa wore
transparent clothes^i which generally had fme work of gold.72
58
Paicha-i-shalwar Khastak-i-Izar, Niganda, Dotah, Kulah, Dastar
were also popular dresses amongst the females J3 The public
women generally wore tight and transparent clothes J^
EDUCATION
Education has been deemed to be a radiant light which
illuminates the inner hidden qualities and talents of man.
Education was considered important in every period for men
and women for result of its building up their personality as well
as for making them useful for the society at large. This is also
required for socio economic development of the people.
In the first verses of the Holy Quran reading and writing
are mentioned and there are source of seeking knowledge as
well as transmitting it to others.^s
According to a tradition seeking knowledge is obligatory
on all the (Muslims man as well as women).
He is also reported to have said' ^
"Seek knowledge right from the cradle up to grave"
He used to inspire his companion every now and to seek
and develop their knowledge which may be useful for them and
others.
He is also reported to have said :
59
"No present or gift of a parent to a child out of all the gifts
and presents is superior to a good education".^7
There is also no bar in Islam for women to acquire
knowledge infact men and women both are exhorted to seek
and develop their knowledge in this is well known Education.
That Fatima Zohra, the daughter of the Prophet (SAW)
and Aiyasha his most favourite wife were the highly educated
ladies of the time. They were so effectively equipped with deep
knowledge of the Holy Quran, Hadith and Fiqh that can even
the contemporary leading learned men used to consult them
with regard to important issues. Besides there had been many
Muslim ladies in Muslim society in different periods including
medieval India.
There are historical evidence to suggest that during the
sultanate period many women were educated, though they
mostly belonged to upper class family,78 and the princesses of
the royal families were educated by learned teacher. But the
details regarding the mode of Education is insufficient. Amir
khusrau asserted that the women of royalty should be well
versed in the use of arms,^^ the emergence of Razia as an
accomplished sultan indicates that princesses were subjected
to military training along with primary education.so She was an
60
accomplished poetess and could recite the Holy Quran
correctlysi. Thus being a women of literary taste, she stood for
the cause of its propagation. She patronized men of letters82
and Madarsa-i-Nasiriya at Delhi became the centre of learning
during her reign.83
Prior to Raziya, Mah Malik popularly known as Jalalud-
Duniyauddin, the grand daughter of Alauddin Jahansaz created
a place for himself in literary field. She earned fame specially
because of her excellent writing.^ Bibi Razi, the wife of Sultan
Mahmud Sharqi of Jaunpur contributed much in the literary
field. She extended patronage to learned mean^s and opened a
number of Madrasas and colleges. Provision of stipend for
students and teachers were made by her to encourage the
cause of education.^s The Sharqi Sultanate of Jaunpur become
an important Centre of Education during her life time.
Except the reference of Ibn Battutah of separate
institution (in the Southern Coastal Hinwar) for girls. There
does not seen to be any such arrangement during the Sultanate
periods? n appears that the task of educating girls was
entrusted to private tutors.ss Still another evidence of Qanun-i-
Islam (by Jafar Sharife) indicates the presene of female
Maktab.89
61
An elaborate procedure was laid down when girls
commenced their schooling before attending the "Maktab" Idi a
sort of blessing for the students on coloured paper called
"Zarfishne^^o was inscribed. The relationship between the
teacher and pupil was based on love and cooperation. Gifts
from students and their parents were accepted by the teacher
before starting a new lesson and especially when the Holy
Quran was read out once.^i The day was the occasion of
jubilation and celebration. Holiday for half a day was granted in
the whole maktab when any student completed the reading of
the Holy Quran.92
Varous subjects were taught to the girls which included
the use of shields^^ wrestling and musical instruments along
the dancing, sewing, weaving and crafting. Sultan Ghiyasuddin
Khalji (1463-1500 A.D.) of Malwa was particular about
educating the women of his harem. Tutors were engaged to
educate the royal princesses.^4 During his reign about seventy
women were so well versed in the Holy Quran, that they recited
the whole of it, at a stretch, while the Sultan wore his
garments.
62
Notes:
1. Lokesh Chandra Nand, Women in Delhi Sultanate,
Allahabad, 1989, p. 164
2. Ibid., p. 165
3. Abdul Haq Muhaddis Dehlwi "Akhbar-ul Akhyar, Delhi,
1914, p.283; Rizvi, S.A.A., A History of Sufism in India,
New Delhi, 1978, Vol.1, P.403.
4. Lokesh Chandra Nand, Women in Delhi Sultanate,
Allahabad, 1989, p. 165.
5. Ibid.
6. Ibid.
7. Tarikh-i-Firuzshahi, Tr. Elliot and Dowson III, p. 107
8. Lokesh Chandra Nand, Women in Delhi Sultanate, 1989,
p. 170.
9. Narendra Nath Lawm Promotion of learning in India
during Mohamamdan Rule, London, 1916, p.45.
10. Ibid
11. Women in Delhi Sultanate, p. 171
12. Ibid.
13. Ibid.
63
14. Ibid.
15. Ibid.
16. Ibid.
17. Ibid.
18. Ibid.
19. Ibid.
20. Ibid.
21. Ibid.
22. Lokesh Chandra Nand, Women in Delhi Sultanate, p. 181
23. Ibid.
24. Ibid.
25. Ibid., p. 182
26. Yusuf Hussain, Glimpes of Medicual Culture, p. 129.
27. Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Tr. Elliot and Dowson II, p.335.
28. Fatuhat-i-Firuz Shahi, Tr. Elliot and Dowson II, p.380.
29. Lokesh Chandra Nand, Women in Delhi Sultanate, p. 182
30. K.M. Ashraf, Life and conditions of the people of
Hindustan, New Delhi, 1970, p.208.
31. Ibid, p. 173, Rashid, Society and culture, p.59
64
32. Lokesh Chandra Nand, Women in Delhi Sultanate, p. 183
33. Ibid.
34. Rashid, Society and Culture, p. 131
35. U.N. Day, Medieval Malwa, Delhi, 1965, pp.89-90.
36. Lokesh Chand Nand, Women in Delhi, p.201
37. Ibid.
38. Rashid, Society and Culture, p. 131
39. Lokesh Chand Nand, Women in Dlehi Sultanate, p .201.
40. K.S. Lai, Twilight of Sultanate, Bombay, 1963, p.280
41 . Lokesh Chandra Nand, Women in Delhi Sultanate, p.203.
42. Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi (A) Tr. Elliot 8& Dowson III, p.361
43. Rashid , Society and Culture, p. 131
44. Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi (A) Tr. Elliot & Dowson III, p.361
45. Lokesh Chandra Nand, Women in Delhi Sultanate, p.202.
46. Rashid , Society and Culture, p. 134
47. Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Tr. Elliot and Dowson II, p.335 K.A.
Nizami, Religion and Politics in India during thirteenth
Century, p. 137.
48. Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Tr. Elliot and Dowson II, p.338
65
49. Lokesh Chandra Nand, Women in Delhi Sultanate, p.206.
50. Rashid , Society and Culture, p. 131
51. A.B. Pandey, Society and Government in Medieval India,
Allahabad, 1965, p.202.
52. Lokesh Chandra Nand, Women in Delhi Sultanate, P.206;
53. Ibid, p.207
54. Rashid, Society and Culture, p.35, M. Mujeeb, the Indian
Muslims, London, 1967, p.210.
55. Isami, The Futuh-us-Salatin, ed. A Mahdi Husain Agra,
1983, EngTr. Agha Mahdi 1976, 1977, p. 129 Vol. II.
56. Hamid Qalander, Khairul Majalis, ed. K.A. Nizami,
Aligarh, p.93, Lokesh Chandra Nand, women in Delhi
Sultanate, p. 207
57. Isami, The Futuh -us Salatin, ed. A. Mahdi Husain, Agra,
1983, Eng. Tr. Agha Mahdi, 1976, P. 129, vol-II
58. Ibid, p.255
59. Loksh Chandra Nand, women in Delhi Sultanate, p.207
60. Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi (A) Tr. Elliot 85 Dowson, p. 163
61 . Lokesh Chandra Nand, Women in Delhi Sultanate, p.207.
62. Ibid.
66
63. Ibid., p.208
64. Ibid.
65. K.M. Ashraf, Life and Condition of the People of
Hindustan, p.214.
66. Abdul Haleem, History of Lodi Sultans of Delhi and Agra,
p.229
67. Ibid.
68. Ibid.
69. Lokesh Chandra, Women in Dlehi Sultanate, p.219
70. Ibid.
71. Ibid.
72. Ibid.
73. Ibid.
74. Ibid.
75. Lokesh Chendra Nand, Women in Delhi Sultanate,
Allahabad, 1989, p. 198.
76. Rahid, p. 144, opsit.
77. S. M. Jaffar, Education in Muslim India, Peshawar, 1936,
p.291.
67
78. Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Tr. Raverty, Delhi, 1970, vol. 1, p.637.
79. Ibid, p.392.
80. N. N. Law, p. 101.
81 . Yusuf Husain, Glimpses of Medieval Indian culture,
Bombay, 1957, p.77.
82. Rashid, Society and Culture in Medieval India, p. 144.
83. S. M. Jaffar some cultural aspects of Muslim Rule in
India, Peshawar, 1939, p.85.
84. S. M. Jaffar, Education in Muslim India, Peshaar, 1936,
pp.290-291.
85. Ibid.
86. N. N. Law, p.200.
87. Ibid.
88. Kishori Prasad Sahu, Some Aspects of North Indian Social
Life, Calcutta, 1973, p. 144.
89. N. N. Law, p.97.
90. Ibid, p. 98.
91 . N. N. Law, p.200, Sahu, p. 143.
92. Ibid.
93. Ibid.
94. Ibid.
68
CHAPTER - IV
ROLE OF MUSLIM WOMEN IN POLITICAL AND RELIGIOUS LIFE
CHAPTER-IV
ROLE OF MUSLIM WOMEN IN POLITICAL AND RELIGIOUS LIFE
KHUDAVANDA-I-JAHAN SHAH TURKAN IN ILBARI DYNASTY
The earliest reference of a lady who participated in
political activities in the Sultanate period is that of
Khudavanda-i-Jahan Shah Turkan.i She was originally a
Turkish female slave^ who rose to the status of chief queen of
Sultan Iltutmish by dint of her merit and charm.^
During the reign of her husband, Sultan Iltutmish she
patronized men of letters and gave liberal gifts and grants to
Maliks, and to Ulama and Sufis."* This made her popular not
only in the Social circle but valso made her effective in the
political arena. She enjoyed the support of a section of nobility.
It was with their co-operation that she succeeded in setting
aside the Vill of Sultan Illutmish thereby, securing the throne
for her son, Ruknuddin Firoz who was elevated to the throne on
6th June, 1236 A.D.s
Apart from her ambitions and intriguing nature she
stepped into prominence because of the incompetence and
pleasure loving temperament of her son. Sultan Ruknuddin
Firoz.6 The Sultan threw himself in merry making activities
69
ignoring completely the affairs of the state. This led Shah
Turkan to interfere in the day-to-day administration of the
Sultanate. She concentrated all power in her hand'^ and even
issued royal orders (Farman) in her name.^
Shah Turkan's prime objective was to keep the throne
safe and secure for Sutlan Rukhnuddin Firoz. This brought her
in conflict with the son of Sultan Iltutmish Qutbuddin, a
promising young prince of talents and merit. It was at her
instigation that prince Qutbuddin, was blinded and finally put
to death,9 in order to suppress any opposition from his side
against sultan Ruknuddin Firoz.
Thus further antagonized not only the state officers but
also the provincial governors of the Sultanate who broke out in
revolt against the tyrannical and oppressive rule. Malik
Ghiyasuddin Mahmud the governor of Awadh. Malik Izzuddin
Mohammad Salari The Governor of Multan and Malik Alauddin,
the governor of Lahore presented a united opposition to the
Sultan. 10
In order to secure her position she had to deal with
Raziya. The eldest daughter of Sultan Iltutmish. Raziya depend
the crisis by inciting the masses of Delhi against the oppressive
measures of Shah Turkan. The latter sought to imprison Raziya
70
to curb her activities, ii Unfortunately Shah Turkan's
conspiracy against the princes failed miserably. The people of
Delhi at Raziya's instigation brought an end to Sultan
Ruknuddin Firoz's short reign by taking Shah Turkan in
confinement 12 when the Sultan was busy in suppressing the
revolt at Kilukhari. The Sultan's return could not revive his
power, for Raziya was already elevated to the Thome.
Razi3rya Sultan
Raziyya Sultan (1236-1240) played a significant role in
political during the Sultanate period. Her accession to the
throne in the year 1236 A.D.i^ marked a new era in the history
of Delhi Sultanate. The elevation of a lady to the throne Delhi
Sultanate has importance mainly in view of the fact that those
days society was considered quite conservative. No Raziya, was
elevated Moreover, She was nominated by his father (Sultan
Altamash, as his successor because of her merits and talents. ^
He found his sons incompetent and saw in her the quality
befitting a ruler. Sultan iltutmish was confident that she would
shoulder the responsibility of the state in a better way than his
sons. Her major achievement lay not only in quelling the
opposition or curbing the disruptive forces but in creating an
71
atmosphere of peace and tranquility. She toned up the
administration and provided a new vigour to the Turkish rule.
She took charge of the government in a situation M hen
Delhi Sultanate was facing internal as well as external crisis.
The power of the nobility reached to tits height, after the
creation of 'core of forties' by Sultan iltutmish. This group
intervened in every issue of political importance, especially in
the question of succession, it was this class which became an
impediment in the accession of Raziya. The financial condition
of the Sultanate was deplorable as Sultan Ruknuddin Firoz had
drained out the state treasury by his extravagance. 5
The provincial nobles, taking full advantage of the weak
Sultan (Sultan Ruknuddin Firoz) grew rebellious and threw off
their yoke. 16
Note; Some of the who revolted against Sultan Ruknuddin
Firoz were Malik Ghayasuddin Muhammad, Malik Izzuddin
Muhammad Sulari, Malik Izzuddin Kabir Khan, Malik Saifuddin
Kochi and Malik Alauddin plunging the entire Sltanate into a
state of civil war. The menace of the Mongols was always felt on
the frontiers of the Sultanate.
Even during the rule of her father Raziya showed signs of
courage and ability and used to participate in the state affairs, i''
72
When the Sultan left for Gwalior expedition in the year 1231
A.D. He entrusted Raziya the task of administering the
Sultanate. During the interim period she carried out her duties
in the most appropriate manner, is
Sultan iltutmish watched all this with admiration. In his
hearts he was happy in grooming Raziya for the throne he even
struck a coin in Raziya's name to lend her popularity among
the masses. 19
Finally after returning form Gwalior expedition Sultan
iltutmish directed Tajul Mulk Mahmud, the Mushrif-i-Mumalik
to issue a farman declaring Raziya as heir to the Sultanate.20
This is notable that the validity the nomination of Raziya
was not questioned by the Ulema,2i on religious ground. But
the opposition came from the nobility and the close associates
of the sultan. Their man grudge was that in presence of sons
why should a daughter be clavated to the throne.22 The Sultan
pacified them by stressing upon the competence and merit of
Raziya with respect to other princes who took refuge in worldly
pleasures and showed no signs of taking interest in the state
affairs.23 However the moment sultan iltutmish breathed his
last, The tussle for crown gained momentum. The nobles easily
brushed aside the wishes of the sultan^-* and Ruknuddin firoz
73
was exalted to the throne with the efforts of his ambitious
mother Shah turkan25 who enjoyed unanimous support of the
nobles. But the sultan's indolent, luxurious nature coupled
with the administrative inefficiency of Shah turkan caused
turmoil in the sultanate.26 Even during the reign of Sultanate
Ruknuddin Firoz, Raziya remained and active force. Shah
turkan's (who practically run the administration in the name of
her son).27 Prime concern was to keep the throne safe and
secure for her son. Unfortunately her conspiracy to imprison
and kill Raziya failed.28
Raziya dressed in red robes addressed the masses on
Friday near Juma Mosque at daulat khanah to gain popular
support. 29
She sought the support of people against Shah Turkan
and Sultan Ruknuddin firoz who let loose a reign of terror in
the sultanate.30
She reminded them of her father's (Sultan Iltutmish) will
and pleaded them to be rational and compassionate to one who
would relieve them of such an oppressive regime.^i She even
resolved to abdicate the throne if she failed to conduct the state
affairs effectively. It appears that a sort of understanding
74
reached between Raziya and population of Delhi who extended
their support in elevating her to the throne.32
Thus gaining the support of a section of nobility, army
and that of the population of Delhi Raziya^s occupied the throne
of Delhi in 1236 A.D.
The sultan took prompt action and sent a contingent to
Kilu Khari with the instruction of taking the deposed sultan
into captivity.34 Sultan Ruknuddin Firoz was over powered,
taken in confinement and brought to Delhi where he died in
captivity later on.35
This did not clear the path of the Raziya. The biggest
opposition which threatened her to capture the throne came
from Nizam-ul-Mulk Junaidi^e Malik Alauddin Jani, Malik
Kochi, Malik Kabir Khan and Malik Izzuddin, Mohammad Salari
who besieged the city of Delhi.37 Raziya was not unnerued by
this grim situation. She crushed the insurgents with courage.
Among the nobles who extended their support and stood for
Raziya's cause was Malik Nusrutuddin Tayri, the governor of
Awadh.38 He marched to Delhi along with his supporters but
the insurgents took him in to captivity thereby preventing him
from extending military help to Raziya.27 but Raziya became
more assertive and bold in times of crisis she did not loose her
75
balance of mind, pitched her tent along with the army on the
banks of river yamuna to face the nobles.^o
Subsequently the two nobles Moammad Salari and Malik
Izzuddin Kabir Khan'n who were the pillars of the opponent
group secretly joined Raziya's camp and came out openly
against the erring nobles.' 2 This act of theirs paralysed the
whole resistance which shattered in no time. Malik Jani was
killed near a village called Payal whereas Malik Koochi and his
brother, Fakhruddin were taken into captivity and finally put to
death.43 Nizam-ul-Mulk, the arch and stubborn opponent of
Raziya took shelter in the sirmur hills, where he met an
unheroic death.^^
Finally Raziya's path was cleared not only by providence
but by her endurance, valour and tactfulness she now turned
into consolidate her position by making herself aware of even
minute details of administration. In this respect her first task
was to appoint her confident nobles in important offices so that
when ever necessary in times of crisis she could depend in their
loyalty and support. Thus Malik Kabir Ikhtiyaruddin Aitikin
was assigned the province of badaun.^s who later occupied the
post of Amir-i-Hajib.' 6 Malik Izzuddin Kabir was entrusted with
the province of Lahore.47 whereas Hindu Khan was appointed as
76
the governor of Uchch'*^ and Malik Taysi, as the governor of
Awadh. Khwaja Muhazzabuddin was bestowed the title of
Nizam-ul-Mulk and was entrusted the office of vazir.^Q Malik
Saifuddin Aibak was appointed as the commanden-in-chief of
the army v^dth the title of Qutlug khan, so After his demise Malik
Qutbuddin Hasan Ghori was entrusted with this office.si
Another important consideration which Raziya appears to
have in her mind while making these appointments was to
avoid the concentration of power in the hands of a particular
section of nobility. This aimed to prevent them from forming a
clique in the court for their selfish ends. Raziya embarked upon
the policy of enlisting and patronizing non-Turkish nobles on
whom she could bank upon in times of political crisis.52 thus
she patronized non-Turkish nobles to create a new force to
serve her political ends. Jamaluddin Yaqut, the Abyssinian
slave, received special consideration for being a non-Turk. He
occupied the prestigious office of Amir-i-Akhur.53 (The master of
horses) which according to tradition was enjoyed by turk
nobles. This act of Raziya faced great opposition from Turkish
nobles who were being deprived of their privileges and rights by
the Sultan.
77
The next step of Raziya was to establish place and order
within the Sultanate. She turned her attention towards
Ranthambhor,54 a region which was a constant source of
trouble since the days of Sultan lltutmish. After the demise of
Sultan lltutmish the Chauhans under the leadership of
vagbhatta.55 Threw off the royal yoke and besieged the fort of
Ranthambhor. Raziya dispatched Qutbuddin Hasan Ghori to
fight the rebellious Rajputs.56 The royal army broke the seige,
and freed the Muslims held up in the fort.57
Raziya while conducting State affairs set a new pattern
she gave up Purdah^s and wore long robe) turbon.^s instead of
using traditional feminine dress. She openly rode on
elephants.60 Raziya presided over the proceeding of the court,^!
and dispensed justice in on impartial manner.62
Another Important campaign during the reign of Raziya
was undertaken against Gwalior in March 1238 A.D.63 The
seige proved to be a long drawn out affair without any results.
During the combat, Minhaj along with other prestigious
personalities joined Raziya's Camp. On 19 ^ March 1230 A.D it
was through the Mediation of Min haj al-Siraj that a settlement
was finally reached between the two combating parties. The
Sultan thereby assigned the post of Qazi of Gwalior.^^ to Minhaj
78
who was also given the charge of the Madarsa-i-Nasiriya, at
Delhi.65
Raziya was soon called upon to deal with Malik Izuddin
Tughril Tughan Khan.^^ who defied the royal authority. Being
an ambitious noble, he broke all his connections with the
Sultanate and declared himself as an independent ruler at
Lakhnavati. Raziya failed to bring this defiant noble under
control due to her involvement in many other problems.67
In 1239-40 A.D. the governor of Lahore Malik Izuddin
Kabir Khan^s came out in open conflict with Sultan.^s Raziya
crushed his uprising and the erring noble once again accepted
her authority.'^o
Turning to the province of Multan, She appointed Malik
Izzuddin Kabir KhanJi This arrangement clearly showed that
Raziya had pardoned the noble for his misconduct and
attempted to ensure peace in the Sultanate. After making this
arrangement on 15^ March 1240 A.D.72 She returned back to
the capital.
Hardly, she reached Delhi once again she had to set out
to suppress the revolt of Altuniya, the governor of Tabarhindah.
On Srd April 1240 A.D a she moved ahead to meet the rebel. But
she had to face unfavorable situation air arch supporter was
79
slained74 and her nobles and state officers secretly helped the
rebel Altuniya'^s against these heavy odds Raziya could not
stand for long she was finally defeated and imprisoned in the
fort of Tabarhendah/fi Her imprisonment proved a boon for the
ambitious and intriguing nobles who elevated Bahram Shah/' '
as the new Sultan on 21*^ April 1240A.DJ8
Razia exhibited skill and competence in handling day to
day administration. She was well versed in the art of warfare.
She led the armed forces to battlefields and exhibited valour
and skill. Realizing the significance of well organized army, she
took full care in recruiting men of courage in the army. The
Khokhars and Jats of the Punjab too were recruited as soldiers
in the army.79 The office of Naib-e-Lashkar in the army received
prominence but after her death it lost its significance.so It was
the Naib-i-Lashkar who led the contingent with the same zeal,
courage and enthusiasm in the absence of the Sultan. Raziya
was very particular about the welfare of the soldiers. She often
rewarded the soldiers generously in order to keep them happy
and contented.81 Malik Saifuddin and after his demise,
Qutbuddin Hasan Ghori occupied the office of Naib-i-Lashkar
and carried out their duties with perfection.^2
80
She dispersed justice without discrimination along with
Qazi.83 Raziya issued silver coins at Lakhnavati bearing her
official title Jalaluddin,^^ This was her maiden contribution in
the realm of numismatic. Indeed, Raziya was a talented and
intelligent lady.^s She seems to have taken keen interest in
education also. She was fond of music and gave musicians
royal patronage. She herself composed verses under the
nomdeplume of Shirin.86 Raziya could recite Quran and all
other prayers in the proper manner.^7 Thus, being a woman of
intellectual aptitude she stood for the encouragement of
education during her regime she patronized men of letters.^^
Minhaj was entrusted the task of supervision of Madarsa-
i-Nasiriya^^ which became a centre of learning in her reign. The
Delhi Sultanate was besel with numerous problems when
Raziya took up the reigns of the state, through her tact and per
severance she overcame her difficulties and controlled the
situation she succeeded in establishing peace and order in the
sultanate. 90
Her feminine sex in no way was an impediment to her
success,9i for Raziya achieved her objective because of her
determination and courage. True, in certain spheres she could
not achieve complete success as in the case of the defences of
North - West frontier or campaign against Gwalior and
Ranthambhor. But for these failures circumstances were also
responsible to a great extent and Raziya cannot be blamed
alone.
Role of Malik -i-Jahan Political Life in the Khalji Dynasty
During the Khalj Dynasty, Malik-i-Jahan, the wife of
Sultan Jalaluddin Khalji s wielded authority as wife, mother
and mother in law. As wife of Sultan Jalaluddin Khalji, she
enjoyed complete influence over her husband.^s Not only this
amongst the nobility also Malika-Jahan Commanded a
respectable status. The extent of her influence can be
illustrated by the episode.
Once when Sultan Jalaluddin Khaliji expressed his wife to
adopt the title of "Al Mujahid fi SabiullahQ* (The fighter in the
path of Almighty) he sought his consort's (Malika-i-Jahan)
advice. Not only this he also requested her to speak on his
behalf to the nobles to propose the title to him in the court.
Since Malika-i-Jahan commanded a lot of respect amongst the
nobles she found no problem in gaining their consent, it was at
her persuasion the nobles proposed the Sultan to accept the
title^s (Al Mujahid fi Sabiullah) but later on the Sultan himself
declined to accept it.^e
82
She played an Important role in straining Sultan Alauddin
Khalji's relations not only with his wife but also with his father
in law, Sultan Jalaluddin Khalji. She poisoned the Sultan's ears
against Alauddin and also convinced him of his intriguring and
ambitious nature who aim at carving out an independent
principality for himself.^^ Perhaps, it was her insistence, upon
this fact, which created a feeling of suspicion in the mind of
Sultan Malik-i- Jahan made things worse for Sultan Alauddin
Khalji whe she incited her daughter (Sultan Alauddin Khalji's
wife). To ignore her husband. She was responsible for creating
misunder standing between Alauddin and his wife. Alauddin
was placed in a miserable condition but her never complained
the Sultan the misdeeds of Malika-i-Jahan, it seems that he did
not want to hurt the sentiments of his humble father inlaw. But
Sultan Alauddin's earnest desire was to settle down at a far of
peace so that he could remain away both from his wife and his
mother-in law.^s
Malika-i-Jahan played the most treacherous role of a
mother in politics especially after the death of Sultan Jalauddin
Khalji, laying aside the claims of Arkali Khan (her edler son) for
throne who was then at Multan she supported Qadr Khan and
enthroned him, with the title of Ruknuddin Ibrahim.^^ This act
83
caused dissatisfaction amongst the nobles who were opposed to
Qadr Khan. They preferred a mature, experienced and brave
heir, like Arkali Khan.ioo Blinded by ambition and desire for
royal authority Malika-i-Jahan. Who lacked both patience and
Intelligence completely ignored the power of the nobles, o
She concentrated all powers in her hands and practically
ruled in the name of her son. She heard petitions and issued
decrees. 102 To gain support of a section of nobility Malika-i-
Jahan provided them with important offices and assigned
territories to them. ^ But this liberal attitude of her's could not
case the situation. She did not possess the requisite intelligence
and skill to handle the political crisis smoothly. Sultan
Ruknuddin Ibrahim became a puppet in her hand who too was
incompetent to handle the situation. Not only did the nobles
oppose the royal authority but her son Arkali Khan too watched
his mother's actions with dread and stayed back at Multan.io^
The nobles whom she had attempted to win over to her side
changed their camp and extended their support to Alauddin
Khalji.105
Hard pressed from all corners Malik-i-Jahan was left with
no alternative but ask help from her elder son Arkali Khan. She
84
accepted her mistake in elevating Qadr Khan to the throne^oe
and asked to be pardoned for her foolish act. lo
Her petitions had no effect upon Arkali Khan who did not
respond to her every of help. The situation had gone beyond his
control and it was not possible to check Alauddin's action. ^
Taking advantage of the strained relations between Malika-i-
Jahan and arkali Khan, Alauddin Khalji marched forward with
case. 109
The strained relations between Sultan Alauddin Khalji
and his wife.iio Were further complication by the incharitable
attitude of his mother-in law, Malik-i-Jahani^i Afraid of Public
disgrace and reluctant to hurt Sutlan Jalaluddin Khalji,
Alauddin Khalji did not openly protest against undersirable
activities of his wife and mother-in-law. But in his heart of
hearts Sultan Alauddin Khalji felt very dejected. 112 This was the
main cause of his remaining away from his wife and mother in
law. 113 The fact that Sultan Alauddin Khalji himself had a
haughty and uncompromising temperament can also not be
over looked in this context, n^
Role of Makhdama-i-Jahan and Khudavandzada in Tugluq
Period.
85
The Tughluq Dynasty witnessed the political influence of
Makhdama-i-Jahan and Khudavandzada, the mother and
Sultan Mohammad-bin Tughluq respectively.
Makhduma-i-Jahan, the wife of Sultan Ghiyasuddin Tughluq
(1320-25 A.D.) and mother of Sultan Mohammad-bin-Tughluq
(1324-51 A.D.) was a virtuous, benevolent and charitable
woman. 115 she was held in great esteem by her son, Sultan
Mohamamd-bin Tughluq who took particular care in looking
after her welfare. The Sultan sought her able advice not only in
the management of the royal household but also on various
political issues. 116 it was through her timely intervention that
the marriage of Raasti, daughter of Sultan Mohammad-bin-
Tughluq was saolemnized with Shaikh FathuUah-bin-Shaikh
Auhaduddin Nagori, the grandson of Baba Farid in 1327-28
A.D. atDaultabad.117
Makhduma-i-Jahan enjoyed considerable influence in
political spheres. She received envoys and royal guests at
court. 118 Amongst them one was Ibn Battutah, the African
Traveller. In the absence of the Sultan, she welcomed Ibn
Battutah, hosted a lavish banquet to grace the occasion, n^ She
received gifts and presents from the guests and distributed
them to others with an open hearts with an open heart. A
86
separate department was organized which kept an account of
her gifts and grants. Being a women of charitable disposition. 120
She maintained a number of inns for the comfort of the
Travellers which were run by state exchequer. 121 Her acts of
charity were a boon for several families which survived merely
because of her help. 22 Sultan Mohamamd-bin Tughluq's death
(20th March 1351 A.D.) plunged Delhi Sultanate into great
confusion and chaos it was further aggravated when the
deceased Sultan's eldest sister Khudavandzadai23 intervened in
the matters of succession. Being in the royal lineage she put
forward the claims of her son, Davar Malik to the throne
against Firuz Shah Tughlug.124 she dersired to achieve her
ends by being harsh to the nobles. This hostile attitude of
Khudavandzada infuriated the nobility who opposed her
claims. 125
The nobles made it clear to her that at such critical hour
there was need of a competent person on the throne who could
save the sultanate from disruption. 126 por this purpose Davar
Malik seemed too immature in comparison to Firuz Shah. 127
But Khudavandzada was firm in her stand and pressed the
claims of her son for succession. She cared for his interest more
and was least concerned about the welfare of the Sultanate.
87
In order to avoid a civil war, Malik Saifuddini22 an
influential noble of the court, made efforts to pacify
khudavandzada's Stabborn attitude. 129
He succeeded in his attempts and she withdrew her
agitation. 30 Thus she could not procure the throne for her son.
The nobles assigned him the office of Naib Barbak.i^i
Khudavandzada yielded to the wishes of the nobles, in favour of
Firuz Shah, yet in her heart of hearts she longed to place her
son on the throne. 122
Firuz Shah left no stones unturned in maintaining cordial
relationship with his aunt, Khundavandzada, he considered it
proper to be coroneted by her.^^s Since then Sultan Firoz Shah
made it a point to pay visit to Khudavandazada every Friday
after evening prayer. i34 Thus the Sultan continuously expressed
his gratitude's and paid his respect. During these visits Sultan
Firuz Shah and Khudavandzada sat on the same carpet and
discussed issues of importance. i35
It was after taking betal leaf from her that the Sultan
came back to his palace. During these meeting
Khudavandzada's husband, Khusrau Maliki36 stood besides
them and her son Davar Malik Sat behind her mother. 37 jt
shows that she enjoyed great repect and privilege. It appears
88
that she asserted herself in presence of her son and husband.
As noted earlier Khudavandzada had never abandoned the idea
of placing her soon upon the throne. i38 she was just looking
after the right moment. She along with her husband organized
a conspiracy against the Sultan to get rid of him at the time
when he visited her.^^g por this purpose the armed guards were
asked to stay in the nearby chamber and at Khudavandzada's
signal they were to attack the Sultan, i- o Firuz Shah was
completely unaware of this whole plot. As usual he went to visit
Khudavandzada but the timely gesture of Davar Malik upset the
plan and Firuz Shah escaped unhurt, i^i The armed guards
were arrested and they confessed their guilt, i' ^ Even though
her attempt to kill firuz Shah ended in failure the Sultan
continued to treat Khudavandzada with consideration and
granted her a fixed allowance. Her scheming husband, Khusrau
Malik was deported^^s while davar Malik was ordered to visit
the Sultan every month attired in a robe and slippers. 14 His
property and wealth was confiscated to the state treasury. I' s
The ambitious and conspiring Kudavandzada met an
unhappy end.i^e Perhaps if she had not schemed against sultan
she would have had a smooth and luxurious life. But her
unwise act undid her better prospects.
89
The Role of Bibe Raji in Sharqi Kingdom of Jaunpur:
A lady who played a significant role in the politics of the
Sharqi kingdom was Bibi Raji. She was the guiding force not
only during her husbands reign but also after his death. She
was the daughter of Sayyid Sultan Mubarak Shah^'*'' and was
known for her intellecti'^s and charitable disposition. During the
reign of her son (Sultan Hussain Shah Sharqi) she assumed all
powers in her hands and looked after the welfare and well being
of her subjects.
Bibi Raji was married to the crown prince. Mahmud
Sharqi this marriage was solemnized to strengthen the bends of
friendship between the Sayyid rulers of Delhi and the Sharqis of
Jaunpur in 1427 A.D.149 when the Sayyids were over thrown by
the Lodis, Bibi Raji felt humiliated and wanted to avenge the
defent by acquiring the throne of her ancestors. For this
purpose she compelled her husband, who was earlier reluctant
to undertake the expedition against lodis it was on her behest
that Sultan Mahmud Sharqi Marched against the army of Delhi
and faught the battle of narela in the year 1452 A.D.iso
Luckily, the tables turned in the favour of Sharqis who
defeated the Lodis. Qutb Khan was taken captive and brought
to Delhi, where he was treated generously chiefly because of
90
Bibi Raji. Ultimately, Thus brought about the peace treaty
between the two conflicting parties.
On the sudden demise of Sultan Mahmud Sharqi in the
year 1457 A.D.i^i a vacuum was created in the political sphere
with the support of the nobles Bibi Raji elevated prince
Bhikhan Khan under the title of Mohd Shah Sharqi 12 to the
throne 153 soon Bibi Raji realized her mistake because the new
Sultan was a crafty and self-interested person. He had no love
either for his mother or for his brothers. 14 He ordered the
Kotwal of Jaunpur to kill Qutb Khan Lodi and Hasan Khan^^s
who were kept under the careful Supervision of Bibi Raji. The
Kotwal expressed his help lessness in carrying out the orders of
Sultan Mohammad Shah Sharqi as the two enjoyed the
patronage of Bibi Raji.ise
The Sultan could go to any limits to accomplish designs.
Thus he requested his mother, Bibi Raji to Negotiate terms for
peace between him and other princes. 57 When she went for
negotiation, Hasan Khan was killed by the Kotwal of Jaunpur at
Sultan Mohammad Sharqis orders, iss On reaching Kannauj the
received this news and realized the wickedness of Sultan
Mohamamd Sharqi. While she was plunged in untold grief at
the loss of Prince Hasan Khan, the Sultan asked her to wait
91
further to mourn the death of all her sons in quick
succession. 159 This was the turning point in Bibi Raji's
behaviour she now brought about a coup degraceiso (peaceful
revolution with the support of the nobles by elevating Husain
Shah Sharqi to the throne.
Malik Mubarak Gung and Malik Ali Gujarati accompanied
the new Sultan to oppose Sultan Mohammad Sharqi who was
killed in the most dramatic manner's, i i
It was Bibi Raji, who had planned his fall cleverly. She
bribed one of his guards who removed the head of the Sultan's
arrows. 162 Thus rendering him handicapped he could fight only
with his sword, so was easily killed. ^
Sultan Husain Shah respected his mother and acted on
her experienced advice. Who she died at Etawah in the year
1477 A.D. The Sultan felt very sad. Even Sultan Bahlol Lodi
mourned at her demise for she enjoyed great respect in his
heart.
Originally belonging to the Sayyid dynasty. Bibi Raji
became a renowned queen in the Shaqi Kingdom by the dint of
her wisdom and tact she was instrumental in getting a peace
treaty signed thereby enabling Item to live in peace. After her
husband's demise the manoeured to depose the tyrant Sultan
92
Mohamamd Sharqi with great skill. She was then responsible
for elevating Sutlan Husain Sharqi to the throne i '* such was
the influence of Bibi Raji in the political areas of Sharqi
Kingdom of Jaunpur .
The Role of Bibi Khunza
During the reign of Sultan Husain Shah Shrqi, his Chief
queen Malika-i-Jahan Bibi Khunza^^s was an ambitious and
intriguing women. She also wielded political authority. i e The
Sultan passionately loved his wife and she often persuaded her
husband to fulfil his desire, i ? Bibi Khunza threatened husband
that in the event of his failure to pursue Sultan Bahlol Lodi she
would herself lead the army against Delhi to over throw Sultan
Bahlol Lodi. 168 it appears that she could not put up with the
idea of Sultan Bahlal Lodi ruling Delhi Sultanate because she
was the daughter of Sultan Alauddin Alam Shah, the last
Sayyid Sultan (1445-51 A.D.y^^ As such she considered it her
right to occupy the throne of Delhi. For this reason she
continuously instigated Sultan Husain Shah Sharqi to
overthrow Sultan Bahlol Lodi to retrieve the throne of her
ancestors. 170 Discussing the situation with Malik Shams Sultan
Husain Shah Sharqi avoided a war against Sultan Bahlol Lodi.
93
However it was Bibi Khunza's persuasion which
ultimately led Sultan Husain Shah Sharqi to undertake the
campaign against Sultan Bahlol Lodi.i^i With a strength of
140,000 cavalry-men and 1400 elephants he went to capture
Delhi in the year 1473 A.D. this armed conflict ended in
disaster as Sultan Sharqi's army was defeated. 12 A large booty
fell into the hands of Sultan Bahlol Lodi which also included
Bibi Khunzai73 who had accompanied Sultan Husain Shah
Sharqi to the battlefield.
The influence of women in the political sphere during the
Sultanate period varied according to their personality, family
connections, political situation and the character of the sultan.
As Sultan's wife, mother or sister they often played an
important role in matter of succession, was and peace. By
virtue of their tact, intelligence and diplomacy, they often
strengthened the Sultanate. But sometimes impelled by their
ambition, intriguing and self seeking nature, their participation
in political issues created more problems for the Sultanate.
Role of Shams Khalun under the Lodis
During the Lodi period a number of women influenced the
political affairs of the time, the first lady who participated in
politics during the Lodi period was shams Khatun, the chief
94
wife of Sultan Bahlol Lodi.i''4 she commanded a place of honour
in the Sultan's harem. The Sultan loved her and always tried to
fulfil her desires.
During Sultan Bahlol Lodi's struggle with Mohammad
Shah Sharqi of Jaunpur, his brother-in-law, Qutb Khan was
taken as captivei'^'^ soon sultan Bahlol lodi sought for peace
treaty and after entering into terms with sultan Mohamamd
Sharqi returned back to Delhi. On reaching Dan Kaur he
received a letter from his wife shams Khatun urging him not to
opt for a cease fire and not to relax until and unless her brother
was freed from the clutches of Sultan Mohammad Sharqi. ' ^
These words provoked Sultan Bahlol Lodi who at once retraced
his steps back to wards Jaunpur to meet Sultan Mohammad
sharqi with greater force, i' ' Now his prime objective was to free
Qutb Khan, his brother-in-law from captivity.
Thus it was the intervention of Shams Khatun which led
Sultan Bahlol Lodi to march once again to Jaunpur . She
became the cause of re-opening the war with Sharqi ruler,
though the Sltan had earlier entered into a peace treaty to end
it.
During the Lodi period, Bibi Ambha, the daughter of a
Hindu goldsmith and the wife of Sultan Bahlol Lodi also played
95
a significant role in the political life. She was an accomplished
woman known for her charm and pleasant manners. ' ^ Her
long black hair and rosy cheeks stole the heart of Prince Bahlol
Lodi who was then the governor of Sir Hind ' ^ Though She was
a Hindu girl but after his occasion to the throne Sultan Bahlol
Lodi married her.^^o
Along with beauty Bibi Ambha^si had a sharp intellect. She
took part in politics by pressing the claims of her son to the
throne after the death of Sultan Bahlol Lodi (July 1489 A.D.)
she opposed Isa Khan Lodi (son of Tater Khan Lodi), and
pleaded the nobles to extend their support infavour of her son,
Nizam Khan.
However, Isa Khan, openly rebuked her saying that what
a gold smith's son had to do with the throne. 12 This hurt the
nobles and khan-i-Khanan Farmali especially objected to such
a harsh treatment towards the Sultan's widow, i ^ Not only did
this subdue Bibi Ambha's opponents but also made the nobles,
extend full support to her enthroning Nizam Khan Sultan under
the title of sultan Sikander Lodi.
Thus it was through tact and perseverance that Bibi
Ambha got the support of the nobles. She easily suppressed the
opposition and won the throne for her son. In the year 1452
96
A.D. when Sultan Mahmud Sharqi, the ruler of Jaunpur,
besieged the fort of Delhi, 14 at the instigation of his wife (Bibi
Raji)i85 to defeat the lodis.ise Bibi Mattu (the wife of Islam Khan
Lodi)i8v played an important role in that critical situation, it
was her tact, intelligence and presence of mind which out
witted Sultan Mahmud Sharqi. She made a wise plan to deceive
the enemy as Sultan Bahlol Lodi was in Sirhind^ss and the
number of males in the fort were few.i o She ordered the women
in the fort to dress up like men and asked them to take their
position on the rampart of the fort.i^i
Role of Ladies in Religions Life
During the period under review reference are found of a
number of ladies who were known for their piety and religious
out look. Some of them had even developed Spiritual powers
and could perform acts of miracle.
i) Bibi Zulaikha
Bibi Zulaikha, the mother of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya,
was renowned for the piety and Saintly life. She had full faith in
her prayers and always depended upon the mercy of Allah, 12
Once she had nothing to eat for herself and for her son but she
was not perturbed and calmey said "we are Allah guests
today. 193 The next day she received a huge quantity of grain in
97
gift from a generous person. That is low her prayers were
granted. When once her female servant fled away, she found it
difficult to employ another one.i ' As usual she prayed to god
for her return. Saying that she would not place her clock
(daman) on her head till god listened to lH^ wocsi** She wailed
a waited for a Divine miracle. Surpifisingly enough, the
whereabouts &( the maid was traced and the very next day she
returned back to resume her services.^^e
Paying tributes to his mother, Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya
remarked that there was a unique relation between her and
Allah because, Allah always fulfilled her desires and wishes.
She possessed unique intuition of foreseeing the future in her
dreams. 197 it was by virtue of her initiation that she prophesied
that one day her son would earn great fame and honour as a
saint. These words came true after the demise of his mother^^s
When she was on her death bed. Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya
was very much disturbed because he was still too young to face
the life all alone, when he expressed his concern that after her
death who would look after him, she took his right hand into
hers, and said to God "I am handling him over to you''.i99
These events show that Bibi Zulaikha had full faith in
God who in return always granted her prayers. Whenever she
98
desired anything, or faced any crisis she recited an eulogy
(Durood, special praises of Prophet) Five hundred times in
prayer and her needs were fulfilled.200 it was Shaikh
Nizamuddin Auliya's mother who had sown the seeds of God's
love in his heart.201 The had great reverence for her. After her
death he used to visit her tomb regularly and recited 'Fatiha'
'Darood' and prayers for the place of her soul.
Sultan Qutbuddin Mubarak Shah Khalji disturbed the
routine of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya by asking him to came
and pray in the royal mosque.202 Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya
refused to abide by the royal orders as he loved to offer his
prayers in the mosque, near his house. The Sultan who
threatened him of dire consequences. Hardly, was this event
forgotten when the Sultan again ordered Shaikh Nizamuddin
Auliya along with others to come and boy obeisance to him on
every first day of the new moon.203 This placed Shaikh
Nizamuddin Auliya in a fix because it clashed with his regular
visit to his mother's grave.204 Sitting by the side of his mothers
grave, he prayed for being rescued from the ruler.205 Amazingly
enough, his prayers were answered when there occurred a
Sudden political turmoil which brought the assassination of
Sultan Qutbuddin Mubarak Shah Khalji.206
99
These events show the mustic power which both the
mother and the son possessed. They always turned to God for
his mercy in times of crisis.
ii) Bibi Auliya
Another famous lady of the period was Bibi Auliya who
lived during the reign of Sultan Mohammad bin-Tughluq. She
was a gentle and a kind hearted lady. 207 The Sultan held her in
great Esteem. Sufis also had deep regards for her. Thus due to
her piety and virtues she became a cherished personage.208
She had a number of Children who owned their leanings to sufi
doctrines to their mother. Foremost among them was Shaikh
Ahmad.209
iii) Bibi Sara
Bibi Sara, was the mother of Shaikh Nizamuddin Abul
Mund who was known for her genial and religious bend of
mind.210 She observed strict Purdash and it was well known
that no male had ever seen her in her private life.211 Devoted to
prayers and religious pursuits she was believed to have
possessed miraculous mystic power. It did not rain in Delhi for
long and the inhabitants of that place prayed to Allah for relief.
But there was no respite. So the Shaikh took the help of his
100
motJier and holding her "damaan prayed to the Almighty to
send rain.212 in no time a miracle happened. There was sudden
showers of rain which provided relief to the agency of the people
of Delhi.213
iv) Bibi Raasti
Bibi Raasti was the wife of Shaikh Sadruddin Arif and
mother of Shaikh Rukhnuddin Abul Path. She was a pious and
religious minded woman.2i4 She used to read the whole Quran
daily.215 Her strong faith in sufi doctrines incited her to become
the disciple of Shaikh Bahauddin Zakariya.2i6 Once when she
was pregnant she visited the sheikh who treated her in an extra
ordinary manner than ever before. Bibi Raasti was quite
surprised at his behaviour and enquired about the cause of it.
The Shaikh explained to her that it was a humble tribute to her
because she was going to be the mother of a great saint too.2i7
v) Bibi Jamal
The daughter of Shaikh Muinuddin Chisti,2i8 was also a
pious lady who passed saints life but further details about her
are not available.2i9
Khadiya Wife of Shaikh Hamiduddins
The wives of the Sufi also played an important role and
their influence upon their husbands cannot be undermined.
Khadija was a kind hearted religious and a humble woman, she
led an ideal life looking after the household chores and helping
her husband in earning their livelihood by spinning and
weaving.220 in spite of their hard work their earnings were not
enough to make both the ends meet, they lived almost on the
verge of starvation and penury. Sultan iltutmish wanted to
bestow royal patronage on Shaikh Hamiduddin.221 A governor
was sent by him to confer upon Shaikh Hamiduddin a Jagir
besides presenting Five hundred Silver Tankas.222
Shaikh Hamiduddin could not decide whether to accept
the gift or not. He consulted his wife and got a satisfactory
answer which had a profound impact upon him.223
Though driven to this pathetic condition of poverty she
was not tempted by the royal offer and politely asked her
husband to decline its.224 Consoling her husband she said that
she had spun two sears of yam which would be enough to
provide her a 'dupatta' and the 'Shaik' a lion cloth. She
emphasized that a royal patronage and affluence would be
impediments in their spiritual pursuit. 225 The Shaikh was
102
visibly moved and impressed by the moral courage and
determination of his wife.226
He admired her honesty and hard work to earn a modest
livelihood and refrain from worldly temptations,
Khawaja Qutbuddin Bakhtiyar Kakis neighbour
Sharfuddin, was a green grocer. They were quite intimate and
their wives visited each other's home, very often Sharfuddin's
wife even provided financial help to Khwaja Kaki's family.
Unfortunately, this generous act of her's was undermined
by her nagging disposition. Once there occurred a difference of
opinion between the two women. During the altercation the
green grocer's wife sarcastically remarked that had she
abstained from helping them they would have been reduced to
starvation.228 After this incident Khwaja Kaki asked his wife
never to seek any assistance fro their neighbour but to turn to
the mercy of Allah.229 He told her to recited 'Bismillah' in times
of need which would be enough to provide her bread.23o This
just indicates that Allah helps his followers silently, on the
other hand people boast loudly their act of charity.
There were some other women who were known for their
kindness and generosity. They served the Sufi Saintswith care
and devotion. There lived a pious and a hard working woman in
103
Ghiyaspur who earned her living23i by spinning and weaving.
With the money she earned she bought barley flour of which
she prepared bread and ate it without salt just to satisfy her
hunger. Once it so happened that Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya
and his disciples were camping near Ghiyaspur but had
nothing to break their fast with.232 When the lady heard this
she immediately sent all the flour she had to the Shaikh, who
instructed Kamaluddin Yaqub, one of his disciples to add equal
amount of water in it and prepare something for the "Fakirs''233
Due to the generosity of this women the Sufis were able to
break their fast with s imple porridge of barley. 234
The daughters of Baba Farid were also virtuous and
religious mindut. Syed Mohammad Mubarak Kirmani has given
the account of the virtues and qualities of the three daughters
of Baba Farid. The eldest, bibi Mashurah, observed Strick
Purdah,235 and led a pious life Bibi sharifah, beacem widow at
an early age. After which she devoted all her energies in
devotion to God.236
Her faith in prayers was immense, if Khilafat or delegation
of spiritual authority was allowed to women, Perhaps Bibi
Sharifah was fully qualified for it. She would have no doubt
became the Sajjadah (Successor).237 About the pious life of Bibi
104
Sharifah it was remarked that if all women followed her mode of
living, it would unquestionably enhance the status of women
with respect to men.238
Bibi Fatimah, the youngest daughter of Baba Farid was
married to Maulana Badruddin Ishaq.239 She became a widow
quite early and was left all alone to face the ups and down of
life along with her two sons - Khawaja Mohammad Ishaq and
Khawaja Muss. Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya was much disturbed
at the Sudden demise of Bibi Fatimah's husband. To console
her and provide some relief he asked Sayyid Mohammad
Kirmani tobring her along with her children to Delhi. ^o
This led to the remour that Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya
wanted to marry Bibi Fatimah, but when the Shaikh reached
Delhi Bibi Fatimah had already passed away.2^1
Thus it seems that the ladies during this period were free
to pursue and develop a life of religion devotion.2'*2 They could
visit mosques, perform prayers and keep fasts. So me of them
even rose high and developed mystic powers, their piety and
generosity no doubt brought them fame and respect.
105
References
1. M. Aziz Ahmad, Political History and institutions of
the Early Turkish Empire of Delhi, New Delhi, 1972,
p.191.
2. Lokesh Chandra Nand Women in Delhi Sultanate,
Allahabad, 1989, p.57.
3. Mohd. Aziz Ahmad, Political History and institutions
of the Early Turkish Empire of Delhi, New Delhi,
1972, p. 188.
4. S.B.P. Nigam, Nobility under the Sultans of Delhi,
Delhi, 1969, p.27
5. A.B.M. Habibullah, The foundation of Muslim Rule in
India, Allahabad, 1976, pp.97-98.
6. Ibid.
7. K.A. Nizami, Some Aspects of religion and Politics in
India During Thirteenth Century, Delhi, 1975,
pp. 135-136.
8. Ibid.
9. Ibid.
10. Ibid., p. 136.
106
11. S.B.P. Nigam, Nobality under the Sultans of Delhi,
Delhi, 1969, p.29
12. Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Tr. Raverty I, pp. 635-636.
13. Tarikh-i-Mubarak Shahi, tr. Basu, P.23; badaoni I,
p. 119; Ferishta 1, p. 121; religion 85 Politics, prof.
Nizami, p. 136
14. K.A. Nizami, op. cit, 136.
15. Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Tr. Raverty I, pp. 637: Tabaqat-i-
Nasiri, Tr. Elliot 86 Dowson, II, pp. 232.
16. Ibid., p.302
17. Ibid., p.32
18. Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Tr, Raverty I, p. 638; Isami II, p.251;
Ferishta I, p. 121; Aziz Ahmad, p. 145; Habibullah,
p.97.
19. Ibid.
20. Habibullah, op. cit., p.97
21 . Ibid., p.97
22. Religion 85 Politics, Prof. K.A. Nizami, p. 172; Muslim
Civilization in India, S.M. Ikram, p.89.
23. Qureshi, op. cit., p.54
107
24. Ibid.
25. S.B.P. Nigam, Op. cit., p.44
26. Ibid.
27. Tarikh-i-Mubarak Shahi, Text, p.23; Ferishta I,
p . l 2 1 .
28. Prof. K.A. Nizami, op. cit., pp. 135-136.
29. Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Tr. Elliot 85 Dowson II, p .331.
30. Ibn Battutah, Tr. Elliot 86 Dowson III, p.592, Isami, II,
p.250.
31. Prof. K.A. Nizami, op. cit., p. 136.
32. Isami, Text, p. 127.
33. HabibuUah, p.99
34. Prof. K.A. Nizami, Op. cit., p. 136
35. Ibid., p.636.
36. HabibuUah, op. cit., p.99.
37. Tabaqat-i-nasiri, Tr. Elliot 8B Donson II, p.334.
38. Ibid.
39. HabibuUah, op. cit., p.99.
40. Tabaqat-i-nasiri, Tr. Elliot 8& Donson II, p.334.
108
41. Mohd. Aziz Ahmad, Political History and institutions
of the Early Turkish Empire of Delhi, New Delhi,
1972, p. 199.
42. Tabaqat-i-nasiri, Tr. Elliot 85 Donson II, p.334.
43. Habibullah, op. cit, p . lOl .
44. Tabaqat-i-nasiri, Tr. Elliot 85 Donson II, p.334.
45. Prof. K.A. Nizami, op. cit., p. 135
46. Mohd. Aziz Ahmad, op. cit., p. 199.
47. U.N. Day, p. 147
48. Mohd. Aziz Ahmad, op. cit., p.200.
49. Ibid., p. 195
50. Ibid.
51. Isami, p.342.
52. Habibullah, op. cit , p. 151.
53. Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Tr. Elliot &, Donson II, p.335.
54. Ahluwalia, pp.66-67.
55. Ibid., pp. 66-67.
56. Tabaqat-i-nasiri, Tr. Elliot & Donson II, p.337
57. Aziz Ahmad., pp. 193.
109
58. Ibid.
59. S.B.P. Nigam., pp. 31.
60. Ibid
61 . Habibullaha., pp. 99.
62. Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Tr. Elliot 86 Donson 11, p.335.
63. Prof. K.A. Nizami, op. c i t , p . l40 .
64. Ibid
65. Isami, p.352.
66. Ibid., p.360.
67. Prof. K.A. Nizami, op. ci t , p. 147.
68. Ibid., p. 151.
69. Habibullah, op. cit., p . l l 5 .
70. Ibid., pp. 120.
71 . Ahluwalia, pp.70-71.
72. Ibid., pp. 74.
73. Isami, p.352.
74. Habibullah, op. cit., p. 157.
75. Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Tr. Elliot 86 Donson II, p.345.
76. Ahluwalia, pp.75.
77. Ibid., pp. 77.
78. Tabaqat-i-nasiri, Tr. Elliot 86 Donson II, p.340
79. Aziz Ahmad., pp. 197.
80. Ibid.
81. S.B.P. Nigam., pp. 35.
82. Ibid
83. Habibullaha., pp. 105.
84. Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Tr. Elliot 85 Donson II, p.341.
85. Prof. K.A. Nizami, op. cit., p. 151.
86. Ibid
87. Isami, p.367.
88. Ibid., p.369.
89. Prof. K.A. Nizami, op. cit., p. 160.
90. Ibid., p. 163.
91 . Habibullah, op. cit., p. 125.
92. Tarikh-i-Firoz Shahi (B), T. Elliot and Dowson III,
p. 156; Khaizain-ul-Futuh Tr. Habib, p.38.
93. Tarikh-i-Firuz Shah (A) T. Elliot 85 dowson III, p. 156.
11
94. Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi (B), Tr. Elliot and Dowson Ilird,
P. 143; Tabqat-i-Akbari I, p. 140; History of the Khalji,
K.S. Lai, p.21
95. Tabaqat-i-Akbari I, p. 140; Histoiy of the Khalji's K.S.
Lai, p.21.
96. Tarikh-i-fimz Shahi (B), Tr. Elliot 86 dowson III, pp.
143-144; Tabaqat-i-Akbari I, p. 140.
97. Ibid.
98. Frishta I, pp. 171-172; History of the Khaljis, K.S. Lai,
p.43.
99. Tarikh-i-Firoz Shahi (B) Tr. Elliot & Dowson III,
p.143-144.
100. Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi (B), Tr. Elliot 85 Dowson III,
p. 156; Khaizan-ul-Futuh, Tr. Habib, p.38; Tabaqat-i-
akbari I, p. 152; Histoiy of the Khaljis, K.S. Lai, P.70.
101. Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi (B), Tr. Elliot & Dowson III,
P.156.
102. Histoiy of the Khaljis, K.S. Lai, p.70.
103. Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi (b), Tr. Elliot 85 Dowson III,
p. 156; History of the Khaljis, K.S. Lai, p.70
12
104. Tarikh-i-Firoz Shahi (B), Tr. Elliot 8B Dowson III,
p. 156; Tabaqat-i-akbari I, p. 152.
105. Tarikh-i-Firoz Shahi (B), Tr. Elliot 85 Dowson III,
p. 156; Khaizain-ul-Futih, Tr. Habib, P.38.
106. Ibid.
107. Ibid
108. Barani calls her "Sillies of the Silly; Tarikh-i-Firoz
Shahi (B) Tr. Elliot 8B Dowson III, P. 156, 159; Khalji
Kaleem, p43; Tarikh-i-firuz Shahi (B), Tr. Fuller 8B
Khallaque, P. 13; Khaizain-ul-Futuh, Tr. Habib, p.38.
109. Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi (B), Tr.EUiot 8B Dowson-III,
pp. 159-160; Farishta I, p. 182.
110. Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi (B), Tr. Elliot 8& Dowson, P. 140,
149; History of the Khaljis, K.S. Lai, p.60.
111. Ibn Battutah, Tr. Mahdi, p.40; History of the Khaljis,
K.S. Lai, p.42.
112. Isamil II, p.395.
113. Tarikh-i-Firuz Shah (A), Elliot 8B Dowson, p.60.
114. Zafar-ul-Ilali, p . l54.
13
115. Tarikh-i- Firuz Shahi (A) Tr. Elliot and Dowson III,
p.274, Ibn Battutah, Rehla, Eng. Tr. Mahdi Husain,
baroda, 1953, p. 118.
116. Quraunah Turks, p.318, I. Prasad - through no
historical accounts relates a direct political
indulgence of Makhaduma-i-Jahan, upon the
measures and acts of Sultan Mohamamd bin
Tughlaq.
117. Hameeduddin Nagori, Sarus-us-Sudur, M.S.S., AMU,
Aligarh
118. Quraunah Turks, I. Prasad, p. 130.
119. Ibn Battutah , op. sit, p. 121
120. Lokesk Chandra Nand, Women in Delhi Sultanate,
Allahabad, 1989, p.81.
121. IbnBattutah, op. cit, p.l80.
122. Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi (A) Ellior and Dowson, p.276.
123. U.N. Day, Some Aspects of Medieval Indian History,
Delhi, 1971, p . m .
124. Tarikh-i- Firuz Shahi (A) op. cit., p.276
125. Ibid.
14
126. Ibid.
127. Ibid.
128. Ibid.
129. Ibid.
130. Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi (A) Elliot aj>d Bmrson III, p.276.
131. Ibid.
132. R.C. Jauhari , Firuz Tughluq, Agra, 1986, p. 15.
133. Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi (A) Elliot 85 Dowson III, p.276.
134. Ibid. p.291
135. Ibid.
136. J.M. Banerjee, History of Firuz Shah Tughluq, Delhi,
p .23 . '
137. Habib Mohd and K.A. Nizami, A comprensive History
of India, Bombay, 1970, p.81, Vol-V, writes that
Khusrav Malik was Khudavandzada's son
138. R.C. Jauhari , Firuz Tughluq, p.38
139. J.M. Banerjee, History of Firuz Shah Tughluq, p.23.
140. J.M. Banerjee, op. cit., p.23.
115
141. H. Mohamamd and K.A. Nizami, comprehensive
History of India, Vol. V, p.581, writes that Khusrav
Malik Khudavandzada's another son signated Firuz
Shah of the calaminity.
142. J.M. Banerjee, op.cit., p.23
143. Tarikh-i-Mubarak Shahi, Eng. Tr. K.K. Basu, Baroda,
1932, p.133.
144. Ameer Ali, Islamic History and Culture, Delhi, 1978,
p. 197, writes The Davar Malik was elevated a
respectable place in the court.
145. Tarikh-i-Mubarak Shahi, Eng. Tr. K.K. Basu, p. 133
recorded that Devar malik, Khudavandzada son (from
the other husband than Khusrav Malik)
146. Tarikh-i- Firuz Shahi, Elliot and Dowson III, p.292.
147. Sharqi Rajya Jaunpur, Iqbal Ahmad, p. 198- asserts
that she was the daughter of Sayyid Alauddin
Badayoni. Muslim University Journal, Oct. 1938.
Harem influence in the Fifteenth Century Politics,
S.A. Halim, p.52.
148. NaiamatuUah, Tr. Dorn, P.48; Sharqi Rajya Jaunpur,
Iqbal Ahmad, p. 199.
149. Muslim University Journal, Oct. 1938 Harem
influences in the fifteenth century politcs, S.A. Halim,
p.52
150. She Sharqi Sultanate of Jaunpur , S.M. Mohammad,
Sharqi Rajya Jaunpur, Iqbal Ahamd, p.201.
151. Tarikh-i-daudi, Text, P.M.; Tarikh-i-Daudi, Tr. Rizvi
Uttar Timur 1, p.249; Tabaqat-i-Akbari, Tr. Rizvi,
Uttar Timur I, p.249.
152. Tarikh-i-Daudi, Tr. Rizvi, Uttar Timur I, p.249;
Naimatullah Tr. Dom, p.48; Tabaqat-i-Akbari, Tr.
Rizvi, Uttar Timur I, p.204, The Sharqi Sultanate of
Jaunpur , S.M. Mohammad, p,78.
153. Feri^hta, Tr. Rizvi, Uttar Timur II, p.20.
154. Iqbal Ahmad, Sharqi Rajya Jaunpur , p.203.
155. NiamatuUah; S.M. Mohammad, The Sharqi Sultanate
of Jaunpur , S.M. Mohamamd, p.80 Sharqi Rajya
Jaunpur , Iqbal Ahmad, p.203.
156. Twilight of Sultanate, K.S. Lai, P. 140, The Sharqi
Sultanate of jaunpur, S.M. Mohamamd, p.80; Sharqi
Rajya Jaunpur Iqbal Ahmad.
117
157. History of Lodi Sultans of Delhi and Agra, Abdul
Halim, p.28; the Sharqi Sultanate of Jaunpur , S.M.
Mohammad, p.80
158. Twilight of the Sultanate, K.S. Lai, p. 140; Sharqi
Rajya Jaunpur, Iqbal Ahmad, p.204.
159. A.B. Pandey, The First Afghan Empire in India, p.75
160. The First Afghan Empire in India, A.B. Pandey, p,75.
161. Tarikh-i-Daudi I p.349, Tarikh-i-Shahi, 1, p.314;
Twilight of the Sultanate, K.S. Lai, P. 141; History of
Lodi Sultans of Delhi and Agra, Abdul Haleem, pp.
29-30. The Sharqi Sultanate of Jaunpur , S.M.
Mohammd, p.82; Rajya Jaunpur , Iqbal Ahmad p.206.
162. Lokest Chandra Nand, Women in Delhi Sultan, p. 102.
163. A.B. Pandey, The First Afghan Empire in India, p.80;
Twilight of the Sultanate, K.S. Lai, P. 147; Sharqi
Rajya Jaunpur, Iqbal Ahmad, p.216.
164. S.M. Mohammad, The Sharqi Sultanate of Jaunpur ,
p.112.
165. Ferishta II, p.310 named her as Halila, Cambridge
History III, p.255, names the wife of Sultan Husain of
Sharqi as Jaliala.
118
166. Sharqi Rajya Jaunpur, Iqbal Ahamd, p.209; The
Sharqi Sultanate Jaunpur , S.M. Mohamamd, P.88;
The proceeding of India History congress, patna 1946.
Husain Shah the last of the Sharqis, A. Halim, p.246.
167. Sharqi Rajya of Jaunpur, Iqbal Ahmad, p.211,
168. Twilight of the Sultanate, K.S. Lai, p. 1356; History of
Lodi Sultans of Delhi and Agra, Abul Halim, P.39;
P.I.H.C. Patna, 1946; Husain Shah the last of the
SHarqis, A. Halim, p.246.
169. Sharqi Sultnate of Jaunpur , S.M. Mohammad, p.88;
Sharqi Rajya Jaunpur, Iqbal Ahmad p.214.
170. Sharqi Rajya Jaunpur, Iqbal Ahmad, p.211; The
Sharqi Sultanate of Jaunpur , S.M. mohamamd, p.88;
The first Afghan Empire in India, A.B. Pandey, p.70:
Hostory of Lodi Sultans of Delhi and Agra, Abul
Halim, pp. 39-40.
171. The Sharqi Sultanate of Jaunpur , S.M. Mohammad,
p.87; Sharqi Rajya Jaunpur , Iqbal Ahmad, p.211.
172. Sharqi Rajya Jaunpur, Iqbal Ahmad, p.211.
173. Niamatullah, Tr. Dorn, p.52; tabaqat-i-Akbari, Tr.
Rizvi, Uttar Timur II, P. 11; The Sharqi Sultanate of
19
Jaunpur , S.M. Mohammad, p.90; Sharqi Rajya
Jaunpur , Iqbal Ahmad, p.213.
174. Lokesh Chandra Nand, Women in Delhi Sultanate,
p.97.
175. Ibid.
176. Ibid.
177. Ibid., p.98
178. Ibid., p.98
179. Ibid., p.98
180. Ibid., p.98
181. Ibid., p.98
182. Abdul Halim, History of Lodi Sultans of Delhi and
Agra, Delhi, 1924, p.59.
183. Ibid.
184. Ibid., p.21
185. A.B. Pandey, The First Afghan Empire in India,
Clacutta, 1956, p.63.
186. Lokesh Chandra Nand, women in Delhi Sultanate,
p.99.
120
187. Abdul Halim, History of Lodi Sultans of Delhi and
Agra, p.21.
188. Lokesh Chandra Nad, Women in Delhi Sultanate,
p.99
189. Ibid., p. 100
190. Ibid.
191. Siyar-ul-Auliya, M.S.S., p.75, Akhbar-ul-Akhyar,
p.282.
192. Siyar-ul-Auliya, p. 113; Akhbar-ul Akhyar, p.282;
Religion and politics. Prof. K.A. Nizami, p.201: Society
and Cuture, p. 138.
193. Ibid.
194. Siyar-ul-Auliya, M.S.S., p.76
195. Ibid.
196. ibid.
197. Ibid
198. Akbar-ul-Akhyar, p.283.
199. Ibid, p.282
200. Fariduddin Ganji Shakar, Prof. K.A. Nixami, p.IS;
Sufism in India, Vol.1, p. 139 - bibi Qarsum, the
121
mother of Baba farid and Motehr of Shaikh Bakhtiyar
Kaki played Similar roles in infusing spiritual traits
in their sons mined great women of India, R.C.
Mazumdar, p.340; Mohd. Noor Nabi, Development of
Muslim Religious Thought in India, p.51.
201. Siyar-ul-Auliya, M.S.S. p.76; Sufism in India, Vol.1,
P.402
202. Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, p.282
203. Ibid.
204. Siyar-ul-Auliya, p. 133; Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, p.282.
205. Ibid
206. Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, pp.282-283.
207. Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, pp.282; Sufism in India, Vol. I,
p.403.
208. Ibid.
209. Ibid
210. Akbar-ul-Akhyar, p.280; Sifism in India, vol.1, p.401
211. Ibid.
212. Ibid.
213. Ibid
122
214. Siyar-ul-Arifm, M.S.S. pp. 116-117
215. Ibid.
216. Ibid.
217. Ibid., Sufism in India, vol.1, p.210, The Same details
are narrated without specifying the name of the
woman concerned.
218. Akhbar-ui-Akhyar, p. 110
219. Ibid
220. Saruz-us-Sudur, M.S.S., p.9; Religion and Politics,
p. 186; Society and Culture, Rashid, p. 139.
221. Ibid.
222. Ibid.
223. Suruz-us-Sudur, M.S.S., p.9; Religion and politics.
Prof., p. 186; Soceity and Culture, p. 139.
224. Siyar-ul-Auliya, pp.139-140.
225. Ibid.
226. Religion and Politics, p. 187, Indian Muslims, p. 151
227. Siyar-ul-Arifm, M.S.S., p.47; Sufism in India, Vol.1,
p. 137
228. Siyar-ul-Arifm, M.S.S., p.47.
123
229. Ibid.
230. Sufism in India, Vol.1, p. 137
231. Ibid.
232. Siyar-ul-Arifin, M.S.S., P.97
233. Ibid.
234. Siyar-ul-Arifm, M., p.97
235. Siyar-ul-Auliya, p. 191; Siyar-ul-Auliya, M.S.S., p. 102.
236. Society and Culture, p. 139
237. Ibid.
238. Siyar-ul-Auliya, M.S.S., p. 102
239. Siyar-ul-Auliya, M.S.S. P. 102; Fariduddin Ganji
Shakar, Prof. K.A. Nizami, P.66; Religion and Politics,
p. 195 Sufism in India, vol.1, p. 150.
240. Siyar-ul-Auliya, M.S.S.; p. 102
241. Siyar-ul-Auliya, pp. 191-193; Siyar-ul-Auliya, M.S.S.,
p. 102; Fariduddin Ganji Shakar, p.66.
242. Development of Muslim Religions thought in India,
p. 103.
124
CONCLUSION
CONCLUSION
The period of Muslim rule in India has great importance
from different aspects including socio -cultural development. It
had marked great progress in academic field and cultural life.
The present M.Phil work examines this development as
especially in the in the context of women.
As a background of this study it was necessary to find out
how Islam was introduced in India and what has been main
factors for the development of socio-cultural institution of
Muslim in this country.
It is evident from the alone study that at the initial stage
it was contribution of the Aral traders who introduced Islam in
south India and it goes to the credit of ulema and Sufis who
worked for the Propagation and spread of Islam in different
parts of the country. The rulers have also their role in this work
through providing favorable atmosphere for the some
patronizing and encouraging Ulema and preachers of Islam.
The discussion under the present work shows that after
establishment of Muslim rule in India the Muslim population
came to the divided into different classes. This division not
based on the caste system, actually existed in view of either
political connection or socio-economic status. This findings of
125
the work showed out that every section of Muslim society
including women was given freedom to develop its faculties and
to contribute to socio-cultural life.
Special study about the position of women of the
sultanate period brings to focus the please of respect given to
them in Muslim society and the concern of the contemporary
rules and other section of the society for betterment of their
social position. It appears that they participated in socio-
cultural activities and contributed to academic life in their some
ways though there were some religious restrictions on their
activities outside their home. But it is established from the
present work that women of the sultanate period especially
those belonging to upper class family took part in political
matters and had also their say in state affairs. Many of the
ladies of period were not only educated, they also showed
interest in the promotion of learning and development of
academic activities.
The period was also marked by flourishment of such
ladies whose piety and religious life was even recognized by the
eminent saints of the period.
The present M.Phil work has great importance in a
situation where interest in the study of social-cultural activities
126
is rising day by day. This humble work has more importance in
view of the fact that Muslim society of medieval India was
considered more interest in the study of the contribution of
Muslim women to socio-cultural life with regard to medieval
period.
127
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