Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes
Jochen Trommer & Eva Zimmermann (University of Leipzig)
UBC
April 11, 2013
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 1 / 52
Introduction
Major Theories of AXx Linearization
Phonological DislocationAXxes are preVxes or suXxes to the base, but may inVx under the pressureof phonological constraints
(Moravcsik 1977, Prince&Smolensky 1993/2002, Halle 2003, Horwood 2002, Klein 2005)
Morphological pivot aXxation
AXxes are preVxes or suXxes to speciVc (possibly internal) base positions(‘pivots’) and cannot be dislocated by phonological processes
(Yu 2002, Yu 2007)
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 2 / 52
Introduction
Tagalog um-InVxation(BloomVeld 1933, McCarthy&Prince 1993, Zoll 1996)
(1)Base Actor Focusabot umabot ‘reach for, pf.’tawag tumawag ‘call, pf.’
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 3 / 52
Introduction
InVxation as AXxation+Phonological Dislocation(Horwood 2002)
(2) um ↔ Base[
(3) V-initial Base
um-abot NoCoda Lin
+ a. u.ma.bot *b. a.um.bot **! *c. a.bu.mot * *!*
(4) C-initial Base
um-tawag NoCoda Lin
a. um.ta.wag **!+ b. tu.ma.wag * *
c. ta.um.wag **! **
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 4 / 52
Introduction
InVxation as Pivot AXxation(Yu 2007)
(5) um ↔ Base[ . . . V
(6) Possible pivots for aXxationa. Initial pivot
(i) First consonant/onset(ii) First vowel/nucleus(iii) First syllable
b. Final pivot(i) Final vowel/nucleus(ii) Final syllable
c. Prominence pivot(i) Stressed syllable(ii) Stressed vowel/nucleus
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 5 / 52
Introduction
InVxation as Pivot AXxation(Yu 2007)
(5) um ↔ Base[ . . . V
(6) Possible pivots for aXxationa. Initial pivot
(i) First consonant/onset(ii) First vowel/nucleus(iii) First syllable
b. Final pivot(i) Final vowel/nucleus(ii) Final syllable
c. Prominence pivot(i) Stressed syllable(ii) Stressed vowel/nucleus
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 5 / 52
Introduction
Mora aXxation
(7) Emphatic adjectives in Shizuoka Japanese (Davis&Ueda 2006)
Adjective Emphatic Forma. katai kat:ai ‘hard’
osoi os:oi ‘slow’ CV.C˚. . . ⇒ CV.C
˚:. . .
takai tak:ai ‘high’
b. hade hande ‘showy’
ozoi onzoi ‘terrible’ CV.Cˇ. . . ⇒ CVN.C
ˇ. . .
nagai naNgai ‘long’
c. zonzai zo:nzai ‘impolite’
sup:ai su:p:ai ‘sour’ CVC.C. . . ⇒ CV:C.C. . .ok:anai o:k:anai ‘scary’
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 6 / 52
Introduction
Central Question of this Talk
How are μ-aXxes linearized?
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 7 / 52
Introduction
Linearization of mora aXxes
Phonological Dislocation
The μ strives to be a preVx/suXx (morpheme-speciVc Align/Edgemost) butmay inVx under the pressure of phonological constraints
(SamekLodovici 1992, Grimes 2002, Davis&Ueda 2002)
Prosodic Circumscription
Bases can be (recursively) delimited to certain prosodically deVned portionsand the outparsed portion or the extraprosodic remainder can then betargetted by further operations like preVxation/suXxation.
(Lombardi&McCarthy 1991)
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 8 / 52
Introduction
Linearization of mora aXxes
Phonological Dislocation
The μ strives to be a preVx/suXx (morpheme-speciVc Align/Edgemost) butmay inVx under the pressure of phonological constraints
(SamekLodovici 1992, Grimes 2002, Davis&Ueda 2002)
Prosodic Circumscription
Bases can be (recursively) delimited to certain prosodically deVned portionsand the outparsed portion or the extraprosodic remainder can then betargetted by further operations like preVxation/suXxation.
(Lombardi&McCarthy 1991)
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 8 / 52
Introduction
Our claim
â μ-aXxation is pivot aXxationand there is no phonological dislocation for μ-aXxes
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 9 / 52
Introduction
1. Introduction
2. A typology of mora aXxation
3. Against phonological μ-dislocation3.1 Lack of non-local inVxation3.2 Lack of Variable InVxation3.3 Cases of Fixed InVxation: Shizuoka Japanese3.4 Morphologically contrastive μ-aXxes
4. Conclusion
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 10 / 52
A typology of mora aXxation
A typology of mora aXxation
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 11 / 52
A typology of mora aXxation
Morphological μ’s
I. A μ as morpheme
(8) Gidabal (Geytenbeek&Geytenbeek 1971, Kenstowicz&Kisseberth 1977)
Base Imperativegida ‘to tell’ gida:ma ‘to put’ ma:
II. A μ is part of a morpheme
(9) Plural suXx /–weP/ in Zuni (Newman 1965, Saba Kirchner 2007)
Base Plurallupa ‘box of ashes’ lupa:wePhomata ‘juniper tree’ homata:weP
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 12 / 52
A typology of mora aXxation
Realization of a μ-aXx
a. Vowel lengthening
σ
μ + μ
VC
Ù
σ
μ μ
VC
b. Gemination
σ
μ+μ
VC
Ù
σσ
μμ
VC
c. C-Epenthesis
σ
μ + μ
VC
Ù
σ
μ μ
VC P
d. V-Epenthesis
σ
μ+μ
VC
Ù
σσ
μμ
VC@
e. Reduplication
σ
μ+μ
VC
Ù
σσ
μμ
VCVCTrommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 13 / 52
A typology of mora aXxation
Empirical survey on μ-aXxes: selection criteria
(10) The set of phonologically predictable allomorphs A expresses amorphological categoryM
a. μ-aXxationEither (i) or (ii) holds:(i) a ‘strictly μ-induced‘ operation (gemination, vowel lengthening)
is one operation in A(ii) at least two diUerent ‘potentially μ-induced’ operations
(C- or V-epenthesis, μ-sized reduplication) are part of A
b. Exclusion of templatic morphologyNot all forms expressingM through A conform to a prosodic shape.
c. Relevance for linearizationAt least some bases to which A apply are polysyllabic.
Ù 26 μ-aXxation patterns in 24 languages distributed over 19 families
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 14 / 52
A typology of mora aXxation
Empirical survey on μ-aXxes: selection criteria
(10) The set of phonologically predictable allomorphs A expresses amorphological categoryM
a. μ-aXxationEither (i) or (ii) holds:(i) a ‘strictly μ-induced‘ operation (gemination, vowel lengthening)
is one operation in A(ii) at least two diUerent ‘potentially μ-induced’ operations
(C- or V-epenthesis, μ-sized reduplication) are part of A
b. Exclusion of templatic morphologyNot all forms expressingM through A conform to a prosodic shape.
c. Relevance for linearizationAt least some bases to which A apply are polysyllabic.
Ù 26 μ-aXxation patterns in 24 languages distributed over 19 families
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 14 / 52
A typology of mora aXxation
Empirical survey on μ-aXxes: selection criteria
(10) The set of phonologically predictable allomorphs A expresses amorphological categoryM
a. μ-aXxationEither (i) or (ii) holds:(i) a ‘strictly μ-induced‘ operation (gemination, vowel lengthening)
is one operation in A(ii) at least two diUerent ‘potentially μ-induced’ operations
(C- or V-epenthesis, μ-sized reduplication) are part of A
b. Exclusion of templatic morphologyNot all forms expressingM through A conform to a prosodic shape.
c. Relevance for linearizationAt least some bases to which A apply are polysyllabic.
Ù 26 μ-aXxation patterns in 24 languages distributed over 19 families
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 14 / 52
A typology of mora aXxation
Empirical survey on μ-aXxes: selection criteria
(10) The set of phonologically predictable allomorphs A expresses amorphological categoryM
a. μ-aXxationEither (i) or (ii) holds:(i) a ‘strictly μ-induced‘ operation (gemination, vowel lengthening)
is one operation in A(ii) at least two diUerent ‘potentially μ-induced’ operations
(C- or V-epenthesis, μ-sized reduplication) are part of A
b. Exclusion of templatic morphologyNot all forms expressingM through A conform to a prosodic shape.
c. Relevance for linearizationAt least some bases to which A apply are polysyllabic.
Ù 26 μ-aXxation patterns in 24 languages distributed over 19 families
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 14 / 52
A typology of mora aXxation
(classiVcation according to AUTOTYP)Language Stock Area ContinentShizuoka Japanese Japanese N Coast Asia N-C AsiaAlabama Muskogean E North America EN AmericaZuni Zuni Basin and Plains EN AmericaLardil Tangkic N Australia AustraliaGidabal Pama-Nyungan S Australia AustraliaArbizu Basque Basque Europe W and SW EurasiaSlovak Slavic Europe W and SW EurasiaHausa Chadic African Savannah AfricaAsante Twi Kwa African Savannah AfricaLuganda Benue-Congo E Africa AfricaAymara Jaqui Andean S AmericaQuechua Quechuan Andean S AmericaGuajiro Arawakan NE South America S AmericaSouthern Sierra Miwok Yokuts-Utian California WN AmericaNootka Wakashan Alaska-Oregon WN AmericaDiegueño Yuman California C AmericaSaanich Salishan Alaska-Oregon WN AmericaUpriver Halkomelem Salishan Alaska-Oregon WN AmericaHiaki Uto-Aztecan Mesoamerica C AmericaShoshone Uto-Aztecan Mesoamerica C AmericaTepecano Uto-Aztecan Mesoamerica C AmericaTawala Austronesian Oceania NG and OceaniaKeley-i Austronesian Oceania S/SE AsiaMarshallese Austronesian Oceania S/SE Asia
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 15 / 52
A typology of mora aXxation
Where (in their base) are morphological μ’s realized?
Ù on the consonant following the Vrst vowel.
(11) Shoshone (Crum&Dayley 1993, Haugen 2008, McLaughlin 2012)
Base Durativekat1 ‘sit’ kat:1jakai ‘cry’ jak:ainemi ‘travel’ nem:imaka ‘feed’ mak:a
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 16 / 52
A typology of mora aXxation
Where (in their base) are morphological μ’s realized?
Ù on the consonant following the Vrst vowel.
(11) Shoshone (Crum&Dayley 1993, Haugen 2008, McLaughlin 2012)
Base Durativekat1 ‘sit’ kat:1jakai ‘cry’ jak:ainemi ‘travel’ nem:imaka ‘feed’ mak:a
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 16 / 52
A typology of mora aXxation
Where (in their base) are morphological μ’s realized?
Ù on the Vnal vowel.
(12) Gidabal (Geytenbeek&Geytenbeek 1971, Kenstowicz&Kisseberth 1977)
Base Imperativegida ‘to tell’ gida:ma ‘to put’ ma:jaga ‘to Vx’ jaga:ga:da-li-wa ‘keep on chasing’ ga:daliwa:
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 17 / 52
A typology of mora aXxation
Language #(C) V C . . . C V (C)#1. Saanich2. Tawala3. U. Halkomelem4. Luganda5. Marshallese6. Keley-i I7. Hiaki I8. Sh. Japanese9. Tepecano10. Keley-i II11. Shoshone12. Hiaki II13. Alabama14. Arbizu Basque15. Gidabal16. Zuni17. Hausa18. Diegeño19. Slovak20. Nootka21. Asante Twi22. Guajiro23. Quechua24. Lardil25. S. Sierra Miwok26. Aymara
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 18 / 52
A typology of mora aXxation
Language(s) Pivot Examples
Saanich #μ__ s @ qμ μ
w e P q @ sμ μ μ μ
q e q @ nμ μ μ
Tawala #__μ t a: t a w aμμ μ μ
g e g a eμ μ μ
Hiaki I #__μ i: v a k t aμ μ μ μ
U. Halkomelem #μ__ h i l tμ μ
q i q @ s @ tμ μ μ
h @ m q @ tμ μ
Lug., Marsh., Keley-i I #__μ k u b oμ μ μ
Sh. Japanese #μ__ h a n d eμ μ μ
k a t: aiμ μ μ
z o n z aiμ μ μ
Shosh., Hiaki II,Keley-i II, Tepecano
#__μ j 1 k:w iμ μ μ
Alabama __μ# b a l a:μ μ μ
c o b: aμ μ μ
Gid., Zuni, Hausa,Dieg., Slovak, Nootka
μ__# j a g a:μ μ μ
Asante Twi μ__# o b i s a:μ μ μ μ
n om:μ μ
Quech., Lard.,S.S.Miwok, Aym.
μ__# j o h k a:μ μ μ μ
h a: j a N k 1μμ μ μ μ
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 19 / 52
A typology of mora aXxation
μ-aXxation as Pivot AXxation
Pivots for μ-aXxation
� Vrst/last μ
Ù they describe all and only the possible landing sites for μ-aXxes
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 20 / 52
Against phonological μ-dislocation
Against phonological μ-dislocation
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 21 / 52
Against phonological μ-dislocation
Arguments against Phonological μ-Dislocation
� Lack of non-local inVxation
� Lack of Variable InVxation
� Cases of Fixed InVxation
� Morphologically contrastive μ-aXxes
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 22 / 52
Against phonological μ-dislocation
The general logic of μ-dislocation approaches
(13) Long vowels in Gidabal
gida, μ *C: Align(μImp,R) *V:
+ a. gidaμ [gida:] *b. gidμa [gid:a] *! *
(14) Geminates in Shoshone
maka, μ *#C: *V: Align(μDur,L) *C:
a. mμaka [m:aka] *! *b. maμka [ma:ka] *! *
+ c. makμa [mak:a] ** *
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 23 / 52
Against phonological μ-dislocation
The general logic of μ-dislocation approaches
(13) Long vowels in Gidabal
gida, μ *C: Align(μImp,R) *V:
+ a. gidaμ [gida:] *b. gidμa [gid:a] *! *
(14) Geminates in Shoshone
maka, μ *#C: *V: Align(μDur,L) *C:
a. mμaka [m:aka] *! *b. maμka [ma:ka] *! *
+ c. makμa [mak:a] ** *
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 23 / 52
Against phonological μ-dislocation Lack of non-local inVxation
Arguments against Phonological μ-Dislocation
� Lack of non-local inVxation
� Lack of Variable InVxation
� Cases of Fixed InVxation
� Morphologically contrastive μ-aXxes
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 24 / 52
Against phonological μ-dislocation Lack of non-local inVxation
Lack of non-local inVxation
� the pivots Vrst/last μ are suXcient to predict all attested cases ofμ-aXxation
� phonological dislocation accounts inherently predict non-localinVxation
(15) Non-local gemination in *Shoshone’Base μ-affixed formgadali gadal:ipukalimbu pukal:imbusanagumkilte sanag:umkilte
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 25 / 52
Against phonological μ-dislocation Lack of non-local inVxation
Lack of non-local inVxation
� the pivots Vrst/last μ are suXcient to predict all attested cases ofμ-aXxation
� phonological dislocation accounts inherently predict non-localinVxation
(15) Non-local gemination in *Shoshone’Base μ-affixed formgadali gadal:ipukalimbu pukal:imbusanagumkilte sanag:umkilte
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 25 / 52
Against phonological μ-dislocation Lack of non-local inVxation
Lack of non-local inVxation
� the pivots Vrst/last μ are suXcient to predict all attested cases ofμ-aXxation
� phonological dislocation accounts inherently predict non-localinVxationÙ such patterns are unattested
(15) Non-local gemination in *Shoshone’Base μ-affixed formgadali gadal:ipukalimbu pukal:imbusanagumkilte sanag:umkilte
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 25 / 52
Against phonological μ-dislocation Lack of non-local inVxation
Phonological dislocation predicts non-local μ-inVxation
(16) Derivation of *Shoshone’
Dep Alignsanagumkilte, μ *V: Link#σ (μ,L) *C:
a. saμnagumkilte [sa:nagumkilte] *! * *b. sanμagumkilte [san:agumkilte] *! ** *c. sanaμgumkilte [sana:gumkilte] *! ***
+ d. sanagμumkilte [sanag:umkilte] **** *
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 26 / 52
Against phonological μ-dislocation Lack of Variable InVxation
Arguments against Phonological μ-Dislocation
� Lack of non-local inVxation
� Lack of Variable InVxation
� Cases of Fixed InVxation
� Morphologically contrastive μ-aXxes
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 27 / 52
Against phonological μ-dislocation Lack of Variable InVxation
A serious misprediction: variable μ-inVxation
� only CV, CVC- syllables are licit
� the leftmost C that can be geminated (not followed by another C), islengthened
(17) *Shoshone”Base μ-affixed formmataku mat:akufuntemi funtem:imalkuftika malkuftik:a
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 28 / 52
Against phonological μ-dislocation Lack of Variable InVxation
Phonological dislocation predicts variable μ-inVxation
(18) Derivation of *Shoshone”
Align*Compl *V: (μ,L) *C:
I. mataku, μ
a. maμta.ku [mat:aku] *! *+ b. matμa.ku [mat:aku] ** *
II. funtemi, μ
a. fuμn.te.mi [fu:ntemi] *! *b. funμte.mi [fun:temi] *! ** *
+ c. fun.temμi [funtem:i] ***** *
III. malkuftika, μ
a. maμl.kuf.ti.ka [ma:lkuftika] *! *b. malμkuf.ti.ka [mal:kuftika] *! ** *c. mal.kufμti.ka [malkuf:tika] *! ***** *
+ d. mal.kuf.tikμa [malkuftik:a] ******** *
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 29 / 52
Against phonological μ-dislocation Lack of Variable InVxation
. . . but isn’t Keley-i such a language?
Samek-Lodovici (1992):
‘Gemination is caused by random aXxation of a moraic morpheme. A verysimple set of independently motivated constraints determines its eventuallocation and what segment is involved.’ (p.8)
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 30 / 52
Against phonological μ-dislocation Lack of Variable InVxation
Gemination in Keley-iHohulin (1971), Hohulin&Kenstowicz (1979), Archangeli (1987), Lombardi&McCarthy (1991)
� three tenses (Prs, Pst, Fut) and Vve foci
� Samek-Lodovici’s generalization:gemination of the leftmost consonant that can be geminated in thePrs+Fut (=non-perfect)
(19) Non-perfect gemination (Hohulin&Kenstowicz 1979)
Access.Focus Ben.FocPi-p:ili Pi-p:ili-PanPi-d:ujag Pi-d:ujag-an
Subj.Focus Obj.Focus Ref.Focum-pil:i pil:i-Pen pil:i-Panum-duj:ag duj:ag-en duj:ag-an
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 31 / 52
Against phonological μ-dislocation Lack of Variable InVxation
Gemination in Keley-iHohulin (1971), Hohulin&Kenstowicz (1979), Archangeli (1987), Lombardi&McCarthy (1991)
� three tenses (Prs, Pst, Fut) and Vve foci
� Samek-Lodovici’s generalization:gemination of the leftmost consonant that can be geminated in thePrs+Fut (=non-perfect)
(19) Non-perfect gemination (Hohulin&Kenstowicz 1979)
Access.Focus Ben.FocPi-p:ili Pi-p:ili-PanPi-d:ujag Pi-d:ujag-an
Subj.Focus Obj.Focus Ref.Focum-pil:i pil:i-Pen pil:i-Panum-duj:ag duj:ag-en duj:ag-an
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 31 / 52
Against phonological μ-dislocation Lack of Variable InVxation
Gemination in Keley-iHohulin (1971), Hohulin&Kenstowicz (1979), Archangeli (1987), Lombardi&McCarthy (1991)
� three tenses (Prs, Pst, Fut) and Vve foci
� Samek-Lodovici’s generalization:gemination of the leftmost consonant that can be geminated in thePrs+Fut (=non-perfect)
(19) Non-perfect gemination (Hohulin&Kenstowicz 1979)
Access.Focus Ben.FocPi-p:ili Pi-p:ili-PanPi-d:ujag Pi-d:ujag-an
Subj.Focus Obj.Focus Ref.Focum-pil:i pil:i-Pen pil:i-Panum-duj:ag duj:ag-en duj:ag-an
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 31 / 52
Against phonological μ-dislocation Lack of Variable InVxation
Analysis for Keley-i in Samek-Lodovici (1992)
� left-edge proximity for the aXx
� syllabic wellformedness: only CV/CVC are licit
i. Initial gemination ii. Medial geminationσ σ σ
μμ μ μ
i p i l i
σ σ σ
μμ μ μμ
u m p i l i
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 32 / 52
Against phonological μ-dislocation Lack of Variable InVxation
Analysis for Keley-i in Samek-Lodovici (1992)
� left-edge proximity for the aXx
� syllabic wellformedness: only CV/CVC are licit
i. Initial gemination ii. Medial geminationσ σ σ
μμ μ μ
i p i l i
σ σ σ
μμ μ μμ
u m p i l i
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 32 / 52
Against phonological μ-dislocation Lack of Variable InVxation
Gemination in Keley-i I
(20) Non-perfect root-initial gemination (Hohulin&Kenstowicz 1979)
Access.Focus Ben.FocFut Pi-p:ili Pi-p:ili-PanPast Pim-pili Pim-pili-Pan ‘to choose’Pres ke-Pi-p:ili ke-Pi-p:ili-Pi
Fut Pi-d:ujag Pi-d:ujag-anPast Pin-dujag Pin-dujag-an ‘to pour’Pres ke-Pi-d:ujag ke-Pi-d:ujag-i
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 33 / 52
Against phonological μ-dislocation Lack of Variable InVxation
Gemination in Keley-i II
(21) Non-perfect root-medial gemination (Hohulin&Kenstowicz 1979)
Subj.Focus Obj.Focus Ref.FocFut um-pil:i pil:i-Pen pil:i-PanPast p-im:-ili p-in-ili p-in-ili-Pan ‘to choose’Pres ka-Pum-pil:i ke-pil:i-Pa ke-pil:i-Pi
Fut um-duj:ag duj:ag-en duj:ag-anPast d-im:-ujag d-in-ujag d-in-ujag-an ‘to pour’Pres ka-Pum-duj:ag ka-duj:ag ka-duj:ag-i
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 34 / 52
Against phonological μ-dislocation Lack of Variable InVxation
Morphological analysis for Keley-i
FocusAccess. Ben. Sbj. Obj. Ref.
PstPrs Pi– Pi– Pum– ke– ke–Fut Pi– Pi– Pum–
initial G. medial G.
Ù partially complementary distribution of initial/medial μ-aXxation
FocusAccess. Ben. Sbj. Obj. Ref. stative
Pst Pi–Prs Pi– Pi– Pum– ke– ke– Pi–Fut Pi– Pi– Pum– Pi–
initial G. medial G.
Ù partially complementary distribution of initial/medial μ-aXxationÙ but: both gemination patterns cooccur in the stative paradigm
(22) Initial and medial gemination in Keley-i (Hohulin&Kenstowicz 1979)
Pst Prs Futbitu ‘to put’ ne-Pi-bitw-an ke-Pi-b:it:u-Pan me-Pi-b:it:u-Pan
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 35 / 52
Against phonological μ-dislocation Lack of Variable InVxation
Morphological analysis for Keley-i
FocusAccess. Ben. Sbj. Obj. Ref. stative
Pst Pi–Prs Pi– Pi– Pum– ke– ke– Pi–Fut Pi– Pi– Pum– Pi–
initial G. medial G.
Ù partially complementary distribution of initial/medial μ-aXxationÙ but: both gemination patterns cooccur in the stative paradigm
(22) Initial and medial gemination in Keley-i (Hohulin&Kenstowicz 1979)
Pst Prs Futbitu ‘to put’ ne-Pi-bitw-an ke-Pi-b:it:u-Pan me-Pi-b:it:u-Pan
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 35 / 52
Against phonological μ-dislocation Lack of Variable InVxation
Morphological analysis for Keley-i
FocusAccess. Ben. Sbj. Obj. Ref. stative
Pst Pi–Prs Pi– Pi– Pum– ke– ke– Pi–Fut Pi– Pi– Pum– Pi–
initial G. medial G.
Ù partially complementary distribution of initial/medial μ-aXxationÙ but: both gemination patterns cooccur in the stative paradigm
(22) Initial and medial gemination in Keley-i (Hohulin&Kenstowicz 1979)
Pst Prs Futbitu ‘to put’ ne-Pi-bitw-an ke-Pi-b:it:u-Pan me-Pi-b:it:u-Pan
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 35 / 52
Against phonological μ-dislocation Lack of Variable InVxation
Morphological analysis for Keley-i
There are two μ-aXxes!
I. μ / [__μ ↔ [–pst, Access ∨ Ben ∨ Stat]
II. μ / [σ__ ↔ [–pst, Sbj ∨ Obj ∨ Ref ∨ Stat]
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 36 / 52
Against phonological μ-dislocation Lack of Variable InVxation
Morphological analysis for Keley-i
There are two μ-aXxes!
I. μ / [__μ ↔ [–pst, Access ∨ Ben ∨ Stat]
II. μ / [σ__ ↔ [–pst, Sbj ∨ Obj ∨ Ref ∨ Stat]
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 36 / 52
Against phonological μ-dislocation Cases of Fixed InVxation: Shizuoka Japanese
Arguments against Phonological μ-Dislocation
� Lack of non-local inVxation
� Lack of Variable InVxation
� Cases of Fixed InVxation
� Morphologically contrastive μ-aXxes
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 37 / 52
Against phonological μ-dislocation Cases of Fixed InVxation: Shizuoka Japanese
Shizuoka Japanese
(23) Emphatic adjectives in Shizuoka Japanese (Davis&Ueda 2006)
Adjective Emphatic Forma. katai kat:ai ‘hard’
osoi os:oi ‘slow’ CV.C˚. . . ⇒ CV.C
˚:. . .
takai tak:ai ‘high’
b. hade hande ‘showy’
ozoi onzoi ‘terrible’ CV.Cˇ. . . ⇒ CVN.C
ˇ. . .
nagai naNgai ‘long’
c. zonzai zo:nzai ‘impolite’
sup:ai su:p:ai ‘sour’ CVC.C. . . ⇒ CV:C.C. . .ok:anai o:k:anai ‘scary’
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 38 / 52
Against phonological μ-dislocation Cases of Fixed InVxation: Shizuoka Japanese
Shizuoka Japanese in Davis & Ueda (2006)
(24) CVO˚V
katai, μ σ-Cond *V: Dep n *C:
+ a. katμai [kat:ai] *
b. ka nμ tai [kantai] *!c. kaμtai [ka:tai] *!
(25) CVOˇV
hade, μ σ-Cond *V: Dep n *C:
a. hadμe [had:e] *Cˇ: * *
+ b. ha nμ de [hande] *c. haμde [ha:de] *!
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 39 / 52
Against phonological μ-dislocation Cases of Fixed InVxation: Shizuoka Japanese
Shizuoka Japanese in Davis & Ueda (2006)
(26) CVN.OV
zonzai, μ σ-Cond *V: Dep n *C:
a. zonzμai [zon.z:ai] *σ[Cμ! * *b. zon n μzai [zon:zai] *CC]σ! *
+ c. zoμnzai [zo:n.zai] *
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 40 / 52
Against phonological μ-dislocation Cases of Fixed InVxation: Shizuoka Japanese
Sh. Japanese Linearization by Pivot AXxation
(27) μ ↔ Base[ μ
(28)
a.
σ σ
μ μ μ
h a n d e
b.
σ σ
μ μ μ μ μ
z o n z a i
c.
σ σ
μ μ μ μ
k a t a i
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 41 / 52
Against phonological μ-dislocation Cases of Fixed InVxation: Shizuoka Japanese
Sh. Japanese Linearization by Pivot AXxation
(27) μ ↔ Base[ μ
(28)
a.
σ σ
μ μ μ
h a n d e
b.
σ σ
μ μ μ μ μ
z o n z a i
c.
σ σ
μ μ μ μ
k a t a i
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 41 / 52
Against phonological μ-dislocation Cases of Fixed InVxation: Shizuoka Japanese
Shizuoka Japanese as a Problem for Dislocation
Align(μ,L) must be ranked below *V: to allow μ-metathesis in n-epenthesis
(29) Wrong ranking for CVOˇV
hade, μ σ-Cond Align(μ,L) *V: Dep n *C:
a. hadμe (had:e) *Cˇ: ** * *
+ b. ha nμ de (hande) *!* ** c. haμde (ha:de) * *
(30) Correct ranking for CVOˇV
hade, μ σ-Cond *V: Align(μ,L) Dep n *C:
a. hadμe [had:e] *Cˇ: * ** *
+ b. ha nμ de [hande] ** *c. haμde [ha:de] *! *
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 42 / 52
Against phonological μ-dislocation Cases of Fixed InVxation: Shizuoka Japanese
Shizuoka Japanese as a Problem for Dislocation
Align(μ,L) must be ranked above *V: to block gemination beyond the Vrst σ
(31) Wrong ranking for CVN.OV
kata, μ σ-Cond *V: Align(μ,L) Dep n *C:
a. onzμokutai [on.z:okutai] *σ[Cμ! ** ** a’. onzokμutai [on.zok:utai] **** *
b. on nμ zai [on:zokutai] *CC]σ! * **+ c. oμnzokutai [o:n.zokutai] *
(32) Correct ranking for CVN.OV
kata, μ σ-Cond Align(μ,L) *V: Dep n *C:
a. onzμokutai [on.z:okutai] *σ[Cμ! ** * *a’. onzokμutai [on.zok:utai] *!*** *
b. on nμ zai [on:zokutai] *CC]σ! ** *+ c. oμnzokutai [o:n.zokutai] *
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 43 / 52
Against phonological μ-dislocation Cases of Fixed InVxation: Shizuoka Japanese
μ-Alignment in Davis & Ueda (2006:4)
(33) Align-L(μe,Wd)Align the emphatic mora with the beginning (left edge) of the word.
“In our analysis, the evaluation of the alignment constraint in (5) is withrespect to the syllable so that if the emphatic mora (μe) is realized in theVrst syllable of the word then the constraint is satisVed; it is violated if it isrealized beyond the Vrst syllable.”
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 44 / 52
Against phonological μ-dislocation Morphologically contrastive μ-aXxes
Arguments against Phonological μ-Dislocation
� Lack of non-local inVxation
� Lack of Variable InVxation
� Cases of Fixed InVxation
� Morphologically contrastive μ-aXxes
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 45 / 52
Against phonological μ-dislocation Morphologically contrastive μ-aXxes
Moraic Distinctiveness
� diUerent μ-aXxes in the same language result in diUerent outputs(Guerssel&Lowenstamm 1990, Lowenstamm 2003)
(34) Binyanim in Classical Arabic (McCarthy 1979, McCarthy&Prince 1990)
‘write’ ‘do’Binyan I katab faPalBinyan II kat:ab faP:alBinyan III ka:tab fa:Pal
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 46 / 52
Against phonological μ-dislocation Morphologically contrastive μ-aXxes
Problem for the Dislocation Approach
If both Binyanim are μ-preVxes
they should inVx in exactly the same way
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 47 / 52
Against phonological μ-dislocation Morphologically contrastive μ-aXxes
Classical Arabic under pivot-aXxation
(35) Two μ-aXxes in Classical Arabic
Binyan II ↔ μ / [μ__ (Gemination)
Binyan III ↔ μ / [__ μ (Vowel lengthening)
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 48 / 52
Against phonological μ-dislocation Morphologically contrastive μ-aXxes
(36) Binyan II: Gemination
Input: = a. ∗×σ
↑μ
μ
↓•
*V:
a.
σ σ
μ μ-μ
k a t a
*! *
b.
σ σ
μ μ-μ
k a t a
*!
+ c.
σ σ
μ μ-μ
k a t a
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 49 / 52
Against phonological μ-dislocation Morphologically contrastive μ-aXxes
(37) Binyan III: Vowel Lengthening
Input: = a. ∗×σ
↑μ
μ
↓•
*V:
a.
σ σ
μ μμ-
k a t a
*! *
+ b.
σ σ
μ μμ-
k a t a
*
c.
σ σ
μ μμ-
k a t a
*!
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 50 / 52
Conclusion
Conclusion
� μ-aXxation is pivot-aXxation
� phonological dislocation theories:
predict unattested instances of non-local inVxation
predict unattested instances of variable μ-inVxation
fail to predict instances of Fixed InVxation without additional(stipulated) machinery
fail to predict morphologically contrastive μ-aXxes in one language
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 51 / 52
Conclusion
Conclusion
� μ-aXxation is pivot-aXxation
� phonological dislocation theories:
predict unattested instances of non-local inVxation
predict unattested instances of variable μ-inVxation
fail to predict instances of Fixed InVxation without additional(stipulated) machinery
fail to predict morphologically contrastive μ-aXxes in one language
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 51 / 52
Conclusion
Conclusion
� μ-aXxation is pivot-aXxation
� phonological dislocation theories:
predict unattested instances of non-local inVxation
predict unattested instances of variable μ-inVxation
fail to predict instances of Fixed InVxation without additional(stipulated) machinery
fail to predict morphologically contrastive μ-aXxes in one language
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 51 / 52
Conclusion
Conclusion
� μ-aXxation is pivot-aXxation
� phonological dislocation theories:
predict unattested instances of non-local inVxation
predict unattested instances of variable μ-inVxation
fail to predict instances of Fixed InVxation without additional(stipulated) machinery
fail to predict morphologically contrastive μ-aXxes in one language
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 51 / 52
Conclusion
Conclusion
� μ-aXxation is pivot-aXxation
� phonological dislocation theories:
predict unattested instances of non-local inVxation
predict unattested instances of variable μ-inVxation
fail to predict instances of Fixed InVxation without additional(stipulated) machinery
fail to predict morphologically contrastive μ-aXxes in one language
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 51 / 52
Conclusion
Conclusion
� μ-aXxation is pivot-aXxation
� phonological dislocation theories:
predict unattested instances of non-local inVxation
predict unattested instances of variable μ-inVxation
fail to predict instances of Fixed InVxation without additional(stipulated) machinery
fail to predict morphologically contrastive μ-aXxes in one language
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 51 / 52
Conclusion
1. Introduction
2. A typology of mora aXxation
3. Against phonological μ-dislocation3.1 Lack of non-local inVxation3.2 Lack of Variable InVxation3.3 Cases of Fixed InVxation: Shizuoka Japanese3.4 Morphologically contrastive μ-aXxes
4. Conclusion
Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 52 / 52
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Trommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) Moraic preVxes, suXxes, and inVxes 53 / 52