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THE FEDERAL DEMOCRATIC
REPUBLIC OF ETHIOPIA
FOREIGN AFFAIRS AND NATIONAL
SECURITY
POLICY AND STRATEGY
Ministry of Information
Press A!"io#is!a$ De%artment
No#em&er '(('
A""is A&a&a
Ta&$e of Contents
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b* )uilding capacity by focusing on manpo,er
development ……………………................................................ %3
c* +ost-effective use of financial resources .....................................%(
d* nsuring symibiotic lin/age bet,een defence e0penditure
and the economy……………………………… ......................... %
e* )uilding capacity in the conte0t of economic development
and current threats …………………………………................... %"
3. )uilding strong implementation capacity................................... %9
a* #orging national consensus......................................................... 5$
b* !trengthening the professional diplomatic
capability................................................................................... 52
c* +oordinating and involving those ,ith
a role in implementation............................................................. 53
Se*tion '-
Et.io%ia1s Re$ations 2it. Ot.er Co!ntries
,+ Co!ntries of t.e Horn of Afri*a.......................................................................... 5(
1.1 General ……………................................................................... 5(
a* !ignificance of neighboring countries to the
development of thiopia......................................................... 5
b* !ignificance of neighboring countries
to the democratiation of thiopia ………………................. 59
c* he impact of thiopias development and democratiation
on neighboring countries ...................................................... ($
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1.2 thiopias policy to,ards ritrea............................................ (3
a* !ignificance of the lin/s.................................................. (%
b* he 'uling Group4 an obstacle to friendly relations……(5
c* olicy direction ............................................................... (9
1.3 thiopias policy to,ards !omalia.............................................
3
a* 6istorical bac/ground of relations .................................. 3
b* !ignificance of the relations............................................ 5
c* olicy direction................................................................
1.% thiopias policy to,ards he !udan .................................... "2
a* 6istorical bac/ground of thio-!udan 'elations……... "2
b* !ignificance of the 'elations......................................... "(
c* olicy direction.............................................................. "
1.5 thiopias policy to,ards D7ibouti ....................................... 91
a* 6istorical bac/ground of relations ……....................... 91
b* !ignificance of the relations ........................................ 92
c* roblems regarding the relationship.............................. 93
d* olicy direction............................................................. 9(
1.( thiopias policy to,ards 8enya........................................... 99
a* 6istorical bac/ground of the relations......................... 99
b* !ignificance of the relations ..................................... 1$$
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c* roblems in the relations......................................... 1$2
d* olicy direction........................................................ 1$3
1. !trengthening the G:D ............................................. 1$5
'+ Re$ations 3it. Ot.er Afri*an Co!ntries ......................................................... 1$(
2.1 6istorical bac/ground of the relations ........................ 1$(
2.2 !ignificance of the relations ....................................... 1$
2.3 olicy direction............................................................ 11$
0+ Re$ations 2it. Co!ntries of t.e Mi""$e East.................................................... 111
3.1 General....................................................................... 111
3.2 'elations ,ith gypt.................................................. 11
a* 6istorical bac/ground and problems regarding
the relations ............................................................ 11
b* !ignificance of the relations....................................12%
c* olicy direction ....................................................... 125
3.3 'elations ,ith :rabian eninsula +ountries ....................... 129
a* 6istorical bac/ground and problems in
the relations ........................................................ 129
b* !ignificance of the relations .................................... 13$
c* olicy direction........................................................... 131
3.% 'elations ,ith North :frican +ountries ...................... 132
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3.5 'elations ,ith srael ................................................... 133
3.( 'elations ,ith ur/ey and ran .................................. 13(
4+ E!ro%e................................................................................................................. 13
%.1 he uropean ;nion <;*............................................ 13
%.2 he 'ussian #ederation................................................ 1%3
5+ Re$ations 2it. t.e Unite" States 6U+S+A7 .......................................................... 1%%
8+ Asia ...................................................................................................................... 1%"
(.1 General ........................................................................ 1%"
(.2 =apan ............................................................................15$
(.3 +hina ........................................................................... 151
(.% ndia ............................................................................ 152
9+ Internationa$ an" non:)o#ernmenta$ or)ani;ations........................................ 15%
.1 nternational organiations .......................................... 15%
.2 nternational non-governmental organiations............. 155
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ntroduction
here can be no doubt that the attainment of speedy economic development4
democratiation and peace is fundamental to the survival of our country ,hich finds
itself in a state of ab7ect poverty and bac/,ardness. hat is ,hy the Government
gives priority to matters that are /ey to our survival and ,ell-being. ;nless the overall
policy direction pursued by the Government ta/es this basic reality into account4 our
national e0istence and security ,ill face grave danger. n this respect it is clear to see
that our foreign relations and national security policy and strategy can only have
relevance if it contributes to the fight against poverty and promotes speedy economicdevelopment4 democracy and peace. f ,e do not realie our goals4 one can predict
that our country ,ill be e0posed to great instability and even collapse and our very
security4 and indeed survival4 ,ill be at sta/e.
#ormer governments pursued e0ternal relations and national security policies that
disregarded internal problems that ,ere fundamental to our national condition.
'ather4 the effort ,as to focus on the outside ,orld and to loo/ in from the outside4 as
it ,ere. !uch an approach could not ade>uately protect our national interest and
security. here is no point in trying to pursue a foreign relations and national security
policy to be implemented e0ternally ,ithout a ma7or and effective in-country effort to
realie our vision of development and democratiation.
t should also be noted that the foreign policies of past governments ,ere4 in part4
founded on a ?siege mentality ,hich considered the country to be surrounded by
enemies. ts effects on the psychology of the people and its adverse impact on our relations ,ith the outside ,orld cannot be underestimated. his is4 ho,ever4 not to say
that the country does not have e0ternal enemies or that all past policies directed
against those ,ho ,ere arrayed against the country ,ere ,rong. @hat is essential is
the necessity to carry out appropriate studies and assessments to distinguish bet,een
those ,hose interests ,ould be negatively affected by our development and
democratiation efforts4 and those ,ho mista/enly believe that their interests ,ould
be negatively affected in this ,ay. t ,ould subse>uently be proper to pursue a policy
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and strategy that ,ould reduce the dangers and threats ,hile ensuring that speedy
economic development and democratiation process.
Generally spea/ing4 it could be said that the foreign relations and security policy
implemented by former thiopian governments did not ade>uately ta/e into account
the impact that our internal problems and vulnerabilities had on our national security
and our very survival.
:lthough4 over the past t,elve years4 since the do,nfall of the Derg regime4 it ,as
theoretically understood that our national <domestic* policies ,ere the basis of our
foreign policy4 and that ,e needed to concentrate on development4 it is difficult to
conclude that ,e had a common understanding regarding 7ust ho, internal problems,eighed on the prospects for our national survival. he demands of security and
survival have thus made it necessary to elaborate a foreign relations and national
security policy that too/ our internal situation into proper account.
Not only is this ne, foreign and national security policy and strategy drafted to
protect our national interests and to ensure thiopias survival as a country4 but its
basic thrust is designed to bring about a fundamental change of attitude regarding the
essence of foreign relations and national security. his is one step that opens a ne,
chapter in the history of our country. he policy and strategy in the main revolve
around ho, to create enabling conditions so that the people4 step by step4 benefit from
rapid economic gro,th and democratiation. n order to bring this about4 the policy
and strategy bases itself on the internal challenges and vulnerability to threats that
have an influence on our survival4 and its focus is on tas/s that should be carried out
,ithin the country. Aur direction is to move from the internal to ,hat is e0ternal4
doing our home,or/ first4 thereby enabling us to identify our shortcomings. Aur
foreign relations and national security policy and strategy are designed to address the
gaps that need to be filled. he e0ternal environment is vie,ed from the prism of our
national situation and condition4 and this ensures that the policy and strategy have
relevance to our national security and survival.
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Et.io%ia<s Po$i*y an" Strate)y On Forei)n Affairs an" Nationa$ Se*!rity
Se*tion I
Basi* Prin*i%$es
,+ T.e Fo!n"ations of Forei)n Affairs an" Nationa$ Se*!rity Po$i*y
n a fundamental sense4 security policy is a matter of ensuring national survival. he
alpha and omega of security is the ensuring of national survival. Ather national
security issues may be raised only if national e0istence is ensured. #oreign affairs and
security policy must be formulated first and foremost to ensure national security.ssues of prosperity4 sustainable peace4 and stability and other related concerns then
follo,. n order to formulate a foreign affairs and security policy that addresses these
issues4 it is important to identify and e0amine the sources and basis from ,hich the
policy springs.
,+, De#e$o%ment an" t.e &!i$"in) of a "emo*rati* system as a &asis for %o$i*y
#or the thiopian people4 benefiting from rapid development4 means living a life free
from poverty4 ignorance and bac/,ardness. he primary interest of the people is to
live free from poverty4 disease and ignorance. 'apid development is not merely
important in raising the standard of living of the people4 but also a guarantee of
national survival. ;nless ,e can bring about rapid development that benefits the
people4 ,e ,ill not be able to avoid chaos and disintegration. herefore4 assuring
accelerated development and raising the living standard of our people is critical in
preventing our country from disaster and dismemberment. his is a fundamental issueon ,hich the interests and the survival of the people of thiopia depends.
stablishing a democratic order in thiopia is the ,ay to respect peoples and
individual rights4 affirm good governance4 and assure stable ,or/ing and living
conditions. Democracy is an important instrument to mobilie around common goals
and to involve the people in nation building. Democracy guarantees that the members
of the various nations4 nationalities and religions in thiopia live in an atmosphere of
tolerance. n the absence of a democratic order4 national and religious divisions ,ill
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invariably intensify4 the abuse of human rights ,ould result in strife4 and poverty
,ould spread further - a recipe for disintegration and destruction. he realiation of
democracy ,ill therefore not only help to attain development and good governance4
but ensure national security. @ithout doubt4 democratiation is fundamental to
safeguard the individual interests of every thiopian as ,ell as to ensure the countrys
continued e0istence.
#oreign policy as ,ell as national security policy should have the mission of
protecting national interest and security. )y national interest ,e can only be referring
to the interest of the entire people - no more4 no less. @hat is crucial to the interests of
the entire people is rapid development that benefits the population. t is in the interest
of the people as a ,hole that democracy and good governance ta/e root. f ,e are to
formulate a foreign policy to protect our national interest4 ,e ,ill have to elaborate a
policy that facilitates rapid development and democratiation. Aur national interest is
all about democracy and development. Bi/e,ise our foreign and national security
policies need to be essentially based on4 and cause the promotion of4 development and
democracy.
Abviously4 the national security policy must first ensure national e0istence or
survival. nsuring national security means protecting the population from strife4 ,ar
and disintegration. f ,e do not develop and establish a democratic order4 there is no
doubt that ,e ,ill not survive as a nation. @e must therefore promote democracy and
development to ensure our survival. Aur security policy cannot have a goal that does
not proceed from this premise.
)ecause it is through rapid development and democratiation that the nation can avert
strife4 it is this same development and democratiation agenda that ensures peace. o
the degree that development and democracy bring about peace4 peace too4 is crucial in
the attainment and ensurance of democracy and development. !o ,hen ,e say that
development and democracy are the basis for national security and for peace4 ,e are
also affirming in turn4 that peace is a prere>uisite for economic development and the
establishment of democracy.
)ringing about people-centred rapid development and ensuring democracy and good
governance are ,hat our national interest is all about. :ll other issues are secondary
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to4 and based on4 these fundamentals. he goal of our foreign and security policies4
formulated to ensure our national interest and ,ell being4 should also serve to
promote democracy and development. : foreign and security policy that is ,orthy of
the name is one that is capable of achieving such a goal. 6o,ever sophisticated and
relevant in other respects4 a policy incapable of bringing about development and
democracy is of no use. he fundamental goals of foreign and national security policy
must be democracy and development.
,+' Nationa$ %ri"e an" %resti)e as a &asis for %o$i*y
!ome vie, protecting national pride as a fundamental foreign and security policy
ob7ective. hey label countries as hostile or friendly depending on ho, others haveedified or ,ounded our national pride or prestige. Athers regard national pride as a
result of other endeavours and contend that it is such endeavors and not national pride
per se that should be vie,ed as an ob7ective. : fe, argue that countries obsessed ,ith
national pride are those living in past glories but desperate about the future. hese
countries are said to have lost hope in the future and could be loo/ing for a prete0t to
launch aggression. he place that national pride should be given in the thiopian
conte0t deserves to be properly studied.
@e are proud that ,e are a people that never succumbed to colonialism and the only
nation in :frica to have remained independent. 'ightly so4 ,e also deservedly ta/e
pride in our historical heritage ,hose creativity has been much appreciated. he
heritage belongs to past generations of thiopians4 their hard ,or/4 s,eat and blood.
he source of the pride of the present generation is the attainments of past
generations. @e are proud of real achievements4 most of ,hich are not produced by
the labors of the current generation4 but of preceding ones.
n so much as there are the aforementioned values and assets that the present
generation should ta/e pride in4 protect and preserve4 there are also aspects of the
country ,hich are embarrassing sources of painful national disgrace. :t this 7uncture4
our country is heavily dependent on foreign aid. @e cannot even feed ourselves and
have to beg annually for food aid. Nothing has as much humiliating effect on the pride
of a nation as having to beg. Aur development activities ,ould also get no,here
,ithout significant foreign aid and the provision of loans. o obtain the re>uisite aid
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and loans re>uires the good ,ill and meeting the conditions of our donors and lenders.
;nder such circumstances4 ,e cannot proclaim that ,e are free in real terms. his is a
ma7or source of national humiliation and shame.
n sum4 although thiopia is the only :frican country to have successfully resisted
colonialism and despite having an ancient and proud civiliation4 it no, trails far
behind in the long list of countries ,hen it comes to development. Anly very fe,
countries find themselves in a lo,er position. :s a result of the desperate
circumstances4 the dream of many of our youth has become living in e0ile by
immigrating to urope or :merica. &any ,ho have failed to ma/e it to these
continents have resorted4 even illegally4 to crossing to the &iddle ast to ,or/ as
maidservants - a situation ,hich they consider to be an CopportunityC. t is difficult to
understand ,hat patriotism means to persons ,ho see their compatriots gratefully toil
abroad as domestic ,or/ers4 and yet ,ho d,ell on the past glories of their country.
!o4 ,hile ,e are proud of our heritage4 ,e are also ashamed of the current state of our
country. o the degree that ,e cherish the achievements of previous generations4 ,e
observe ,ith bitter regret the state of national humiliation in ,hich the present
generation finds itself. @hile ,e certainly deserve to ta/e pride in our heritage and
,or/ for its conservation4 ,e nevertheless need to address4 as a matter of greatest
priority4 the source of our national embarrassment if ,e are to hold our heads high.
@e deserve no peace of mind until and unless ,e decisively deal ,ith the source of
our disgrace and shame.
he real source of our national humiliation in our time is poverty and bac/,ardness.
t is the lac/ of democracy and good governance. !till another source is our inability
to ,or/ together in a spirit of tolerance and cooperation forged by a common belief in
our national destiny. o put it in short4 our only solution is to effect a rapid socio-
economic transformation and democratiation ,hich has a direct benefit to the people.
f maintaining our national pride is to be ta/en as a policy ob7ective4 this can only be
envisaged if concerted efforts in the direction of democratiation and development are
underta/en. herefore4 the ob7ective of maintaining national pride cannot be ta/en as
a policy ob7ective by itself4 but must be ta/en together ,ith the foundations on ,hich
it rests - the realiation of democracy and development. f maintaining national
prestige is to have any value4 it ,ill be because of its contribution to underlining the
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urgency of our ,or/ to build democracy and develop the country and that nothing
should deter us from ta/ing this path.
6istory has sho,n that countries faced ,ith national humiliation4 ,hich identified the
source of their despair and set goals to eradicate the shame4 have eventually
succeeded in attaining their ob7ective. he e0ample of a couple of countries that can
be ta/en as success stories in this regard can help to illustrate the matter.
he histories of thiopia and =apan have certain similarities. )oth countries have4 in
the course of history4 managed to avoid succumbing to foreign rule. n similar periods
of history and for similar reasons4 both countries had deliberately closed their doors to
the outside ,orld. )oth countries e0perienced periods of feudal rule and attempted tosetup a strong central government. #or different reasons4 both ,ere forced to reopen
their doors and reestablish contact ,ith the outside ,orld. :lthough the path =apan
follo,ed helped her to achieve e0traordinary transformation in development and
democratic rule4 ,hile shedding her national shame4 thiopias fate has remained
>uite different.
:fter =apan had successfully barred foreigners4 particularly @esterners from its
territory for centuries4 more advanced countries using po,erful iron ships </no,n by
the =apanese then as Cblac/ shipsC* forced themselves in to the country. hey further
forced =apan to sign an agreement that caused her dishonor and humiliation. his
shame brought about a fundamental political and economic change in =apan. he
=apanese realied that they ,ere humiliated as a result of their bac/,ardness in
development. hey understood that feudalism had ,ea/ened their position and unity.
#ar-sighted members of the ruling class became a,are that if the system ,as not
fundamentally changed4 =apans very e0istence ,ould be in 7eopardy. hey4 thus4
started ,or/ing day and night to Cdrain the s,ampC of their humiliation.
ndignant about the humiliation of their country4 and acting under their ne, banner
C'ich +ountry4 !trong &ilitaryC the =apanese set out to overcome the source of their
shame. heir first decisive move ,as forming a strong central government.
+onse>uently they formed4 in the conte0t of a 8ingdom4 a strong central government
/no,n as the &ei7i 'estoration in 1"(". hey then began traveling to urope to
ac>uire ne, /no,ledge and learn s/ills to form a prosperous and militarily strong
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country. hey toiled night and day to improve their technical s/ills and to speed
economic development. !ingle-mindedly they put aside all elements that ,ould deter
them from their path. Gritting their teeth4 they did all that ,as needed to build their
dream of a rich country ,ith a strong defense.
n less than thirty years =apan caught up ,ith the great nations of the ,orld and
embar/ed on colonial e0pansion and rivalry. n 19$% =apan militarily defeated 'ussia4
then one of the great po,ers of urope. he =apanese then con>uered and colonied
the island of ai,an and later on4 8orea. heir success gave birth to greater
arrogance4 and they moved to occupy the ,hole of +hina as a first step to control
astern :sia. =apan also launched a massive attac/ against the ;nited !tates. n the
end4 this arrogance led the =apanese to a devastating defeat and destruction in the
!econd @orld @ar. he country ,as reduced to ashes4 and faced a debilitating
economic crisis falling for a time under foreign military rule. he =apanese4 ,ho are
/no,n for choosing to die rather than face personal and national disgrace4 committed
suicide in great numbers. 6o,ever4 the nation did not choose samurai style suicide to
avert the disgrace that ,as visited upon the country for the second time. nstead =apan
preferred to ma/e the necessary ad7ustments to overcome the shame of its second
humiliation.
'ealiing that the only option they had to gain freedom from foreign rule ,as to obey
orders4 the =apanese did as told. :,a/ened to the fact that the reason for their
humiliation ,as undemocratic government and militarism4 they heeded :merican
instructions to do a,ay ,ith both. Ance again4 they fought hard to deal decisively
,ith the source of their humiliation4 in the ,a/e of the ending of ;.!. military
occupation. hey drafted a ne, democratic and anti-militarist constitution4 and abided
by it. hey commenced a ne, phase of nation rebuilding. n less than t,enty years
they managed to become the ,orlds second largest economy. heir ne, system also
became free from undemocratic and militaristic tendencies.
he =apanese e0perience is specific to =apan and may not be repeated else,here.
6o,ever4 one can learn from it. t is hard to match the =apanese in their personal and
national pride. !urrender ,as to both soldier and civilian a disgraceful e0perience4
and so suicide ,as a common preference of the =apanese to captivity. o die in style
by the s,ord <seppu/u* ,as traditionally honourable. )ut ,hen they ,ere faced ,ith
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national disgrace they did not choose to commit collective suicide. 'ather4 they
recognied the source of their shame and ,or/ed patiently and indefatigably. )y
doing so4 they incurred the respect of the rest of the ,orld. +ountries that are at
similar levels of development as ours have a lesson to learn4 namely that they need to
identify the sources of their humiliation and ,or/ single-mindedly to eliminate them.
!imilarly a glimpse at a part of the long and convoluted history of Germany ,ould
illustrate the issue further. 6istorical documents sho, that Napoleon had caused
Germany humiliation at a time ,hen it ,as fragmented into about 3$$ small states.
6e invaded the territory4 reducing the number of states by defeating the army of
russia - the state ,ith greatest prominence. he treaty russia signed after the defeat
is believed by historians to be a study in humiliation.
he russian leaders sho,ed the ,isdom to avoid further humiliation by Napoleon
,ho had soundly defeated them ,ith the strength of the liberated #rench peasantry.
hey identified the source of their humiliation and ,or/ed hard to overcome it. he
russians realied that their main problems ,ere economic and military4 and they
began to address these priorities.
'ealiing that the indentured russian serfs could not succeed against the liberated
#rench peasantry4 russia moved to abolish serfdom and universalie primary
education4 albeit in comple0 ,ays. hey analyed and meticulously learned from the
,ar tactics of Napoleons peasant army. n due course4 they managed to mobilie an
army unparallel in its combat capability. 'ecogniing that the fragmentation of the
single German people had been an obstacle to their economic gro,th4 they first
formed an economic union and then developed it in to a politicical merger. hey
celebrated their success follo,ing their victory over #rance in the #rench royal city of
ersailles in 1"1. heir humiliation no, gave ,ay to arrogance ,hich then led to
another day of yet further humiliation.
he lesson ,e dra, from the Germans is that national humiliation cannot be effaced
by posturing and self-destruction4 but rather by the identification of the source of the
humiliation and by ,or/ing hard to reverse the situation. he ,ay to overcome
national humiliation is to organie the people under one ob7ective and to address the
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cause of that shame. n the process one cannot allo, oneself to be distracted4 but
rather must /eep an unblin/ing eye on the ob7ective.
Ees4 ,e thiopians too4 are proud of our legacy and need to preserve it. 6o,ever due
to poverty4 coupled ,ith bac/,ardness and the absence of good governance4 ,e are in
a shameful state. Aur condition should give us no respite everyday. @e need to /eep
an eye on our ob7ective4 shoulder ,hatever burden and ,or/ ceaselessly to get ahead.
hrough development and democracy ,e must eradicate our humiliation. f ,e ta/e
national pride as a source of foreign and security policy4 ,e are doing so to utilie it
as an instrument of development and democracy and as a guarantor for overcoming
national humiliation.
,+0 G$o&a$i;ation as a &asis for %o$i*y
he efforts in our country to bring about rapid development4 democracy and good
governance cannot be seen outside the regional and global conte0ts. n the process of
globaliation4 the ,orld economy has become interconnected and an international
division of labour has been introduced. t is impossible to operate outside of this
conte0t. +ountries are either producers or aid recipients in the globaliing economy.
here are no e0ceptions and no country is outside of this global economy. 'apid
development can be achieved by our country only through strong efforts to graduate
from the aid recipient category to the category of producer. o sustain that
development4 a steady effort to improve ones position in the global division of labour
is re>uired. his also applies to the building of a democratic order.
@e cannot attain development and democracy by closing our doors and ta/ing refuge
in our mountains. t is only ,hen ,e accept the fact that ,e have no choice but toenter the global economy4 and ,hen ,e aim to transform ourselves from the state of
dependency to that of being a producer4 and a better producer in time4 ,e can realie
democracy and development. t is through fully e0ploiting the opportunities
globaliation provides us4 lessening the constraints it creates4 and becoming active
participants in the process of globaliation4 that ,e can promote our interests and
security. t is for this reason that the ma7or basis of our foreign and security policy is
that of achieving economic development and democracy in the frame,or/ of
globaliation. herefore4 a foreign and security policy that fully e0ploits the
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@hen ,e argue that ,e should adopt a foreign and security policy ,hich can promote
our interests and security in the frame,or/ of globaliation4 ,e are referring to a
policy that can effectively integrate us into the international system. t also means a
policy that is based on mutual benefit4 give and ta/e4 negotiation and mutual respect
rather than one that advances unilateral interests. An the one hand4 the policy should
enable us to negotiate as a country and ,ithin a group4 to modify the rules and the
system of globaliation so that it ta/es our interests into account better. An the other4
the policy should facilitate our gaining ma0imum benefit from globaliation ,hile
strictly obeying the rules of the game.
@or/ing to have our interests and security protected in the ,orld of globaliation does
not mean that ,e ,or/ alone. #or instance4 negotiations to improve conditions
demand common action by developing countries. @e need to coordinate ,ith others
to derive ma0imum benefits from globaliation. @e proceed from one and only one
premise as ,e cooperate ,ith others - the protection of our national interest4 and
security. @e ,ill not be led by any other ob7ective. here is no other goal to be
achieved. his is ,hy ,e say that ensuring the protection of our national interest and
security ,ithin the frame,or/ of globaliation is the third foundation on ,hich our
foreign and security policy is based.
'+ O&/e*ti#es of t.e Forei)n Affairs an" Nationa$ Se*!rity Po$i*y
he failure to realie development and democracy has resulted in our security being
threatened. t has meant that ,e have remained impoverished4 dependent and unable
to hold our heads high. he prospect of disintegration cannot be totally ruled out. hat
is ,hy it is imperative that ,e e0pedite development and consolidate democracy. n
doing so4 ,e can consolidate our e0istence as a nation4 and preserve our honour. he
goal of our foreign and security policy is to ensure international conditions that are
conducive to achieving our development and democratic ob7ectives. he basis and
goal of our foreign and national security policy is defined as realiing development
and democracy.
o bring about development and realie it in the frame,or/ of globaliation4 ,e need
e0tensive mar/et opportunities4 investment and technical support. #or some time yet4
,e ,ill also need grants and loans to finance our development endeavours. @e also
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re>uire considerable technical and financial support to build and strengthen
institutions of democratic governance4 so crucial for the gro,th of democracy. Aur
foreign policy goal ,ill be e0actly this. Aur main ob7ective ,ill be to create an
enabling environment for development and democracy and4 in this conte0t4 to identify
mar/ets4 attract investment4 solicit grants4 loans and technical support and ma/e
ma0imum utiliation of all possibilities. Aur diplomacy should be4 in the main4 that of
economic diplomacy.
Aur diplomatic ,or/ must aim at eliminating or at least reducing e0ternal security
threats. Aur policy should strive to ,iden the number of foreign friends that can help
to create a regional and global atmosphere conducive for our peace and security. Aur
diplomatic activity also aims at forecasting potential threats and addressing them
through dialogue and negotiation. he policy should also secure allies that can help us
,ithstand intractable challenges and threats.
:s ,ell as creating a favourable situation for our development4 our foreign policy
aims at both individually and collectively lessening the negative effects that
globaliation could have on development. his is another reason ,hy our diplomacy
is centered on economic diplomatic activity.
)asing itself on national efforts to overcome the danger of strife and collapse
emanating from ,ithin4 our foreign and national security policy has the ob7ective of
resisting e0ternal threats to our security and building our capacity to reduce our
vulnerability.
0+ T.e Forei)n Affairs an" Nationa$ Se*!rity Strate)ies
@e need to devise correct and clear strategies to bring to fruition our stated ob7ectives
regarding foreign affairs and national security. )ased on that4 ,e have to define
policies in greater detail and identify tactics. he strategies ,e need to devise in this
regard are presented as follo,s.
0+, De#otin) t.e %rime fo*!s to a*ti#ities at .ome
he ob7ective of our foreign and national security policy is the realiation of our
vision of democracy and development and creating an enabling environment to this
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end. Aur vision for development and the building of a democratic order can succeed
only if ,e e0amine seriously our countrys ob7ective reality and decide on ,ays of
achieving our goals and moving in this direction4 in the frame,or/ of globaliation.
@e ourselves need to decide ,hat to do4 ho, to do it and ,hen to promote
democratiation and development4 as foreign prescriptions cannot lead us to
successful outcomes. @e can succeed in our endeavours only so long as ,e design our
o,n path4 by forging a common national understanding and consensus and doing
,hat needs to be done as a united people.
Aur foreign and national security policy can create favorable conditions for our vision
of democracy and development if a correct path of democracy and development is
charted and is able to be implemented by the people. @ith an idealistic vision ,here
the people are 7ust bystanders4 a foreign and national security policy has no relevance.
#ocusing on serious ,or/ ,ithin the country to bring about development and
democracy is the priority of a successful foreign relations and national security
endeavour. @e also need to focus on the efforts at the domestic front. )eing
preoccupied ,ith e0ternal activities at the e0pense of ,hat needs to be done at home
ris/s turning into a futile e0ercise.
f ,e ourselves chart our course of democracy and development4 engaging the entire
people and resources and obtaining re>uisite help4 ,e ourselves can identify the
elements that can ,or/ for us. @e can accurately define ho, best and to ,hat effect
,e can utilie e0ternal assistance. 0ternal support is necessary only to fill in the
gaps4 and to identify ,hat is needed. @e have to see ,hat ,e can do by ourselves.
his ,ill enable us to ma/e effective use of the prevailing international situation. he
absence of such an approach ,ould hobble the foreign relations and national security
policy and limit it only to mobiliing e0ternal support4 ,hether needed or not. Aur
priority should therefore be to do our home,or/ properly. @e can succeed in ensuring
that e0ternal conditions ,ould be favourable and yield positive results if ,e ourselves
carry out successful efforts to build democracy and promote development.
n sum4 because the success of development and democracy - the goals of our foreign
and national security policy - rest mainly on our o,n effortsF because ,e can correctly
identify areas of need for foreign aid and accordingly utilie it only if ,e can do our
best in this directionF because the international community is encouraged to create
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favourable circumstances only if they are convinced of our practical commitment4 our
foreign and national security policy ,ill succeed4 depending mainly on our o,n
domestic efforts. @e need therefore to focus our efforts on the domestic front.
f our priority is to rely on e0ternal assistance4 ,e ,ill be concerned mainly ,ith
attempting to meet e0ternal demands and re>uirements. Aur approach ,ill be limited
to obtaining foreign aid and our policy designed for 7ust that purpose. his approach
is unli/ely to result in our receiving satisfactory levels of aid. #urthermore4 ,hatever
aid has been obtained ,ill have been donor-driven and not consistent ,ith our
interests. f ho,ever4 our priority ,ere based on using our o,n means first4 ,e ,ould
be compelled to do our home,or/ <i.e.4 identify ,hat ,e need*4 and our foreign and
national security policy ,ould ta/e into account ,hat ,e can do for ourselves. he
rationale for that policy ,ould therefore rest on realiing our o,n ob7ectives and
vision thereby yielding positive results.
herefore the strategy ,e use to reach our foreign relations and national security
ob7ectives is based on the Cdomestic first4 e0ternal secondC approach. he idea is to
focus on ,hat can be done by ourselves4 and to meet the need of our domestic
re>uirements.
0+' Strate)y *entere" on t.e e*onomy
Aur foreign and security policy is centered around development that benefits the
people and creating conducive situations for such development. :s repeatedly
mentioned4 our national interests and security ,ill be guaranteed only if rapid
development is attained. Aur main security threat is of an internal nature. he danger
is that ,idening poverty may lead to our collapse4 and that the absence of democracyand good governance may result in bloodshed and destruction. his threat can be
removed through overcoming poverty4 through development and economic initiative.
t is only ,hen ,e build a strong economy that ,e can effectively defend ourselves
from e0ternal threats. t is obvious that ,e have a truly fragile economy. herefore4
rapid development is critical for the protection of our national interests and security.
hat is ,hy ,e agree that a policy designed to create a favourable atmosphere to
safeguard our national interests and security should be centered around the economy.
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@hen ,e contend that ,e should pursue an economy-centered strategy4 ,e mean that
our relations of friendship or other,ise should be based first of all on economic
matters. @e mean that ,e should not enter into hostilities or friendship based on
matters irrelevant to our development. @e also mean that our e0ternal activity should
focus on promoting business and investment opportunities and identifying sources of
aid and credit. t means ensuring that foreign service officers realie that they are first
of all development officers and that they ac>uire the re>uisite competence to
accomplish this mission. t also means that ,e should not vie, our economic-related
tas/s as 7ust one of many in our e0ternal activities4 but rather to place economic ,or/
at the center of foreign relations.
@hen ,e maintain that the economy should be in the center of our security strategy4
,e are recogniing that it is rapid economic gro,th that ,ill build our capacity to
,ithstand internal and e0ternal security threats. mpediments to economic
development are a threat to our security4 and therefore4 to assure security4 ,e ,ill have
to remove obstacles in the ,ay of rapid development. &inor impediments can be
handled ,ith greater tolerance. )ut even those problems that hinder development4 and
constitute a serious threat to security4 need to be dealt ,ith in a manner that ,ould not
be economically damaging4 through the use of diplomatic instruments such as
negotiations and political pressure.
)eyond all this ,e may be forced to defend ourselves4 but our defense capability
should not be built in a ,ay that ,ould have a detrimental influence on our economy.
0+0 F!$$ !ti$i;ation of &enefits &ase" on %ro%er ana$ysis
@e have already referred to ,hat ,e need from our foreign relations ,or/ to protectour national interests and security. he most important of our interests is economic. n
our list of priorities are mar/et opportunities4 investment4 technical and financial
support for our economic development and democratiation. !econdly4 ,e need
political4 diplomatic4 military and technical support for the maintenance of our
security. @e should be able to ma0imie ,hat ,e can receive in this regard and utilie
any assistance in the appropriate manner.
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ossible avenues of cooperation and access to them need to be thoroughly assessed
and studied. t is important to /no, in detail the development cooperation policy of
each country. :lthough ,e need to absorb all forms of assistance to the fullest e0tent4
,e must move step by step. @e have to differentiate bet,een assistance that
contributes significantly to our development and building of a democratic order and
aid that has a more modest impact. his re>uires detailed study. @ho provides ,hat
must be /no,n4 and the priorities ,or/ed out4 in order for our ,or/ to yield results
!pontaneous and haphaard activity can only negatively impact the effective and
efficient utiliation of foreign assistance. hat is ,hy the need to have proper studies
cannot be over emphasied.
he studies ,e are referring to are themselves based on other studies. dentifying the
/ind of cooperation ,e re>uire demands our ability to separate ,hat ,e can do4 from
,hat ,e get from others. @e should also be able to decide ho, best and to ,hat
ma0imum effect ,e can utilie assistance. :ll this re>uires e0haustive study. #oreign
service ,or/ should be based on studies and proper coordination.
0+4 Minimi;in) t.reats on t.e &asis of %ro%er ana$ysis
:n important component of the effort to create a fertile ground for democratiation
and development is see/ing cooperation opportunities and bringing them to fruition.
:lso important is the prevention and mitigation of haards. @e need to develop
strategies to forestall threats directed against our national interests and security.
)efore anything else4 ,e need to identify the sources of such threats. n so far as our
main goal is development and democracy4 ,hat is threatening is ,hat hampers our
efforts in promoting them. Aur study of the sources of danger involves identifyingthose forces ,hose interests could be negatively affected by the process of
development and democratiation in thiopia. here may also be some ,ho
erroneously believe to be threatened by progress in thiopia4 ,hich re>uires further
assessment. he strategy ,e employ to reduce threats is therefore one that calls for a
study identifying those ,ho rightly or ,rongly feel their interests are harmed by the
gro,th of democracy and economic progress in thiopia. he study ,e embar/ on
should be revie,ed and updated regularly.
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he identification process is by itself not enough. Ane ,ould have to assess ,hy
some forces become threats for the ,rong reasons. t is also important to study ,hat
interests are at sta/e4 ,hat those forces ,ould do to protect their interests and ,ith
,hat capability. t is necessary to allay the fears of those ,ho see imagined threats
and to deal constructively ,ith those ,hose interests may really be affected. t is also
necessary to identify parties that can help in resolving the problem. Ane should also
consider4 should peaceful ,ays of dealing ,ith the problems fail4 the detrimental
conse>uences and subse>uent arrangements that need to be put in place to deal ,ith
the problems.
t is4 therefore4 necessary to carry out detailed and accurate studies as a first /ey step
of a strategy to reduce threats and dangers. @or/ carried out on the basis of studies
has a better chance of bringing good results. )ut even armed ,ith good studies4
problems of implementation could have undesirable conse>uences.
@e need to ta/e ade>uate care that our strategy should include a sober assessment and
utiliation of our studies. Aur eyes should never stray from our final ob7ective. Aur
aim is to realie development and democracy. @e must not tolerate anything that
stands in our ,ay. @e should ho,ever give priority to solving problems through
cooperation4 clarification and patience4 ,hile avoiding arrogance and inadvertently
harming our o,n interests. he ,ay ,e function should be informed by an
understanding of relations in the ,orld of globaliation4 the give and ta/e4 the
negotiating and balancing of interests. @e should also involve those ,ho can
contribute to the easing of problems. n the end4 ho,ever4 if ,e are faced ,ith a
danger that threatens our democracy and development4 ,e should act to demonstrate
to the adversary the need to reflect on the effects of the dispute4 and if this does not
,or/4 ,e must be prepared4 both internally and e0ternally4 to defend ourselves
,ithout doing damage to the pursuit of our goals.
0+5 Re"!*in) #!$nera&i$ity to t.reats
t has been repeatedly mentioned that the main threat to our national interests and
e0istence is our poverty4 bac/,ardness and the infancy of our system of good
governance. t is apparent4 that to protect these interests and maintain our national
e0istence4 ,e need to address and do a,ay ,ith these threats-first of all internally. t
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is a given that4 e0ternal threats are e0tensions of the national or domestic challenges
that ,e face. 0ternal threats are either coupled ,ith domestic challenges or they
e0ploit our vulnerabilities caused by internal difficulties. : historical e0amination of
acts of aggression against thiopia proves this to be the case.
#oreign governments and other forces may be encouraged to act against our national
interest thin/ing that they can get thiopia to succumb to their economic and other
pressures because the country is no, in a poor and bac/,ard state.
hey may be tempted to ta/e measures that ,ould put our fundamental interests in
danger believing that the people can easily be at each others throat and are unli/ely to
collaborate for a common cause. hey may feel that our defense and securitycapabilities are ,ea/ for economic4 political and technical reasons. Ane cannot
discount these presumptions. Aur poverty and bac/,ardness e0poses us to danger.
he absence of national consensus on important issues ma/es us vulnerable. n short4
although enemies may e0aggerate it4 one cannot deny our vulnerability.
he fact that ,e have limitations presents a challenge to our national interests and
security at t,o levels. #irstly4 it creates hindrances in the prompt management of
threats4 ,hich leaves us more vulnerable to conflict and ,ar. !ome time ago the !iad
)arre regime in !omalia launched an attac/ on thiopia on the presumption that
thiopia ,as unable to offer a united resistance and that it ,ould brea/ up under
military pressure. he regime in ritrea <the shabia* similarly launched an aggression
against thiopia thin/ing along the same lines. )oth regimes ,ere soundly defeated
because of their misguided and misconceived perceptions. 6o,ever4 until their defeat4
they had dragged us into ,ar for the duration and inflicted massive damage. f ,e had
not been invulnerable4 they ,ould have realied that their intentions ,ould not bear
fruit. @e have seen that being vulnerable invites pressure and attac/ from all types4
from village tyrants to more po,erful adversaries.
!econdly4 besides e0posing us to conflict and ,ar4 our vulnerability has ,rought
additional damage. t has made us pay a heavy price4 even after the ,ar4 as ,e try to
address its impact. :lthough ,ar has at no time succeeded in crushing us as a nation4
it has managed to succeed in perpetuating and deepening our poverty. ;nless ,e
move promptly to curb our vulnerability4 ,e ,ill remain prone not only to internal
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dangers4 but to e0ternal ones as ,ell4 and ,ould continue to face pressure and even
imposed ,ars. he main source of our vulnerability to threats is our poverty and
bac/,ardness. @e need to >uic/ly address these problems. @e need to deploy all
efforts to develop >uic/ly for the benefit of the people. :ll other issues should come
second to this campaign.
n addition to poverty and bac/,ardness4 the absence of good governance is a factor
that induces vulnerability. ;nless ,e recognie that our country is home to many
nations and faiths and move to form a strong unity based on the voluntary ,ill of our
peoplesF and until ,e build strong national consensus based on the principles
embodied in the constitution4 ,e ,ill not only be e0posed to internal strife and
implosion but also to e0ternal conflicts and haards4 as ,ell. ;nless ,e establish
strong democratic institutionsF reach a broad national concord based on democratic
principlesF assure the rule of la,F isolate and through popular involvement4 deal ,ith
those ,ho operate outside legality4 ,e ,ill remain hostage to internal and e0ternal
threats as ,ell as dangerous conflicts and ,ars.
n the past4 thiopian governments had resorted to mobiliing and agitating the people
,ith a message centering on national pride and based on the achievements of previous
generations. hat this has framed the minds of the present generation4 is not in doubt.
!uch influence has had positive as ,ell as negative results. #ormer governments
consistently failed to understand that the systems they put in place ,ould cause
national humiliation to the present generation. hey did not mobilie people to fight
the real sources of our shame. nstead4 they indulged in bragging and arrogant
declarations of bravado. his situation has e0acerbated our vulnerability in t,o ,ays.
n the first place4 it has prevented us from recogniing that the source of our national
shame is the lac/ of development and democracyF and this in turn has bloc/ed efforts
to embar/ on a path of progress through the forging of a national consensus. ast
governments indulged in 7ingoism ,ith an empty stomach4 adversely e0posing us to
even greater vulnerability because it ,as not in their character to promote democracy4
good governance and rapid development.
&ilitarism and arrogance have also in another ,ay e0posed us to peril. hey have
produced conflicts that could have been prevented and ,orsened their conse>uences.
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his mentality has stifled debate4 dialogue4 give and ta/e4 and prevented us from
focusing on the fundamental issues. ;nless ,e dra, lessons from the e0periences of
Germany and =apan4 and set our sights firmly on our main ob7ective and ,or/ to,ards
that4 ,e ris/ further e0posure to danger. @e have to free ourselves from empty
bravado and focus on our fundamental interests.
:nother factor causing us vulnerability is our inability to foresee threats4 and failure
to develop a strong defense and security capability ,hile helping to nurture an
enabling international environment. he vulnerability is principally a product of our
poverty and the political problems that beset us. f ,e ma/e progress in dealing ,ith
these t,o problems and ,e form a strong defense and security capability4 potential
aggressors ,ould be forced to thin/ t,ice. Aur ,ea/ capabilities in this regard are
proof that efforts deployed so far lac/ed >uality and ,ere not result-oriented. @e
cannot say that ,e managed to build the necessary capacity economically. his points
to the need to ta/e corrective steps to reduce our vulnerability. Neither can ,e say that
,e had been effective in creating a supportive regional and international climate4 and
to enlarge our circle of friends in order to strengthen our defenses. hese
shortcomings have highlighted our vulnerability and it certainly is important to ta/e
corrective measures.
t is important in general that the basic strategy that ,e employ to reach our foreign
policy and security ob7ectives should be the reduction of vulnerability by correctly
identifying and then dealing ,ith the problem at the source.
0+8 B!i$"in) a re$ia&$e "efense *a%a&i$ity
t has repeatedly been asserted that our national security can be protected in a realsense through development and democracy. roceeding from this premise4 and
supported by proper analysis and study4 our diplomacy has a ma7or role in reducing
tensionsF in avoiding conflicts4 by embar/ing on early negotiationF and4 ,hen all fails4
in securing regional understanding as ,e ,or/ to have our interests protected. n
ensuring reliable national security and peace4 a strong defense obviously plays an
indispensable role.
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+reating an efficient and state-of-the-art information net,or/ significantly enhances
the efforts launched in developing our defense strategies. his
informationHintelligence net,or/ must be fully capable of predicting threats to our
security and providing information of value to our diplomatic and defense initiatives.
he creation of a capable national defense force is similarly central to the protection
of our security. he e0istence of military strength compels prospective aggressors to
stop and thin/ t,ice. his allo,s for diplomacy to see/ a peaceful solution. n other
,ords4 strength in military po,er is a necessary pre-condition for deterrence and
effective diplomatic action. ven if conflict ,ere to brea/ out4 a strong military ,ould
help to ac>uire victory ,ith minimal damage to our efforts directed at building
democracy and fostering development. t is therefore proper that the institution of an
intelligence capacity4 and the strengthening of our defense capabilities must be the
basic strategy to realie our foreign affairs and national security ob7ectives.
No doubt ,e ,ill face problems as ,e set forth to build a capable military force. An
the one hand4 ,e are committed to placing all our resources at the disposal of
economic development. An the other hand4 ,e have to build a strong defense. his
,ill reduce our e0penditure for development. @e need to do both. +learly the
challenge in the building of a strong defense is that of the availability of resources.
his leads us to e0amine some approaches that are presented belo,.
a7 Ca%a*ity &!i$"in) on t.e &asis of a t.oro!). t.reat ana$ysis
:ddressing the issue of building a dependable military re>uires us to unloc/ the
contradiction bet,een the imperatives of economic development on the one hand4 and
that of building a strong defense on the other. roudly declaring that ,e shall build a
defense force second to none is no solution. ven if ,e tried4 the result ,ould not be
different from the debacle that the Derg <former military regime* faced. he definition
of ,hat constitutes an appropriate defense force must proceed from the threats that ,e
face and our political and economic capacities to deal ,ith them.
he building of a defense force should therefore start from an analysis of present
threats to national security. @ho are they ,ho mista/enly or accurately believe that
our building of democracy and speeding up of development threaten their interests
@hat is their capacity to pic/ a fight ,ith us n ,hat ,ay @hat is their capacity to
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launch ,ar on a short4 medium4 and long-term time frame 6o, do ,e defend
ourselves ,ithout negatively affecting our development efforts and the process of
democratiation @hat are our strengths and ,ea/nesses @e need to as/ these
>uestions and then ans,er them ade>uately. his must be follo,ed by regularly
revie,ing our threat analysis. )ased on this4 ,e need to build a defense force that can
either deter others or face them appropriately if the situation demands it. #or this ,e
need to e0haustively rely on our advantages and strong points.
he national defense force that ,e build should essentially be ,ithin the limits of our
economic capacity4 and should not be above or belo, the needs defined by our threat
analysis.
&7 B!i$"in) *a%a*ity &y fo*!sin) on man%o2er "e#e$o%ment
0periences have confirmed that in the end4 in a conflict bet,een t,o forces ,ith
comparable technology4 the decisive factor is >uite simply - &an. t is the trained
manpo,er that can successfully utilie logistics and ,eapons of ,ar to ,in in a
battlefield. ven the state-of-the art military technology and the strongest logistical
bac/ing ,ould ma/e little or no difference in a battlefield in the absence of able
manpo,er. :lthough this does not mean that military technology and logistics are not
at all important to our capabilities4 a strong defense force means primarily the
mobiliation of capable soldiers.
t is not only because the individual soldier is important that ,e focus on human
capacity. @e realie all too ,ell that establishing a force based on sophisticated and
over,helming military hard,are ,ould have a devastating effect on the economy4 and
result in a negative outcome for defense and for development.
f ,e stoc/pile ,eapons and boast of an invincible army of hundreds of thousand of
troops ,ithout the financial means4 our economy ,ould collapse. @e4 thus4 need to
focus on >ualitative aspects of military training if ,e are to establish a force4 the costs
for ,hich ,ould not drain the resources ,e need to put aside to speed up development
and establish a democratic system.
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@e stress the importance of focusing on human military capacity because ,e feel ,e
have an advantage in this regard. he efficiency4 success or failure4 of a given defense
force rests on the firm commitment of its members. his commitment springs from
each members trust of the e0isting systems principles and doctrines and hisHher
readiness to ma/e ,hatever sacrifice is re>uired in their defense. Aur constitutional
system4 and our democratic and development policies have all been designed to
protect the basic rights of our citiens. @e believe that if a national consensus is
reached upon these fundamental issues4 thiopians as a ,hole ,ill stand in unison and
safeguard ,ith dedication to their country and its security. :n army that emerges from
such a population ,ould fight ,ith great determination and valour. Doing effective
political ,or/ among the troops ,ould undoubtedly strengthen the :rmed #orces
singelness of purpose.
n other ,ords4 the efforts to further development and foster democracy4 and the
endeavor to achieve national consensus and register achievements4 ,ould help to
create citiens ,ho recognie the benefits and ,ho ,ould go to any length to protect
them. mbue the emerging army ,ith political education4 and a committed spirit
emerges.
t is important to note that nation-,ide educational and capacity building programmes
are no, being implemented. rimary education is more and more reaching large
segments of the population4 ,hile secondary education is gro,ing substantially. :
national army dra,n from an enlightened population4 and provided ,ith training in
military theory4 military science and techni>ues4 ,ould definitely become successful
in carrying out its duties. he organiation and ,or/ing procedures of such an army
have to be modern and efficient. +ombining all the above4 it is possible to create an
army ,hich is determined4 committed4 militarily and theoretically s/illed4 modern4
efficient and organied. his should be done ,ithout undue burden on the population.
*7 Cost effe*ti#e !se of finan*ia$ reso!r*es
Needless to say4 almost all countries ,ish to build up a national defense force ,hich4
at the end of the day4 ,ould be ,orth by far more than the cost of resources invested
in it. n our conte0t4 given the very lo, level of our economy4 this is a matter of
survival. n practical terms4 ,e have to ma/e sure that any e0pense4 ho,ever big or
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small <each Birr and cent spent* contributes and enhances our security. Ather,ise the
economy4 and the defense sector as ,ell4 ,ill suffer grievously. t is essential that ,e
balance our economic development ,ith our defense re>uirements4 and in this ,ay4
ensure that everything spent on defense is spent prudently.
@e need to train a sufficient number of >ualified soldiers bac/ed by a reserve force in
time of emergency4 using the very limited resources ,e have in the most effective
manner. ositive results ,ould also come from instituting modern and efficient
methods of ,or/. :nother cost I effective strategy to be carefully considered4 is to be
able to use the armys potential labour and creativity4 for instance4 in the construction
and running of military camps.
"7 Ens!rin) sym&ioti* $in=a)e &et2een "efense e>%en"it!re an" t.e e*onomy
6o,ever cost-effective our strategy in developing our defense capacity4 the budget ,e
allocate for the defense sector cannot be reduced to ero. :ny e0pense represents
money that ,e cannot use for development. 6o,ever4 to significantly reduce the
negative impact the defense budget puts on the national economy4 ,e could devise a
mechanism ,hereby the economic and the defense sector could benefit one another.
his scheme could ,ell materialie if4 for e0ample4 the armys material needs such as
uniforms4 food4 shoes4 etc.4 ,ould be locally manufactured. his in turn fosters free
local mar/et competition leading eventually to >ualitative economic development.
Bi/e,ise factories ,hich ,ere originally designed for solely military purposes could
also be geared4 ,holly or partially4 to produce commodities needed by the civilian
community4 contributing to technology transfer bet,een the military and civilian
sector. n this manner4 the economic and the defense sectors can cross-fertilie each
other4 helping to reduce the negative impact of military spending on the economy.
e7 B!i$"in) *a%a*ity in t.e *onte>t of e*onomi* "e#e$o%ment an" *!rrent t.reats
&ost economists agree that ,hen a country allocates more than 2J of its G.N.. to
defense4 the effects on gro,th are significant. his is not to say that a less than 2J
e0penditure does not put any pressure on the economy. @e can4 and of course4 ,e
must strive to limit our defense budget to no more than 2J of our gross national
product. f4 ho,ever4 our economic development increases4 the defense budget ,ill
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automatically rise proportionally. Aur economic gro,th ,ill therefore mean that the
money going to defense ,ill rise as ,ell4 enabling us to build a reliable defense force
,ithout undue negative impact on the economy.
:lthough pegging defense e0penditure to economic gro,th is appropriate4 spending
could go up or do,n depending on the gro,th rate and the urgency of the defense
threat posed. : fast developing military crisis cannot be halted by a long-term
capacity-building program for the military. Ane has to be ready for a crisis4 of that
there is no doubt4 and going above the ceiling of 2J cannot be ruled out. )ut if the
threat is e0pected to give us some time to prepare4 emphasis could be given on
e0panding the economy4 thereby ma/ing it possible4 through time4 to even spend
belo, the 2J ceiling. he ,ay for,ard is to set the 2J ceiling4 but implement the
policy fle0ibly depending on the level of threat.
Aur tas/ of developing an intelligence net,or/ should dovetail ,ith the direction ,e
have laid for building of a defense capability. t must be clear that the primary
ob7ective of building up our defense capacity is that of deterrence. fforts must be
deployed to further the development of democracy4 and not ,ar. Aur ob7ective is to
prosper4 and not to achieve a state of military arrogance. @e should go beyond
conflict and engage in ,ar for one and only one reason - ,hen conditions are imposed
that bloc/ our path to democracy and development4 and negotiations yield no result. f
faced ,ith such a ,ar4 our ob7ective is to emerge victorious ,ith as limited an impact
as possible on the national economy.
0+9 B!i$"in) stron) im%$ementation *a%a*ity
@ell-designed foreign and national policies4 ob7ectives and goals4 programmes andstrategies ,ould lead us no,here if they are not properly implemented. hat is ,hy
the building of an effective implementation capacity is regarded as a basic strategy.
a7 For)in) nationa$ *onsens!s
#oreign relations and national security goals are all about development4 democracy
and survival. he tas/ cannot be left to a fe, professionals or politicians. eople as a
,hole can4 in a manner4 participate. Aur foreign and security policies and strategies4
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including our relations ,ith various countries should be made transparent to the
public so that various sections of the community discuss these policies4 improve on
them and reach a common position.
!ome analysts are of the opinion that a public discussion on foreign and security
policies ,ould be to divulge state secrets and serve the interests of the enemy. )ut ,e
need to ,eigh the pros and cons of public discussion. Apen discussions on policies
empo,er the people to closely monitor the governments implementation of these
policies4 and ,ould ensure the introduction of a culture of transparency and
accountability and indeed4 democracy. f members of the public truly understand the
ob7ective4 goals4 strategies and policies4 they can play a positive role in ensuring that
policy implementation is on trac/. hose ,ho for mista/en reasons believed that our
policies threatened them4 ,ould see from the publicly available document the need to
correct their perception. ublic discussion ensures that the policy remains constant
and helps the building of consensus. hese are arguments that are given high regard.
ransparency in our foreign policies and implementation may4 ho,ever4 alert those
,ho believe that ,e threaten their interest and4 ,ith their concerned suspicions4 that
they could harm us. )ut then the >uestion can be raised4 ,ould they not guess our
intentions as they see the implementation of the policy n that case4 ,ho is being
/ept in the dar/ Aur enemies or our people :lthough some matters of detail could
be /ept in confidence4 one cannot /eep fundamental issues a secret from those
enemies that have good intelligence net,or/s. n the end our policies ,ould remain a
secret to our people4 and not to the enemy.
:ll said4 the benefits of public discussion on basic policies and directions in order to
reach a common national understanding far out,eigh the loss. +reating the possibility
for such debate enables the people to ma/e their o,n contributionF this should be a
priority above all others.
&7 Stren)t.enin) t.e %rofessiona$ "i%$omati* *a%a&i$ity
utting our foreign and national security policies into practice needs4 first of all4 the
full participation of the entire nation. )e that as it may4 ,ithout professional staff
functioning ,ithin an organiation4 policy implementation ,ould not be satisfactory.
t is essential that >ualified professionals be deployed in an organied manner.
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Kualified personnel need to be capable of carrying out studies and assessments in the
areas of foreign and national security policies4 threat analysis4 and implementation
strategies for these policies. hey are e0pected to elaborate and implement a plan
designed to ma/e the policies effective. #or professionals of this caliber to come to
the fore4 it is necessary for the nation to reach a common understanding on the main
elements of the national interests and security issues. @ithout such a common
understanding4 the proliferation of diplomats and researchers ,ould not allo, us to
protect our national interests and unity in a coordinated ,ay.
Government ministries and institutions that are directly or indirectly concerned ,ith
foreign and national security affairs should coordinate their ,or/. hat is one thing. n
addition4 &inistries of #oreign :ffairs4 Defense4 and !ecurity should coordinate their
,or/ ,ith ministries and institutions in the economic and the social sector in vie, of
the fact that the economy is central for diplomatic ,or/. t is of utmost priority for
these ministries to develop their manpo,er4 their organiational structure and
procedures so that they are effective in carrying out their responsibilities4 including
the responsibilities dealing ,ith foreign affairs and security. solated efforts ,ill not
bring results. hese institutions need to coordinate their ,or/ and reorganie
themselves accordingly.
*7 Coor"inatin) an" in#o$#in) t.ose 2it. a ro$e in im%$ementation
he reaching of consensus by the public on foreign relations and security issuesF the
participation of the public in the implementation of national tas/sF the organiation of
the ,or/ and the deployment of professionals may be critical4 but by themselves4 they
do not bring the desired result. o assist our international endeavors ,e need the
participation of others such as those referred to belo,.
he role higher educational institutions and scholars play in enriching policies and
implementing them is crucial. :lthough state research institutions have a role in
carrying out the studies relevant to policies and strategies4 other scholars and
institutions can also play a vital role. hey could present alternative vie,s and
promote debate. hey could also help in the training of manpo,er. he government
should encourage and coordinate this activity.
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thiopians in the diaspora could also play an important role in carrying out research
and investing at home. n addition they could ,in friends for thiopia and try to
influence their country of residence to cooperate ,ith our country. hey could act as a
bridge bet,een thiopian companies and firms in their land of residence4 thereby
promoting investment and trade ties ,hile see/ing mar/ets for thiopian products.
+ogniant of the /ey roles played by thiopians residing abroad4 especially in the
economic sector4 the government should ta/e the initiative in creating the most
conducive environment for them to play a constructive role.
he basis of our diplomacy is the economic sector4 and the role of the private
investment in our economic development is obviously decisive. &embers of the
private sector must play a /ey role in diplomacy. +reating enabling conditions for
development means paving the ,ay for the private sector and the business community
to confidently e0pand their enterprises and invest in agriculture4 industry4 and tourism
to cite a fe, from among many others. rade and investment are critical to our
economic development4 and these can yield results if local and foreign businessmen
build strong ties. n vie, of the central role of the private sector4 the government
should encourage and even help coordinate its input.
n this ,orld so closely interconnected through globaliation4 civil society has started
to play a more important role in relations bet,een countries. 'eligious organiations4
professional associations and NGAs have been building lin/s ,ith fraternal
organiations all over the ,orld and are striving to spread the benefits of globaliation
around. n this ,ay4 they contribute to development and the building of democracy.
hey are becoming ne, forms of inter-country interchange. he government should
ta/e note of this gro,ing phenomenon and encourage and even help coordinate
thiopian civil society so that ones interests and security are respected. t is ,hen ,e
strengthen our net,or/ing4 ,hen ,e see/ the ,idest participation4 and ,hen ,e play
a /ey coordinating role that ,e can build our capacity to deliver ,hat is needed to
protect our interests and security.
Se*tion II
Et.io%ia1s Re$ations 2it. Ot.er Co!ntries
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,+ Co!ntries of t.e Horn of Afri*a
@hen ,e spea/ of relations ,ith other countries4 ,e should first spea/ of our
neighbors in the 6orn of :fricaF namelyL the !udan4 ritrea4 D7ibouti4 !omalia4 and
8enya.
hese countries have long standing lin/s ,ith thiopia in such areas as language4
culture4 history4 natural resources4 and so on. +hanges in thiopia affect them directly4
and ,hat happens to them has an impact on us. here are rivers that connect us and
have a direct bearing on our development. his is particularly true of !udan4 !omalia
and also 8enya. thiopia is landloc/ed4 ,hile all our neighbors have ports that can
provide services. @e need to consider our strong ties ,ith our neighbors and chart outthe appropriate policy to,ards them.
,+, Genera$ Po$i*y
he relations ,e have ,ith a given country or group of countries is based on the
protection of national interests and security4 and as such4 is lin/ed to our
democratiation and development goals. Aur relations ,ith countries in the 6orn4
therefore4 should be seen from the vantage point of ho, relations could help us
promote our agenda of democracy and development. @ith our eyes firmly on
fundamental national interests4 ,e need to draft a policy on the basis of a sober
analysis of the value and role of these countries vis a vis our o,n interests.
thiopia has had a history of both friendship and hostility ,ith these countries in the
6orn4 and there is a ris/ of being guided by emotion in assessing the value of our
neighbors. here could be the tendency to e0aggerate or minimie their influence of
our neighbors in our effort to develop and democratie. t is important to be free of
emotions in analying the situation.
a7 Si)nifi*an*e of nei).&orin) *o!ntries to t.e "e#e$o%ment of Et.io%ia
!een from the economic development angle4 our neighbors are short of capital and
finance and cannot be considered sources of investment and development finance. @e
produce similar products and our mar/ets are small ,ith little impact on development.
rue4 ,e have not e0ploited our trading possibilities fully and as the region develops4
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opportunities ,ill gro,. )ut in the present day conte0t4 the role of investment4 trade
and development finance originating from our region4 on our development is >uite
limited.
:s regards natural resources4 disagreements of differing degrees might be e0pected to
arise ,ith the !udan4 !omalia and 8enya. 6o,ever4 the capacity of our neighbors to
utilie ,ater resources is lo,4 and our assessments indicate that the basis for conflicts
of interest is not sound. he 6orn countries can neither be obstacles for our utiliation
of ,ater resources nor can they assist us to do so.
Aur neighbors have ports and ,e do not4 and as ,e develop4 the need for efficient
service rendering ports ,ill be important. ort service provision is to the mutual benefit of both the provider and the recipient of the service. n fact4 if some of our
neighbors ,ere not to provide port services to thiopia4 the damage to their
economies ,ould be substantial. herefore4 if seen from the economic and mutual
benefit point of vie,sF port services ,ould be provided steadily and predictably4 and
that is the ,ay it should be.
n general terms4 it can be said that at this time4 our neighbors do not have much of a
positive or negative influence on our economic development. @hat they have of value
is port service and the sole danger that ,ould arise is if they ,ere to collaborate to
deny thiopia the use of their ports or if they ,ere to reduce the efficiency of the
ports. !uch a situation ,ould not arise from economic interest4 but rather as a result of
political differences and conflict. Ane can4 ho,ever4 consider that in the longer term4
as our neighbors register greater economic development they could serve as an
important mar/et for our products.
&7 Si)nifi*an*e of nei).&orin) *o!ntries in t.e "emo*rati;ation of Et.io%ia
@hat is decisive for the realiation of a democratic order in thiopia is our o,n
internal ob7ective reality and our o,n effort4 although the ,orld outside could have a
positive or negative influence on this. here is little or no technicalHfinancial support
,e e0pect from our neighbors to speed up our democratiation process4 as some are
beginners li/e us and others are still alien to the process.
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Aur neighbors could4 on the other hand4 play a negative role in undermining
democracy in thiopia. his should not be underestimated. )y promoting religious
e0tremism or providing the territory for religious e0tremists4 they could sorely test our
young democracy ,hich is based on the separation of state and religion and religious
tolerance. )elieving that ,e are vulnerable4 they could see/ to gain undue benefit
from our country4 or to disturb our peace directly or indirectly by falling under the
influence of other forces.
n sum4 the value of our neighbors - in the medium and short term - is limited to port
service. ;ntil such time that the region reaches a certain level of prosperity4 the role of
our neighbors4 both positive and negative4 on our development is limited. !imilarly
their positive impact on our democracy building process is limited. )ut in the negative
sense4 they could believe in our vulnerability4 and by promoting religious e0tremism
and narro, ethnic sentiments4 they could disturb the peace and our development and
democratiation efforts.
*7 T.e im%a*t of Et.io%ia1s "e#e$o%ment an" "emo*rati;ation on nei).&orin)
*o!ntries
@e have risen ,ith determination to improve our lives by deploying everything for
economic development and democratiation free from arrogance and adventurism. t
is e0pected of our people that they fully engage in this campaign imbued ,ith
common purpose. @e believe ,e are on the right trac/. :s our country holds half of
the inhabitants of the 6orn of :frica and is located at the center of the 6orn4 the
direction ,e are follo,ing ,ould have an impact on our neighbors.
#or a start4 our neighbors can be confident that thiopia ,ould not be the source of any threat to their peace4 in light of our devotion to development and democracy.
hey ,ill find thiopia ready4 more than ever before4 to address differences on the
basis of tolerance4 negotiation and the principle of give and ta/e. :s our political and
economic vision becomes a reality4 our neighbors ,ill see that our vulnerability to
e0ternal pressure4 <far and near* ,ill be reduced4 and that4 ,ith greater resolution4 ,e
,ould be more capable in preventing conflict. n other ,ords4 our neighbors ,ill feel
assured that thiopia ,ould be both internally and regionally a bastion for peace for
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her o,n interest. :n thiopia that bases itself on the promotion of peace is not only
beneficial to herself but to all her neighbors as ,ell.
@hether by design or not4 the success of thiopias development ,ould benefit
neighboring countries4 and not 7ust in relation to ports. +ertainly4 as our economy
gro,s4 ,e ,ould need greater port services4 and this ,ould be beneficial to our
neighbors. Aur gro,th ,ould provide our neighbors ,ith a mar/et beneficial for all.
n other ,ords4 the efforts ,e deploy to build our economy and democracy in the
interest of our people4 ,ill have a positive impact on our neighbors and ,ould bring
about the transformation of the region as a ,hole. @ith this realiation ,e should
draft a policy that ,ould allo, us to contribute positively to the development of the
region.
)ased on the above4 and proceeding from our overall strategy4 ,e can say the
follo,ing about our policy as regards the 6orn of :frica.
Aur policy in the 6orn of :frica should4 li/e all our other policies4 be free of different
sentiments and proceed from a sober analysis of the situation4 /eeping in constant
vie, our development and democracy agenda. t should understand that the success of
our development and democratiation has a positive contribution not only to thiopia
but to all neighbours as ,ellF and that a policy that is free of arrogance and greed
,ould contribute to changing the entire region. hese are the premises on ,hich our
policy is based. An the other hand4 although our neighbors have little direct influence
on our economic development4 their role could gro, in time4 and as they ,ould then
have a bigger capacity to adversly affect our peace4 our policy should focus on
developing the culture of dealing ,ith contradictions through discussion and
negotiation ,hile reducing our vulnerability to danger and to address security threats
appropriately.
,+' Et.io%ia1s %o$i*y to2ar"s Eritrea
#rom among our neighbors4 the closest historical and cultural ties ,e have are ,ith
ritrea. !imilarly4 it is ,ith ritrea that ,e have had t,o vicious ,ars in the recent
historical period. f there is a policy that is heavily affected by different emotions4 it is
our policy to,ards ritrea. An the one hand4 there are those ,ho have not accepted
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the independence of ritrea4 and they see this from the Cport accessC point of vie,.
here are those ,ho have difficulty to control their feelings4 insisting that ,e ,ere
one people and remain one people. &any cannot differentiate bet,een the ritrean
people and the regime and4 starting from the ,ounds of ,ar4 they call for a permanent
estrangement bet,een the t,o countries. :ll of them e0aggerate ritreas value to our
economic and political development. @hen vie,ed dispassionately4 and in the conte0t
of our development and democracy priority4 the reality begins to change.
a7 Si)nifi*an*e of t.e $in=s
he contribution the ritrean mar/et ma/es to our economy is negligible4 at least in
the immediate and foreseeable future. he same is true as regards investment andfinance. ritrean ports are4 ho,ever4 more convenient ports for us4 especially to the
northern and central parts of the country4 than other ports. @e also believe that the
significant electric po,er potential ,e have can be a better and cheaper alternative for
ritrea ,hich has scarce po,er resources. Aur ,ider mar/et opportunity is more to
the economic advantage of ritrea than their limited mar/et is to thiopia. Given all
these considerations4 a healthy relationship bet,een thiopia and ritrea ,ould bring
about mutual benefits for the peoples of both countries. 6o,ever ,e feel that our
lin/s do not 7ustify being given a high regard as far as our priorities are concerned.
#rom the point of vie, of democracy4 one cannot imagine a positive contribution
coming from ritrea. An the contrary4 our peace could be disturbed by ritrea ,hich
poses a significant threat. he source of the danger are not the ritrean people4 or an
intractable conflict of interest bet,een the t,o countries. he cause of the problem is
the group in po,er in ritrea. he second cause of the problem is our vulnerability to
attac/. :s our vulnerability is reduced so ,ill the threat4 and it ,ill not ta/e us long to
reach that point. !imilarly4 should the ruling group in ritrea and its policy be
replaced4 the danger could dissipate. he negative influence from ritrea ,ould only
re>uire serious attention in the short term4 and is e0pected to be reduced significantly
in the medium and long terms.
t is undeniable that there are conducive geographical and historical rationales for the
t,o countries to forge a relationship of ,hich the peoples of the t,o countries can be
primary beneficiaries in terms of economic development. thiopias focus ,ill be the
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use of portsF ritrea ,ould emphasie the thiopian mar/et and electric po,er.
6o,ever4 even if a long and relatively peaceful period ,ere to be ahead of us ,ithout
benefiting from the advantages one gives to the other4 the effect on our fundamental
ob7ectives ,ould be negligible.
&7 T.e R!$in) Gro!%? an o&sta*$e to frien"$y re$ations
t ,as our conviction that the t,o countries ,ould commence a strong relationship
based on peace and mutual respect after the thirty-year protracted ,ar ,as over
<,hich claimed tens of thousands of lives and an immense amount of resources*
follo,ing ,hich thiopia gave recognition to ritrean independence. he recent
invasion the ritrean regime ,aged against thiopia and the ensuing destruction andloss of life4 ho,ever4 has dimmed our hopes. ;nderstanding ,hy ritrea invaded
thiopia ,ould significantly help our approach and policy to,ards that country in the
future.
he ruling party in ritrea has had a long history characteried by rent-see/ing
activities and preying upon others. ts economic agenda hangs on illegal economic
activity. o this effect4 the partys net,or/ is located not only in neighboring countries
but stretches as far a,ay as the D.'. +ongo and astern urope. he very cause of the
invasion ,as4 on the side of the ritrean ruling party4 the realiation that it could no
longer pursue its habitual illegal and unla,ful methods to get un7ustifiable economic
benefits from thiopia. t ,as not ready to choose to carry out relations based on
mutual benefit and sound legal economic principles.
he fact that the ruling elite is blinded by chauvinism and is prone to adventurism and
essentially undemocratic could be said to be one cause for ritreas aggression. :s aregime lac/ing in transparency and accountability4 it has managed to organie itself as
government cum-criminal gang and to e0pand its parasitic and rent-see/ing activities
and related net,or/s. ts anti-democratic character and adventuristic tendencies have
given it the feeling that it is the police of the region and has led to the militariation of
the entire ritrean society. !uch a position has led the regime to believe that it could
subdue its neighbors by force. ts arrogance led it to regard the peoples of neighboring
countries as inferior beings.
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:lthough the ritrean regime launched an invasion against thiopia and other states
driven by its arrogant and 7ingoist character4 the fact that thiopia ,as vulnerable to
danger encouraged the regime to act4 thin/ing that it could succeed to force its ,ill
militarily. thiopias defense capabilities at that time ,ere very poor4 leading the
ritrean regime to believe that the thiopian people ,ere not truly united and could
therefore be dealt ,ith easily.
t is no, clear from ,hat transpired later that the ritrean regime indulged in grave
miscalculations. :nd yet the sacrifice paid to undo the aggression ,as not light. #or
some time our development and democratiation agenda ,as severely set bac/ and
the loss of human life ,as high. 6ad ,e had the foresight to have reduced our
vulnerabilities4 maybe the regime ,ould have thought t,ice before embar/ing on its
aggression. ven if the invasion had been launched4 ,e could have ,ithstood its
effects better.
:lthough the regime caused considerable destruction upon neighboring countries4 the
real victims are the ritrean people. he ritrean governments distorted ob7ectives
have prevented the people from mobiliing their mind and body to develop their
country. nstead4 the regime preferred to ta/e the road of dependency4 parasitism and
illegal economic activity as a means to fill its coffers. n ritrea the regime is
controlling all avenues ,here money can be made4 driving its citiens into destitution.
he aggressiveness of the regime has e0posed the people to unending ,ar and
destruction. )y calling to active military service all citiens of military age4 it has
created a ma7or social crisis. he regimes irresponsible behaviour has cynically pitted
the highlanders against the lo,landers4 those ,ho fought in the liberation ,ar against
those ,ho did not. he seeds of deep suspicion have indeed been so,n.
*7 Po$i*y Dire*tion
Aur foreign policy ,ith ritrea should ta/e into consideration our medium and long
term development strategies and basic national interests. :t a minimum4 our policy
should aim at avoiding conflict.
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he ma0imal policy ,e ,ill pursue regarding ritrea ,ill come into play ,here the
regime or its policies have been changed. f ritrea pursues policies based on mutual
interest4 accountability and transparency4 i.e.4 democratic policies4 it ,ill be possible
to forge a ne, relationship. n the first place4 thiopia ,ould benefit from such a state
of affairs. !econdly4 ,e should realie that the establishment of such relations ,ith
ritrea ,ill have a positive effect on peace and security in the region. hirdly4 to the
e0tent that the ne, situation contributes to the safeguarding of our interests4 aids the
ritrean people and contributes to building friendship throughout the region4 ,e
should follo, this line.
:t such a 7uncture ,e ,ould need to revisit the issue of ports. )ased on past
e0perience4 ,e should not utilie these ports on the basis of a bilateral agreement. @e
,ould need to enter into a ne, type of port utiliation agreement that serves the
interests of both countries and is internationally guaranteed. ntering into economic
relations that do not guarantee the above ,ould not serve our interests4 and so ,e
shall not enter into such agreements. )ut if the desirable agreement is reached4 steps
should be ta/en to lin/ the t,o countries again <road4 phone4 electric po,er4 etc.* and
to provide for the legally acceptable movement of peoples bet,een the t,o countries.
his situation certainly is preferable to that ,hich is limited to conflict prevention.
)ut this scenario can only see the light of day if fundamental change comes to ritrea.
hat is a change ,e cannot bring about. n the first place4 ,e do not have the right to
overthro, the governments of neighboring countries. !econdly4 ,e couldnt do it if
,e tried. herefore the matter is in the hands of the ritrean people.
@e ,ish the ritrean people the best in getting rid of the yo/e of the regime. @e
cannot do their ,or/ for them. )ut ,ishing the ritrean people the best in their
struggle4 ,e ,ill do a,ay ,ith problems that create ill ,ill amongst the peoplesF and
stic/ing to our policy of conflict prevention4 ,e shall a,ait better opportunities for
going beyond this limited goals in the relations bet,een the t,o countries. @e trust
that it is only a matter of time until things ,ill change for the better in ritrea.
,+0 Et.io%ia1s %o$i*y to2ar"s Soma$ia
a7 Histori*a$ &a*=)ro!n" of re$ations
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he relation bet,een thiopia and !omalia has not been a healthy one. n the recent
historical period4 one ma7or and one lesser ,ar ,ere fought bet,een the t,o
countries. he empty dream of the so-called CGreater !omaliaC4 an e0pansionist
policy4 had brought to !omalia nothing but hostility and conflicts ,ith all its
neighbors4 especially thiopia. &oreover4 !omalia had al,ays allied ,ith all groups
and countries it believed ,ere anti-thiopian and had disturbed thiopias peace. An
the other hand4 thiopian !omalis had resisted the oppressive system in thiopia.
'elated to this4 !omalia had succeeded in mobiliing a large number of thiopian
!omalis as allays in its attempt to e0ecute its e0pansionist policy. n this regard
thiopia has been e0posed to threats emanating from !omalia and other >uarters.
thiopia4 for its part4 rather than responding to the threat by respecting the right of
thiopian !omalis and by fostering brotherhood bet,een the peoples of thiopia4 so
thiopian !omalis could live in voluntary unity ,ith their other fello, thiopians4
resorted to dismantling !omalia to the e0tent possible. he policy ,as to respond to
!omali aggression by ta/ing the ,ar to !omalia and4 along the ,ay4 aggravating the
contradiction bet,een the !omali clans.
he situation has no, fundamentally changed. he CGreater !omaliaC ideology has
been discredited. t is no, over ten years since !omalia has become stateless. An the
other hand4 in thiopia4 a constitution in ,hich peoples rights are guaranteed is being
implemented. thiopian !omalis are living in brotherhood and voluntary unity ,ith
other thiopians in a ne,ly defined4 inclusive thiopian identity. ogether ,ith other
thiopians4 thio-!omalis are4 in the spirit of e>uality4 democracy4 development and
an thiopian identity4 resting on strong foundations and contributing to the building of
the country. thiopias vulnerability to the CGreater !omaliaC ideology has been
greatly diminished.
An the other hand4 the disintegration of !omalia has in itself brought ever-gro,ing
danger. he crisis in !omalia has allo,ed religious e0tremism to ta/e hold. !omalia
has become a haven and conduit for terrorists and e0tremists. :nti-peace elements are
using the country as a base and place of transit in order to threaten thiopias peace.
!omalias disintegration has brought danger to the peace in our country.
&7 Si)nifi*an*e of t.e re$ations
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here is no condition ,hereby !omalia could contribute as a source of investment and
financial development or as a significant mar/et for thiopia. :fter a process of some
length4 follo,ed by peace and stability in !omalia4 there is the chance that it could
become a significant mar/et4 but this is difficult to imagine in the short and medium
term. 'egarding natural resources4 all the big rivers in !omalia flo, from thiopia.
he irrigation schemes in !omalia ,hich effectively served the people are in a poor
state. An the other hand4 as our country steps up its development4 ,e ,ill have to dam
the rivers for irrigation purposes. he harnessing of rivers in thiopia can help
!omalia resist floods4 and so the benefit ,ould be mutual. )ut on the other hand4
these rivers could be used in thiopia - mainly in the !omali region - for development
purposes. his could create a minor conflict but the problem can be tac/led by the
principle of give and ta/e in a ,ay that ta/es into account the national interests of the
t,o countries.
:s can be understood from the above4 in the short and medium terms4 !omalia does
not have a positive or negative influence of note in the development of our country.
:nd yet4 in !omalia there are numerous ports that can provide services to thiopia.
!tarting from the port of Meila ,hich gave services to thiopia during its long history4
all the ,ay to 8ismayo4 there are no less than seven ports in !omalia that can be used
by different parts of our country. hese possibilities could significantly contribute to
our development4 but due to the CGreater !omaliaC-driven conflict and national
oppression in thiopia4 they ,ere never seriously considered <not to forget that
thiopia had ports of its o,n*. he current collapse of the state in !omalia ma/es it
unrealistic to thin/ of using the ports at the present time.
ven if the chances to use the ports ,ere to arise4 and though that ,ould increase
!omalias relevance to our development4 one cannot see a positive role that !omalia
can play at this time. An the negative side4 it is ,orth noting that the disintegration of
!omalia has posed dangers for peace and stability in thiopia. his situation has spoilt
the image of our sub-region4 and the 6orn is no, perceived as an area of conflict. Aur
chances to attract investment have been reduced and the C!omalia effectC has
contributed to the uncertainty about regional peace and the lac/ of economic lin/ages
bet,een the t,o countries.
*7 Po$i*y Dire*tion
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Aur pro0imity to !omalia ,ould be beneficial to our development if there ,ere peace
and stability in !omalia. eace can come to our region if a government committed to
fighting disorder4 terrorism and e0tremism in cooperation ,ith its neighbours is
established in !omalia. !ome circles say that the establishment of such a government
in !omalia ,ould once again resuscitate the ideology of CGreater !omaliaC and that
peace4 democracy and development in !omalia ,ould4 in that case4 not benefit
thiopia. his vie, is fundamentally ,rong and dangerous. #irst4 of all4 from no,
on,ards4 our country safeguards the unity of its peoples not by denying them options
but by helping them recognise and confirm in practice4 the option based on e>uality4
mutual development and democracy.
:s a result of this4 ,e have created the condition ,hereby thiopian !omalis4 no
matter ,hether the ideology of CGreater !omaliaC is revived or not4 ,ould choose to
live in e>uality and unity ,ith their other thiopian brothers and sisters. :s our
development and democratisation process gains momentum4 our vulnerability to the
effects of this and other similar slogans ,ill be much reduced. #urthermore4 it should
be underscored that4 since it has been the cause of much suffering first and foremost
to the people of !omalia4 this slogan of CGreater !omaliaC has been discredited and its
chances of revival are indeed very slim. n light of the encouraging political and
economic situation in thiopia4 the fact that !omalis live in both countries ,ould
actually ensure that they serve as a bridge that creates strong connections bet,een the
t,o countries4 rather than as a factor of suspicion.
An the contrary4 if !omalia en7oys peace and democracy4 ,e ,ill have the opportunity
to use the !omali ports e0tensively and continuously and this ,ould contribute to our
development significantly. !uch a situation ,ould ma/e it possible4 in alliance ,ith
the ne, government4 to stamp out anti-peace activities originating from !omalia.
)oth countries can ,or/ together to 7ointly develop river utiliation plans. he ,ay
,ould also be clear to promote strong educational and cultural ties and
interdependence in light of the educational and other related activities that are carried
out in the !omali language ,ithin the !omali 'egion of our country. )y creating
strong relations bet,een the t,o countries regarding the use of ports and rivers4
commerce4 culture and so on4 and seeing to it that the t,o peoples are benefiting from
this4 one could be sure that the peoples ,ould resist activities designed to harm the
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relations that are proving to be so beneficial to them. thiopia ,ould also gain direct
economic advantages from this situationF in addition4 ,hen thiopias eastern border
ceases to be a source of threat4 overall economic development ,ould be enhanced.
hat is ,hy4 at this time4 our ma7or ob7ective in !omalia is to see the establishment of
peace and democracy4 and based on that4 the development of strong economic4
cultural and political ties bet,een the t,o countries.
his may be our ,ish and policy4 but peace and democracy cannot be realised through
our efforts only. :lthough ,e ,ill do all in our po,er to contribute to the peace and
stability of !omalia4 as it is in our interest to do so4 the responsibility to establish
peace in that country principally rests on the !omali people and the political forces
there. n addition to this4 those e0ternal forces ,hich can influence events should see
to it that they use their authority to contribute to bringing about peace and democracy
in !omalia.
he events of the last ten years in !omalia have not been encouraging4 but ,e should
not give up hope that peace and democracy ,ill eventually come to !omalia. he
country has disintegrated into different areas4 and ,hile some are comparatively4 calm
others are in continuous turmoil. hose ,ho reap benefits from the absence of
authority - a number of !omali groups4 some traders4 religious e0tremists4 and their
foreign friends - are bent on sabotaging in one ,ay or another any effort aimed at
bringing about peace in !omalia. :lthough the !omali people long for peace4 they
have not been able to brea/ out of the ,eb of obstruction put in place by those ,ho
oppose peace and change. :lthough the international community ,ishes to bring
about peace in !omalia4 it is evidently not ready to e0ert all its efforts to realise this.
hus4 it appears to us that the condition of instability in !omalia is li/ely to persist for
some time. herefore our policy should not be limited to contributing to the
emergence of peace and democracy only and4 based on that4 to forging strong tiesF
rather4 it should also address ,hat ,e should do if instability and turmoil persist.
Aur fundamental policy remains to persistently ,or/ to,ards the birth of a peaceful
and democratic !omalia. )ut in light of the continuing instability4 the policy ,e
pursue should essentially be a damage-limitation policy to ensure that the instability
does not further harm our country4 the region and the people of !omalia. f the
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a7 Histori*a$ &a*=)ro!n" of Et.io:S!"an Re$ations+
t is /no,n that there is a long historical relationship ,ith the !udan starting from the
time of the states of :0um and &ero,e4 there are also long-standing ties bet,een the
t,o peoples ,ho have lived in one anothers country over the years. t is evident that
this relationship has had its o,n positive and negative features. n particular4 since the
end of @orld @ar 4 ,hen he !udan became independent4 the relationship has not
developed in a positive manner as much as it should have.
Ane reason for this is religious e0tremism. :lthough it is the people of !udan ,ho
bear the main brunt of intermittent manifestations of religious e0tremism4 such
phenomena have also harmed the relationships bet,een the t,o countries. )esidesattempting to spread religious e0tremism in our country4 there ,ere various efforts
aided by he !udan that ,ere designed to ma/e our country a victim of terrorist
attac/s.
here has al,ays been religious tolerance in our country for a long period of time4
and no political ground e0isted for e0tremism. he religiously motivated attempts
from he !udan should also have had little impact. )ut it is clear that the previous4
undemocratic systems in thiopia had e0posed us to this danger. t cannot be denied
that ,idespread poverty4 and the fact that religious e>uality had not been satisfactorily
realised had e0posed our country to imminent danger. :lthough our endeavours to
fully implement all aspects of religious e>uality4 to spread education and modern
thin/ing4 and to succeed in the ,ar against poverty ,ill certainly free our country
from such dangers4 ,e cannot say ,e have reached that level yet. t should be
underscored therefore that there is a vulnerability that has substantially been reduced4
but has not been completely done a,ay ,ith.
Ane of the causes for the deterioration of relations ,ith he !udan concerns the use of
the ,aters of the Nile. n this regard4 the agreement he !udan signed ,ith gypt in
1959 that e0cluded thiopia from the use of the river is an e0ample ,orth mentioning.
thiopia is the main source of the Nile4 and he !udan is the second biggest source.
gypt4 on the contrary4 is not a source at all. thiopias opportunities to use the Nile
for irrigation are limited. ven if ,e ,ere to irrigate all the lands on the thiopian
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side of the Nile )asin4 due to the topography and limitations of the territory4 the
amount of ,ater ,e use ,ould not be that high. An the contrary4 since he !udan has
e0pansive and fertile lands that can be irrigated4 it is in a better position than gypt
and thiopia to gain ma0imum advantage.
ven if in accord ,ith sound principle regarding the use of rivers for irrigation
purposes4 gypt - ,hich adds no volume to the Niles ,aters - does not have enough
land for irrigation. 6o,ever4 according to the 1959 agreement4 it has appropriated the
right to use the most substantial portion of the Niles ,aters. thiopia may be the main
source of the Nile4 but it does not possess e0tensive lands li/e he !udan to be
developed through irrigation. he country that has a ,ide territory that can be
developed using irrigation is he !udan4 although its share of the Nile is limited
according to the agreement it entered ,ith gypt. :s a result4 he !udans national
interest cannot be said to have been respected in the 1959 agreement. n fact4 !udans
national interest can best be protected ,hen there is an agreement on e>uitable
utiliation of the Nile ,aters bet,een !udan4 gypt and thiopia. f such a stage is
reached4 ,hat becomes difficult is not reconciling the interests of thiopia and he
!udan but the interests of gypt and he !udan. rue as that may be4 in practice4 he
!udan has been supporting gypts stand on the issue. he !udan has ,rongly
considered that its interest in this regard is threatened by thiopia. :lthough this
attitude is gradually changing4 it has been one reason ,hich prevented the
strengthening of the thio-!udanese relationship for a long period of time.
:nother reason for the poor relations has been4 on the one hand4 the support he
!udan provided - also because of the influence of others - to various opposing forces
that aimed at disrupting the peace of thiopia4 and on the other hand4 thiopias
retaliation through the support it gave to !udanese opposition forces4 especially those
in !outhern !udan. ;nable to address the root causes of their problem4 the t,o nations
have been suspicious and ,ary of each other over the years.
&7 Si)nifi*an*e of t.e re$ations
n the 6orn of :frica4 !udan is ne0t to thiopia in population sie. he !udan has rich
natural resources and the potential to go far in development. resently its GD is
higher than that of thiopia4 and ,hen compared ,ith others in the 6orn of :frica4
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the !udanese mar/et is >uite substantial. !een from the mar/et perspective4 he
!udan offers substantial advantages for thiopias development. !ervicing the
!udanese mar/et ,ill have a significant contribution to enhancing our development.
Ane could also e0pect investment from he !udan4 although in a limited scale.
he port of he !udan can be used as a trading option by some regions of our country.
!imilarly4 he !udan can play a constructive role regarding the utiliation of the
,aters of the Nile. n the process4 thiopia4 by developing its electric po,er potential4
can provide this service to he !udan and reap considerable benefits. n sum4 from the
vantage point of our economic development4 out of all the countries in the 6orn of
:frica4 he !udan can play a more significant role in the short4 medium and long
terms. n light of promoting our national interests4 ,e have to give proper focus to the
development of this relationship.
Af optimum value ,ill be the development of strong political4 economic and
diplomatic ties ,ith he !udan4 a ,orld a,ay from the suspicion ,hich has mar/ed
our relations in the past. he !udan needs to attain durable peace and a development
that ,ould contribute importantly to the prevalence of peace and security in the 6orn
of :frica. f strong ties are built bet,een thiopia and he !udan4 they ,ill ma/e a
significant contribution to the stabiliation and peaceful interdependence in the 6orn
of :frica.
*7 Po$i*y Dire*tion
#rom the perspective of our o,n economic development agenda4 for regional stability
and peace-in short4 in light of our fundamental national interest framed by
development and security-utmost priority should be given to the relations bet,eenthiopia and he !udan. 6o,ever4 it should be recognied that those factors that have
been obstacles for the creation of a strong relationship bet,een the t,o countries4
although substantially reduced4 ,ill remain and could continue to aggravate our ties to
some degree or another.
Ane problem has been thiopias vulnerability to threats emanating from he !udan
or other neighbours4 and thiopias subse>uent attitude to,ards its neighbours4 li/e
he !udan4 ,as also suspicion. &oreover4 the perception of the relationship by many
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thiopians is distorted and mi0ed ,ith suspicion. @hat is important is that ,e are
striving internally to realie our development and democratisation agenda4 ,ith
encouraging results. :s ,e become stronger4 threats to our security - be they in the
guise of religion or other,ise - ,ill have no ground to flourish. )y focusing on
eliminating the conditions that ma/e us vulnerable4 ,e can ,ith self-confidence build
strong relations ,ith neighbouring countries4 and4 in particular4 ,ith he !udan.
he other problem is the internal situation in he !udan. t has been practically
demonstrated that the absence of democracy and e0tremism has led he !udan into
deep crisis4 and its people are reaching the point of realiing this. :s they understand
that e0tremism and resistance to democracy provide no ans,er but further destruction
and crisis4 he !udanese people are4 in the frame,or/ of establishing democracy and
moving to,ards unity based on free ,ill and e>uality. he effort under,ay to resolve
the crisis in !outhern !udan on the basis of the abovementioned principles is a result
of these ne, trends.
:chieving unity in he !udan ,ithin the frame,or/ of peace and democracy ,ill
offer a significant advantage for both thiopia and our region. ;nity founded on
democracy and e>uality ,ould mean that he !udan has ceased to become a venue
for e0tremism and anti-peace activities4 and this ,ould end the threat that thiopia
faces from that country. rue4 the establishment of unity based on peace4 democracy
and e>uality in he !udan is the duty its o,n people. )ut since ,e also benefit from
this4 ,e should pursue a policy of supporting this ob7ective ,ith all our means ,hile
adhering to the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of he !udan.
'egarding the use of the Niles ,aters even at present4 he !udan has not totally
divorced itself from its past stance4 and it cannot be said today that it is actively
promoting the e>uitable use of Nile ,aters. hat this stance ,ill have its impact on
the relations of the t,o countries cannot be denied. 6o,ever4 he !udan has not been
a ma7or obstacle for thiopia on ,ater issues. here has been limited improvement in
the !udanese position4 but not real change. herefore4 it cannot be said that the sub7ect
of the Niles ,aters poses an unsurpassable obstacle for establishing strong ties
bet,een the t,o countries. !o4 ,hile ,e e0ert our efforts to secure !udanese support
for the fair and e>uitable utiliation of Nile ,aters4 ,e should follo, a policy that
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supports the establishment of strong ties bet,een the t,o countries ,ithout ,aiting
for a change in he !udans position on the matter.
!tarting from this4 ,e can reinforce basic infrastructural ties such as roads4 rail,ays
<in due course*4 telephone lines4 electric po,er4 and the li/e4 enabling the creation of
economic ties bet,een the t,o countries. )ased on this ,e can focus on creating
strong trade lin/s. here is a need to create a mutual vision in order for us to build
momentum in promoting the mutual interests of both peoples and governments.
:lthough ,e should give priority to strengthening our relations and enforcing the
positive aspects of our ties4 ,e cannot be certain that all ,ill be accomplished in the
,ay ,e ,ould ,ish. @e should understand that there are circles both in he !udanand else,here that do not ,ish our relations to e0pand in the manner 7ust described.
roceeding from this4 and reducing our susceptibility to dangers4 ,e should calibrate
our policies based on the situation in he !udan and the response of the !udanese
Government.
,+5 Et.io%ia1s %o$i*y to2ar"s D/i&o!ti
a7 Histori*a$ &a*=)ro!n" of t.e re$ations
:n effort has been made to create strong economic ties bet,een thiopia and D7ibouti
since the time of its coloniation by #rance the establishment of a modern port there.
n our country the only rail,ay line is the one that lin/s :ddis :baba and D7ibouti. :t
the time the line ,as established4 it ,as ,ith the consideration that D7ibouti ,ould be
the outlet for thiopia <since thiopia ,as land loc/ed*. n fact4 the very
establishment of the port of D7ibouti ,as based on the understanding that it ,ould
provide port services to thiopia. #urther4 there are people ,ho have the same culture
and language living in both countries. !ince early on4 it appears that history has
dictated that the t,o countries be bound together.
0cept for the fe, occasional instances of differences that have emerged bet,een the
t,o countries4 thiopia and D7ibouti have never entered a conflict ,ith lasting
conse>uences. @hilst this is the case4 the relationship bet,een the t,o countries4 for a
number of reasons4 is not as strong and healthy as it could be.
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&7 Si)nifi*an*e of t.e re$ations
#rom thiopias side4 the anchor of the relationship is that of port use. he port4 from
its very establishment4 ,as meant to provide services to thiopia4 and naturally so4
due to its pro0imity to most regions ,ithin our country. D7ibouti ,ould benefit the
most from providing port services compared to thiopias other neighbours. t also is
a country that does not have any negative legacy lin/ed to thiopia. #or all these
reasons4 D7ibouti is ,ell placed to be the principal port of use. :lthough our use of
other ports is to be e0pected4 the relationship ,ith D7ibouti is highly valued as it
relates to the development of thiopia.
!een from D7iboutis perspective4 providing port services by itself has economicsignificance as the port is the main source of income for D7ibouti. :s thiopia
develops4 inevitably more and more goods ,ill be going through the port4 and
D7ibouti ,ill increasingly benefit from the income of the port services. )esides4
thiopia can become a ma7or mar/et for D7ibouti and can provide electric po,er and
other basic services to that country. t is therefore clear that thiopia can play a vital
role in the conte0t of D7iboutis economic interest and development.
*7 Pro&$ems re)ar"in) t.e re$ations.i%
:lthough they may not create fundamental lasting resentment bet,een the countries4
it is undeniable that there are obstacles that hinder the relationships from developing
to the desired level. he gravity of issues differs from one problem to the other and no
one country is free of them.
#rom the side of D7ibouti4 the main problem concerns the handling of mutual
advantages4 in particular the balancing of short and long term benefits. Ees4 the people
and their leaders recognie that D7ibouti has to provide long term and reliable port
services to thiopia. hey also /no, that if D7ibouti cannot do this4 its main source of
income ,ill dry up4 and in general4 they are ,ell disposed to,ards thiopia. )ut there
are occasions ,hen some officials focus only on the short term. @ere it to provide
services at reasonable rates4 D7ibouti ,ould benefit increasingly as thiopia develops
and increases its use. )ut ,e sometimes observe the tendency ,here D7ibouti
scrambles to ma0imie benefits ,ithin a very short period of time. #urthermore4
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instead of recogniing that thiopia needs a durable and guaranteed port use
arrangement4 there is a preference to loo/ for other options. his problem so,s seeds
of suspicion4 and reduces the chances of the port serving the long-term mutual interest
of the t,o countries.
An the other hand4 there is the problem that arises due to the fact that the people in
D7ibouti do not derive direct benefits from the use of the port. ;ndoubtedly4 the
revenue can be said to be benefiting the public in an indirect ,ayF and this applies
also to those employed to ,or/ at the port. 6o,ever the people ,ould gain more from
the development underta/ings in thiopia and defend the relationship staunchly if
they ,ere to substantially benefit from trade and investment. #or e0ample4
D7iboutians could get electric po,er supply from thiopia at cheap rates4 but this has
yet to see the light of day. here is a need to tac/le the problem of drin/ing ,ater4 and
thiopia4 could e0amine ,hat it could do4 but this again4 has not materialied. he
citiens of D7ibouti could participate in the various medium trade and investment
opportunities in thiopia but nothing is in the ,or/s4 and so on. D7iboutians have not
benefited to the e0tent that they should. :s a result4 the people have not become as
strong a foundation for the relationship as they should. 'egarding this matter4
although there are4 on the side of D7ibouti4 shortcomings in helping the people
become beneficiaries4 it can generally be said that this problem mainly emanates from
thiopia.
f in D7ibouti the economic and political problems ,ere to ,orsen4 the use of the port
may be hampered by instability. t may open the door for other forces to prevent
thiopias use of the port by imposing their ,ill on D7ibouti. @hen vie,ed from this
angle4 although it is the responsibility of the government and people of D7ibouti to
maintain peace and stability in their country4 the issue affects our interest directly and
the threats in this regard4 need to be considered al,ays.
An the side of thiopia4 the main concern has to do ,ith seeing to it that4 on the
principle of give and ta/e4 the people of D7ibouti reasonably benefit from the
relationship. @hile it is proper to ob7ect to attempts by D7ibouti to reap undue benefits
and to ma0imie short-term advantages4 ,e do need to recognie4 on our part4 that not
only thiopia4 but D7ibouti has to ade>uately benefit from the use of the port4 and that
,e are living in a ,orld of give and ta/e. :lso4 at times ,e see there is a chauvinistic
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and condescending attitude that is e0hibited. !trong relations bet,een D7ibouti and
thiopia4 beneficial to both and the region at large4 can come into being only ,hen
these problems are solved and ,hen an appropriate policy is designed and
implemented.
"7 Po$i*y Dire*tion
he policy ,e should follo, to,ards D7ibouti should be to assure long lasting and
reliable port services ,ith reasonable fees. @hile ,e should maintain the option of
using other ports4 ,e need a policy that underlines the continued utiliation of
D7ibouti as the reliable port of prime use. his ,ill re>uire reaching a long-term
agreement ,ith guarantees4 and then4 its implementation. he D7iboutian peopleshould be made a,are of its provisions in order that they bac/ it. he agreement
should4 on the one hand4 help the speeding up of the development of our country4 and
it should not impose negative pressures on us. An the other hand4 it should enable
D7ibouti to receive fair benefits and it should aim at securing the long-lasting interests
of both countries. he agreement should help avoid some negative tendencies that are
manifested on both sides.
thiopias e0tensive use of the port and the gro,th of strong trade lin/s bet,een the
t,o countries depend on the strengthening and e0pansion of the already e0isting basic
infrastructure net,or/. n this respect4 the improvement and reinforcement of the
rail,ay line and the high,ay should be given special attention. rompt action should
also be ta/en to create and e0pand telecommunication and electric po,er services
bet,een the t,o countries. !o4 our policy should ta/e into consideration the
substantial upgrading and strengthening of the basic infrastructure services bet,een
the t,o countries as soon as possible.
f the people of D7ibouti are to get significant benefit from the relationship and if they
are to stand in unison in support of ties ,ith thiopia4 it is essential that trade and
investment be strengthened and sound legal practices adhered to. n this regard4
restrictions in place in thiopia should be eased for D7iboutians in a ,ay that does not
harm4 but rather enhances trade and investment. f the nationals of D7ibouti participate
in limited-scale investments reserved only for thiopians4 there is no harm envisaged.
:s long as precautions are ta/en in order to see to it that others do not use this outlet
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to frustrate the development of our countrys entrepreneurs4 such a policy ,ould
enable the people of D7ibouti to see that their interests lie in the development of
thiopia. hey could thus become strong allies and supporters of thiopia4 a situation
,hich ,ould provide us strategic advantages. Aur policy should4 therefore4 give
proper focus to this tas/ and to create an enabling environment.
t is the duty of the people and government of D7ibouti to safeguard peace and
stability in their country4 for their o,n benefit. @e also have a direct interest in
D7ibouti remaining peaceful. t therefore goes ,ithout saying that the promotion of
peace in D7ibouti and the region4 in league ,ith the government and people of
D7ibouti ,ould have to constitute a ma7or feature of our policy.
n general4 by establishing e0tensive and allencompassing economic relations bet,een
countries4 and by helping the peoples to benefit from these ties in order that they
protect the relationship4 the 6orn of :frica can be transformed from an arena of
turmoil into one of cooperative development and peace. Aur country can play a
special and prominent role in this regard. t is easier to put in place such a relationship
bet,een thiopia and D7ibouti4 follo,ed later by one bet,een thiopia and he
!udan. f4 together ,ith D7ibouti4 ,e in a short time establish multi-sectoral economic
ties4 ,e could step by step4 conditions permitting4 e0pand this process ,ith the other
countries. G:D could be instrumental in facilitating this initiative ,hich promotes
the transformation of the region into one of development and peace. hat is ,hat our
policy should ,or/ for - the realiation of our vision of development and democracy
in a comprehensive ,ayF one that shapes the 6orn of :frica to be a region of peace
and development based on e>uality and mutual benefit. he policy ,e pursue should
enable thiopia to play the role that it can4 namely a pivotal role4 starting ,ith those
countries ,hich are ready to move for,ard. he firm and healthy relations ,e
establish ,ith D7ibouti should serve as an e0ample to the region as a ,hole.
,+8 Et.io%ia1s %o$i*y to2ar"s @enya
a7 Histori*a$ &a*=)ro!n" of t.e re$ations
!ince 8enyas independence4 our t,o countries have en7oyed good neighbourly
relations. thiopia and 8enya have lived in mutual respect ,ithout interfering in the
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internal affairs of each other4 and ,ithout threatening each other. n fact4 the ideology
CGreater !omaliaC ,as a threat directed at both countries4 leading them to render each
other support and to sign a mutual defence agreement. hat having been said4 cattle
rustling has been a feature in the border area bet,een the t,o countries and this
problem has gro,n in the past decade. &oreover4 as economic and political problems
emerged in 8enya4 the Aromo Biberation #ront <AB#* and li/e-minded elements ,ere
able to ta/e refuge in the northern part of that country. @hile it is important that these
problems be addressed4 they do not define or alter4 the fundamental nature of the
relationship.
@hile the political relationship has been basically healthy4 the economic relationship4
,hich could have gone far4 has lagged behind. 8enya has faced a series of economic
difficulties in the last ten years4 that ,ea/ened its economy. )ut it certainly en7oyed
better development than others in our region and it still does. ven though it faced
various political problems aggravated by its troubled economy4 8enya is basically a
peaceful country. 8enya follo,s thiopia and he !udan in terms of population but
has a comparatively larger mar/et. 6o,ever4 the economic ties bet,een thiopia and
8enya are ,ea/ and hobbled by contraband.
&7 Si)nifi*an*e of t.e re$ations
ven though some economic problems constrain its development4 8enya has a
comparatively large mar/et in our region. :s it addresses its problems and ma/es
strides in development4 8enya could constitute a truly significant mar/et. )esides4
8enya is our bridge to ast and !outhern :frica. n commercial terms4 the 8enyan
mar/et could be comparable to that of the !udan.
n terms of facilities it can offer4 8enyas ports could be better options for some parts
of our country. !ince 8enya suffers from a large electric po,er shortage4 it could be
envisaged in the future that it could purchase po,er from thiopia4 enabling both
countries to benefit substantially. he utilisation of the Amo 'iver4 ,hich flo,s from
thiopia and enters Ba/e ur/ana4 on the border ,ith 8enya4 has been a point of
difference. )ut if handled correctly4 the difference could be resolved ,ithout much
difficulty. n general4 despite the fact that lac/ of attention has resulted in ,ea/
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economic relations4 it is obvious that 8enya can play a considerable and positive role
in the development in thiopia.
!o far4 8enya has been a land of peace and stability4 and is ,ell placed to play a
significant role in the promotion of stability in the region. f the economic and
political challenges that tested 8enya in the past decade are resolved4 the country can
most certainly play a significant and constructive role in the 6orn of :frica.
*7 Pro&$ems in t.e re$ations
he basic problem manifested in the relationship ,ith 8enya ,as the fact that no
attention ,as given to the creation of a strong4 legally based economic relationship.
:s a result4 although it is possible to lin/ the t,o countries by roads and rail,ays4
there is4 at present4 no road lin/ ,orthy of mention. t had also been possible to create
telecommunication and electric po,er service lin/s4 but again4 there are no
achievements in this field. n general4 no significant effort ,as made to lin/ the t,o
countries economically. !o the good neighbourly relations the t,o states en7oyed did
not e0tent to development. )oth countries are responsible for this state of affairs.
;nless the political and economic problems that have manifested themselves in the
past ten years in 8enya are solved4 the countrys peace and stability ,ill be sorely
tested. he negative influence that can come from this ,as evidenced in the last ten
years ,hen northern 8enya became an active center for anti-peace forces. !ome
8enyans4 ,ho are still stuc/ on dependency4 ,orry ,hen neighbouring countries
ma/e economic progress and e0perience peace and democracy4 thin/ing that 8enya
may lose both the prominence in the eyes of aid donors4 and the advantages she has
en7oyed for many years. his leads them to vie, stability in neighbouring countries ascontrary to their interest4 and hence4 to vie, the emerging situation ,ith suspicion and
some degree of envy. f this attitude gains prominence in 8enya4 it could become an
obstacle for the strengthening of its relationships ,ith its neighbours4 including
thiopia.
"7 Po$i*y Dire*tion
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hat G:D has various problems is a fact. Ane ,ea/ness is that it does not have
enough human and financial resources. &ember countries do not sho, the same level
of concern for the development of the organiation and that is another reason for
G:Ds ,ea/ness. he disintegration of !omalia and the civil ,ar in he !udan have
also contributed their share in this regard. : further reason4 and one that could
probably be cited as a main cause for the ,ea/ening of G:D4 is the relations
bet,een member states4 and particularly4 bet,een ritrea and other G:D countries.
: basic tenet in our foreign policy should be to strengthen G:D by striving to ease
these problems.
'+ Re$ations 3it. Ot.er Afri*an Co!ntries
'+, Histori*a$ &a*=)ro!n" of t.e re$ations
ver since their achievement of independence4 the relations that other :frican
countries have had ,ith thiopia could be described as very healthy. :s a founding
member of the Arganisation of :frican ;nity4 thiopia has struggled faithfully and
prominently for the realiation of the ob7ectives of the A:;. t has done its level best
overtly and covertly to assist those countries under colonialism to gain their
independence. t is ,orth mentioning that the policy and practice pursued by past
thiopian governments in this regard must be seen in a positive light because their
polices enabled our country to discharge its :frican responsibilities and to gain the
respect of our :frican brothers and sisters. Aver the past ten years ,e have continued
along similar lines4 and the healthy relationships established earlier have been
maintained.
n connection ,ith this4 thiopia has been receiving ,ide political and diplomaticsupport from the Arganisation of :frican ;nity and its member states. 'ecently4 as
evidenced ,hen our country ,as invaded by the ritrean government4 :frica firmly
stood in support of the peace and security of thiopia4 as in earlier times. n short4 it
can be said that there is hardly any political and diplomatic support that our country
as/ed for and did not get from :frica. hat thiopia is the seat of the :frican ;nion
<:;* is a reflection of this fact. Naturally this entails that ,e carry a special
responsibility for the organisation.
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ven though thiopia en7oys healthy diplomatic and political relations ,ith other
:frican countries4 there have been limitations resulting from the overall challenges
:frica faces in fostering unity. Averall economic ties bet,een :frican countries are
,ea/ and thiopia does not have economic relations of note ,ith :frican countries
e0cept those in the 6orn of :frica. he :frican ;nion should have4 but has not
fulfilled its role to be the forum of debate in the struggle to enhance :fricas share4
and that of member states4 in the process of globaliation. ven in the promotion of
peace4 the :; has sho,n that it has serious limitation4 although it has made important
efforts in this area.
'+' Si)nifi*an*e of t.e re$ations
he general and regional conditions favourable to our peace and stability have been
nurtured by the positive relations ,e have managed to maintain ,ith other :frican
states. his ,ill continue in the future as ,ell. Aur desire is to focus on development4
and on development only. @e ,ish to avoid any and all conflicts4 and to respond to
those ,ho ,ish to launch conflicts against us by offering the possibility to resolve
problems through discussion and political means. n this regard4 ,e can count on the
support of :frican countries and the :frican ;nion.
#urthermore4 the influence and support ,e gain from :frica ,ill help us indirectly as
,e try to ma/e ourselves heard in other parts of the ,orld. he :frican ;nion can
play an important role in supporting our efforts in economic development and
democratiation4 by contributing to the creation of favourable political conditions4
including the resolution of conflicts by peaceful means.
6ome to small and fragmented mar/ets4 the :frican countries cannot benefit as theyshould form the era of globalisation. he creation of strong economic lin/s among
:frican countries in the long run4 ,ill contribute significantly to the development of
:frica. @e ,ill also benefit from this. )ut in the short and medium terms4 it is
difficult to envisage that trade relations bet,een :fricans states ,ill bring about
significant change to the situation.
An the other hand4 all the negative effects of globalisation that affect thiopia also
apply to other :frican countries. he ,orld mar/et remains inaccessible to :frican
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become the forum that ,ill ensure a better place for our continent and to fulfil its
mission ,ith distinction.
n our time efforts are being underta/en to build the :; so that it can better fulfil its
political and developmental mandate. o this end4 ,e ,ill staunchly support the
ob7ectives of the :;4 7ust as ,e bac/ed the A:;. n addition4 ,e have to be in the
forefront in supporting N:D and related programmes designed to transform the
:frican economy. #or this purpose4 ,e have to have a policy of co-operating ,ith all
:frican countries4 particularly ,ith those ,ho have the commitment and the capacity
to contribute significantly to the realiation of :fricas ob7ectives.
0+ Re$ations 2it. Co!ntries of t.e Mi""$e East
0+, Genera$ Po$i*y
he &iddle ast has both positively and negatively influenced our history due to our
pro0imity to the region. n fact4 the impact of the &iddle ast on thiopia is more
prominent than that of the :frican countries.
he great religions that originated in the &iddle ast have had a great impact on our
country since ancient times. t is noted that as a political community4 thiopia
embraced +hristianity preceded by only :rmenia and +onstantinople. +hristianity
came to thiopia from the &iddle ast4 and for more than 1($$ years4 thiopias
religious leaders4 the patriarchs of the Arthodo0 church4 came from gypt.
+hristianity4 besides being the religion adhered to by millions of thiopians4 has
formed an integral part of our history and culture. slam may have been born in !audi
:rabia but thiopia ,as the first country to allo, its adherents to practice it4 even
before !audi :rabia did. )ecause they ,ere persecuted in their o,n country4 the
follo,ers of the rophet &ohammed ,ere ordered by him to see/ refuge in thiopia.
t ,as after this that the rophet ordered his follo,ers not to touch the :byssinians
e0cept in self-defence4 a clear illustration of the regard ,ith ,hich slam vie,ed
thiopia. !ince then4 slam has not only become the religion of millions of thiopians
but also has come to form an integral part of our history and culture. !imilarly4 an
ancient version of the =e,ish religion ,as practiced in thiopia and this too had some
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influence on our history and culture. his is the bac/drop for thiopias long-standing
relationship in language4 history and culture ,ith the &iddle ast.
An the other hand4 there are negative elements in our relations ,ith the &iddle ast .
Ane of the issues that strained relations bet,een thiopia and the &iddle ast ,as the
issue of the ,aters of the Nile. he Nile had a special place in the thousands-of-years
long relationship bet,een thiopia and gypt. he gyptians have been imposing
their ,ill so that no one but themselves ,ould use the ,aters of the Nile. An the other
hand4 thiopia has struggled to ensure that its rights to the use of the Niles ,aters are
respected. :s gypt too/ the mantle of leadership of the :rab ,orld4 the sub7ect of the
Nile ,aters began to influence thiopias relations ,ith that region and still continues
to do so.
Neither ,as religion free of casting a negative influence. here ,ere t,o main
sources for thisL slamic e0tremism4 and thiopias susceptibility to danger. Ane of the
differences bet,een &uslim e0tremists4 and moderate &uslims concerns their
differences on the sub7ect of thiopia. he moderate &uslim believes that thiopia is
a country ,hich received the first follo,ers of the rophet4 the first hijira
<pilgrimage* country4 a respected country ,hich a believer should not touch if it does
not touch him. :s a result of this4 he prefers to consider it a special place different
from other countries. he e0tremist4 on the other hand4 preaches that it ,as the
thiopian /ing ,ho gave refuge to the follo,ers of the rophet and that he had been
converted to slam4 though he did not ma/e it public for fear of the people. !o4 the
people are the enemy. thiopia should be categorised as the first C:ndalusiaC4 the land
,hich betrayed slam. !o it has come to pass that ,hen the e0tremist line prevails4
thiopia becomes susceptible to dangerF and ,hen moderation reigns4 thio-:rab
relations improve.
6o,ever4 even though it has been a defining characteristic of our history and culture4
there are sometimes conflicts bet,een the follo,ers of the t,o religions. arious ,ars
,ere ,aged at different times bet,een &uslim sultanates that ,ere flourishing in
different regions and +hristian /ings4 to achieve supremacy over the other. n the
process4 the systems of governance in thiopia evolved into ones ,here e>uality of
religion ,as not realied for a long time. his situation triggered an internal struggle
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development. &oreover4 the policy ,e pursue to,ard the &iddle ast must be based
on /no,ledge and must be supported by appropriate research and study. )y no means
should ,e be guided by feelings or ,hims. Aur policy should aim at reducing the
negative effects of the problems that hinder the development of our relationship. Aurs
has to be a policy of considerable detail4 ,hich ta/es into account the particular
conditions of each country in the &iddle ast.
0+' Re$ations 3it. E)y%t
a7 Histori*a$ &a*=)ro!n" an" %ro&$ems re)ar"in) t.e re$ations
#rom its inception4 the gyptian civilisation is based on the ,aters of the Nile. Not
less than "5J of the ,ater that enters gypt originates from thiopia. t can therefore
be said that from the very beginning4 the t,o countries have been intimately lin/ed by
nature. he problem thiopia faces regarding the use of the Niles ,aters is
principally a problem ,ith gypt. Due to the influence of gypt in the :rab ,orld4
the issue of the Nile also affects thiopias relations ,ith other countries. @hen
e0tremism gains ground in gypt4 the relations ,ith thiopia are aggravated even
more. Needless to say4 a fair amount of ignorance has also contributed to this
problematic relationship.
he gyptians for a long time have continuously laboured to prevent thiopia from
using the Niles ,aters4 particularly for irrigation purposes. hey have suffered under
the belief that gypt ,ill be e0posed to tremendous danger if thiopia starts to use the
,aters of the Nile. he agreement signed bet,een gypt and he !udan in 1959 does
not provide for thiopia to use even a single litre of ,ater. he gyptian mentality is
framed by the mantra Cif thiopia uses the ,ater4 gypt ,ill be endangered. f gyptis to use it4 thiopia has to ta/e her hands off the ,ater.C he gyptian scenario
regarding the Nile is a classic e0ample of the politics of C ,in if you loseC4 the ero-
sum game.
An the other hand4 gyptians believe that the Niles ,aters are not sufficient for all.
)ut on the other4 they utilise the ,aters e0travagantly. he :s,an Dam4 ,hich is built
in the middle of the desert is sub7ect to massive evaporation resulting in loses of more
than 1$ billion cubic metres of ,ater annually. his is more than the annual volume of
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the e/ee 'iver-no less rresponsibly lavish ,ith their use of the ,ater4 the
gyptians have been diverting the Nile from its natural basin4 east to the !inai desert4
and ,est in the osh/a canal in the ,estern desert of gypt.
6o,ever4 those persons ,ho have studied the issue in depth e0press the vie, that the
interests of thiopia and gypt regarding the benefits of the Nile ,ater are not
irreconcilable. #or instance4 thiopia can help stop the silting4 ,hich is causing
considerable problems in gyptian and !udanese dams by rehabilitating the natural
environment of the ;pper Nile basin. !uch a measure ,ould4 at the very least4 benefit
thiopia and gypt. f fluctuations in flo, of the Niles ,aters are tamed4 !udan ,ill
be safe from the annual floods and all countries could be able to get cheap electricity
services. :dditionally4 since the ,ater ,ould not be e0posed to e0treme evaporation if
dammed upstream4 at least 3 billion cubic meters of ,ater could be saved and shared
by the countries in the basin. he amount of thiopian land in the basin that can be
developed through irrigation is relatively small. he ,ater that can be saved by
building dams in thiopia4 and the ,ater that is inappropriately ,asted in gypt4
could together be enough to satisfy thiopias irrigation needs. &oreover4 as the
mainstay of gypts economy changes from agriculture4 t ,ill have the ability to use
the ,ater economically4 ,hile its dependence on irrigation ,ill be lessened. n this
,ay4 there ,ill be the opportunity to save the ,ater that gypt is using e0travagantly
at the moment. n short4 this illustrates that the interests of t,o countries in the use of
the Niles ,aters can be reconcilable.
@hile the interests of the countries could be made compatible4 gypt has been
pursuing a policy of systematically preventing riparian states4 especially thiopia4
from utilising the ,aters of the Nile. :n important element in this policy has been the
promotion of instability in thiopia and the 6orn. :lthough gypt may not be the
primary cause for instability in the region4 it has contributed to the instability by
fanning the flames and aggravating the conflicts because it believes that such a
situation serves its interests. gypts assumption is that ,hen thiopia is ,rac/ed by
,ar it cannot focus its efforts on development. :lthough thiopia may ,ish to
develop4 leaving poverty behind4 it ,ill not be able toF and gypt ,ill continue to
have unfettered access to the Niles ,aters.
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he other gyptian strategy has been to see to it that thiopia does not manage to
secure aid and loans to utilise the Nile ,aters. A,ing to its influence in the :rab
,orld4 it has managed to prevent thiopia from receiving grants and credits from any
:rab nation. t has also laboured to perpetuate hostility and suspicion to ,ards
thiopia. gypt has also more or less4 succeeded by using its influence as leader of
the :rabs in bloc/ing thiopia from obtaining aid and loans form other sources to
e0ploit the ,ater resources of the Nile. gypts belief has been that thiopia4 mired in
poverty and embroiled in endless conflict4 could not develop the basin on its o,n4 and
that ,ith4 the opportunities for aid and credit closed4 thiopians ,ill have no choice
but to sit and ,atch the river flo, to those ,ho can then put it to good use.
:lthough this ,as not translated into action4 gypt had at one time4 threatened
military action in the event any country used the ,aters of the Nile ,ithout see/ing
prior permission from +airo. here are those ,ho argue that gypts ,ar preparations4
involving a huge army trained in bush ,arfare and for a country that is essentially
desert4 is evidence of gypts militaristic intention. here are also those ,ho maintain
that these are 7ust verbal threats unli/ely to lead to real aggression.
t should be noted that there are gyptians ,ith a different outloo/4 ,ho believe that
the idea of eternally preventing thiopia from using the Niles ,aters is unrealistic.
here are also those ,ho contend it is unacceptable that the people of thiopia4 the
main source of the Nile4 should face endless drought4 famine and death. here are also
those ,ho believe a compromise formula can be ,or/ed out ,ith respect to the use of
the Niles ,aters. n this connection4 an understanding ,as recently reached bet,een
gypt4 he !udan and thiopia regarding development activities along the Nile. he
pro7ects include natural conservation and e0porting hydroelectric po,er in e0cess of
the actual needs of thiopia to gypt and he !udan4 as ,ell as engaging in e0tensive
irrigation pro7ects. hese pro7ects call for 7ointly see/ing aid and credits4 as ,ell as
private investment.
his agreement may be vie,ed as a remar/able and even historic development in the
utilisation of the Niles ,aters. #or the first time in history4 this treaty demonstrates
gypts confirmation that the interests of riparian states could be reconciled. he
agreement also demonstrates that the soil and natural resources conservation along the
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o ensure rapid development4 thiopia needs to appropriately utilie and4
simultaneously conserve its natural resources. :bove and beyond satisfying its o,n
electric po,er needs4 thiopia must be able to sell po,er to he !udan and gypt4
generate foreign currency and pursue economic integration in the 6orn of :frica. t
needs to develop its irrigable land and protects its soil and other natural resources. t
also needs to provide sufficient ,ater supplies to its rising population and industrial
development needs. t is difficult to see all this happening ,ithout sufficient
utiliation of the ,aters of the Nile. thiopia can ensure rapid development only if it
can e0ploit its rivers4 including the Nile river. his can and should be done ,ithout
affecting gypts fundamental interests and through the balancing of benefits. ;nless
,e move on this issue our development and national security interests ,ould be
gravely harmed.
f gypt really has a desire to see the fair and e>uitable use of the Nile resources4 it
,ould refrain from frustrating thiopias efforts to secure funds for development
activities and4 beyond this4 evolve in to a development partner. gypt could play an
important role in bringing peace and stability to the 6orn. :lso4 since it has a
relatively big mar/et4 it can considerably contribute to our development. f
moderation and democracy ,in the day in gypt4 e0tremism in the &iddle ast ,ould
ebb4 ,hich ,ould contribute importantly to our security. Generally4 our relations ,ith
gypt are significant and relevant to our national security and development.
*7 Po$i*y Dire*tion
@hether ,e li/e it or not4 the issue of the Nile river ,ill remain central to our
relations ,ith gypt. Aur policy is to deal ,ith the Nile issue by balancing interests
and4 by peaceful negotiation4 leading to a solution that does not harm our
development activities. Kuestions raised regarding this issue need to be addressed in a
proper time frame. arallel to this4 ,e need to adopt a policy that helps manage
threats and reduce vulnerability.
n our relations ,ith gypt4 li/e in other foreign policy matters4 ,hat is critical ,ill be
our handling of important issues on the domestic front. f ,e ensure that democracy
ta/es rootF and ,e resolve outstanding national issues in a peaceful mannerF deal ,ith
issues involving neighbouring countries through dialogue and assure them that our
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interests do not go beyond our development and democracyF and implement this free
of emotion and ,ith our long term interest in mind4 our vulnerability emanating from
issues revolving around the Nile ,ill be drastically reduced. @e can emerge from
unending ,ar and concentrate our efforts on development. ;sing our human resources
and our gro,ing economic strength4 ,e can e0pect to develop our nation including
the Nile basin. :long ,ith this4 ,e should be able to bolster our defence capability
commensurate to the threats ,e face4 enabling us to respond appropriately.
he ,or/ ,e carry out on the domestic front4 as stated before4 ,ould help us achieve
our development ob7ectives ,ith speed and in addition ,ould help us resolve the Nile
issue by balancing different interests. !uch a policy ,ould remind gypt that
engaging thiopia in different disputes and ensuring that it is mired in poverty ,ould
not ,or/4 gypt needs to realise that the option of force and intimidation ,ill not
yield fruit. @hat ,ill ta/e us for,ard is if gypt can be convinced that force and
intimidation should be replaced by negotiation and balancing the interests of all
concerned.
:long ,ith our o,n internal efforts4 ,e need to ,or/ to create a regional and
international atmosphere suitable for an e>uitable utiliation of the ,aters of the Nile.
@e should indicate une>uivocally that ,e have no intention of obstructing the
development endeavours of others4 but that ,e aim to ensure that our development
needs are met4 and that the solution must balance interests. @e must sho, that such an
alternative e0ists. @e need to be able to clearly sho, the in7ustice of any attitude
,hich does not respect thiopias right to use the Nile to fight its recurring problems
of drought and famine4 and underline that such a position is unacceptable. his should
be communicated to donor countries and institutions4 re>uesting them not to ,ithhold
their support and to play their part in reaching a solution regarding the ,aters of the
Nile. @e also need to see/ the political and diplomatic support of our :frican brothers
and sisters to the same effect. ffort is also re>uired to e0plain our ob7ectives and to
see/ at best the support of the gyptian people4 of the :rab ,orld or at the very least
to ensure that they overcome their fears and bring their opposition to an end.
: central component of our policy should be to fully implement the agreement
recently reached bet,een he !udan4 thiopia and gypt. @e need4 based on this
agreement4 to build a climate of trust among the countries. @e need to introduce4 step-
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by-step4 issues of economical and fair utiliation of the ,ater resources. @e need to
gradually broaden opportunities produced by the agreement. @e have to ,or/ hard to
involve the peoples of thiopia and gypt as ,ell as countries in the region and the
international community to e0ert a constructive influence on the Nile issue. Aur
policy and its implementation should ta/e into account the fact that time and 7ustice
are on the side of thiopia and its development agenda.
hrough our readiness to address the Nile issue in a positive frame,or/4 ,e need to
demonstrate our support to the efforts in gypt to accelerate development and the
prevalence of moderation and democracy. o benefit from the gro,ing gyptian
mar/et4 ,e need to steadily establish strong economic ties ,ith gypt ,ithout
disregarding our security concerns. @e also need to replace the policy based on
ignorance and suspicion ,ith an informed policy. t is important that ,e adopt a
policy and have implementation strategies that4 focusing on security4 development4
democracy and peace4 engage gypt patiently and far-sightedly. Aur policy should
utilie our capacity to resolve problems fairly4 for ,e4 and our abilities4 ,ill be 7udged
on this issue.
0+0 Re$ations 2it. t.e Ara&ian Penins!$a Co!ntries
a7 Histori*a$ &a*=)ro!n" an" %ro&$ems in t.e re$ations
Af the countries of the eninsula 4 it is ,ith Eemen that thiopia has historically
closet relations. 6istory sho,s evidence that Eemen had at one time been part of the
:0umite /ingdom. )ut before and since4 there ,ere strong historical relations
bet,een the t,o countries. Eemenis have been /no,n traders in thiopia. his could
be the reason ,hy Eemen has a more positive attitude to,ards thiopia than the other countries in the eninsula . Aur relations ,ith !audi :rabia are also of a longstanding
nature. An the other hand the /no,ledge of and ties ,ith other eninsula !tates have
been reciprocally very limited.
he relationship ,e have ,ith the eninsula !tates varies from one country to the
other and the problems are also different. !ome countries sho, hesitation in forging
any /ind of meaningful relationship ,ith thiopia4 mainly o,ing to the influence
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gypt has over them. nfluenced by slamic e0tremism and doubtful of religious
e>uality in thiopia4 some states have problems in understanding thiopia.
here are countries ,hich e0hibit suspicion and hostility to,ard thiopia in
connection ,ith the :rab-sraeli dispute. :ll told4 countries in the eninsula in
general have limited /no,ledge of thiopia and this has contributed significantly to
the lac/ of development in our relation ,ith these states.
&7 Si)nifi*an*e of t.e re$ations
&any of the eninsula !tates are rich in petroleum ,hich obviously ma/es them an
attractive source of investment and finance for development. hese countries have the
possibility of becoming important mar/ets for our agricultural products. n sum the
eninsula !tates could have an important contribution to our development.
eace and stability in the eninsula is lin/ed to that in the 6orn of :frica4 and
cooperation in assuring peace and stability is important to our national security. An
the other hand4 the gro,ing spectre of e0tremism in the region is potentially a serious
threat to our national security. n light of the important role that the eninsula
countries can play as regards our development and national security4 our policy
should4 as a matter of priority4 ta/e the initiative to improve and intensify our relations
,ith them .
*7 Po$i*y Dire*tion
'egarding our relations ,ith these countries4 ,e need to consider ho, best to reduce
our vulnerabilitys to threats4 ,hile raising our level of understanding about them. @e
cannot say today that our professionals let alone our people4 have ade>uate /no,ledge
about these states. here is no research or study of real ,orth that is underta/en on the
eninsula . :s a result4 the relations are hobbled by emotions and conclusions reached
,ithout the benefit of accurate information. his needs to be replaced by proper
research and study. olicyma/ers4 professionals4 and our people as a ,hole4 need to
build their /no,ledge about the eninsula region.
Aur foreign policy regarding the eninsula countries must duly consider the /ey role
these countries can play in our economic development4 and focus on see/ing
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development4 finance4 investment4 and mar/ets for our products. Aur diplomacy
should clearly e0plain our policies ,ith regard to the resources of the Niles ,aters4
and the e>uality of religions in thiopia. @e need to sho, the economic benefits that
the relationships could bring and concentrate on overcoming the obstacles that have
been hindering the development of economic lin/s. @e should consider launching a
campaign to correct the distorted image the governments and peoples of the region
have about thiopia4 and4 in particular4 strive to correct the negative role played by the
:rab media4 either by its silence4 or its distorted portrayal of our country.
:ssuring peace and security for the eninsula region has attracted the attention of
po,erful countries in the ,orld. thiopia too could play a significant role in this
regard and4 as much4 should cooperate ,ith those countries that are contributing to the
establishment peace and stability in the region.
0+4 Re$ations 2it. Nort. Afri*an Co!ntries
&any of the North :frican countries have good political and diplomatic ties ,ith
thiopia in :frican fora. :lthough the issues that negatively affect our relations ,ith
the &iddle ast do influence our relations ,ith the northern :frican states4 most
countries in this region have a positive attitude to,ards thiopia. he opportunities to
cooperate economically are not negligible4 but so far4 not much has been done.
Aur relations ,ith these countries ,ould be mainly of a political and diplomatic
nature4 ,hich is e0pected to be pursued ,ithin the frame,or/ of the :frican ;nion.
he /ind of relation ,e promote to,ards the North :frican countries should be able
to favourably influence our ties ,ith the :rab ,orld. @e also need to e0ert utmost
efforts to create and strengthen our economic intercourse ,ith the countries of theregion as much as conditions permit.
0+5 Re$ations 3it. Israe$
thiopias historic relations ,ith srael go as far bac/ as those ,ith other countries of
the &iddle ast. : significant number of persons follo,ing the =e,ish faith lived in
thiopia4 though most have moved to srael. @hile our diplomatic relations ,ith
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srael had been severed for some time4 presently our overall political and diplomatic
relations have in general been >uite healthy.
&inor disagreements and contradictions had surfaced regarding the movement of
thiopian =e,s <)ete-sreal* to srael4 but in light of the fact that under the thiopian
+onstitution4 any citien has freedom of movement4 the problem has been dealt ,ith.
he main problem of relations bet,een thiopia and srael is that created by the :rab-
sraeli conflict.
!ome countries4 even those ,hich have strong diplomatic ties ,ith srael4 ob7ect to
the positive nature of thio-sraeli relations. hese countries ,ould li/e us blindly to
stand against srael. +onversely4 there are also pressures of this nature that originatefrom the other side4 from srael4 against thio-:rab relations.
ven though it has a small population4 srael is an economically prosperous4
technologically advanced nation4 ,hich could play an important role as a gro,ing
mar/et opportunity for our e0ports and a source of investment and various types of
technical support for our economic development. Ane cannot identify a security threat
for thiopia emanating from srael. herefore4 from the economic and to some e0tent4
from the security perspective4 ,e should establish strong and healthy relations ,ith
srael.
he rationale for our relations ,ith srael is clearly based on our national interest4 our
development and national security. !ince srael could4 in the first place economically4
and to some degree security-,ise4 ma/e a positive contribution4 the establishment of
strong ties serves our national interest. Aur policy should be geared to,ards this. ery
little has been done in the economic field so far. herefore action should be ta/en thatfocuses on trade4 investment and technical support.
he conflict bet,een the sraelis and :rabs basically concerns the conflicting parties.
thiopia4 ho,ever4 ,ill continue to ensure4 in her relations ,ith both parties4 that her
national interests relating to both sides are protected. @e should not follo, a policy to
please one and anger the other.
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roceeding from this and committed to the respect for international la,4 ,hich gives
prominence to the peaceful resolution of disputes ,hich is in our national interest4 ,e
need to advocate that the alestinian issue be resolved in accordance ,ith these
principles. @e should support the right of the alestinian people to self-determination4
and that the problem be solved peacefully and 7uridically. Aur position should anger
no oneF ,hether it does or not4 ,e should pursue this line because it is in our national
interest to do so. Aur relation ,ith the :rabs or srael must not be sub7ected to the
fluctuations of their relations ,ith each other. @e should4 on the basis of our defined
national interests4 e0pand our co-operation ,ith both4 and e0plain our position to both
sides to gain their understanding.
0+8 Re$ations 2it. T!r=ey an" Iran
ur/ey is one of the countries in close pro0imity to the &iddle ast ,ith a large
population and a relatively advanced economy. ur/ey is also one of the countries
,hich has been engaged in building democracy. t poses no threat to our national
security. :t this time ,e do not see any obstacle to developing good relations bet,een
thiopia and ur/ey. ts large mar/et and relatively developed economy can ma/e an
important impact to our development. +ommitted to the principle of e>uitable
utiliation of ,ater resources among countries4 and opposed to religious e0tremism4
ur/ey is ,ell disposed to,ards thiopia. he only problem bet,een us is that4 in the
face of all the possibilities for economic cooperation4 ,e have not yet begun to
scratch the surface.
ur/ey is a country not far from us4 ,ith a large mar/et that recently e0perienced rich
economic development. t represents in some areas a source of investment and
technical assistance. Noting this and ta/ing into account its favorable disposition
to,ards thiopia4 it is essential that ,e draft and implement a policy to,ard ur/ey
that focuses on the economy and aims at fostering strong ties. conomic diplomacy
should focus on inviting ur/ish investors to thiopia4 the promotion of our products
and facilitating the establishment of firm contacts bet,een the thiopian and ur/ish
business community. @e should strive to intensify diplomatic and political relations
and see/ technical assistance in some areas. @e should consider the fact that our
relations ,ith ur/ey have the potential for ma7or gro,th4 but have not been given
ade>uate attention so far.
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ran4 li/e ur/ey is located in pro0imity to the &iddle ast4 has a large population4
and advanced economy. 0cept for problems that could indirectly be raised by4 and
founded on4 e0tremism4 ,e do not see a security threat coming from ran. here are
possibilities to e0pand economic relations ,ith ran4 and our policy should focus on
that aspect of our relations.
4+ E!ro%e
4+, T.e E!ro%ean Union 6EU7
he uropean ;nion4 ,hich currently comprises 15 affluent uropean countries4
constitutes a huge mar/et and is poised to accept 1$ more members. his mar/et is
comparable in scope and prosperity to that of the ;.!. and in due course4 it could
surpass the ;!. Ne0t to the ;.!.4 it represents the second most po,erful mar/et4
determining the rules governing globaliation. t is also note,orthy that the ; has as
its main ob7ective4 the establishment of peace and democracy. he development aid
,e receive from its member states4 added to that coming from the ; <+ommission*
itself4 places the ; as our largest source of aid. t is also the main destination for our
products. :s regards investment4 although it is regrettable that the results are so far
not encouraging4 there is no doubt that the ; continues to be a huge source of
investment opportunities for our country. #urthermore4 this region remains to be a
critical source of assistance for our development endeavor. :t this time ,e do not see
the ; as posing a security threat to thiopia. o the contrary4 as the ; and its
members have the ob7ective of ensuring the respect of international la, and the
promotion of peace and democracy4 ,e consider them as partners and sources of
support in our effort in this area.
Ane main concern regarding our relationship ,ith urope has to do ,ith our failure to
ma/e ma0imum use of the opportunities that the region offers. :dmittedly4 ,e have
not done enough in terms of e0ploring sources of credit and aid to finance our
development plans and ensuring that the money thus obtained is properly used. &ore
importantly4 there has been some failure to gear our relations ,ith the ; to,ard
e0panding trade and investment in the country. he main reason for this is our poor
image in urope. thiopia is perceived as a country ,rac/ed by protracted ,ar and
poverty rather than a potential destination for investment and trade4 and the efforts
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deployed to correct the image have not been ade>uate. #urthermore there has been
little effectively planned ,or/ done in terms of creating an environment conducive to
attracting investment.
!ince the ; represents one of the po,erful agents shaping the rules governing
globaliation4 there is li/ely to be a tendency to regard the ; as a source of the
negative influences associated ,ith the phenomenon. 6o,ever4 it is encouraging to
see that the ; has recently agreed to allo, poorer countries4 including thiopia4 free
access to its mar/et ,ithout any tariff and >uota on entering goods. Nevertheless the
subsidy the ; provides to its firms ,ith ,hich ,e ,ould have to compete4 and other
practices relating to trade and investment4 are having a negative effect on the
development of the poor countries.
@ith respect to bilateral relations4 there are problems caused by attempts to impose
options that contradict the political and economic strategies that ,e carefully designed
to suit our conte0t.
he strengthening of our relations ,ith ;4 and the ma0imiation of the benefits ,e
could gain for our development and security4 are predicated on the domestic ,or/ ,e
carry out in thiopia. mportant are the efforts ,e deploy to implement the
development and democratiation strategy ,e have adopted. @e should thus identify
gaps in the resources needed to implement the development plan ,ith a vie, to
determining the /ind of assistance the ; can provide to help fill the gap. &oreover4
,e should be prepared to engage in consultative meetings ,ith ; member states and
e0plain our strategies. Given the fact that our development strategies are based on
democratic principles and are to be implemented ,ithin the frame,or/ of
globaliation4 ,e do not e0pect them to be in conflict ,ith the fundamental interests
of uropean countries. t should also be our policy to try and resolve differences
through dialogue and mutual understanding in a manner that does not 7eopardie or
compromise our fundamental strategies and goals.
@e should strive to ac>uire from uropean states credits and grants for the
development and technical assistance re>uired by our initiatives4 and ,or/ hard to
ensure ma0imum and effective utiliation of the resources secured. n due course4 our
main focus should shift to trade and investment. )ased on detailed and continuing
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research4 and study ,e should4 find mar/ets for our products and e0port those that are
in demand in urope. @or/ along these lines ,ill also re>uire us to establish and
maintain close contact and cooperation ,ith private investors4 NGAs and states that
are ready to contribute. !imilarly4 steps should be ta/en to establish through research
the parties that can help us in our efforts to attract the type and amount of investment
,e desire4 and to ,or/ together ,ith them in a more coordinated fashion. @e need to
,or/ hard to change conditions ,ithin thiopia and cooperate ,ith those that can
help in changing the image of our country.
urope has a significant role to play in efforts aimed at ensuring peace4 stability and
democracy in our region. hus4 ,e believe that there is a clear need on our part to
ma/e sure that member countries have a firm grasp of our interests and role in
maintaining the security of the region. @e need to consult on issues that crop up on
different occasions4 and ensure that ,e receive sustainable political and diplomatic
support.
Government-to-government relations are /ey in our overall relations4 but ,e cannot
e0pect to get comprehensive benefits in the confines of state sectors. he greatest
benefits come form trade and investment4 and the /ey here is in the hands of the
private business community. @e therefore need to ,iden our focus to include the
governments4 the NGAs and the private sector. Aur diplomacy in urope should aim
at involving and even coordinating all three sectors4 based on detailed and continued
research studies and analysis. +onsidering the ; as a union may be correct4 but the
role member states play are not the same. @hile ,e should ,or/ to maintain good ties
,ith all ; members states4 ,e should focus on cultivating e0tensive ties ,ith ma7or
countries4 and those better disposed to,ards thiopia.
Differences that could arise ,ith urope have to do ,ith differing appreciations of the
policies ,e pursue to promote development and democracy in thiopia. !ome policies
may not be pleasing to uropean businessmen. Aur policies should be dra,n carefully
and on the basis of detailed study. !hould better options be identified4 they should be
pursued unreservedly. @e should also be prepared to defend fundamental policy
matters to ,hich ,e are deeply committed4 and ,e should try to resolve such
differences in opinion by sho,ing the significance and validity of the policy causing
disagreement.
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he ; is beginning to ta/e some positive steps to mitigate the negative influences of
globaliation. @e are also a,are that the people of urope and non-governmental
organiations hold vie,s that are more supportive to,ards poorer countries. @e
believe ,e have to ta/e advantage of this and push hard to persuade urope to ,or/
to,ards creating a more favorable condition for thiopia and the ,hole of :frica.
fforts along this line can bear fruit only ,hen :frican countries 7oin hands under the
frame,or/ of the :frican ;nion.
4+' T.e R!ssian Fe"eration
here is no doubt that 'ussia has had to confront great challenges in its effort to effect
the transition into a free mar/et and a democratic system. n spite of this4 ho,ever4'ussia remains a great country and is li/ely to continue to play a significant
international role. here e0ist long standing cultural ties bet,een the people of 'ussia
and thiopia4 and 'ussians have a ,arm disposition to,ards thiopia. 'ussia can
contribute to our economic development in terms of providing a mar/et for our
e0ports4 and a source of investment4 and technical assistance. +onsidering its
commitment to peace4 stability and democracy4 'ussia has a significant contribution
to ma/e to,ards our efforts to achieve peace4 both in our country and the ,hole of
our region. 'ussia has been supporting our efforts to enhance the capacity of our
defense forces as ,ell as our efforts to resolve conflicts through 7ust means4 his is
li/ely to continue ,ith greater strength in the future.
@e therefore believe that ,e should ma/e every effort to maintain and strengthen the
e0isting friendly ties bet,een the t,o countries. t is important to maintain and
strengthen our good relations in the diplomatic4 political and security fields.
:dmittedly4 ,e have not made satisfactory progress in the economic field4 and ,e
need to concentrate on promoting trade and investment. @e also need to encourage
and coordinate the activities of friends of thiopia in 'ussia to contribute to the
intensification of relations bet,een the t,o countries.
5+ Re$ations 3it. t.e Unite" States 6U+S+A7
o begin ,ith4 it has to be noted that the issues raised in connection ,ith our relations
,ith urope can also apply to our relations ,ith the ;.!. 'ather than repeating issues4
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t can be assumed that a good number of those ,ithin the thiopian community in the
;.!. are professionals possessing a certain amount of capital. t is possible to facilitate
the deployment of their capital4 and the use of their /no,ledge in a ,ay that benefits
our country and themselves. n addition to their o,n individual investment4 they could
also team up ,ith ;.!. entrepreneurs to invest in thiopia. &oreover4 they could
contribute by e0ploring and identifying mar/et opportunities for thiopian products in
the ;.!.4 in cooperation ,ith thiopian e0porters. here is a clear need for the
government to ,or/ out a viable initiative aimed at dra,ing this sector of our society
into ma/ing a profitable investment in thiopias development. thiopians and people
of thiopian origin residing in the ;.! could serve as a strong bridge for trade and
investment. @e need to target our ,or/ to ensure this. #or such purpose4 the
government is re>uired to fully implement the la, it has enacted to promote the
economic activities of thiopians and persons of thiopian origin living outside the
country.
)ut this is not all. thiopia4 the people of thiopian origin residing in the ;.!. and
other friends of our country could participate in various development efforts in
thiopia4 and they should do so. hey could contribute funds and material to assist
development ,or/ in various parts of the country4 in the form that they choose. hey
could also solicit support from others as ,ell.
hose ,ho ,ish to do so can play a ma7or role is changing thiopias image in the
;.!.4 to promote trade and investment4 and to present thiopia accurately. hey could
help influence the media4 the legislatures and the government to be positively inclined
to,ards thiopia. @e should encourage this constituency in the ;.!. and facilitate its
,or/. !uch an approach is naturally relevant to thiopians ,ho live in other countries
as ,ell.
:s noted earlier4 the policy ,e have adopted in connection ,ith the peace and security
of our region is consistent ,ith that of the ;.!. here is no doubt that the ;.!. is the
most po,erful influence in todays ,orld4 and that it is playing a prominent role in the
&iddle ast. !ecuring the political and diplomatic support of the ;.!. has a great
bearing for the success of our efforts to achieve peace and security. t is clear that
,or/ing in consultation ,ith the ;.!. ,ould be necessary and beneficial. here ,ill
be occasions ,hen ,e shall have our differences4 and ,e ,ill need to try to bridge
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them in the conte0t of the strategic value of the relationship. n our efforts to prevent
conflict in our region4 ,e need to consider ,hat role the ;.!. can play and resolve
differences that may emerge from time to time4 separating the ma7or issues from those
,hich are not so important. !trict adherence to such an approach is important.
8+ Asia
8+, Genera$
he ma7ority of the ,orlds people live in :sia. he second biggest and ,ealthiest
national economy in the ,orld4 the =apanese economy4 is also in :sia. he most rapid
and successful economic performances ,itnessed after @orld @ar came from
countries located in the eastern part of this continent. ,o countries that have a
population of over 1 billion each are found in :sia. +hina is gro,ing at a rate
unprecedented in history. ndia has emerged from decades of sluggish gro,th to an
accelerated development over the past ten years. f they continue at this rate4 the t,o
countries ,ill represent huge economies. f +hina maintains its current speed of
development4 it ,ill have an economy the sie of the ;.!. and urope combined in
thirty years. n short4 developments in :sia could change the ,orlds economic
balance.
:sia could play a very important role in our development. t provides the main
e0ample of successful development. n addition it is from :sia that ,e can get highly
trained manpo,er and technical assistance ine0pensively. @e also need to ta/e
advantage of the remar/ably gro,ing :sian economy. his region could provide
investment that suits our conte0t and level of development. :s regards development
aid4 it is mainly =apan4 and to a lesser e0tent +hina4 that provide financial assistance.his could continue and even e0pand. &ost :sian countries are in the developing
,orld and are our partners in the struggle to mitigate the negative effects of
globaliation. a/en in sum4 they too can ma/e a gro,ing contribution to our
development.
he countries in this region have been demonstrating their commitment to
international la, and order4 and are part of the fight against e0tremism and terrorism.
@e believe that they can assist in our effort to maintain our national security by
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contributing to the creation of a conducive international political climate. !ome of
them could even go further and provide significant support for our efforts to achieve
sustainable peace.
o sum up4 ,e believe that our relations ,ith :sian countries merit far greater
attention because of the important significance :sia has for our development and also
our national security. @hile ,e should in principle be prepared to ,or/ closely ,ith
all countries that can ma/e a positive contribution to our efforts4 ,e need to
concentrate on the ma7or countries in the region.
8+' a%an
Aur friendship ,ith =apan dates bac/ to the years ,ell before @orld @ar . @e note
that >uite a number of =apanese people are positively inclined to,ards thiopia4 and
that presently =apan is providing us ,ith substantial development aid including
technical assistance. his strong development relationship should continue to gro,.
)ut ,e cannot say that enough has been done regarding trade and investment. @e
have not entered the =apanese mar/et in any meaningful ,ay. Nor have ,e received
=apanese investment of note. he lo, level of participation in this area is attributable4
partly to our failure to create a conducive environment for investment and partly to
=apans concentration on ast :sian countries4 not to mention the inaccessibility of the
=apanese mar/et to products from less developed countries. @e should ,or/ to
strengthen the good relations ,e have ,ith =apan. @hile deploying4 as in the case of
urope4 more effort to secure investment and trade possibilities4 ,e need to
concentrate on securing more financial and technical assistance and increasing the
effectiveness of such assistance.
8+0 C.ina
+urrently +hina has very good relations ,ith thiopia. +hina strongly supports
thiopias economic development4 using its limited financial means. t unreservedly
shares its development e0perience and provides technical support. n the political and
diplomatic sphere4 too4 +hina has been a good friend as our country strove to maintain
peace and secure its rights. +hina is a ne,comer to the ,orld of foreign investment4
so one cannot spea/ of results in this area. Neither can ,e say that ,e have4 in many
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,ays4 accessed the +hinese mar/et4 for the same reasons that ,e have not succeeded
,ith =apan.
@e should give special attention to the strengthening of relations ,ith +hina. @e need
to fully utilie +hinese development e0perience as ,ell as training and technical
assistance possibilities. @e need to secure greater financial assistance if possible and4
failing that4 to improve the efficiency of ,hat is made available. 'ecently4 +hina has
stepped into the area of foreign investment4 and ,e have to do all ,e can to ta/e this
fresh opportunity to promote investment and trade. his4 among other things4 ,ill
re>uire us to cooperate closely ,ith the +hinese government. @e need also to ma/e a
ma7or effort to ,or/ ,ith the +hinese government and companies to secure a mar/et
for our products in that country.
8+4 In"ia
here have been long standing historical relations bet,een thiopia and ndia4 ,hich
have evolved into friendly relations follo,ing the independence of ndia. he
relationship ,ith ndia has gained momentum over the last decade. @e have managed
to ma/e some use of the ,ide opportunities for training of manpo,er that ndia
offers. 6o,ever4 ,hen ,e see ho, advanced countries li/e the ;.!. attract and ma/e
e0tensive use of ndian professionals4 ,e cannot say that ,e have ade>uately
benefited from ndia. &uch valuable development e0perience can be gained from
ndia4 but ,e have not made enough use of it.
he possibilities in the area of trade and investment are ,ide. ndia is at the forefront
of the struggle to reduce the negative impact of globaliation on developing countries.
he country has also distinguished itself in the campaign against e0tremism andterrorism. Aur national security interests can continually benefit from the important
role that ndia plays in creating a stable international environment.
n vie, of the points mentioned above4 ,e need to act to strengthen our relations ,ith
ndia in a ma7or ,ay. @e should ma/e greater effort to benefit from manpo,er
training and learn form ndias development e0perience. @e must attract ndian
investment and organie our efforts to access their potentially large mar/et. @e should
also e0pand our cooperation in the diplomatic and political arena.
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9+ Internationa$ an" non:)o#ernmenta$ or)ani;ations
9+, Internationa$ or)ani;ations
thiopia is a member of the ;.N. and numerous other international organiations.
hese organiations formulate the la, as they affect inter-state relations and serve as
forums that oversee the respect of the rules of international engagement. nternational
organiations play an irreplaceable role in ensuring peace4 the primacy of
international la,4 and in strengthening the cooperation bet,een countries.
nternational organiations have been providing the forum ,here thiopia has been
see/ing to play by the rules in the ,orld of globaliation. t is here ,here ,e4 ,ith
other countries in similar conditions4 should ,or/ so that the rules of the game alsota/e our interests into account. he ;N and its specialied agencies4 and institutions
li/e the @orld )an/ provide important assistance to thiopias development. hat is
,hy thiopia should strengthen its cooperation ,ith these institutions4 to speed up
development4 protect national security4 and ,or/ for peace and respect for
international la,. he presence in thiopia of the ;.N conomic +ommission for
:frica as ,ell as other ;.N. institutions facilitates interactionF our policy of
cooperation should ta/e this into account.
9+' Internationa$ non:)o#ernmenta$ or)ani;ations
here is no doubt that international NGAs are no, playing a significant role in terms
of providing development and humanitarian aid. heir role may be limited but4 in
thiopia4 the contribution they ma/e is substantial. NGAs li/e AO#:& have gone
even further and engage themselves prominently in reducing the negative aspect of
globaliation on poorer countries li/e ours. hey have ta/en active part as allies of poorer countries in campaigns demanding the cancellation of debts and calling for
reform of the ,orld trading system in favor of the position of poorer countries.
@e understand that ,e have to be in constant readiness to ,or/ closely ,ith these
organiations on matters of consensus. @e should also be prepared to ,or/ in
partnership ,ith these NGAs to ensure greater assistance and effective utiliation of
the aid they provide. @e should support the initiatives they underta/e to promote the
collective interest of the under developed ,orld. @e should also ,or/ to,ards the
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adoption and implementation of a policy that encourages a 7oint meeting ,ith them
,here ,e can present to them the vision ,e hold ,ith respect to the development and
democratiation of our country and e0change notes on relevant issues. &oreover4 the
policy ,e pursue should encourage tolerance in the event of differences and readiness
to concentrate on matters of consensus.
roceeding from this4 ,e need to step up our cooperation ,ith these organiations to
tac/le matters on ,hich ,e agree. ;rging them to step up their support4 ,e should
coordinate ,ith them to achieve better results in the delivery of their development
assistance. @e should support to the appropriate degree their activities favorable to
undeveloped countries. @e should carry out a policy that allo,s us to ,or/ closely
,ith them in areas of mutual agreement4 and to see/ to narro, differences ,hen they
arise. @e also need to learn form them on the presentational aspects of our vision for
development and democracy.