ChineseLettersandIntellectualLifeinMedievalJapanThePoetryandPoliticalPhilosophyofChūganEngetsu

By

BrendanArkellMorley

Adissertationsubmittedinpartialsatisfactionofthe

requirementsforthedegreeof

DoctorofPhilosophy

in

JapaneseLanguage

inthe

GraduateDivision

ofthe

UniversityofCaliforniaBerkeley

Committeeincharge

ProfessorHMackHortonProfessorAlanTansmanProfessorPaulaVarsano

ProfessorMaryElizabethBerry

Summer2019

1

Abstract

ChineseLettersandIntellectualLifeinMedievalJapanThePoetryandPolitical

PhilosophyofChūganEngetsu

by

BrendanArkellMorley

DoctorofPhilosophyinJapanese

UniversityofCaliforniaBerkeley

ProfessorHMackHortonChair

Thisdissertationexploresthewritingsofthefourteenth-centurypoetand

intellectualChūganEngetsu中巌円月aleadingfigureintheliterarymovementknowntohistoryasGozan(ldquoFiveMountainsrdquo)literatureIntermsofmodern

disciplinarydivisionsGozanliteraturestraddlestheintersticesofseveraldistinct

areasofstudyincludingclassicalChinesepoetryandpoeticsChinesephilosophy

andintellectualhistoryBuddhologyandthebroadertraditionofldquoSiniticrdquopoetry

andprose(kanshibun)inJapan

Amongthecentralcontentionsofthisdissertationarethefollowing(1)thatChūgan

wasthemostoriginalConfucianthinkerinpre-TokugawaJapanesehistorythe

significanceofhiscontributionsmatchedonlybythoseofearly-modernfiguressuch

asOgyūSoraiand(2)thatkanshiandkanbunwerecreativemedianotmerelydisplaysoferuditionorscholasticmimicryChūganrsquosexpositorywriting

demonstratesthattheenormousmultiplicityoftermsandconceptsanimatingthe

ChinesephilosophicaltraditionwereverymuchalivetopremodernJapanese

intellectualsandthattheyweresubjecttothoughtfulreinterpretationand

applicationtospecificallyJapanesesociohistoricalphenomenaNolessintrepidin

therealmofpoetryChūgancandidlyaddressedthemessuchasillnesswarand

povertyandexperimentedwithunusualSiniticformssuchashexasyllabic

quatrainsandthevernacularldquosonglyricrdquoorci詞whichthoughpopularinChinawasveryseldomseeninJapan

ThethematicandstylisticbreadthofChūganrsquosoeuvrerevealsthecatholicityof

GozanliterarycultureandsuggestsdirectionsforfurtherresearchintoJapanese

intellectualhistoryandSiniticpoetryduringthemedievalera

i

TableofContents

BiographicalIntroduction 11 PoliticalSuasioninaTimeofCrisisTheMemorialsofChūgan

EngetsuandYoshidaSadafusa 122 FiguringMoralKingshipConstantNormsandExpedient

PoliciesinChūganrsquosChūseishi 623 AnEssayontheKunandthePeng 鯤鵬論Hermeneutics

CosmologyandtheFiguralReadingofFictionalCharacters 904 PoemsofRemembrancePoemsofSocialEngagement 1305 NewDirectionsinFormCiPoetryandHexasyllabicShi 1706 GozanLiteratureinRetrospectKanshibunandtheLegacy

ofKokugaku 194AppendixKanshibunKundokuandtheJapaneseLanguage 209Bibliography 227

1

Biographical Introduction

ChūganEngetsu中巌円月(1300-75)wasaJapanesemonkoftheRinzai臨済

sectofZenBuddhismHeemergedasanearlyleaderintheliteraryandintellectual

movementknowntodayasGozanbungaku五山文学ldquoFiveMountainsLiteraturerdquo

aftertheso-calledldquoFiveMountainsandTenTemplesrdquo五山十刹systemofranking

andorganizingZenmonasticestablishmentsBornintheeasterncityofKamakura

totheTsuchiya土屋familyanoffshootoftheonce-powerfulTaira平hischildhood

appearstohavebeenadifficultonemarkedbyillnessandfamilialupheavalHis

briefautobiographicalchronicle(jirekifu自歴譜)recordsthatasaninfanthewas

takenbyawetnursetoMusashiProvinceafterhisfatherwassentintoexilefor

unspecifiedreasons1Attheageofeighthewasentrustedbyhisgrandmotherto

thetempleJufukuji寿福寺inKamakurawherehebeganhistraininginthe

priesthoodasachildacolyte(僧童)Thetextdoesnotspecifywhatthisearliest

periodofinstructionwaslikebutthreeyearslaterheevidentlybegantoreceivea

formalseculareducationunderthesupervisionofapriestnamedDōkei道恵The

curriculumincludedTheClassicofFilialPiety(孝経)andAnalects(論語)both

standardworksinEastAsianeducationandalsoTheNineChaptersonthe

MathematicalArt(Jiuzhangsuanshu九章算術)aworkwhoseinfluenceonEast

1ChuganrsquosautobiographicalchroniclemaybefoundinTamamuraTakeji玉村竹二Gozanbungakushinshū五山文學新集(TokyoTōkyōDaigakuShuppankai1969)vol4pp611-32

2

AsianmathematicswascomparabletothatofEuclidrsquosElementsintheWest2Atthe

ageof13hetookthetonsureandmovedtotheSanbōin三寶院inKyotowherehe

studiedesotericBuddhism(mikkyō密教)whichincludedmeditationontheMatrix-

storeandDiamondRealmMandalas(Taizōkaimandara胎蔵界曼荼羅Kongōkai

mandara金剛界曼荼羅)3

ShortlythereafterheshiftedhisinteresttoZenwhichhadestablisheditself

asadistinctsectoverthecourseofthepreviouscenturyTiesbetweentheJapanese

andChineseZenestablishmentswerestrongandin1318Chūganlikemany

promisingmonksbeforeandafterattemptedtotraveltoChinaAtthetimehewas

residingatEngakuji円覚寺amajorZentempleinKamakurafoundedbythe

expatriatemonkWuxueZuyuan無學祖元(JMugakuSogen)in12824Chūgan

madethelengthyjourneyfromKamakuratothesouthernportcityofHakataand

althoughheapparentlyfoundashipthatwasheadingforhispreferreddestination

ofJiangnanforreasonsunspecifiedhewasrefusedpassagebytheshiprsquoscaptain5

Thedelaywouldprovefortuitoushoweverasitwouldlateraffordhimthe

2TheJiuzhangsuanshu(Jkyūshōsanjutsu)islistedintheNihonkenzaishomokuroku日本見在書目録abibliographicsourcefromtheearlyHeianperiodHistorianofmathematicsFujiwaraMatsusaburo(1881-1946)onceobservedthatChūganrsquosreferencestotheJiuzhangsuanshuoffertheonlydirectevidencethattheworkwasstillstudiedinJapanduringthemedievaleraThepaucityofsuchreferencesnotwithstandingifamathematicallyinclinedyouthatatempleinKamakurahadaccesstotheworkandateachertoteachittohimthenitseemslikelythatboththetextitselfandmathematicseducationmoregenerallywerereasonablyprevalentinmajorBuddhistmonasticcenters3Jirekifu(hereafterJRF)Shōwa1(1312)Shōwa2(1313)4WuxuehadbeenanadvisortothemostpowerfulmilitaryleaderinJapanHōjōTokimune北条時宗(1251-84)duringtheMongolinvasionsof1274and1281andhisinfluenceupontheearlyGozansystemwassubstantial5JRFp614Bunpo2(1318)Gozanbungakushinshūvol4p614

3

opportunitytoassociatecloselywithKokanShiren虎関師錬(1278-1345)whowas

inseclusioninKyotocompletingGenkōshakusho元亨釈書(1322)anexhaustive

historyofBuddhisminJapan6ChūganwasamongtheonlyvisitorsKokanaccepted

andtheirmeetingsaregenerallythoughttohavebeenamajorinfluenceonthe

youngChūganrsquosintellectualdevelopment7

ChūganwasfinallyabletotraveltoChinain1324sixyearsafterhisfirst

attemptHevisitedseveralimportantChantemplesandwastheonlyJapanese

monktoreceivethesealofenlightenment(CyinkeJinka印可)fromDongyang

Dehui東陽徳輝(flearly14thc)aLinjimasterinthelineofDahuiZonggao大慧宗

杲(1089-1163)8DongyangappointedChūgantothepostofsecretary(記室)atthe

templeDazhishouShengchansi大智寿聖禅寺anunusualachievementforaforeign

monk9AfternearlyeightyearsabroadChūganreturnedtoJapanduringthe

summerof1332residingtemporarilyatKenkōji顯孝寺inHakatabefore

accompanyinghispatronŌtomoSadamune大友貞宗(d1334)toKyotothe

followingyearOpinionatedandheadstrongbyhisownaccounthewasintensely

activepoliticallysubmittingtwoessaysandamemorialtoEmperorGo-Daigoin

1333Go-Daigohadformedacoalitionofwarriorleadersandrebelledagainstthe

6MarianUryldquoGenkōShakushoJapanrsquosFirstComprehensiveHistoryofBuddhismAPartialTranslationwithIntroductionandNotesrdquo(PhDdissUniversityofCaliforniaBerkeley1970)7InoguchiAtsushi猪口篤志ldquoNihonkanshirdquo日本漢詩inShinshakukanbuntaikei新釈漢文大系(TokyoMeijiShoin1972)vol45p84UryPoemsoftheFiveMountains(1977)p638SeeHeinrichDumoulinZenBuddhismAHistory(BloomingtonWorldWisdom1994)vol2p182n889IriyaYoshitaka入矢義高edGozanbungakushū五山文学集(1990)p235

4

KamakurashogunateandChūganwasdeeplyconcernedaboutboththeimmediate

directionofGo-Daigorsquosrevolutionandthelong-termprospectsforanincreasingly

militarizedJapan

In1334ChūganreturnedtoKamakurafollowingthesuddendeathof

SadamunewhohadbeenanallyofGo-Daigoandwasinstrumentalinfacilitating

ChūganrsquosaccesstothethroneTheŌtomofamilywouldcontinuetoprovide

financialbackingtoChūganevenashisviewsontherevolutionsouredIn1339

threeyearsafterGo-DaigorsquosnascentregimecollapsedSadamunersquosheirUjiyasu氏泰

backedconstructionofthetempleKichijōji吉祥寺locatedonafamilydemesnein

theprovinceofKōzuke上野andaskedChūgantoassumeitsheadshipThough

Chūganrsquosinvolvementinpoliticsseemstohavediminishedinthe1340she

regainedaccesstothehighestechelonsofsocietywhenKichijōjiwasnamedan

ImperiallyVowedTemple(goganji御願寺)in1352Forthenexttwodecadeshe

traveledalmostconstantlymovingnearlyeveryyearbetweenKyushuKyoto

KōzukeProvinceandthecityofKamakuraThesejourneyswerelengthyandnot

alwayswelcomebuthehadbecomebythistimeanldquoeminentmonkrdquo(kōsō高僧)

andwasextendednumerousinvitationstoresideatthemostinfluentialtemplesof

thedayincludingManjuji萬壽寺inBungoProvinceManjujiinKyotoTōjiji等持寺

Kenninji建仁寺andKamakurarsquosKenchōji建長寺thehighestrankedtempleinthe

KamakuraGozan

Throughouthislifeandevenduringtimeswhenhisprofessionalfortunes

werelookingdownChūganremainedaprominentpoetandintellectualIn1341

5

hefamouslyearnedtheireofculturalnativistsbywritingAHistoryofJapan(Nihon

sho日本書)sadlynolongerextantinwhichheclaimedthattheJapaneseimperial

familywasdescendednotfromgodsbutfromimmigrantcontinentalnobility

UndoubtedlyhissinglegreatestworkisthephilosophicaltreatiseChūseishi中正子

(1334)whichisamongthemostimportantJapaneseintellectualworksofpre-

TokugawatimesItiscomprisedoftenchaptersthateachaddressdistincttopics

includingConfucianethicseffectivegovernanceandthelegitimateuseofmilitary

forceanumerologicalexpositionofthelunarandsolarcalendarsthebirthand

deathoflivingbeingsandtheThreeLearningsofZen(sangaku三学)iethe

precepts(kai戒)meditation(jō定)andthewisdomgleanedfromstudying

Buddhistteachings(e慧)Thechapterongovernanceandtheuseofforceis

translatedinChapterTwoofthepresentstudy

WhileothernotablefiguresintheGozanmilieuinparticularGidōShūshin義

堂周信(1325-88)andZekkaiChūshin絶海中津(1334-1405)eclipseChūganin

fametodaysuchwasnotalwaysthecaseForinstancethenotedNeo-Confucian

scholarFujiwaraSeika藤原惺窩(1561-1619)declaredthatwhenitcametosheer

breadthoflearning(gakushiki学識)ChūganrankedfirstamongallGozanliterati10

Thisassessmentisnotoutofstepwiththelaudatoryviewsexpressedbysomeof

ChūganrsquoscontemporariesincludingtheLinji(Rinzai)masterZhuxianFanxian竺仙

10SeeInoguchip48

6

梵僊(1292-1348)aredoubtablescholarofNeo-Confucianisminhisownright11

ZhuxianwhohadcometoJapanatthebehestofŌtomoSadamunejudgedChūgan

tobelearnedinboththeinnerandouterclassics(ieBuddhistandnon-Buddhist

texts)andnotedthathisexpertiseextendedtotheldquomanymastersandhundred

schoolsrdquo(zhuzibaijia諸子百家)ofearlyChinesethoughtastronomygeography

andyin-yangtheory12AndwhileitisprobablytruethatChūganwasknownbyhis

contemporariesmoreforhisexpositorywritingthanforhispoetrythecreativity

andiconoclasmcharacterizinghisphilosophicaloeuvrearepresentinequal

measureinhisverseHetreatedsubjectssuchasillnessdeathandpovertywith

strikingcandorandspecificity(seeChapterFour)andheisoneofonlytwo

medievalJapanesepoetsknowntohavecomposedci詞avernacularformthatwas

practicedavidlyinSongandYuanChinabutwhichisalmostentirelyabsentfrom

thetraditionofSiniticpoetryinJapan(seeChapterFive)

ThepoeticvoicethatemergesfromChūganrsquosnon-occasionaldeclarative

versesisaconflictedoneattimessupremelyconfidentandmorallyrighteousandat

timesbesiegedbypessimismandselfdoubtChūganwastheonlyearlyGozan

figuretoopineatlengthaboutmoralandpoliticalproblemsanditishispoemson

thesetopicsthatmostdistinguishhimfromhiscontemporariesMuchofhisself

imageseemstohavebeenshapedbythebeliefthathealonefullyunderstoodthe

predicamentfacingJapaninthewakeofthefailedKenmuRestorationChūganrsquos

11SeeAshikagaEnjutsu足利衍述KamakuraMuromachijidainojukyō鎌倉室町時代の儒教(TokyoNihonKotenZenshūKankōkai1932)pp211and25512如中巌者学通内外乃至諸子百家天文地理陰陽之説Ashikagap255

7

poetryofsocialengagementwillbeexaminedinChapterFourbutanappreciation

ofhissensibilitiesmaybequicklygleanedfrompoemssuchasthis

藤陰雜興

UndertheShadeofWisteriaVariousInspirationsNo10邪靡堆國三千歳 InthecountryofYamataithreethousandyearsold帝册姫宗百代傳 Theimperialcharterhasbeentransmittedforahundred

generationsthroughthescionofJi海畔紅桑花片落 Bytheseashorearedcopperleafpetalfalls鴈奴驚火呌荒田 Asentinelgoosestartledattheblazesoundsthealarmover

fallowfields13

ChūganbelievedtheJapaneseimperiallinetoberelatedtotheJiclanroyal

progenitorsoftheZhouDynastyandheevenpositedeuhemeristicallythatthe

indigenousldquoShintordquodeityKunitokotachinoMikoto國常立尊wasinfactavery

mortaldescendantofTaibo太伯legendaryfounderofthestateofWu呉Thetwo

coupletsofthisshortpoemaredifficulttointegratewithoutresortingtosymbolism

theimageofacopperleafblossomontheseashoreisexceptionallyuncommonbut

itdoesoccurinaverylongpoembytheDaoistpoetCaoTang曹唐(c797-866)and

isjuxtaposedtheretoanimageofgreatbutlongdeadChineseemperors14The

13Smallandeasilyalarmedaldquosentinelgooserdquo(鴈奴)issonamedbecauseitsfunctionwithintheflockistocalloutandwarnofdangerCopperleaf(Jenokigusa)petalsarebrightred14ThepoemisldquoAPoemonWanderingImmortalsinNinety-EightCoupletsrdquo(小游仙詩九十八首QTSjuan6411)andtherelevantlinereadsldquoWhereindeatharetheFirstQinEmperorandHanWudiBytheseashoreredcopperleafblossomsopenastheywillrdquo秦皇漢武死何處海畔紅桑花自開

8

connectionisspeculativebutpromisingasthepoliticalpositionsChūganarticulates

inhisprosemakeitplausibletoidentifythesentinelgooseasChūganhimself

whosewarningsabouttheimpendingbreakdownofJapanrsquosimperialinstitutionfall

ondeafearsMoreoftenthannoteventhislevelofsymbolismwasavoidedinfavor

ofastillmoredirectstylethatleftnodoubtastoChūganrsquosstanceonmatters

擬古

InImitationofOld

浩浩劫末風 OrsquoerthewasteblowsthewindoftheLastDays塵土飛蓬蓬 Dustanddirtflyinachaoticroar天上日色薄 Highintheskythesunshinespale人間是非隆 Intheworldofmenbothrightandwrongflourish螻蟻逐臭穢 Molecricketsandantschaseafterputridfilth凰鳳棲梧桐 Whilephoenixesroostintheirparasoltrees獨有方外士 Butalonethereisamanwhostandsapartfromothers俛仰白雲中 Helooksuphelooksdownathomeinhiswhitecloudabode

Thoughknownmoreforsocialengagementthanforself-reflectionChūgan

couldbeascriticalofhimselfashewasofthewiderworldInseveralversesfrom

the1340sandlaterhereproveshimselfandhintsattheongoingenmityhereceived

fromsomeofhiscontemporariesThisenmitystemmedprimarilyfromhishugely

controversialdecisiontoswitchsectarianaffiliationsin1339WhenKichiōjiwas

builtChūganpubliclyabandonedtheSōtōlineofhisinitialmasterDongmingHuiri

東明惠日(JTōmeiErsquonichi1272-1340)infavoroftheRinzailineofDongyang

Dehui東陽德輝(fl1330s)alesserknownfigurewithwhomhehadstudiedbriefly

whileinChinaDespitethedoctrinallydiversebroadlyecumenicalcharacterof

medievalJapanesereligionsectarianloyaltieswerestrongandcompetitioncould

9

beintenseanalogousperhapsatthemilderendtothecompetitionbetween

businessfirmsinthesameindustryandattheextremeendtothatbetweenmilitary

housesThemoveprovokedbitterattacksfromformerfriendsandcolleagues(and

evenanallegedknifeattack)andwouldaffectChūganrsquospersonalandprofessional

lifefordecadesthereafter

藤陰雜興

UndertheShadeofWisteriaVariousInspirations No6 閒花野草亦朝人 Evenflowerssproutingincrevicesandgrassesgrowingonthe

moorspayobeisancetomen余獨何心忌混塵 SowhydoIalonedetestthispollutedworld小子更休勤學我 Disciplesyoumustceaseatoncealleffortstotakeafterme誤來四十六年身 Someonewhohasspentinerrortheforty-sixyearsofhislifeNo7臨危獨念故交顧 IntimesofdangerIreminiscealoneoffriendsfrombygonedays何処世途非履氷 Whereinthisworldisthereapaththatisnrsquotliketreadingonice只得胸中無我愛 Icanonlyresolvetoexpungefrommyheartthesensethatthe

selfisprecious不干身外有人憎 Andstandunperturbedbytheillwillofothers

TheresentmentbredbyChūganrsquostransgressionseemstohavebeen

surprisinglytenaciousInthewinterof1362asChūganwasabouttobegin

meditationwithacolytesatKenninjioneormoreunknownassailantsshottwo

10

arrowsathimbothofwhichfortunatelymissed15Whiledetailssurroundingthe

incidentarescantmodernscholarsgenerallyascribethisapparentassassination

attempttohisdecisiontoabandonDongmingrsquoslineagenearlytwenty-fiveyears

earlier

Chūganperseveredandin1370hewasaskedtotakeupresidenceatKyotorsquos

Nanzenji南禅寺thehighestrankingtempleintheKyotoGozanOwingperhapsto

hisagehefoundtheassignmentuncongenialandldquofirmlydeclineditrefusingto

moverdquo堅辭不起andchoseinsteadtoremainatthenearbyRyūkōji龍興寺16As

lateas1373hewasaskedbyHosokawaYoriyuki細川頼之thentheshogunal

deputy(kanrei管領)andoneofthemostpowerfulmeninJapanforassistance

rebuildingTenryūji天龍寺afteritwaspartlydestroyedinafireChūganagain

refusedthistimeexplicitlyonaccountofageHecontinuedwritingwellintothe

nextyearcomposingtwocommemorativefuneraryaddresses(祭)forfellowZen

monksMuganSoō夢巖祖應(d1374)andJōzanSozen定山祖禅(1298-1374)17

Thatwinterheisreportedtohavedevelopedaldquoslightailmentrdquo微恙Whetherthe

descriptionwasgenuineormeioticChūgandiedearlythefollowingyearhis

recordedageseventy-sixbytheJapanesecountAccordingtoasupplementary

accountinhisJirekifuwhenhebecamedeliriousanddeathwasclearlyathandthe

attendantpriestsaskedtheirmasterforafinalpoemChūganmusteredwhat15JRFKōan2(1362)NotethatbeginningwiththefirstyearofRyakuō暦応ChūgandateshischronicleaccordingtotheregnaldesignationsoftheNorthernDynasty16JRFŌan3(1370)17JRFŌan6-8(1373-75)ThesearenolongerextantandwereapparentlydictatedbyChūganbutwrittendownbysomeoneelse(seenote18below)

11

strengthhecouldandrepliedthathehadalreadysaidtoomanybalefulthings

throughouthislifeandthattherewasnopointinsayinganythingmoreAfterthus

refusingtherequesthediedpeacefullyatnoonthatsameday18

18Chūganrsquosfinalcommentsaretranscribedas吾平生口禍不少今尚何言去去presumablyspokenaloudassomethinglikeWareheizeikuchinowazawaisukunakarazuimanaonaniokaiwanSaresare(ldquoOverthecourseofmylifemymouthhasgottenmeintotroublemorethanafewtimeswhatmoreistheretosaynowBeoffrdquo)ThiswasrecordedbyadiscipleKenDōshi inChūganrsquosautobiographicalchronicleInashortpostscripttothetextheinformsthereaderthatbecauseChūganhadstoppedwritingat68yearsofagehe(KenDōshi)hadtakenituponhimselftosupplyadditionalinformationregardingthelastyearsofhismasterrsquoslifePresumablyitwasheorotherattendantpriestswhoactuallytranscribedthefuneraryaddressesChūgancomposedforMuganandJōzanThenameKenDōshiisprobablyaninvertedabbreviationofanamecomprisedoffourcharactersThiswasstandardpracticethenameChūganEngetsu中巌円月forinstanceisoftengivenas月中巌

12

Chapter One

Political Suasion in a Time of Crisis The Memorials of Chūgan Engetsu and Yoshida Sadafusa

國者天下之利用也人主者天下之利勢也 Thestateisthemostefficaciousinstrumentintheworldandtoberulerofmenisthemostefficaciouspowerintheworld19 Xunzi

IntheearlyfourteenthcenturyJapaneseintellectualsandaristocrats(the

formernotalwaysasubsetofthelatter)begandevotingsubstantialattentionto

questionsthatuntilthenhadfiguredonlyminimallyinJapanesepoliticaldiscourse

suchaswhetherornotthelegitimacyandperpetualcontinuityoftheimperial

institutionwasguaranteedbyitspurportedlydivineoriginsunderwhat

circumstancesrecoursetoarmswasmorallyacceptableandtowhatextent

conceptsoflegitimatesovereigntydrawnfromtheChinesepoliticaltraditionmight

(ormightnot)usefullyinformgovernanceinJapan20ChūganEngetsuwasamong

thebrightestlightsofthemedievalintellectualmilieuandhiscontributionsto

questionssuchasthesearebothhighlyoriginalandextensiveindeedintermsof

genericandthematicbreadthChūganrsquoswritingisunrivalledbyanyothermedieval

19EricLHuttonXunzi(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress2014)p9920SeeAndrewEdmundGobleKenmuGo-DaigorsquosRevolution(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1996)pp20-29andTamakakeHiroyukiNihonchūseishisōshikenkyū(TokyoPerikansha1998)passim

13

JapanesefigurerangingfreelyacrosspoliticalandnaturalphilosophyBuddhist

doctrineandmultiplestylesofChinesepoetryThischapterwillexaminehisviews

onsocietyandstatecraftduringthetumultuousyearsoftheKenmuRestoration

(1333-36)awatershedmomentofinstitutionalruptureandintellectualcreativity

AsnotedintheintroductionChūganrsquosabilitiesearnedhimthepatronageofthe

powerfulprovincialleaderŌtomoSadamuneanduponreturningtoJapanin1332

fromaneight-yearsojourninChinahequicklybecameanactivepartisanin

EmperorGo-DaigorsquosstruggleforanewnationalorderHedrewuponavariedmix

ofChinesetextsbearingupontheestablishmentmaintenanceandbreakdownof

politicalauthorityinanefforttoinfluenceGo-DaigorsquospoliciesThata33year-old

prelatewithnoaristocraticheritagewouldhavesuchanopportunityinthefirst

placeisindicativeofboththenewfoundstatusofZenandthepossibilitiesofferedby

theuniquecircumstancesofthe1330sThoughturbulenttheyearsprecedingand

immediatelyfollowingtheKenmuRestorationwerehighlyproductiveintellectually

notonlyforChūganbutalsoforfellowZenluminaryMusōSoseki夢窓疎石(1275-

1351)21theearlytheoristofShinto(andTendaipriest)Jihen慈遍(flmid14thc)22

21SeeforinstanceMusōrsquosreflectionsonGo-DaigorsquosriseandfallasrecordedinMusōKokushigoroku夢窓国師語録(Taishōdaizōkyōvol80pp463c24-464b21)AtranslationoftherelevantsectionmaybefoundinWmTheodoredeBaryetaledsSourcesofJapaneseTradition(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1958)pp265-5822JihenwasoneofseveralearlymedievalfiguresinvolvedinarticulatingShintothroughtheconceptsandnomenclatureofesotericBuddhismHisprimaryworksincludeKujihongigengi旧事本紀玄義(TheProfoundMeaningoftheSendaikujihongi1332)andToyoashiharajinpūwaki豊葦原神風和記(HarmoniousRecordoftheDivineWaysofJapan1340)ThesehaveyettobetranslatedintoEnglishJihenrsquosthoughtistreatedinsomedetailinTamakakeNihonchūseishisōshikenkyūpp200-227

14

andthenativistscholarandproponentofIseShintoKitabatakeChikafusa北畠親房

(1293-1354)ChikafusarsquoslengthyandinfluentialtreatiseonJapaneseimperial

successionJinnōshōtōki神皇正統記(1343)treatssomeofthesameconcernsthat

Chūganaddressesalbeitfromwithinasubstantiallydifferentconceptualand

ideologicalframework

Thewritingsexaminedinthischapterwereallcomposedduringthe

formativemonthsofGo-Daigorsquosrestorationgovernmentfromtheautumnof1333

tothespringof1334andwereeithersubmitteddirectlytotheemperororwritten

withhiminmindastheimpliedreaderTheypermitanedifyingglimpseinto

Chūganrsquosrhetoricalstyleandpoliticalorientationwhichwaseclecticbut

thoroughlyldquoConfucianrdquoinoneimportantsensenamelyinhisconvictionthatthe

existenceofanautonomousmilitaryeliteconstitutedagrossdistortionoftheideal

socialorderToChūganthemilitarywasndashorshouldproperlybendashnothingmore

thananarmofroyalauthoritytobeemployedattheexclusivediscretionofthe

sovereignandheascribedmanyoftheillsofhisdaytoJapanrsquosdeviationfromthis

idealFittinglyfortheagehewasalsocommittedtothepositionthatcertain

historicalmomentsaresofraughtastobenegotiableonlythroughradicalaction

thatldquorevolutionizesrdquoortransforms(革)existingsociopoliticalarrangements

ChūganrsquosviewsonrevolutionwouldcometodifferfromGo-Daigorsquosasthe

Kenmuregimetookshapebutinbroadmeasuretheywerenicelyconsonantwith

theemperorrsquosgrandpoliticalambitionsandbeliefsaboutsovereigntyThroughout

1333atleastChūganseemstohavethoroughlyembracedGo-DaigorsquoscauseIn

Decemberofthatyearhesubmittedtotheemperoramemorial(JhyōCbiao表)

15

alongwithtwoshortessaysinwhichheoutlinedthecrisisfacingJapanand

presentedhisideasforreformThefirstpiecetobeconsideredbelowisanessay

entitledGenmin原民ldquoEstablishingtheFundamentsofthePeoplerdquowhichtreatsthe

idealsocialorderandthedangersrampantmilitarizationposestoit23Stylistically

thepiecewasheavilyinfluencedbythewritingsofHanYu韓愈(768-824)authorof

thesimilarlytitledYuandao原道oneofthemostinfluentialcriticalessaysin

Chineseliteraryhistory24HanYuwasamongtheearliestchampionsoftheclassical

guwen古文(Jkobun)styleinlieuofthepianliwen駢儷文(Jbenreibun)styleof

rhymedparallelproseCriticsofpianliwenarguedthatithadbecomevacuousand

overwroughtandtheysoughtinitsplaceamediumshornofornamentationand

easiertounderstandThelinguisticclaritythatcharacterizedtheguwenstylewas

lessanenduntoitselfthananaestheticmanifestationoftheideologydrivingthe

wholeofthefugu復古orldquoreturntoantiquityrdquomovementandtoHanYuandother

guwenauthorsclassicisminlanguagecomprisedanimportantelementinabroader

culturaltraditionalismonethatprovidedanaptvehiclefortheConfucianrevival

theysoughttobringaboutinthepoliticalsphere25ByChūganrsquosdaythedebate

overtherelativemeritsofpianliwenandguwenwasanoldoneandtheliterary

23Thewordgen原inthetitleisaverb(usuallyreadmotozukuortazunuinJapanese)whichisusedinthesenseoforiginatingorbasingoneselfinsomethingorinvestigatingsomethingdowntoitsoriginsThemeaningofthephrase原民thussubsumestheideasofldquobasingoneselforonersquospoliciesinthepeoplerdquoldquomakingthepeoplefundamentalrdquoandalsoofldquogettingtothebottomrdquoofhowmin民asasocialconceptistobeunderstood24SeePeterKBolldquoThisCultureofOursrdquoIntellectualTransitionsinTrsquoangandSungChina(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1992)pp128-31BolrendersthetitleoftheessayldquoFindingtheSourceforTaordquo25Ibidpp22-23

16

historyoftheTangFiveDynastiesandSongperiodswasrepletewithfine

practitionersofbothstylesTheSongerawitnessedtheeventualacceptanceof

guwenproseforuseonthejinshi進士examinationsadevelopmentindicativeofthe

esteemthestylehadgainedintheeyesofleadingscholar-officials26Andwhileits

importancetotheworldofJapanesekanbunwascomparativelyminorevidence

suggeststhattheguwen-pianliwendebatewasknowntoJapaneseliteratifromat

leastthemid-Heianperiod27GenerallyspeakingmedievalJapanesewritersdrew

stylisticinspirationfromasubstantiallylargerandmorediversebodyofChinese

textsthantheirHeianpredecessorshadworkssuchasWenxuanwhichhadso

heavilyinfluencedHeiankanbunnowexistedalongsideZizhitongjian資治通鑑

(ComprehensiveMirrorinAidofGovernance1084)XinTangshu新唐書(New

HistoryoftheTang1060)andmanyothertextsreflectiveofSong-eraaestheticand

intellectualdevelopmentsChūganprobablyusedtheguwenstylemoreadroitly

thananyofhiscontemporarieshismodelsinexpositoryproseappeartohavebeen

drawnpredominantlyfromtheTangandearlySongwithHanYursquoswritingexerting

particularstylisticinfluenceEvenChūganrsquoshighappraisaloftheSongpolymath

OuyangXiu歐陽修(1007-72)authorofXinTangshuhasbeenascribedbyone

pioneeringscholarofGozanliteraturetoOuyangrsquosnoteddevotiontoHanYu28

ThatChūganwouldsoadmireandultimatelyimitateHanYursquosrhetoric

bespeakshiswillingnesstoseparateformfromideologicalcontentandreflectsthe26DieterKuhnTheAgeofConfucianRule(CambridgeMABelknapPressofHarvardUnivPress2009)p13027KawaguchiHisaoHeianchōnokanbungaku(TokyoYoshikawaKōbunkan1981)pp129-3628KitamuraSawakichiGozanbungakushikō(TokyoFūzanbō1941)p219

17

comparativelyliberalapproachtoChinesehighculturetakenbythemedievalZen

establishmentEverybitthenativistintellectualHanYuwasacontumeliouscritic

ofBuddhismandastaunchsupporterofConfucianorthodoxypositionshe

articulatedpithily(andwithnosmallmeasureofvitriol)inYuandaoChūgantoo

wasanavidproponentofConfucianismitmightevenbesuggestedthathiswide-

rangingphilosophicaloeuvreisbroadlyunifiedbythepursuitofaConfucian-

Buddhistsynthesis29oratleastthatsuchapursuitguidedhismostnotableworks30

ButwhereHanYuemployedguwentoindictBuddhismasanadulteranttoChinese

cultureChūganusedittoaffirmBuddhismrsquosvaluetostateandsocietyinJapan

Inasmuchasmodernistexpositorywritingtendstoproceedfromtheassumption

thatlanguageisorshouldbeatransparentvalue-neutralmediumforconveying

ideasChūganrsquosadoptionofHanYursquoslucidlanguagetomakepro-Buddhist

argumentsisinacertainsensequitemodernToChūganBuddhismnolessthan

Confucianismwasbeneficialinpartbecauseofitssalubriouseffectsuponmorality

ButBuddhismalsoaddresseditselftophenomenathatlayoutsideConfucianismrsquos

traditionalpurviewandinmedievalJapantheconceptofkarmaanditscorollaries

providedbyfarthemostcomprehensiveandinfluentialepistemicbasisfor

understandingthehumancondition31Asismadeclearintheveryshortpiece

29ThisargumentseemstohavebeenmadefirstbyAshikagaEnjutsuseehisKamakuraMuromachijidainojukyō(TokyoNihonKotenZenshūKankōkai1932)pp21125530InoueMasamichiHonpōchūseimadeniokeruMōshijuyōshinokenkyū(TokyoKazamaShobō1972)pp261-6231BuddhismrsquosroleasthepreeminentparadigmshapingthemedievalepistemeistreatedinWilliamRLaFleurTheKarmaofWords(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1983)

18

Gensō原僧acompanionessaysubmittedtoEmperorGo-DaigoalongsideGenmin

Chūgandoesbelievethatwhenfarmersormerchantsabandontheirlivelihoodsand

nominallybecomemonkstheeffectisdetrimentalnotonlytothepriesthoodbut

alsotonationaleconomicwelfare32StillsomeknowledgeofBuddhistprinciples

amongthepopulaceisheldtobringbenefitstostateandsocietyassubstantialas

thosebroughtbyknowledgeoftheFourBooksreliableweightsandmeasuresand

anadequatemilitaryallofwhichhecitesapprovinglyatthebeginningofGenmin

ThemainthesisofGenministhatexcessivemilitarizationandaburgeoning

interestinmartialpursuitsacrossallsegmentsofsocietyisthekeysociopolitical

crisisconfrontingJapaninthe1330sThoughhewilllaterlaymuchoftheblamefor

thisphenomenonuponGo-Daigohimselfherehesimplyrecommendsthatthefour

Confucianldquoclassesrdquoandmembersoftheclergybeguidedbacktotheirpropersocial

rolesandthatonlypersonswithaspecificgovernmentmandatetobeararmsbe

permittedtodosoArdentlyopposedtobothpopularmilitancyandtheexistenceof

anautonomouswarrioreliteChūganasksrhetoricallywhetherthecountryeven

hasaldquomilitaryrdquoatallwhichtohimdenotesabranchofgovernmentthatprovides

forthenationaldefensebutisalwaysandeverywheresubordinatetothethrone

ChūganwilldevelopthislineofcritiquefurtherinhismemorialtoGo-Daigoandhe

willadvanceitwithgreaterconceptualsophisticationinhisfamousphilosophical

treatiseChūseishi中正子(TheMasterofBalanceandRectitude1334)whereitis

repurposedtocriticizetheemperordirectlyInsofarasGenminwasintended

simplytoprovideGo-DaigowithasuccinctoverviewofJapanrsquosproblemsasChūgan

32Atranslationofthisessayisgivenintheappendixtothischapter

19

sawthemitisofsomewhatlessconceptualandrhetoricalinterestthaneither

ChūseishiorthememorialNonethelessitsclarityandrelativesimplicitymakeita

usefulintroductiontothosetextsandanidealpointfromwhichtoapproach

ChūganrsquosworldviewduringtheinitialmonthsofGo-Daigorsquosrestorationgovernment

EstablishingtheFundamentsofthePeople33 Acrossthewideworldpeopleattendtotheirbasicdutiesandperfecttheir

craftsandtheircountriesbecomeprosperousandstrongFarmerssowcropsandplant

vegetablesandfruitingtreesArtisansmanagetheirestablishmentsandproduce

variouswaresMerchantsfacilitatethedistributionofgoodsfromwheretheyare

plentifultowheretheyarescarceOfficialsdraftgovernmentregulationsThe

credibilityoftheImperialsealandthereliabilityofweightsandmeasureshelpprevent

fraudanddeceptionTheteachingsculledfromtheBookofSongstheBookofHistory

theClassicofRitesandtheClassicofMusicservetoreformcrueltyandgreedArms

andfortificationsservetoforestallinvasionandplunderThusitisthatifthemasses

pursuetheirlivelihoodsandsupportthoseabovethemtherewillbenoinstancesof

peopleresortingtounprincipledmeanstokeepthemselvesfedandthecountrywillbe

prosperousandstrongThisishowthingsoughttobe

33ThetranslationisbasedonthetextfoundinTamamuraTakejirsquosGozanbungakushinshū(TokyoTokyoDaigakuShuppankai1970)p393AlsoconsultedwasKamimuraKankōrsquosGozanbungakuzenshū(TokyoGozanBungakuZenshūKankōkai1936)vol2pp104-5TamamurarsquoseditionofChūganrsquosworksisthemostcompletecurrentlyavailableitsprincipalsourcelikeKamimurarsquosisthe1764woodblockeditionofthecollectaneaofChūganrsquosworksTōkaiichiōshū東海一漚集(ABubbleontheEasternSea)ThiseditionwascollatedandpreparedforpublicationbythepriestDaigeSōdatsu大解宗脱(1706-62)attheHarimaDaizōinmonasteryandwhileitisgenerallyregardedasthevulgate(rufubon流布本)itomitsmuchandTamamurahasthereforesupplementeditwithadditionalmanuscriptcopiesofTōkaiichiōshūhousedatthetempleHōjōji法常寺andtheHistoriographicalInstituteattheUniversityofTokyo

20

Buddhismwasintroduced(toChina)intheHaneraandeversinceithasenabled

peopletogainaprofoundunderstandingoftheprinciplesgoverningnaturefatelife

anddeathandithasalsoilluminatedthekarmicrootsofgoodandillfortuneThusthe

peoplelovedgoodnessandtrustedtheywouldberewardedtheyeschewedwhatwas

notgoodandavoidedcalamitySomethingthatbenefitsthecountrywithoutharming

thepeoplecanonlyenhancetheprosperityandstrengthoftheformerLookingatour

owncountrytodayamongthepeopletherearenonewhodonotdonarmorandtake

upweaponsThecommonersarenegligentinattendingtotheirproperlivelihoodsand

theyattackandroboneanotherinthepursuitofgainAndastothosewhocuttheir

hairandenterthepriesthoodtheytooviewithoneanotherthroughforceofarmsand

abandontheirpropercallingOfallthedisastersthatmaybefallacountrynone

surpassesthisThepurposeofamilitaryistosuppressdisturbancestheverycharacter

forldquomilitaryrdquo(武)iscomposedofldquostoprdquo(止)andldquoweaponrdquo(戈)Yetthedisturbances

wefacetodaycannotbesuppressedCanwesaythatourcountryevenhasamilitary

OnesidehasstoutshieldsandsharpspearsbutsodoestheothersideHardnessis

pittedagainsthardnessandsharpnessagainstsharpnesswithbothsideshaving

comparablestrengthSincethestrengthofbothsidesisequaleachremainsunchecked

ThesearethefactsTheDiscoursesofZhourelatethefollowing

ldquoThekingsofoldglorifiedvirtueandwerenotquicktoflaunttheirmilitary

powerFlauntingmilitarypowerleadstoitsirresponsibleuseandifmilitarypowerisusedirresponsiblythenroyalauthoritywillnotberespectedrdquo34

34TheldquoDiscoursesofZhourdquo(周語)comprisethefirstsectionoftheGuoyu國語ThepassageuponwhichChugandrawsreadsasfollows穆王將征犬戎祭公謀父諫曰 「不可先王耀德不觀兵夫兵戢而時動動則威觀則玩玩則無震 ldquoKingMuwasabouttoattacktheQuanrongtribebutMoufuDukeofZhairemonstratedwithhimsayinglsquoThekingsofoldglorifiedvirtueandwerenotquicktoflaunttheirmilitarypowerIfmilitarypowerisheldbackanddeployedonlyattheappropriatetimesthen(royalauthority)willbefearedifmilitarypowerisflauntedthenitwillbeusedirresponsiblyandifitisusedirresponsiblynonewillrespect(royalauthority)rsquordquo

21

Sincethisisalreadythecase(inJapan)whatshouldbedoneItwouldbebest

foryourmajestytodecreethatanyonewhoisnotasoldieroftheimperialgovernment

shallbepunishedforbearingarmsandthatofficialsfarmersartisansmerchantsas

wellasmembersoftheclergymustdevotethemselvestotheperfectionoftheir

respectivecallingsIfthisisdoneitwillstrengthenandenrichthecountryandthereis

perhapshopeafterall

淳世之民各務本修業故國富且強矣所以農者播禾穀種菜果工者營棟宇造器皿賈者通其有無土者布其政令符璽秤斛之信以防其欺負詩書禮樂之教以正其狠戾甲兵干城之威以禁其侵奪然而百姓各修其業而奉其上則國無有徒為苟食者故富強也宜矣漢氏以降加以佛法使民精通性命死生之理且知禍福因果之道然而百姓好善賴慶忌不善而避殃故有利于國無害于民是以國益富且強矣今觀國朝民無不衣甲手兵者百姓皆怠其業互相侵奪以為利也若夫出家斷髮者亦以堅甲利兵相誇而廢其本業也禍亂之大莫之過焉武也者戡定禍亂也其為文也止戈也然今有如斯禍亂而不能勘定者可言國有武乎 彼亦堅甲利兵也以堅敵堅以利敵利其勢均矣勢均則不可制止也宜矣周語有之先王耀德不觀兵夫兵觀則翫翫則無震既然今宜奈之何 宜當 敕差有司如非官軍者衣甲手兵則誅之使彼士農工賈及釋氏之流各務本修業則富強之國其庶幾乎

Thepoliticalorderofthefourteenthcenturyandbeyondwoulddevelopin

preciselythedirectionChūganfearedandforreasonsthatseeminretrospectfar

beyondthereachofcourtpolicyAmodernreaderparticularlyoneinsensitiveto

thestylisticconventionsgoverningworksofcounselsubmitteddirectlytothe

thronecouldbeforgivenforseeinginChūganrsquosrecommendationsanaiumlveand

simplisticfaithinthepowerofimperiallegislationYettheKamakurashogunate

oncethepreeminentpowerinthecountryhadbeeneffectivelydestroyedsix

monthsbeforeGenminwaswrittenandintermsofmilitaryresourcesandthe

abilitytoprojectpowerGo-DaigorsquosincipientregimenowstoodunrivalledAnd

whiledevelopmentalnarrativesofmedievalJapanesehistorytendtopositan

22

inexorableriseofthewarriorsandconcomitantinevitabilityofautonomouswarrior

governmentthereisverylittleevidencethatfightingmenofthefourteenthcentury

sawtheircollectivepositionasdependentuponthecontinuedexistenceofa

shogunate35MoreoverwhileChūganrsquosagewascertainlyoneofchangeand

tribulationitwasnotyetoneofendemicviolenceandirreparablefragmentation

evenifcertainsociopoliticaltrendssuggestedtokeenobserversthatsuchafatewas

drawingnearHencetoanintellectualwhowasdisinclinedtosupportwarrior

governmentanddeeplyconcernedwiththespreadofsoldieryamongthepopulace

thethroneofferedthebestandmostlogicalhopeforstemmingthesetrendsand

restoringthepropersocialorderTheimperialcourtwasafterallthemost

enduringlocusofauthorityonthearchipelagoprovidingsociallegibilitythrough

officesranksandthedisseminationofhighcultureeventotheveryinstitutions

mostresponsibleforerodingitsmilitarymightandmaterialprerogativesviz

shogunalgovernmentsandinfluentialwarriorhouses

Chūganexpandsuponthecrisisofmilitarismandtheroleofthecourtin

addressingitinhismemorialtoGo-Daigoatextthatexpoundsthesamebasic

worldviewasGenminthoughfarmorestridentlyItisbothunusuallylengthyand

inplacesexceptionallybluntbythestandardsofextantJapanesememorialswhich

datepredominantlyfromtheHeianperiodandtendneithertoutilizetheguwen

stylenortreatsociopoliticalissuesasseriousasthosetakenupbyChūganThese

andotheraspectsoftheworkwillbeanalyzedindetailbelowitisworth

emphasizingattheoutsethoweverthatChūganrsquosmemorialconstitutesarareand

35GobleKenmuppxvi136266-67

23

valuableexampleofagenrethatwhileesteemedintheChinesetraditionandlong

practicedbyJapanesearistocratshasreceivedminimalattentioninstudiesof

JapanesekanshibunMoreoveritillustratesthewaysinwhichtheChinese

historicalexperiencecouldbemarshaledforpoliticalsuasionduringatransitional

momentinJapanesehistoryonewhoseepochalsignificancewasdifficultto

appreciateinreferencetothedomesticrecordalone

OnthistheeleventhdayoftheeleventhmonthIEngetsuTransmitteroftheDharmadohumblyandrespectfullyofferthismemorial36

Yourmajestyitismyhumblecontentionthatamongkingstherearethosewho

succeedahumanpredecessorcontinuehislineandkeepthingsunchangedandthere

arethosewhoreceiveHeavenrsquosmandateadaptskillfullytotheexigenciesofthe

moment(通變)andbringaboutrevolution(革)Examplesoftheformerincludethe

rulerswhocontinuedtheirlinesduringtheXiaYinandZhoudynastiesExamplesof

thelatterincludeTangwhodeposedJieandKingWuwhovanquishedZhou37Thus

doesYijingsayldquoTherevolutionsofTangandWuwereinaccordancewithHeavenand

inresponsetothepeoplerdquo38ButwhysimplystopatTangandWuGaozuandShizuof

HanTaizongofTangandTaizuofSongwereallmenofthissortAsWenZhongzi

opinedldquoifoneadaptsskillfullytochangingcircumstancestherealmwillbefreeofbad

36ThedatecorrespondstoDecember191333intheJuliancalendarThetextmaybefoundinGozanbungakushinshūvol4pp380-81andGozanbungakutaikeivol2pp86-8737ChengTang成湯wasthefirstruleroftheYin(Shang)DynastyanddeposedJie桀thelastruleroftheXiaWu武wasthefirstruleroftheZhouDynastyanddeposedZhou紂thelastruleroftheShang38湯武革命順乎天而應於人ThisfamouslinefromYijingisstilloftencitedindictionariesandencyclopediasasthelocusclassicusforthetermgemingkakumei革命ldquorevolutionrdquo

24

lawsbutifonecleavesstubbornlytofixednormsthentherealmwillbebereftof

beneficentteachingsrdquo39

Intheirperfectionoftransformativeteachings(教化)andregulativenorms(法度)theThreeDynasties(XiaShangandZhou)weresurpassedbynoneYetafterthe

regulationshadbeenineffectforalongperiodoftimetheybecamecorruptedonceit

wasunderstoodtheregulationshadindeedbecomecorruptedtheywerereformed(革)

Thisisthemeansbywhich(thereformers)adaptedtocircumstanceThusitwasthat

whentheregulationsoftheXiabecamecorruptedTangofYinreformedthemand

whentheregulationsoftheYinbecamecorruptedWuofZhoureformedthemAfter

theZhouhadfallenintodeclineitsregulationsslippedintoextremecorruptionandit

wasthenthatWeiYangenteredthestateofQinandreformeditsregulations40One

yearafterthereformswereenactedthenumberofpeopleinthecapitaldecryingthe

newlawsreachedintothethousandsandtheprinceevenviolatedthemWeiYang

opinedthatthereasontheregulationswerenotbeingsuccessfullyimplementedwas

thattheprincehimselfdidnotabidebythemAstherulerrsquosheirtheprincecouldnot

bepunishedbuthischiefadviserwaspunishedcorporallyandhistutorwastattooed41

AlmostovernightallthepeopleofQinsubmittedtothenewlawsTenyearslater

nonedaredtoevenpickupvaluablesdroppedontheroadsandthemountainswere

freeofbanditsThepeoplewerebraveinfightingwarsthatwereinthepublicinterest

(公)butreticenttoindulgeprivate(私)quarrelsThosewhohadoncecalledthenew

lawsunsuitablenowthoughtthemmostexpedientYetafterQinunifiedtherealmit

39通其變天下無弊法執其方天下無善教WenZhongzi文中子istheposthumousnameofthephilosopherWangTong王通(584-617)anditisalsothetitleoftheworkWenzhongzialternativelyknownasZhongshuo中説(DiscoursesontheMean)whichrecordshisresponsestoquestionsaskedbydisciplesThequotecomesfromthefourthchapterldquoZhouGongrdquo周公WangTongrsquosimportancetoChūganisdiscussedbelow 40WeiYang衛鞅(390-338BCE)betterknownasShangYang商鞅wasthearchitectofnumerousimportantreformsinthestateofQinAlongwithShenBuhaiandHanFeizihecontributedsignificantlytothedevelopmentofwhatwouldcometobeknownaslegalism41Theadviserwaspunishedbyhavinghisnosecutoff

25

lostsightoftheneedtomakeperiodicchangestoitslawstheevilsthatresultedwere

extremeandviolenceandcrueltyprevailed

HencetheQinlastedjusttwogenerationsbeforebeingdestroyedTheHan

thenassumedsuzeraintybutforoverseventyyearstheyfoundthatdespitetheir

effortstobringthesituationundercontrolnomethodseemedviableWhenlawswere

promulgatedwickednessonlygrewwhendecreeswereissuedfraudanddeceit

followedAlasitcouldnothavebeenotherwiseTheremnantsoftheQinwerea

peoplewhosecustomswereheartlessandperversewhichiswhytheyresisted(the

impositionoflawsbytheHan)ItwasforthisreasonthanDongZhongshusaidthe

followinginhisrescript

ldquoIfoneusesboilingwatertocalmboilingwaterthewaterwillonlyfrothandbubblemoreandwhenazitherhasfallenirreparablyoutoftuneonehasnochoicebuttoremovethestringsandreplacethemonlythenwillitbemadeplayableWhenagovernmenthasutterlylostitsauthoritythereisnochoicebuttotransformitonlythenmayorderbereestablishedrdquo42

DongZhongshursquoswordsarerightonthemarkItismycontentionifImaybeso

boldthatYourMajestyhasinheritedhisperspicacity(明)fromWenofZhouand

receivedhisvirtue(德)fromJimmu43Youhaverevivedthekinglywayandabolished

militaryhegemony(覇)44Youbringcomforttothefarthestcornersoftherealmand

42如以湯止湯湯愈甚琴瑟不調甚者必解而更張之乃可鼓也為政而不行甚者必變而更化之乃可理也ThequoteisfromDongZhongshursquosfirstrescript(ce册)SeeHanshu562504-05 43VirtueisthemostcommonEnglishtranslationof德butitfailstosufficientlyconveythesenseofsuasivetransformativepowerinherentinthetermArthurWaleyhasusedldquopowerrdquotorender德whichisquiteaccurateifthepowerinquestionisunderstoodtoarisefrommoralexcellenceThoughldquovirtuerdquowillbeusedhereforclaritysomethinglikeldquomoralcharismardquomightbemoreappropriateparticularlywhenappliedtoarulerSeeJonathanWSchoferldquoVirtuesinXunzirsquosThoughtrdquoinTCKlineandPhilipJIvanhoeedsVirtueNatureandMoralAgencyintheXunzi(IndianapolisHackett2000)pp69-88JohnSMayoretaledsandtransTheHuainanzi(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2010)pp872-7344TheconceptofhegemonyandthefigureofthehegemonaretreatedfurtherbelowChūganusesthetermtopejorativelycharacterizewarriorpoweringeneralandtheKamakurashogunateinparticular

26

embracetherudestofyourpeopleAllthedenizensofthislandrightlypayyouhumble

obeisanceWhobutanenlightenedsagaciousrulerndashonewhohasreceivedHeavenrsquos

mandatendashcouldaccomplishsuchathingSadlytherealmistodaybesetbytheevilsof

theKantōsuzerainswhosepolityhasstoodforoverahundredyearsThepeoplehave

graduallysunkintovicebecomingavariciousandwaywardintheirhabitsThisiswhy

lawsuitsfillthecourtsfrommorningtonightWorsestillthenumberofthosewho

wouldconspireinrebellionhasgrownlargeInotherwordsthingsherearenowas

theywereinChinawhentheHansucceededtheQinitisatimewhenordermaybe

restoredonlythroughrevolutionIhavenoknowledgeregardingtheearliestbeginning

ofHeavenandEarthButifyourmajestyweretoabolishmilitaryhegemonyandrevive

thewayofthekingwouldthisnotbethebeginningofanachievementndashhereinour

timendashthatwouldringoutfortenthousandgenerationsHowcanweaffordnotto

reformthebanefulscourgeofoutmodedways45

AlasIambutalonemustardweedinamountainforestandIwillultimately

decaytonothingalongsidethegrassesandthetreesIamnotboundbyworldly

interestsandonemaywonderwhyIhaveofferedthesewordscourtingtrouble

throughmyimpertinenceInpointoffactIdosoonlyforthebenefitoftherealm(天下)notformyself(身)TrulyIdosoforposteritynottobaskinthegloryofa

momentrsquosfameItismyhumblecontentionthatifyourmajestywilltaketoheartthe

greatwordsofDongZhongshuandWangTongandacceptthesincerityofmycounsel

thentherealmwillprosperformyriadagestocomeImyselfhavenoauthoritytoact

soIhavecomposedtwoessaysGenminandGensōforyourmajestyrsquosperusalIfyou

findanyoftheideasespousedthereintobeofusepleaseissuearoyaledict

commandingyourofficialstoseethattheyareputintoeffectTheforegoingisoffered

mosthumblywithutmostreverenceandtrepidation45陛下除覇興王不乃萬世鴻業之始固在斯時乎舊法之弊不可革耶Ifthereferentof覇istakenspecificallytobetheKamakuraregimewhichwasdestroyedapproximatelysixmonthsearlierthefirstpartmightberenderedldquodoesnotyourmajestyrsquosabolitionofmilitaryhegemonyandrevivalofthewayofthekingconstitutethebeginningofanachievementndashhereinourtimendashthatwillringoutfortenthousandgenerationsrdquo

27

上 建武天子表 十一月日傳法臣僧圓月謹昧死上書 皇帝陛下竊以王者受禪於人者襲其統而沿之得命於天者通其變而革之受禪於人者如夏后殷周之克繼者也得命於天者湯放桀武王伐紂之類皆是也故易曰湯武革命順乎天而應於人豈止湯武而已漢高祖世祖唐太宗宋太祖皆其人也文中子曰通其變天下無幣法執其方天下無善教教化法度之成三代莫之踰者然久則其法又弊法弊則革之所以通其變也所以夏法弊則殷湯革之殷法弊則周武革之周之衰時法之弊甚時衞鞅入秦變其法行之期年國都言新法之不便者以千數於是太子犯法鞅言法之不行自上犯之太子君嗣也不可施刑輒刑其傳黥其師明日秦人皆趍令行之十年秦國道不拾遺山無盜賊民勇於公戰怯於私鬪然後其初言不便者來言令便也然而秦得天下之後弗能知複變其法之理故弊甚極至暴酷是以二世而亡 漢繼秦之後七十餘歲雖欲理之無可奈何 法出而奸生令下而詐起則無它以秦之遺民習俗薄惡民人抵冒也是故董仲舒對策曰如以湯止湯湯愈甚琴瑟不調甚者必解而更張之乃可鼓也為政而不行甚者必變而更化之乃可理也仲舒之言至矣哉恭惟陛下明繼周文德承神武興王除覇柔遠包荒高田之下厚地之上莫不賓順非聰明睿知得命於天者孰能與於此哉然今天下為關東所伯百數十歲之弊積焉斯民漸漬惡俗貪饕 故自朝至暮獄訟滿庭又沙上偶語者亦多矣乃與漢繼秦之時偶相同也更化則可理之時也天地之初臣不得而知之陛下除覇興王不乃萬世鴻業之始固在斯時乎舊法之弊可不革耶 臣是山林一芥宜當與草木共朽也實為天下不為身也實為萬世不為一時名望之榮也伏望陛下感董生王通之至言而收臣懇誠則天下萬世之幸矣臣不自揆輒撰原民原僧二篇以塵睿覧如有可采敕有司施行之謹奉書以聞某誠惶誠恐

Chūgandesignatesthispieceahyō表(Cbiao)aparticulartypeofmemorial

understoodtoconveyopinionsandpolicyviewsunlikethemoreexplicitly

admonitorysō奏(zou)46AshedoesinGenminChūgandetailsthemalaiseafflicting

46Anextendeddiscussionofthehistoryandliteraryqualitiesofroyalmemorialsmaybefoundinchapters22and23ofWenxindiaolong文心雕龍aseminalworkofliterarytheorybytheLiang-erascholarLiuXie劉 (465-522AD)Thebiaoistreatedinchapter22

28

contemporaryJapanesesocietyplacingtheonussquarelyupontherecentlytoppled

Kamakuraregimeandbuttressinghispositionwithexamplesdrawnfromthe

ChineseexperienceGo-Daigorsquosrevolutionarymomentiscastinthemostelevated

termsimaginablewithinthegrandsweepofEastAsianhistorylikenedtothe

epochaltransitionsfromtheShangDynastytotheZhouandtheQintotheHan

Suchrhetoricimmediatelysuggeststhattherecentupheavalsbesettingboththe

shogunateaninstitutionwithnocloseanalogueinChinaandtheJapanesecourt

whichinformandfunctionhadcometodifferdramaticallyfromChinarsquosmight

nonethelessbeunderstoodinbroadlyldquoChineserdquotermsauguringthefallofone

nationalorderandtheriseofanotherInasmuchasthisreadingflattersEmperor

Go-DaigoandunderscoresthegravityofhishistoricalsituationitservesChūganrsquos

purposewell

AnevenmoreaccurateiflessdramaticapplicationoftheChinesehistorical

experiencetofourteenthcenturyJapanissuggestedbyChūganrsquosuseoftheterm

ldquohegemonrdquo(覇)incontradistinctiontoldquokingrdquo(王)Asnotedabovetheprimary

referentsfortheformeraretheKamakuraregimeandthemodelofindependent

warriorgovernanceitrepresentedThehegemonsofclassicalConfucian

historiographyrefertorulersinpre-imperialChinawhowhilepoliticallyand

militarilysuccessfuldidnotconformtothemoralidealsofrulershipespousedby

theru儒classicists47Thehegemonsarementionedinnumerouscanonicaltexts

47SeeHuttonXunzippxxiv-xxvTheusualtranslationforruinEnglishisldquoConfucianrdquothoughinthetreatmentofearlytextsthisissometimesreplacedbytermssuchasldquoclassicistrdquoldquoclassicalstudiesscholarrdquoorsimplyleftuntranslatedTheruwereexpertsinZhouperiodritualandversedinthetextsandtraditions

29

includingLunyuMengziandespeciallyXunziwhichdevotesanentirechapterto

clarifyingthedifferencebetweenthemandtruekingsForthephilosopherXunzi荀

子(XunKuang荀況313-238BC)thehegemonwasbetterthanatyrantkingbut

stillfarfromidealMengzi孟子(MengKe孟軻372-289BC)perhapsthemost

influentialruthinkerbesidesConfuciushimselfemphasizedtheirrelianceonbrute

power(力)overmoralcapacityorldquovirtuerdquo(徳)andappraisedtheminthefollowing

terms

OnewhousespowerasasubstituteforbenevolenceisaHegemonandaHegemonneedstohavealargestateOnewhousesvirtuetoeffectbenevolenceisaKingandaKingdoesnotdepend(forhissuccess)onthesizeofhisstate48以力假仁者霸霸必有大國以德行仁者王王不待大

BythetimeoftextssuchasMengziandXunzithehegemonwasan

establishedfigureofrule-by-mightandalthoughtheyarosealmosttwothousand

yearsbeforetheKamakurashogunatetheirdevelopmentduringtheZhouerais

similarenoughtothatofwarriorpowerinJapantosustainacomparisonthatisnot

onlyrhetoricallyeffectivebutlogicallycompellingaswellAsexplainedbyEdward

SlingerlandthehegemonwasapositionfirstrecognizedbytheZhoukingsin681

BCwhenDukeHuanofQiwasgiventhisappointmentinordertoleadtheChinese

defenseagainstbarbarianinvasionwhiletheyweretheoreticallyregentsofthe

Zhoumonarchthehegemonsinfactruledindependentlyandthepostitself

associatedwithConfuciusSeeMarkCsikszentmihalyiReadingsinHanChineseThought(IndianapolisHackett2006)p18448Mengzi2A3

30

representedanimportanterosionofZhouroyalauthority49AsChūganwaswell

awaresomethingquitesimilarmightbesaidabouttheshogunateaninstitution

nominallycaptainedbyamilitarydictatorbearingthetitleSei-itaishōgun征夷大将

軍ldquoGeneralissimooftheExpeditionaryForceAgainsttheBarbariansrdquoa

commissionoriginallygrantedintheNaraandearlyHeianperiodstocommanders

leadingJapaneseforcesagainstunassimilatedpeoplesinnorthernHonshuFor

ChūgantheKamakurashogunatewasnotlikeadynastythathadlostthelegitimate

righttogovernratheritwasakintothepolitiesofZhou-erahegemonsmorally

illegitimateinthiscapacityfromthebeginningMoreoveritisclearthattheterm

ldquohegemonrdquo(orldquohegemonyrdquo)asusedinthememorialwouldapplyinprincipletoany

systemofrulebyautonomouswarriorsuzerainsandthatChgūanrsquosdiscussionof

Go-Daigorsquoscentralaccomplishmentndashrevivingthekinglywayandabolishing

militaryhegemonyndashwasintendedbothasacelebrationoftheemperorrsquos

achievementsandasaprescriptionforthestateofaffairshehopedwouldobtainin

perpetuityundertheneworder

AnothernotableandinthecontextofJapanesethoughtfairlyunusual

featureofthememorialistheprominenceChūganaccordstotheWesternHan

thinkerDongZhongshu董仲舒(179-104BC)Asadvisertotheillustrious

EmperorWu武(r141-87BC)DongadvancedavisionofConfucianismthat

quicklybecameacentralpillarofHanpoliticaltheoryandstatecraftAttheheartof

hissyncreticphilosophywasanactiveHeavenwhoselawsgovernnotonlythe

naturalworldbuthumanaffairsaswellalongwithanabidingbeliefinthedynamic49EdwardSlingerlandAnalects(IndianapolisHackett2003)p239

31

interrelatednessofseeminglydisparatesocialandnaturalphenomena50Notunlike

DongChūganhopedtoshapethedecisionsofamatureandvigoroussovereignwho

waswillingtoembracecoercioninordertoremakethepoliticallandscapeTheaim

ofhismemorialtoGo-Daigowastoofferintellectualjustificationforrevolutionan

endtowhichYijingstudiesandDongrsquosperspectiveonhistoricalchangewasnicely

suitedInparticularDonghadarguedthatsovereignswhoaccededuringperiods

whentheworldiswellgoverneddonotalterthewayoftheirforebearsbutthose

whocometopowerduringtimesofdisorderdo51TheHanaccordingtoDong

ldquosucceededaftergreatdisorderrdquo(漢繼大亂之後)anditisthereforerightand

properthattheyshouldaltersomeofthenormsthathadprevailedduringtheZhou

justastheZhouadynastyalsobornofdisorderhaddoneamillenniumbefore52

AlthoughChūgandoesnotexplicitlyapplyDongrsquostheoryofhistorical

cyclicalitytoJapanitseemsclearthatinmattersofthemeanddictionhewas

stronglyinspiredbythefamoustriptychofldquoresponsesrdquo(對策)inwhichDong

50SeeMichaelLoeweDivinationMythologyandMonarchyinHanChina(NewYorkCambridgeUnivPress1994)pp134-41andldquoImperialSovereigntyDongZhongshursquosContributionandHisPredecessorsrdquoinSRSchramedFoundationsandLimitsofStatePowerinChina(LondonSchoolofOrientalandAfricanStudiesUnivofLondon1987)pp33-5751SeeGaryArbuckleldquoInevitableTreasonDongZhongshursquosTheoryofHistoricalCyclesandEarlyAttemptstoInvalidatetheHanMandaterdquoJournaloftheAmericanOrientalSociety1154(1995)pp585-9752Ibidpp591-92DongeffectivelyignorestheQinseeminglyregardingitinArbucklersquoswordsasanldquohistoricalmiscarriagerdquoThepeacefulsuccessionswerefromYaotoShunShuntoYuandYutohissonconstruedinthisschemaasthefirstformalruleroftheXiathedynastiestosucceedbyconquestweretheShangZhouandHan

32

outlinedhiscyclicaltheorytoEmperorWu53Thequestionsandresponsesare

preservedinHanshu漢書(TheHistoryoftheHan)afoundationaltextlongstudied

byJapaneseintellectualsandonetowhichChūganwouldundoubtedlyhavehad

ampleaccesslongbeforehisjourneytoChinaOtherworksbyDongZhongshualso

seemtohavebeenknowninJapansinceatleastthelateninthcenturyasonetext

attributedtohimismentionedinthebibliographicresourceNihonkokugenzaisho

mokuroku日本国見在書目録acatalogueofChinesetextsheldinJapan54Overall

howeverDongdoesnotappeartohaveenjoyedparticularprominenceinJapanese

politicalthoughtthisdespitewidespreadinterestamongJapaneseliteratiinboth

theinterpretationofomensandtheSpringandAutumnAnnalsaworkcentralto

Dongrsquosscholarshipandpolicypositions55InnoothertextofwhichIhave

knowledgedoesDongZhongshufeaturemorecentrallythanhedoesinChūganrsquos

53AnanalysisofthesetextsisgiveninMichaelLoeweDongZhongshuAlsquoConfucianrsquoHeritageandtheChunqiuFanlu(BostonBrill2011)pp83-10154Compiledca891byFujiwaranoSukeyo藤原佐世theworklists1579separateChineseworksthattotalalmost17000fasciclesCuriouslythemostfamoustracttraditionallyascribedtoDongChunqiufanlu春秋繁露(LuxuriantDewofTheSpringandAutumnAnnals)isnotamongthemtheoneworkbearinghisnameistitledChunqiuzaiyiDongZhongshuzhan春秋灾異董仲舒占whichIhavenotfoundelsewhereAtentativetranslationmightbePrognosticationsofDongZhongshuConcerningDisastersandAnomaliesAppearinginTheSpringandAutumnAnnals55InJapanTheSpringandAutumnAnnals(Chunqiu春秋)andtheZuoCommentary(Zuozhuan左傳)hadbeenaformalpartofthestateuniversitycurriculumsinceitsinceptioneachmentionedexplicitlyassuchintheRegulationsoftheYōrōEra(養老令718)Themid-ninthcenturylegaltextRyōnoshūge令集解acompilationofexpansionsandexplanatoryglossesontheYōrōregulationsnotesthattheGongyang公羊andGuliang穀梁commentarieshadalsobecomederigueurNihonkokugenzaishomokurokulistsnolessthan33separateworksonChunqiuanditscommentaries

33

memorialandinfewotherperiodsofJapanesehistorycouldhisthoughthavebeen

morereadilyapplied

WhiletheworkofDongZhongshuwasquiteclearlyknowninJapanevenif

seldomstudiedindepthWangTonghasleftalmostnotracewhatsoeverinthe

worldofJapanesekanshibunoutsideofChūganrsquoswritingWenzhongziisabsent

altogetherfromNihonkokugenzaishomokurokuandacomputersearchofthevast

bodyofofficialdocumentsandcourtierdiariesdigitizedinrecentyearsrevealsnot

asingleexplicitmentionofitexceptinChūganrsquosmemorial56Theonlyother

referencetoWenzhongziofwhichIamawareoccursinthediaryoftheinimitable

EmperorHanazono花園(1297-1348r1308-18)whoafterperusingitinthe

summerof1324assessedWangTongasbeingonparwithXunziandYangXiong57

56DongZhongshudoesnotfaredramaticallybetterinthisregardthanWangTongbuthisChunqiufanluwhilenotlistedinNihonkokugenzaishomokurokuisquotedonceinMinkeiki民経記thediaryofthehigh-rankingofficialKadenokōjiTsunemitsu勘解由小路経光(1212-74)andalsoinaspecialreport(kanjin勘申)submittedbyFujiwaranoAtsumitsu藤原敦光(1063-1144)toEmperorSutoku崇徳in1135apparentlyinresponsetothelatterrsquosquestionsregardingportentsoffamineandsicknessThisreportwasincludedinthemid-twelfthcenturyHonchōzokumonzui本朝続文粹athoroughlyannotatedversionofitmaybefoundinYamagishietaledsKodaiseijishakaishisō(TokyoIwanamishoten2001)pp169-84TheHistoriographicalInstituteattheUniversityofTokyomaintainsasearchabledatabasethatincludesthedocumentcollectionsHeianibunKamakuraibunandDaiNihonkomonjoalongwithdigitizedversionsofdozensofdiariesandrecordsfromtheNaraHeianandKamakuraperiodsSeehttpwwwaphiu-tokyoacjpshipsshipscontroller57Hanazonotennōshinki花園天皇宸記Shōchū1412SeeAndrewEGobleldquoSocialChangeKnowledgeandHistoryHanazonorsquosAdmonitionstotheCrownPrincerdquoHarvardJournalofAsiaticStudies551(1995)p103ItisofinteresttonotethatcomparisonsofWangTongwithMengziXunziandYangXiongbecamecommoninChinaduringtheNorthernSongwhenWenzhongzibegantoappearonthecivilserviceexaminationsOnthisseeWongKwok-yiuldquoBetweenPoliticsandMetaphysicsOntheChangingReceptionofWangTrsquoungintheTrsquoang-SungIntellectualTransitionsrdquoMonumentaSericavol55(2007)pp61-97

34

LikeDongZhongshuWangTongsoughttounitemultiplestrandsofclassical

ChinesethoughtunderanessentiallyConfucianphilosophicalrubricandhedrew

heavilyonZhongyong中庸(TheDoctrineoftheMean)YijingChunqiuandthework

ofDongZhongshuhimselfYetWangattemptedsomethingthataWesternHan

figurelikeDongcouldnothaveintegratingintohissystemnotonlythoseparticular

textsandmodesofdiscourseidentifiedprincipallywithConfucianismandDaoism

butalsothoseassociatedwithBuddhismWenzhongziquotesdirectlyfromthe

AvatamsakaSutra(CHuayanjingJKegonkyō華厳經)andtheverychapteron

whichChūgandrawsinhismemorialcontainsanexchangebetweenWangandone

ofhisdisciplesinwhichWangidentifiedtheBuddha佛asasage聖人58The

unificationofConfucianismDaoismandBuddhismcollectivelystyledtheldquoThree

Creedsrdquo(CSanjiaoJSankyō三教)intherealmsofaestheticsmetaphysicsethics

andstatecraftwouldbecomearecurringtropeinmedievalJapanesethoughtandit

isquitelikelythatWenzhongziwasasignalworktoayoungChūganseekinga

holisticunderstandingofthevicissitudesofhisage59

MorethanthisChūganmayhaveseenhimselfasanintellectualheirtoWang

TongandaspiredtocontinuehislegacyinJapanChgūanrsquosphilosophicalmagnum

opusaportionofwhichwillbeconsideredbelowistheaforementionedChūseishi

58SeeZhangPeiZhongshuojiaozhu(BeijingZhonghuaShuju2013)pp11and114ThecontextseemstosuggestthatthebuddhainquestionisthehistoricalBuddhabuttheidentificationmightbeinterpretedassimplybeingbetweenabuddhaandasage59NotinfrequentlyConfucianismwasreplacedinthemedievalJapaneseversionoftheldquoThreeCreedsrdquobyrecentlydevelopednotionsofShintotheformulationofwhichowedmuchtoesotericBuddhismmountainasceticism(Shugendō修験道)andoldertraditionsofkamiworshipthathadnotpreviouslybeensystematized

35

中正子whichwascomposedseveralmonthsafterGenminandthememorialtoGo-

DaigoTheworktakesitstitlefromapseudonymousfictionalcharacterwho

representsChūganrsquosownviewsindialogicexchangesNotonlyisthename

ChūseishildquoTheMasterofBalanceandRectituderdquoimmediatelysuggestiveofWang

TongrsquosposthumousmonikerWenzhongzi文中子ldquoTheMasterofCultureand

BalancerdquoChūganrsquosworkisalsostructuredinpreciselythemannerofWenzhongzi

andcoverssimilarmaterialIntheopeningchapterofChūseishitheMasterof

BalanceandRectitudeevenopinesthatWangTongwasldquoremarkablysimilarrdquoto

Confucius60ItisprobablynotunreasonabletoassumethatChūganwhowas34at

thetimeandinthebeginningofhismostcreativeandexperimentalperiodhoped

thathetoomightsomedaybeaccordedcomparableapprobation

ANoteonGenreandStyleChūganrsquosMemorialintheContextofMedieval

JapaneseKanbun

GiventhesingularcircumstancesconfrontingJapaneseelitesand

intellectualsinthe1330sitisperhapsnotsurprisingthatintermsofcontent

60王氏後夫子千載而生然甚俏焉SeeIriyaYoshitakaedldquoChūseishirdquoinIchikawaHakugenetaledsChūseiZenkenoshisō(TokyoIwanamishoten1972)pp128and172ChūganseemstohavemeantthisasagenuinecomplimentoratleastasaneutraldescriptionofWangTongrsquosapproachtoscholarshipWangTongwashoweverinfamousforhisovertemulationofConfuciusinseeminglyeveryaspectofhislifestylesomethingforwhichhewascriticizedbylaterscholarsparticularlythoseassociatedwiththeDaoxuemovementSeeHowardJWechslerldquoTheConfucianTeacherWangTrsquoung(584-617)OneThousandYearsofControversyrdquoTrsquooungPaoLXIII(1977)pp225-272andHoytClevelandTillmanUtilitarianConfucianismChrsquoenLiangrsquosChallengetoChuHsi(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1982)pp106-7

36

ChūganrsquosmemorialstandswellapartfrommostextantJapaneseexamplesofthe

genreOver40hyōbyJapaneseauthorsarepreservedintheinfluentialeleventh-

centurykanshibunanthologyHonchōmonzui本朝文粹(TheLiteraryEssenceofOur

Court)anddozensmoremaybefoundinprivatecollectionssuchasKankebunsō管

家文草 andToshibunshū whichrecordthewritingsofnotedliterati

SugawaranoMichizane菅原道真(845-903)andMiyakonoYoshika都良香(c838-

79)respectivelyAllofthesememorialsarebyaristocratsandthevastbulkare

formaldeclinations(jici辭)ofofficialappointmentsSuchdeclinationsfrequently

offeredmoreasdemonstrationsofhumilitythanasearnestrefusalsrepresenta

majortraditionalfunctionofthehyō61AlthoughMichizanedidcomposesomevery

briefhyōthataddressedissuesofgovernmentpolicyndashinoneherequeststhatan

additionalprofessorofliterature(monjōhakase文章博士)beappointedatthe

universityndashnonespeaktofundamentalpoliticalreformorbearuponthetotalityof

statesocietyandkingshipinJapanWereonetosearchfortextsbyJapanese

authorssimilarinbothintentandcontenttoChūganrsquosmemorialthelikeliest

candidateswouldnotbeHeian-erahyōbutratherworksofpoliticalcounseloffered

bycontemporariessuchasYoshidaSadafusa吉田定房(1274-1338)Amemberof

thehighnobility(kugyō公卿)Sadafusawasamongthemosteducatedmenofhis

generationandservedasroyalvizierandtutorintheChineseclassicstoEmperor

61SometimesappointeeswouldoffernotonebutthreedeclinationsfollowingtheexampleofDukeWenofJin(c771-476BC)whothricerefusedanofferofenfeoffment(册)beforeeventuallyacceptingitThispracticewasapparentlyfollowedfaithfullybysomeJapaneseofficialsasmemorialsofdeclinationlabeledldquofirstrdquoldquosecondrdquoandldquothirdrdquoarenotuncommoninHonchōmonzui

37

Go-DaigoIn1324hedraftedaten-pointldquokotogaki-stylerdquomemorial(sōjō奏狀)

analyzedindetailbelowinwhichhewarnedGo-Daigoagainstchallengingthe

bakufumilitarily62Thepieceisthoughtfulandlearnedexemplifyingwellthe

traditionofChineselearningwithinthearistocracyandillustratingtheimportance

oftheChinesehistoricallegacytopoliticalsuasioninJapanOlderanaloguesmight

alsobesoughtinkanmon(勘文)agenrewithouttheliterarypatinaofthehyōbut

usedfrequentlybyJapanesearistocratstoofferopinionsandrecommendationson

mattersofcourtpolicy

Altogetherthehyōseemstohavebeenagenrefarmorecommonly

composedbyHeian-period(794-1185)courtiersthanbymedievalliteratiand

predominantlyforpurposesotherthanremonstrationorpolicyproposalToa

muchgreaterextentthanotheresteemedChineseliteraryforms(egshi詩ron

(lun)論sho(shu)書san(zan)贊andfu賦)memorialsandperhapsthehyōmost

especiallyseemtohaveremainedinJapananichegenretiedcloselytoa

continentalcultureofofficialdomoneinwhicheducatedministerspliedtheir

serviceswithinasingularstatistauthoritystructureatwhoseapexstoodtheoffice

andpersonaoftheemperorThismodelofgovernancemetwithrespectable

successinJapanduringtheNara(710-94)andearlyHeianerasandwasinavery

62SeeKasamatsuHiroshietaledsChūseiseijishakaishisōvol2(TokyoIwanamiShoten1981)pp149-154Intheso-calledkotogaki事書きorkajōgaki箇条書きformateachentrybeginshitotsuhellipnokoto一 hellip 事ldquoItemIntheMatterofhelliprdquoorinlegalpreamblesldquoItemWhereashelliprdquoForexamplethefirstentryinSadafusarsquosmemorialopenswiththecaption一王者以仁勝暴事whichmightbereadaloudinJapaneseasHitotsuōwajinwomottebōnikatsukotoldquoItemThataKingOvercomesViolencewithBenevolencerdquoNotallJapanesememorialsbearingthesōzhuangdesignationarestructuredlikethis

38

basicsensethemodeltowhichChūganandGo-DaigoweremostattractedButby

thetimeChūganwaswritingsuchapolityhadlongsincebeentransformedbyboth

auniquelyJapaneseapparatusofstatistauthorityndashthebakufu幕府orldquoshogunaterdquo

ndashandnumeroussourcesofmorelocalizedldquolordlyrdquoauthoritysuchaswealthy

familiesandreligiousinstitutions63DuringtheMuromachiperiod(1338-1573)

eventheshogunatecouldmakenopretensetoanythingresemblingabsolute

nationalsuzeraintyandfunctionedinsteadasaninterdependentpart(albeitavery

powerfulone)inwhathasbeentermedaldquosystemoflordlycorporationsrdquo64Thisis

nottosaythateducatedaristocraticministersceaseddischargingthefunctionsof

theirHeianpredecessorstheycertainlydidnotButthecourtwasnolongeratthe

centeroftextualproductionanditsrelativeretreatfromleadershipinthisarea

roughlytracksthetrajectoryofitsfortunesasaninstitutionwhichexceptingthe

briefrevivalincourtauthoritybetween1321and1336declinedmarkedlyoverthe

courseoftheKamakuraperiodandfellstillfurtherinthecenturiesthatfollowed65

ThroughouttheMuromachiperiodhighlytrainedBuddhistscholar-priests

grewnotonlytooutnumberaristocraticministersandmembersofthehereditary

hakase博士scholarfamiliesbutalsotooutpacethemintheproductionofpoetry

63UseofthetermslordlyandstatistfollowMaryElizabethBerryTheCultureofCivilWarinKyoto(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1994)64Ibidpxxvii65SeeGCameronHurstIIIldquoTheKōbuPolityCourt-BakufuRelationsinKamakuraJapanrdquoinJefferyPMassedCourtandBakufuinJapanEssaysinKamakuraHistory(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1982)pp3-28GermanetoGo-DaigorsquospoliticalorientationwastheKamakurashogunatersquosroleineffectivelysplittingtheimperialfamilyintotworivallineseachdependingforincomeontheirowndiminishedportfoliosofestates

39

andexpositoryproseinChinese66WorkintheseareasbyfigureslikeChūgan

ZekkaiChūshinMusōSosekiGidōShūshin義堂周信(1325-88)Hanazonoand

manyothersreachedheightsofartistryandintellectualsophisticationunexcelledby

eventhegreatestofHeianliteratiOnamoremundanelevelkanbunremainedthe

mediumofchoiceinawidevarietyofpracticalcontextsandthecharacteristic

socialtrendsoftheagemostnotablythedecentralizationofauthorityand

expansionofthecommercialeconomymotivatedanimpressiveefflorescenceof

familyprecepts(kakun家訓)privatestatutorycodesforthemanagementoffamily

properties(egthemasterfulMunakatakotogakijōjō宗像事書条々of1312)along

withagalaxyoflegalrecordscontractsbillsofsaleandotherdocumenttypesseen

eitherlessfrequentlyornotatallinearlierepochs

Moreoverinasmuchastheliterarykanshibuntraditionduringthemedieval

erawasshapedlessbyaristocratsthanbymembersoftheclergysomeofwhom

hadspentextendedperiodsoftimeinChinaandwereproficientinbothldquoclassicalrdquo

ChineseandtheSongvernacularthereisprobablymorestylisticdiversityin

literarykanshibunofthistimethaninthatoftheHeianperiodTheprosestyleof

Chūganrsquosmemorialnolessthanitsboldsubjectmatterdistinguishesitfromits

HeianpredecessorsAsalreadynotedChūganpreferredtowriteinadirectguwen-

inspiredstylealthoughsomeofMichizanersquoshyōarerelativelystraightforwardthey

allfarbrieferthanChūganrsquosandtheexamplesofthegenreinHonchōmonzuitend

toexemplifythehighlywroughtpianwenstyleofparallelproseBycontrast

66KurozumiMakotoDavidLurietransldquoKangakuWritingandInstitutionalAuthorityrdquoinHaruoShiraneedInventingtheClassicsModernityNationalIdentityandJapaneseLiterature(StanfordStanfordUnivPress2000)p210

40

Chūganrsquosmemorialisnotonlydirectbutseemsalmostcolloquialinplacesasinthe

portioncitedabovewherehetellsGo-Daigothatrestoringthekinglywayinthisera

would(ordid)constituteaparticularlygrandachievementInthisexamplethe

phraseldquoespeciallyinthistimerdquo固在斯時isinsertedintotherhetoricalquestionina

waythatsuggeststheurgencyofaspokenutterance

陛下除覇興王不乃萬世鴻業之始固在斯時乎舊法之弊可不革耶 IfyourmajestyabolishesmilitaryhegemonyandrevivesthewayofthekingwouldthisnotbethebeginningofanachievementndashhereinourtimendashthatwouldringoutforathousandgenerationsHowcanweaffordnottoreformthebanefulscourgeofouroutmodedways67

TodayChūganrsquosmemorialstandsasasingularexampleofpolitical

argumentationinmedievalJapanandtestifiesimplicitlytotheopportunitiesfor

bothsocialadvancementandideologicalexperimentationpresentedbyGo-Daigorsquos

ambitionsArtisticallyitillustratestheconventionsofagenrethatwaspracticed

almostexclusivelybymembersofthearistocracyandwhichseemstohavebecome

lesscommoninthemedievalerathanithadbeeninHeiantimeswhentheimperial

courtwasatitsculturalapogeeWhileupholdingcertainconventionscommonto

67ReadaccordingtoJapanesekundokuconventionsthephrase固在斯時isseeminglyquitesimple(makotonikonotokiniari)butinreadingtheentirelocutionthesituationiscomplicatedbytheneedtoadjusttheconjugationof在(ari)whenrenderingthenegativestructure不乃hellip乎whichwouldresultinsomethinglikeHeikahaonozokiōookosuwasunawachibanseikōgyōnohajimemakotonikonotokiniarankaJapanesereadersuntrainedinldquoChineserdquoassuchreliedlargelyuponkundokurulestoconstruekanbuntextsdespitetheoftenstiltedqualityofsuchrenderingsmostwereaurallycomprehensibletothosefamiliarwiththeconventionsForanextendedinvestigationofkundokuandrelatedmattersseetheappendixattheendofthisstudy

41

earlierJapanesememorialsitalsodemonstrateseconomyofdictionandclarityof

expressionstylisticsensibilitiesthatareperhapsbettersuitedtoprovidingactual

policyadvicethantheellipticalflourishesfrequentlyfoundinHeian-eraparallel

proseSignificantlynosimilarmemorialsbyotherJapanesefiguresintheGozan

milieusurviveTherenownedChineseeacutemigreacutemonkMingjiChujun(MinkiSoshun

明極楚俊1262-1336)didofferacongratulatoryhyōtoGo-Daigouponhisre-

acquisitionofpowerin1333butthiswasacelebratorypiecenotintendedto

advanceaprogramofreform68ThatChūganwasseeminglytheonlyGozanfigure

tohavecomposedsuchalengthyandideologicallyinsistentmemorialspeaksto

bothhisownpoliticalconvictionsunusuallystrongbythestandardsofhiseraand

totheuniquecircumstancesofthe1330sYetwhileChūganrsquosmemorialundeniably

evincestheidiosyncrasiesofbothitsauthoranditshistoricalmomentidiosyncrasy

isonlylegibleinreferencetowhatiscustomaryWhateverpowersofperlocution

thememorialmightbeseentopossessariseprincipallyfromcitationsand

rhetoricalconventionsthatsituateitsquarelywithinanesteemedgenericlineage

embracingcountlesstextsofsimilarimportwrittenbyprincipledcouncilorsboth

ChineseandJapaneseinagespast

68SeeSunRongchengldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquo(PhDDissBeijingForeignStudiesUniversity2012)p98ThisisnottosaythatMingjihadnopoliticalagendaitisknownthathegavelectureswhichGo-Daigoattendedinwhichheadvocatedformilitarypreparedness(ifnotmilitancy)amongtheBuddhistmonasticcommunityAsSunnotesGo-DaigomayhavewelcomedthematerialsupportthatarmedmonksfriendlytohiscausecouldprovidebuttheideadoesrepresentanideologicaldifferencebetweenMingjiandChūganwhoopposedsoldieryamongmonks

42

ViolenceVirtueandRoyalLegitimacyTheMemorialofYoshidaSadafusa

AnillustrativecomplementtothesuasivestrategiesemployedinChūganrsquos

hyōwhichprovidedrealadviceonmattersofpolicybutwasnotremonstrativeor

criticalofGo-Daigoisprovidedbytheaforementionedmemorial(sōjō)ofYoshida

SadafusaWrittenin1324inoppositiontoGo-Daigorsquosplantomovemilitarily

againsttheshogunatethistextsoughtnottoflattertheemperorrsquoshistorical

positionbuttorelativizeitTraditionallythesō(奏Czou)wasanadmonitory

genrethatwasemployedoccasionallybyNaraandHeian-periodofficialsbutfor

purposestypicallyunrelatedtoremonstrationItshistoryinChinareachesbackat

leastamillenniumbeforeitsappearanceinJapanaccordingtoLiuXieldquothezoursquos

functioninaccusationandimpeachmentistoclarifythelawandridthestateof

evilhellipsinceitisitspurposetoexposeevilanimpeachmentmemorialcannothelp

butbesevereandharshrdquo(若乃按劾之奏所以明憲清國 hellip 術在糾惡勢必深

峭)69

TheevilsthatSadafusawishedtoexposewereprincipallythosethatresult

frommisguidedmilitaryadventuresHisviewsonJapanesekingshipandthe

responsibilitiesofsovereigntywereheavilyinfluencedbytheChinesephilosophical

andhistoriographicaltraditionwhichtohimofferedbothhistoricaldataand

69SeeVincentYu-chungShihTheLiteraryMindandtheCarvingofDragonsAStudyofThoughtandPatterninChineseLiterature(HongKongTheChineseUniversityPress1983)pp256-57ItisworthnotingherethatgenericterminologyisnotalwaysappliedrigidlyandshouldnotbetakenasdeterminativeofcontentinHeianJapanworksdesignatedsōjōareapttobeelegantlywordedpetitionsforcourtpromotionnotstridentmemorialsofimpeachmentInthisregardSadafusarsquossōjōissomewhatuniqueandcloserinspirittoLiuXiersquosnotionofthezou

43

philosophicalfirstprinciplesthatwereapplicabletocontemporaryJapanTwo

worksinparticularMengziandShijiloomespeciallylargeThisofcourseis

somethinghehasincommonwithChūganAltogetherhismemorialoffersa

valuableglimpseintopoliticalsuasionwithintheroyalcircleandillustrateshowat

leastoneeducatedministerunderstoodboththestrategicandtheethical

implicationsofmakingwarwiththeshogunate70

ThoughitwouldseemthatdisagreementspersistregardingYourMajestyrsquos

intentiontofoundanewstateIsubmitthatthewillofHeavenremainsunknownand

themostopportunemomentforactionisimpossibletoascertainRetracingthehistory

ofbothChinaandJapanIshallanswerYourMajestyrsquosrequestforcounselwithmyown

humbleobservationsThereislittletogainandmuchtoloseandsoIventureto

presentmyearnestsuggestionsdaringtoincurtherefromthefullmeasureofYour

Majestyrsquosdispleasure

国家草創事叡念雖似有議天命未知時機難測和漢両朝先蹤今就 勅命粗愚管小益多損試献数箇之鯁議敢犯十分之逆鱗矣1 ThataKingOvercomesViolencewithHumanity

70ThetranslationthatfollowsisbaseduponthetextinKasamatsuetaledsChūseiseijishakaishisōpt2(Nihonshisōtaikei22TokyoIwanamiShoten1981)pp148-54KasamatsuandSatōShinrsquoichihaveprovidedhelpfulannotationswhichhavebeenreproducedhereadditionalnoteshavebeenappendedtotermsorpassagesthatpresentparticularinterpretivechallengesThetextisalsoincludedinZokugunshoruijū(seeldquoJōshūbōzōnikki淨修坊雜日記rdquoZGSRJ92531pt2)butnoauthorisspecifiedItwasnotuntil1940thatscholarsMatsumotoShūji松本周二andMurataMasashi村田正志identifiedtheworkasSadafusarsquosaconclusionthatremainswidelyacceptedtodayOnthisseeSatōShinrsquoichirsquosexplanatoryintroductiontotheworkinCSSSpt2391-92

44

Inthewayoftheaccomplishedperson(shijin至人)itishumanity(jin仁)thatcomes

firstInmanifestinghumanityconcretelythemostfundamentalthingistonotkillThis

iswhatismeantinMengzibythenotionthattherealmmaybepacifiedbybeing

unified71ThefirstemperorofQinmobilizedallthepeoplewithinhisbordersandset

themupontheSixKingdomsTakingadvantageoftheunrestinShandonghewas

ultimatelyabletoconsumethewholeofChinaAndyethisregimeperishedintwo

generationsCaoCaoofWeiSimaYiofJinLiuYuofLiuSongXiaoDaochengof

SouthernQiXiaoYanofLiangYangJianofSuindashallofthesemenfoundeddynastiesbut

theirdescendantswouldnotbeperformingtheancestralsacrificesforlongThisis

becausetheyreliedonforceofarmstosolidifytheirpositionandmadetyrannyand

violencetheirfoundationGaozuofHanGuangwuofLatterHanandTaizongofTang

allfollowedthewayoftheFormerKingsandpossessedheartsofhumanityandloveAs

thestatestheyestablishedeachenduredforcenturiescantherebeanydoubtthat

Menciuswasright

一王者以仁勝暴事 至人之道只仁為先仁之為躰不殺為基孟子所謂天下定于一是也秦始皇駈境内之民当六国之役乗于山東之擾乱暫雖呑海内二世兮滅魏曹操晉司馬懿宋劉裕齊蕭道成梁蕭衍隨楊堅皆雖為草創之主子孫永不血食是皆以兵革為固以暴虐為基之故也漢高祖後漢光武唐太宗皆遵先王之道抱仁愛之心社稷各數百年孟子之言豈徒然乎

ThisfirstarticleimplicitlypresentsGo-Daigowithachoicebeamartialruler

whosesuccesswillbeshortlivedorbeavirtuousrulerwhosepolitywillendurefor

71ThereferenceistoMengzi1A7ldquoMengzihadanaudiencewithKingXiangofLiangWhenMengzilefthesaidtosomeotherslsquoWhenIlookedupathimhedidnotseemlikearulerofpeopleWhenIapproachedhimIdidnotseeanythingawe-inspiringinhimHesimplyblurtedoutlsquoHowcantheworldbepacifiedrsquoIrespondedlsquoItcanbepacifiedbybeingunifiedrsquoThekingaskedlsquoWhocanunifyitrsquoIrepliedlsquoOnewhodoesnothaveatasteforkillingpeoplecanunifyithelliprsquordquoSeeVanNordenMengziWithSelectionsfromTraditionalCommentariesp7

45

generationsNoteworthyistheprideofplacegiventoMenciusathinkerwhois

typicallyassociatedwiththeviewthatpoliticallegitimacyiscontingentuponthe

moralfitnessoftherulerthatSadafusaforegroundsMenciusinthefirstarticleof

hismemorialimpliesunmistakablythatheseesGo-Daigorsquosruleandprobably

Japanesekingshipingeneralassubjecttothesameforcesthatbearuponkingship

elsewhereEventheMengzientryhecitespresentsarulerthatwhilenottyrannical

isnotparticularlyprescienteitherSadafusaiscertainlyromanticizingthelegacies

ofHanGaozuHanGuangwuandTangTaizongbutsuchwasstandardpracticein

tractsofpoliticalsuasion

2 ThattheManpowerofthePopulaceMustNotbeWastedTheQinemperorbuiltlavishlyonMountLiandtheSuiemperordebauchedin

Jiangdu72Thesealoneexemplifyarroganceanddissolutionhowmuchmoredotheir

militaryadventures

一不費民力役事 秦皇營驪山之侈隨帝專江都之遊尚是驕逸之甚也何況於軍旅之事乎

3 ThatUndertakingsWhichImperilPeoplersquosLivesMustBeTreatedSolemnly

72ThereferencesaretotheenormousmausoleumQinShihuanghadconstructedforhimselffamoustodayforthe1974discoveryofanarmyofterracottastatuesinterredonitsgroundsandtoaluxuriousdetachedpalacebuiltatYangzhoubyEmperorYangofSui

46

Akingisthemotherandfatheroftheentirepopulacehemakesthewholeoftherealm

hishouseandthepeoplehischildrenHowcouldalovingfatherpossiblywishtosend

hisowninnocentprogenytodieuponthetipsofspearsHowmanypeoplewillbesent

totheirdeathsbeforeorderisreturnedtotherealmOhhowIgrievetothinkofit

一重人死命事 王者萬民之父母也以天下為家以民庶為子使無罪之子孫死鋒鏑之下豈慈父之意乎天下草昧之間萬民役死幾多乎嗟呼哀哉

IntheseshortarticlesSadafusacitestwowell-knownexamplesofwasteand

immoralityinordertomakethepointthateventhesebadactspaleincomparison

tomisguidedmilitaryventuresHethenoffersanemotionallychargedexhortation

thataltogetherbypassestheldquostrategicrdquoquestionofwhetherornotwaragainst

Kamakuramightactuallysucceedandinsteadpointstothehumancostofwaging

suchawar

4 ThatldquoHeavenlyomensarenotasgoodasadvantagesofterrainandadvantagesofterrainarenotasgoodasharmonywiththepeoplerdquo73ThesearewordsthatMenciuswroteInrecenttimestheorderoftherealmissuch

thatofahundredpartsninetyarecontrolledbywarriorhouses(武家)Intermsof

martialcouragethepeopleinourShandongareeachworthathousandmenhow

couldthedelicatebabiesoftheKinaibepittedagainstthosemightyKanto

barbarians74Theutterimpossibilityofthisneedsnofurthercomment

73Mengzi2B1TranslationgiveninVanNordenMengziWithSelectionsfromTraditionalCommentariesp5074ldquoOurShandongrdquoisasomewhatspeculativetranslationbasedontheassumptionthatSadafusaisusingShandong(ldquoEastoftheMountainsrdquo山東)whichbecametheterritorialbaseoftheQinempirefollowingitsconquestofQiasananaloguefor

47

一天時不如地利々々不如人和事 孟子書有此言矣頃年天下之躰百分兮九十者武家之有也戰士勇山東之民一兮當千豈以皇畿近州之嬰兒對東關蛮夷之勇健乎此事之不可亦叵言矣

5 ConcerningtheYellowEmperorrsquosPunitiveExpeditionChiyouwouldnotobeyimperialcommandssotheYellowEmperormountedan

expeditionagainsthim75TodaycanthewarriorsoftheKantobecountedonnotto

contraveneHeavenlyprinciple(Noofcoursenot)Thisisthefirstreasonforthe

impossibility(ofmountingasimilarexpeditionagainsttheKamakuraBakufu)

一皇帝征伐事 蚩尤不用帝命故征伐之今時關東之武士無逆天理之志歟其不可一也

InthisarticleandinthethreethatfollowSadafusaappealstoexamples

fromChinesehistorytocharacterizeGo-DaigorsquostenuouspositionHedoessorather

terselypresumablybecausehismessageisentirelycleartoGo-DaigoTheissuein

ArticleFiveseemstobethatwhiletheYellowEmperorneededtoenlisttheaidof

theldquofeudallordsrdquo(諸侯)ndashandsuccessfullydidsondashinordertoeffecthissubjugation

ofChiyouGo-Daigocouldnotcountonreceivingsimilarsupportfromeastern

easternJapanwhichbySadafusarsquostimewasalreadylongrenownedforthestrengthofitsfightingmen75Chiyou蚩尤ldquoTheWounderrdquowasapowerfullocalleaderwhowouldnotsubmittothenascentpoliticalorderledbytheYellowEmperorSadafusaislikelydrawingupontheinformationatthebeginningoftheFiveEmperors(五帝紀)sectionofShiji

ldquoChiyoufomentedrebellionandwouldnotobeyimperialcommandsThustheYellowEmperorproceededtocalluptroopsfromamongthefeudallordsanddidbattlewithChiyouinthewildsofZhulueventuallycapturingandkillinghimrdquo(Shiji13)

48

warriorswerehetochallengeKamakuraThatiseventhoughthereexistinthe

historicalrecordexamplesofsuccessful(andmorallyjustifiable)actsofmilitary

conquestpresentcircumstanceswillnotpermitGo-Daigotoenjoysimilarresults

6 ConcerningShunrsquosPacificationofTheSanMiaoTheMiaopeopleswouldnotsubmitandsoShunconqueredthemHoweverhis

conquestwasunsuccessfulHenceheputintoeffectthePlanofYufosteringculture

andvirtueandtherebygettingtheMiaotoyieldthisiswhatldquodancingunderfeathered

bannersonthepalacestepsrdquorefersto76Thisisthesecondreasonfortheimpossibility

(ofchallengingtheBakufu)

一舜服其三苗事 苗民不服故舜征之而無成功遂用禹之謀修文德服苗民舞于羽於兩階是也其不可二也

7 ConcerningChengDeposingJieDragonsdescendedintotheXiacourtandghostsweptonthefrontier77(Jie)

imprisonedTangatXiataiand(Tang)drovethepeopleawayfromvice78ChengTang

76ldquoTheemperorthenspreadwidecultureandvirtueandtheydancedunderfeatheredbannersonthepalacestepsrdquo帝乃誕敷文德舞于羽于兩階 (ShujingldquoDaYuMordquo大禹謨)Thetermsldquoculturerdquo文andldquovirtuerdquo德arevastlymorecomplexthaneitherofthesetranslationsconveyforpresentpurposesitisnotunreasonabletothinkof文德asacompoundusedbySadafusatomeansomethinglikeldquocivilvirtuerdquoiethesortofvirtueassociatedwithgovernancethroughmoralprobitynotthroughforceInasectionofChūseishitobeconsideredinthenextchapterChūgansets文德explicitlyoppositeofldquomilitarystrategyrdquo武略withtheformerconstitutingaguidingprincipleofgoodgovernmentandthelatteramereexpedient77ThisarticledrawsuponShijiandpossiblyShujing書經andwhileitsgeneralthrustisclearsomelinesaredifficulttoparseThefirstclauseintheopeninglinereferstotheappearanceofamaleandfemaledragonduringthetimeofEmperorKongjiaadissoluteandincompetentsovereignwhosereignasdescribedinShiji

49

receivedtheMandatefromHeavenandbanishedJietoMingtiaoandinthiswaywas

abletobuttresshisvirtue79AtpresentsignsportendingtheKantōrsquosfallhaveyetto

appearandwehaveyettohearofwidespreadanxietyandsufferingamongthe

populaceHowcouldYourMajestyrsquosdelicatesubjectsbemadereadytostrikeata

powerstillfavoredbyfortuneThisisthethirdreason(thatchallengingtheshogunate

isimpossible)

一湯取桀事

marksthebeginningoftheendfortheXiaDynastyKongjiareportedlyldquodelightedinfollowingghostsandspiritsandengaginginlicentiousanddisorderlyactionsrdquo(好方鬼神事淫亂)hewasunabletocareforthedragonsandlostthesupportoftheHuanlong豢龍(ldquoDragonRaisingrdquo)ClanSeeWilliamHNienhauserJretaledsTheGrandScribersquosRecordsvol1(BloomingtonIndianaUnivPress1994)p37UnfortunatelyIhavenotbeenabletolocatethereferenceforSadafusarsquosmentionofghostsweepingonthefrontierandSatoandKasamatsuoffernoexplanatorygloss78囚湯於夏臺驅民於無罪AlthoughparallelismwouldseemtosuggestthattheimpliedsubjectofthesecondsentenceisalsoJiesuchaninterpretationisdifficulttojustifyonhistoricalgroundsThoughthespecificlocution驅民於無罪seemstobeuniquetothismemorialSadafusawasprobablyrememberingtheldquoDeclarationofTangrdquo(湯誓)aspeechinShujingwhosecontentissummarizedintheShijisectionuponwhichhedrawsinthisandthefollowingarticleTangaccusesJieofhavingcommittedmanycrimesandtriestopersuadeaskepticalpeoplethathisoverthrowoftheXiaisthusjustifiableSadafusarsquosclaimthatthepeoplewereldquodrivenrdquotoastateofldquoinnocencerdquoisprobablybestunderstoodtomeanthattheywereimpelledtosupportTanginhisquestforaneworderThephrase無罪mightplausiblybeconstruedasmeaningtheonewhoiswithoutoffenseieTangThisdoesallowasomewhatstrongercasetobemadefortakingJieastheimpliedsubjectwhothroughhistyranny(inadvertently)ldquodroverdquothepeopletowardTang79成湯受命於天放桀於鳴條而有輔德SatoandKasamatsuconstrue而ascontrastiveandthusreadthephrase而有輔德asmeaningsomethinglikeldquobuthepossessedbuttressingvirtuerdquo(theirkundokuglossreadsしかるに輔德あり)Byitselfthephrase有輔德couldmeanldquotohavethemeansofbuttressingonersquosvirtuerdquoorldquotohavethatwhichbuttressesonersquosvirtuerdquo(ineithercaseanabbreviationof有所輔德)orldquotohavelsquobuttressingvirtuersquordquotaking輔德asacompoundobjectof有SatoandKasamatsursquosrenditionactuallymakesSadafusarsquosrebukeofGo-DaigoevensharperunlikeTangwhohadthemandatefromHeavenandthesupportofthepeopleGo-Daigopossessesnocomparableldquobuttressingvirtuerdquoforhiscause

50

龍降于夏庭鬼泣于國境囚湯於夏台駈民於無罪成湯受命於天放桀於鳴条而有輔德今時關東之妖孼未見萬民之愁苦未聞豈以微弱之王民伺天縱之武運哉其不可三也 8 ConcerningKingWuDeposingZhow80HemadetheMarquisofJiuintodriedstripsofmeatandtheMarquisofEinto

mincemeathedebauchedinapoolfilledwithwineandhungmeatinsuchabundanceit

resembledtreesinaforestHewasespeciallypreferentialtowardshisconsortDaJiand

enjoyedlongnightsofmusicandmerrimentHeinstitutedcruelpenallawsincluding

immolationinthefirepit(paoluohōraku )81ButtherewasKingWenaleader

whohadreceivedtheMandateandwhohadpentuphisgrievanceswhileinternedat

Youli82NextcamethesagaciousrulerKingWuwhosworehisoathofcommandat

80FollowingconventionthenameofthelasttyrantkingoftheShangDynastyZhou紂willberomanizedwithalsquowrsquoinsteadoftheotherwiseexpectedlsquoursquotodistinguishitfromZhou周81AbronzepillarwaslaidacrossafirepitandthecondemnedweremadetowalkacrossituntiltheyfellintothefireSeeTheGrandScribersquosRecordsvol1p50n111TheactsSadafusamentionsaredescribedinShiji3105-106百姓怨望而諸侯有畔者於是紂乃重刑辟有炮格之法hellip九侯有好女入之紂九侯女不喜淫肘怒殺之而醢九侯鄂侯爭之彊辨之疾并脯鄂侯ldquoThefamiliesofthehundredcognomenswerefilledwithresentmentandhatredandamongthefeudallordstherewerethosewhowereagainsthimZhowthenincreasedtheseverityofhispunishmentsandhadamethodofroastingpeopleonarackhellipTheMarquisofJiuhadafitdaughterwhoheputinZhowrsquosserviceTheMarquisofJiursquosdaughterwasnotinterestedindebaucheryZhowbecameangryandkilledherHemadetheMarquisofJiuintomincemeatTheMarquisofEremonstratedstronglyandarguedforcefullysoZhowalsohadhimmadeintodriedmeatstripsrdquo(TheGrandScribersquosRecordsvol1p50)82FearingthesupportKingWenwasreceivingfromthefeudallordsZhowimprisonedhiminanareacalledYoulilocatedinmodernHenanInanattempttosecuretheirmasterrsquosfreedomKingWenrsquosvassalscollectedvarioustreasures(andattractivewomen)topresenttoZhowwhowassoimpressedwiththegiftsthathepardonedWenKingWenthenknownsimplyasLordoftheWest西伯becameoneofthemostrespectedleadersofhisdayandevenconvincedZhowtoabolishimmolationIntimemostoftheotherfeudallordsswitchedtheirallegiancefromZhowtoWenwhosesonKingWu武woulddealthefinalblowtoZhowandbring

51

Mengjin83ButinourpresentMandate-alteringyearnosignsportendingtheKantorsquos

demisehaveappearedafactwhichIhavealreadystatedabove84Thisisthefourth

reason(thattheshogunateshouldnotbechallenged)85

一武王放肘事 脯九侯醢鄂侯瀝酒池掛肉林嬖愛妲己成長夜之樂以苛酷之刑法修炮烙之命爰有文王受命之君績憂於牖里繼以武王聖明之主發蹤於孟津革命之今時關東無妖其議聞上其不可四也 9 ConcerningtheHistoricalVicissitudesofOurImperialCourtInChinathefortunesofthethronehavetimeandagainbeensubjecttodeclineand

resurgenceThisislikelyduesimplytothefactthatdifferentfamilieskeepappearing

(toclaimpower)Inourcountrykings(setsuri刹利)comefromjustonelineasaresult

eventhoughthethronemaygrowweakerwitheachpassingdaynoresurgencecanbe

expectedThisissomethingthatYourMajestymustsurelyperceive86Particularlyafter

theHōgenera(1156-58)theMinamotoandTairafamilieseachmonopolizedpowerand

theauthorityofthethronegraduallydeclinedDuringtheGenryakuerathecaptainof

theRightPalaceGuardsLordYoritomopacifiedtherealmandswallowedupterritories

theShangDynastytoanendKingWenisthusoftenconsideredthehonoraryfounderofthesucceedingZhou周Dynasty83發蹤於孟津Mengjin盟津(alt孟津)waswhereKingWugatheredanarmyproclaimedhimselfheirtoWenandmadeaspeechbeforetheassembledlords84革命之今時關東無妖其儀聞上ThenotionofaldquoMandate-alteringrdquoyearreferstothekōshiorkinoe-ne甲子yearthefirstinthesexagenarycyclewhichinthiscasecorrespondstothefirstyearofShōchūor132485AfterproclaiminghimselfheirandannouncinghiswillingnesstodeposeZhowtheassembledlordsallsaidldquoZhowcanbechastisedrdquoButWustillrefusedtolaunchhiscampaignwaitingtwomoreyearstodosobywhichtimeZhowrsquosrulehadbecomeevenworseSadafusarsquospointseemstobethatevenKingWuwaitedfortheopportunitytostrikeattackingZhowonlywhenvictorywascertain86是聖徳之所觀見也Here聖徳meanssomethinglikeldquosagely(intellectual)capacityrdquosimilarinusageandmeaningto叡念whichSadafusauseselsewhereInessenceheissayingldquoyourownintelligenceshouldtellyouthataresurgenceofimperialpowerisunrealisticrdquo

52

largeandsmallAftertheShōkyūera(1219-21)LordYoshitokitooksolecontrolofthe

reinsofgovernment

Theabilitytoremoveasovereign(三通)orhisheir(儲貳)andtodemoteor

promotegrandministers(高槐)andsupremegenerals(大樹)areallthingsthatarise

frommilitarypowerAtpresentifYourMajestyrsquosambitionsarenotinaccordancewith

thepatternofthetimescantherebeanydoubtofaswiftandresoundingdefeatThe

imperiallinewillbenearlywipedoutTheverysafetyofthecourtitselfisnowatstake

howcanYourMajestynotreflectonthis

一本朝時運興衰事 異朝紹運之躰頗多中興蓋是異姓更出故而已本朝刹利天祚一種故陵遲日甚中興無期是聖德之所觀見也就中保元之後源平遞專國權皇威漸損元曆年中右大將賴朝卿平定天下并吞國邦承久之後義時朝臣專持國柄通三儲貳之廢立高槐大樹之黜陟事皆出自武威今時草創之 叡念若不叶時機者怱有敗北之憂歟天嗣殆盡此乎本朝安否在于此時豈不迴 聖慮哉

DepartingfromthethrustofpreviousarticlesSadafusamakesnoappeal

heretoConfucianmoralityortofamousrulersofChineseantiquityAmongthe

notablefeaturesofthisarticleisitsunusualnomenclatureofkingshipSadafusa

firstusesthesomewhatunusualwordsetsuriatermthatrefersspecificallytothe

KshatriyacastefromwhichIndianmonarchsaredrawntodescribeJapaneserulers

InasmuchasJapaneselexicalitemsofIndicorigintendtocarryBuddhistovertones

thetermmaybeseentoinscribeJapanesekingshipwithinapoliticalcosmology

differentfromthatwhichunderpinsdomesticnotionsofimperialdivinitySetsuriis

followedbyanothercomparativelyexoticwordofsimilarimporttsūsan通三(C

tongsan)whichoccursinHanshuItrefersliterallytothethreefundamental

activitiesofsoundrulendashselectingmenoftalentharmonizingwiththewillofthe

53

peopleandadaptingtotheexigenciesofthetimesbyakindofmetonymic

extensionitalsodenotesthesovereignhimselfAgaintheimplicationseemstobe

thatGo-DaigoinparticularandJapanesesovereignsmoregenerallyoccupyafully

historical(andhistoricizable)realminwhichgoodjudgmentanddecisionmaking

matter

10 ThattheHolyFortunesofRetiredSovereignsandthePowerofWarriorHousesMustEachRuntheirCourseAfterEmperorKōninassumedpowertheroyallinewasagainunified87Andalthough

EmperorHeizeiEmperorSagaandEmperorJunnawerebrothersruleoftherealm

eventuallyreturnedtothedescendantsofEmperorNinmeiThesonsoftheTenryaku

Emperor(EmperorMurakami)ReizeiandEnrsquoyūeachpracticedabdicationinfavorofa

non-linealdescendantbutintimetherealmreturnedonceagaintoEnrsquoyūrsquosline88From

thenuntilnowroyallinesspawnedfrombrothershaveoccasionallyemergedbut

ultimatelyeverythinghasstayedwithinthesamefamily89Thisischaracteristicofthe

87AfterthedeathofEmperorTenchi(r668-72)asuccessiondisputearoseinvolvinghissonPrinceŌtomoandhisyoungerbrotherPrinceŌamaPrinceŌamawasvictoriousandtookthethroneasEmperorTenmu(r673-86)severalofthesovereignswhoreignedduringtheeighthcenturywerehislinealdescendantsEmperorKōnin(r770-81)wasagrandsonofTenchiandallthesovereignswhofollowedhimwerehis(andhenceTenchirsquos)linealdescendantsTraditionalcommentatorsincludingKitabatakeChikafusahaveseenKōninrsquosascensionasareturntothecorrectlineofsuccession88ldquoAbdicationinfavorofanon-linealdescendantrdquorendersyūjō揖譲HereSadafusahighlightsthefactthatReizeiabdicatedinfavorofhisbrotherEnrsquoyūwhointurnabdicatedinfavorofhisnephewKazanYūjōiscloseinmeaningtozenjō禅譲aconceptinearlyChinesepoliticalthoughtdescribingatransferofruleinwhichthekingyieldsthethronevoluntarilytothemostvirtuouspersonintherealm 89或舅姨或兄弟之皇統時々雖出始終遂入于一家HereSadafusamentionsnotonlyroyallinesissuingfrombrothers( )butfromaffinalrelatives(kyūi )aswellThebasicsenseof iseitheramaternaluncleoronersquoswifersquosbrother indicateseitheramaternalauntoronersquoswifersquossisterandthecompound referstounclesandauntsonthemotherrsquossideSatoandKasamatsuoffernoglossonthisbutiftakenliterallyaroyallineissuingfromaffinalrelativeswouldseemtoimplya

54

JapanesecourtaloneAsregardstheaugustlineageestablishedbytheKangenEmperor

(Go-Saga)itwashisdecisiontoestablish(thelineof)EmperorKameyamaasthe

orthodoxlinethisissomethingunderstoodthroughouttherealm90EvenifEmperor

Go-Fukakusarsquoslineshouldunexpectedlyholdswayforthreeorfourreignsintheend

rulewillreturnassuredlytoYourMajestyrsquosimperialline91Thisisnodoubtbecausethe

EarthcannothavetwosovereignsanymorethanHeavencanhavetwosuns92

violationoftheprincipleofpatrilinealdescentThecomplexityofroyalfiliationandgeneralacceptanceofendogamywithintheextendedroyalfamilymakesmanythingspossiblebutatpresentitisuncleartomewhichsovereignsSadafusamighthaveinmindorifthenotionofaldquoroyallineagerdquo皇統issuingfromldquoaffinalrelativesrdquo(assumingthisiswhatismeantby舅姨)iseventenableandIhavethusavoidedthematterinthetranslationpendingmoreinformation90KameyamaandGo-FukakusawerescionsofGo-SagaandfullbrothersChikafusatooreportsthatGo-SagaintendedtohaveKameyamarsquoslineinheritthethrone91後深草院不慮雖及三四代始終定歸當代之皇胤歟Rhetoricalquestionsarecommoninhortatorywritingheretheimpliedanswerisaffirmativeyes(rule)willassuredlyreturntoyourroyallineThetermtōdai當代mayindicateeitherthepresentageorthecurrentheadofafamilysynonymousinthelattersensewithtōshu當主Whicheverisemphasizedintranslationthegistisunchanged(sinceGo-Daigocurrentlyoccupiesthethrone)IhavetakenthefirstclauseasconditionalbecausedoingsoreconcilesitnicelywiththenextsentenceHoweveritmightalsobetakenasadeclarativestatementaboutpasthistorywhichwouldbemoreinkeepingwiththeprecedingcommentsSadafusamadeaboutJapanesesovereignsInthisreadingtheclausemightbeconstruedasareferencetothefactthatpriortoGo-Daigorsquosaccessionthreeoutoffoursovereigns(FushimiGo-FushimiandHanazono)weresonsorgrandsonsofGo-FukakusaThisreadingdoeshoweverchangethesenseofthesentencethatfollows(seebelow)92蓋天無二日地無二主之故也Thesignificanceofthisdependsonwhetherweunderstandthepreviouslinetomeanthatrulewilleventuallyreturntothelegitimateline(iethatofKameyamaandthusGo-Daigo)orthatrulealreadyhasreturnedtothatlineTheformerworkswellif後深草院不慮雖及三四代istakenasaconditionalclausewhilethelatterisbetterifthatclauseistakenasastatementoffactldquoThough(thelineof)Go-Fukakusaunexpectedlyenjoyedarunofthreeorfourreigns(rule)hasnowdefinitivelyreturnedtoYourMajestyrsquoslinerdquoThisseemsastraightforwardreadingbutitbearsupontheinterpretationofthenextsentenceInsayingthatrulehasdefinitivelyreturnedtothelegitimatelineldquobecauseEarthcannomorehavetwosovereignsthanHeavencanhavetwosunsrdquoSadafusamightbeclaimingthattheBunpōCompromiseandthepracticeofalternatingruleisoroughttobeathingofthepastWhilesuchamessagewouldbecongenialtoGo-DaigorsquosambitionsitseemsoutofstepwiththeconservativetackSadafusatakes

55

MoreovertheDaoistswarnagainstthreesuccessivegenerationsholdingthe

positionofgeneral93TheKantōhascommandedthemilitarymightoftherealmfor

sevenoreightgenerationsalreadybutjustasitwaxesmustitnotalsowaneMakeno

useofarmsnowandinsteadwaitpatientlyfortheopportunemomentThisaboveall

istheessentialpointIwishtoconvey

一仙洞聖運武家權威可有其期事 光仁馭俗之後 皇胤既一統平城嵯峨淳和皆三人雖履皇位天下歸于仁明之余裔 天曆皇胤冷泉円融各兩三代遞雖有揖譲之義天下歸円融自尒以降或舅姨或兄弟之皇統時時雖出始終遂入于一家是本朝之故實而已寛元之聖統以亀山院為正統之条天下知之而後深草院不慮雖及三四代始終定歸當代之皇胤歟蓋天無二日地無二主之故也兼又三世之將道家所肆也關東天下兵馬元帥之權既七八代定有日月盈蝕之期歟不用兵革暫俟時運是大義而已

Theprecedingarticlesareclearenoughingeneraltermsthoughtherearesurely

omissions(漏脱)andambiguities(依違)Theseviews(意見)werewrittenand

everywhereelseHenceadifferentreadingalsobasedontheassumptionthattheclause後深草院不慮雖及三四代expressesahistoricalfactmightunderstandSadafusarsquosmessagetobethatrulehasrightfullyreturnedtothelegitimatelineandnowitistheheadofthatlinenotGo-FukakusarsquoswhoreignsunchallengedatthecenterofthepoliticalcosmosldquoyoursquorealreadyinchargeYourMajestydonrsquotgolookingforawaryoudonrsquotneedrdquo93三世之將道家所肆SatoandKasamatsusuggestthisderivesfromapassageinHouHanshuthatisidenticalinmeaning三世為將到家所忌ThenotionitselfisrelatedinmanyclassicalChinesesourcesthebiographyofWangJian王翦inShijiascribesthetaboototheaccumulatedldquoinauspiciousnessrdquo(不祥)thatresultsfrommultiplegenerationsbeinginvolvedinkillingldquohellipSomeonesaidlsquoWangLi(WangJianrsquosgrandson)isafamousgeneralofQinLeadingtroopsofmightyQintoattackthenewlycreatedZhaoheiscertaintotakethemrsquoAstrangersaidlsquoNotsoThosewhoserveasgeneralsforthethirdgenerationarecertaintogodownindefeatWhyaretheycertaintogodownBecausetheykilledandattackedmanyandtheirdescendantswillsuffertheevilfortunethatcomesfromthisrsquohellip或曰「王離秦之名將也今將彊秦之兵攻新造之趙舉之必矣」客曰「不然夫為將三世者必敗必敗者何也必其所殺伐多矣其後受其不祥今王離已三世將矣」(Shiji7313TranslationgiveninTheGrandScribersquosRecordsvol1p50)

56

submittedlastyearonthetwenty-firstdayofthesixthmonthThatdocumentwaskept

insidethepalaceIhaveheardarumortotheeffectthattheretiredsovereigntookit

forhimselfSurelyitwillsurfaceagainsomedayWhileitiscertainthatsomesentences

havebeenaddedandotherssubtractedandthatthingssaidinthebeginning(ofthe

firstdocument)mightnowbeattheend(ofthisone)thereisnodiscrepancy(between

thetwopieces)asconcernstheirbasicthrustHavingwrittenallthisdowncarelesslyin

travelerrsquoslodgingsIamchagrinedatwhatothersmightthink94

以前條々大概取意定有漏脱依違歟此意見去年六月廿一日狀也件狀者在禁中御調度之內仙洞被取置之由風聞定有出現之期歟文章增減首尾錯亂雖為勿論粗肝要旨趣者更不可有相違者也旅宿楚忽馳筆之間外見旁有憚矣

ThelastarticleofSadafusarsquosmemorialconcludeswitharatherlengthy

meditationontherecenthistoryoftheimperiumandtheshogunateThelessonis

bynowafamiliaroneeverythingthatwaxesmustalsowaneandpatienceis

everywherepreferabletoimpulsivenessWherepreviousarticlesappealedto

moralitythisoneappealstotwopolitico-cosmologicalideasinanefforttostayGo-

DaigorsquoshandThefirstisthatJapaneseimperialruledespiteoccasionaldeviations

alwaysreturnstothesolerightfullinendashsuchisthedefiningfeatureoftheJapanese

imperiumSadafusaexhibitsnoneoftheskepticismthatsomeothercontemporary

94ThisadmissionbySadafusathatthepresenttextisinfactacopyapparentlyfrommemoryofanearlierdocumentthathenolongerpossessesmightbeseentocompromiseitshistoricalveracityThecounterpointtothisconcernisthatifthisdocumentreallywassignificantlydifferentthananoriginalwhichwasstillextantandpossiblyinthepossessionoftheretiredsovereignthentherewouldbenopointinassertingasimilitudethatcouldbeeasilydisprovenLikewiseifSadafusaisdissemblingandhadforsomereasondestroyedtheoriginalorknewofitsdestructiontherewouldbenopointinevenbroachingitsexistenceitwouldbeeasiertosimplypassthisoneofftoposterityastheauthenticoriginal

57

thinkersmostnotablyEmperorHanazonohadexpressedconcerningtheperpetual

continuityoftheimperialfamilyIfsuchapositionseemsnaiumlveitshouldbe

rememberedthatSadafusarsquosobjectivewasentirelyperlocutionaryhesoughtto

dissuadeGo-Daigofromchallengingtheshogunatemilitarilyandmayhave

emphasizedthevauntedcontinuityoftheJapaneseroyalfamilyinordertoconvince

Go-Daigothathislinethelegitimatelinewouldultimatelywinoutregardless

makingbloodshedinthepresententirelyunnecessaryThesecondmajorconceptis

thatmilitarypoweritselfisinherentlypollutingSadafusacitestheldquoDaoistrdquobelief

thatwhentherankofgeneral(將)isheldbythesamefamilyforthreeormore

generationstheresultismisfortuneanddefeatafactthatsuggeststheKantois

overdueforafallTheoverallargumentseemstobethatimperialpowerwillonce

againriseandwarriorpowerwillinevitablyrecedeTotheextentthatsuch

processeseventhosewithanalmostldquokarmicrdquoinevitabilityareshapedbyhuman

decisionmakingSadafusaissurelywellawarethatarmedconflictmightplaya

pivotalroleinbringingaboutpoliticalchangeButheisalsoadamantthroughout

thatunderpresentcircumstanceswarwiththeshogunatewouldbeadisasterfor

boththecourtandthepopulaceatlargeandthuscounselsGo-Daigotowaituntil

conditionsaremorefavorable

IntheendGo-Daigowouldnotbedeniedandinearly1331Sadafusa

steadfastinhisownconvictionswouldbetraytheemperorrsquosplottotheshogunate

ItispossiblethatSadafusahaddecidedthatloyaltytothesystemndashincludingeven

theshogunatendashmustoutweighpersonalloyaltytotheemperoralternativelyhe

maysimplyhavewantednopartofwhathefeltwasarashanddestructivecauseIn

58

oneofthemorestrikingturnaboutsinthehistoryofJapanesecourtpoliticsa

victoriousGo-DaigowouldnotonlyforgiveSadafusabutin1333wouldreinstate

himasamajorfigureinhisnewregime95Nosubsequentwritingsattesttowhat

Sadafusathenalmost60thoughtawaitedtherealmunderGo-Daigorsquosuncontested

ruleYetamongthoseclosetotheemperortheprevailingmoodin1333seemsto

havebeenoneofconfidenceandtheinitialstepsGo-Daigotooktowards

consolidatinghispowerweremarkedmostlybyconciliationnotretributionTo

Chūgancertainly1333wasayearofpossibilitiesGo-Daigorsquosrevolutionhadfor

themomentsucceededspectacularlyforaConfucianmonarchistlikeChūganand

probablyforSadafusatooanimperialrestorationpromisedopportunitiesforsocial

andinstitutionalreformundreamtofjustadecadebeforeThechallengesinplacing

thenascentpolityonafirmfootingwouldproveimmensehoweverandthings

wouldnotturnoutastherestorationistshadhopedLessthanayearlatera

frustratedChūganwouldholdGo-Daigoresponsibleformismanaginghisown

revolutionHearticulatedhiscriticismsinafictionalizeddialoguemodeledonthose

inMengziitistothisworkwhichisaworldapartfromroyalmemorialsandunlike

anythingknownpreviouslyinJapanesekanshibunthatwenowturn

95SeeGobleKenmup139

59

AppendixEstablishingtheFundamentsofMonkhood

AlongwithGenminChūgansubmittedtoGo-DaigoacompanionessaytitledGensō

原僧(EstablishingtheFundamentsofMonkhood)Thepieceaddressestheproblems

thatarisewhenboundariesbetweenmonksandlaypersonsbecomeblurredandit

offersadefenseoftheBuddhistpracticeoftonsuringandshavingwhichhadlong

beentheobjectofcriticismbycertainorthodoxConfucianswhovieweditasa

desecrationofthenaturalbodyItalsotakesuptheoldissueofmembersofthefour

traditionalclassesabandoningtheirvocationsforthepriesthoodamatterof

concerntobothecclesiasticalauthoritiesandgovernmentpolicymakers

EstablishingtheFundamentsofMonkhood96

Istheconceptofshukke(出家)simplysynonymouswiththecuttingofones

hairNoofcoursenotShukkeinvolvesleavingbehindonesabodeinthisdefiled

worldrenouncingworldlysentimentsandembracingthe(Buddhist)WayThe

Confucians(儒)saythatonemustneverdareinjureanypartofthebodydotheynot97

YetBuddhistteachingstipulatesthatonemustbetonsuredandshavenistherereally

nogoodreasonforthisIfweimagineasituationwhereamonkrsquosouterappearance

werethesameasthatofthelaitythenordinarypeoplewouldbeunabletodistinguish

themonksandpaythemtheappropriaterespectFortheirpartmonkswholookedno

96TextinGozanbungakushinshūpp394-5Gozanbungakuzenshūvol2pp105-697Deliberatelyharmingthebodycouldbeconstruedasaviolationofonersquosfilialobligationssincethebodywasagiftfromonersquosparentstakentotheextremethisviewwasthebasisforproscriptionsagainstshavingandcuttingthehair

60

differentfromthelaitywouldbeabletoconcealthemselvesamongthegeneral

populationandactwithoutshameinwayscontrarytotheirvowsHenceweBuddhists

moveabouttheworldtonsuredandshavenWhenordinarypeopleseeamonkwith

thatestimablyroundhead(圓顱之士)theyareinspiredwithasenseofrespectand

themonkthankstohisdifferentappearancecannotconcealhimselfinthecrowdand

hethereforedaresnotactinwayscontrarytohisvowsWhenmonksdonotactagainst

theirvowsthewayofBuddhismflourishesandwhenordinarypeopleharborfeelings

ofrespectforthemonkstheirownfortunesbrighten

TheteachingsoftheBuddha(釋氏之教)mostdefinitelypossessarationale(由)

Yettodaytherearethosewhotakereligiousorders(出家)butdonotfullybase

themselvesinthisrationaletheysimplychopofftheirhairandcallthemselvesmonks

Thefourclassesofofficialsfarmersartisansandmerchantshaveallseensomeoftheir

numbercastasidetheirrightfuloccupationsandlackinganyunderstandingofwhyone

becomesamonkmakevacuousclaimstohavetakenordersSuchunscrupuloushead-

shaverscanbefoundineveryhouseholdTheseimpostorsarenotonlymiscreantsin

theeyesoftheConfucians98theyareawickedlotdoingnefariousharmtotheBuddhist

LawaswellTheresultofthistrendistheinabilitytodistinguishmonksfromlaypersons

andmoreoverthediminutionofofficialsfarmersartisansandmerchantsanda

correspondingincreaseinthenumberofidlepersonswhichissurelydamagingtothe

state(國家)

出家也者斷髮云乎哉出離俗塵之家疎于世情親于道情之稱也儒不云乎身體髮膚不敢毀傷然則佛之教剃髪除鬚其無由乎 曰若使爾形質同彼在俗之人則俗不知所以擇而敬之僧亦以爾形質不與俗異故藏身於俗中以行非法之事而無所羞也是以吾佛教剃除鬚髮表而出之是故俗見彼圓顱之士殊生恭敬之心僧以爾形質異諸人而不可藏身故不敢行非法之事僧不行非法之事則其道愈隆焉俗生恭敬之心則其福愈昌焉釋氏之教固有由也今稱出家者不本其由而止斷髮而已士農工賈之民皆廢其業不知所以為僧偷空名於出家縱意斷髮者戸有諸非唯為儒者罪人而已抑又為弊佛法之魔族也僧亦斷髮俗亦斷髮何異之有 且夫士農工賈之民漸少而徒爾不用之人愈多亦為國家之害矣

98Presumablybecausetheyabandontheirpropersocialroles

61

UnlikeGenminGensōmakesnoexplicitpolicyrecommendationsbutsimplypoints

outaproblemAlthoughtheConfucianopponentsoftonsuringcomeoffas

shortsightedChūganrsquosharshestcriticismisnotdirectedatthembutatthe

opportunistswhotrytojointhepriesthoodsimplybyshavingtheirheadsand

proclaimingthemselvesmonksItisacritiquecouchedintermsthatareultimately

quiteConfucianthetonsureisdefendedbyreferencetoitspositiveeffectsuponthe

moralityofmonksanditsabilitytoengenderaldquosenseofreverencerdquo(恭敬之心)

amongthepopulaceinturnthephenomenonoffaithlesspersonsnominallyjoining

theclergyiscriticizedbyreferencetoitseconomiccoststothecountryasawhole

Chūganishowevercarefulnottoimpugnthevalueofpriestsorthepriesthoodas

suchandhislanguagealwaysmakesclearthattheobjectsofhiscriticismarethose

wholdquofailtobasethemselvesintherationalerdquo(不本其由)forshavingtheheadthose

wholdquodonotunderstandwhyonebecomesamonkrdquo(不知所以為僧)andthosewho

ldquounscrupulouslychopofftheirhairrdquo(縱意斷髮)Inotherwordsampleroomisleft

forpersonsofsincerereligiousinclinationtoenterthepriesthoodlegitimately

62

Chapter Two Figuring Moral Kingship Constant Norms and Expedient Policies in Chūganrsquos Chūseishi

ChūganrsquosmemorialalongwiththeessaysGenminandGensōwerecomposed

inlate1333followingthedestructionoftheKamakurashogunateandthe

triumphalreturnofGo-DaigotoKyotoAtthispointtheinstitutionaloutlinesofGo-

Daigorsquosnewregimehadyettobefullyarticulatedandmanagingthemultiplicityof

conflictinginterestsandoverlappingclaimswasalreadyprovingdifficult

particularlyasconcernedthedispositionoflandrights99Chūganrsquosforegroundingof

theconceptoftsūhen通變(Ctongbian)ldquoskillfuladaptiontotheexigenciesofthe

momentrdquocouldnothavebeenmoreappositeForhispartGo-Daigoseemstohave

embodiedtheprinciplewellremainingflexibleandwillingtocompromisewhen

particularpolicieswerenotworkingasexpectedThoughChūganwasnotoneof

Go-DaigorsquosclosestadvisorshispresenceattheprominentKyototempleNanzenji

affordedhimaclose-upviewofthingsasthenascentordertookshapeHoweverin

Januaryof1334ŌtomoSadamuneChūganrsquosprincipalpatrondiedunexpectedly

ChūganleftKyotoalmostimmediatelyandtookupresidenceatEngakujiin

KamakuraHerehewouldwritewhatistodayhisbestknownworkTheMasterof

99SeeGobleKenmupp145-172andpassim

63

BalanceandRectitude(Chūseishi中正子)aneclectictreatisecomprisedoften

chaptersthatcovertopicsrangingfromConfucianethicstohorologyandBuddhist

doctrineOfparticularinteresttothepresentdiscussionisthesecondchapter

ldquoKeikenrdquo經權orldquoTheConstantandtheExpedientrdquoThechapterbeginswiththe

MasterofBalanceandRectitudeadramatizationofChūganhimselftravelingtothe

fictionalldquoLandofMobrdquo(Ukanokuni烏何之國)andinstructingitsbenightedruler

EnduringMulberry(Hōsōshi包桑氏)ontheimportanceofdistinguishingbetween

establishednormsofmorality(JkeiCjing經)andexpedientpoliciesorstratagems

(JkenCquan權)100Theepisodeismeantasasimpleallegoryforthesituationat

Go-DaigorsquoscourtasChūganperceiveditwithEnduringMulberryrepresentingGo-

DaigoonthewholetheldquoKeikenrdquochapterismoretheoreticalthanGenminGensōor

thememorialandunlikethosetextsitmakesgreateruseofallusionandlessof

directcitationItalsoprovidesthefirstinklingthatChūganwasnolongersanguine

abouttheprospectsforGo-Daigorsquosregime

TheConstantandtheExpedient101

TheMasterofBalanceandRectitudewenttotheLandofMobItsruler

EnduringMulberrywelcomedhimandinquiredthuslyldquoDisturbancesoftherealmcan

onlybestoppedbyforceofarmsHenceIhavebeenfondofarmssinceIwasyoung

100ThenameldquoLandofMobrdquowasintendedbyChūganasapunontheChinesetermwuhe烏合whichhasthesamepronunciationas烏何itdenotesliterallyamurderofcrowsandisusedmetaphoricallytodescribeanunrulymoborrabbleThenameEnduringMulberryderivesfromYijingandwillbeanalyzedbelow 101ThetranslationisbasedonIriyaYoshitakarsquosannotatededitionofChūseishiinIchikawaHakugenetaledsChūseiZenkenoshisō(TokyoIwanamishoten1972)pp123-70

64

andthepeopleofmycountryarefondofthemtooBysevenyearsofagemypeople

areabletowieldswordsandbyagetenthankstothisskilltheycanbesentintobattle

WhenitcomestomilitarymattersIcansaysimplythatIhavepouredmywholeheart

intothem102Andyetourbanditsandrobbershavenotyetbeenchasedawayandin

everycornerarmscannotbelaiddownWhyisthissordquo

TheMasterofBalanceandRectituderespondedsayingldquoDoesYourMajesty

knowaboutthewayoftheconstantandthewayoftheexpedientThekingreplied

ldquoNoIdonotbutIwouldliketohearwhatyouhavetosayrdquoTheMasterofBalanceand

RectitudethenrespondedasfollowsldquoThewayoftheconstantandtheexpedient(經權之道)isthekeytogoverningacountryTheconstant(經)referstothatwhichis

enduring(常)itiswhatcannotbealteredTheexpedientisnotfixedanditcannotlast

forlongThewayoftheconstantmustnotbeheldjealouslybutmustbemade

manifesttoallthepeopleoftherealmBytheexpedientismeantthatwhichruns

countertotheconstantbutinsodoingcompletestheWaySomethingthat

contravenestheconstantbutdoesnotcompletetheWaycannotbetheexpedient

Theconstantiscivilvirtue(文德)theexpedientismilitarystratagems(武略)

Theinceptionofmilitarystratagemswasnottheultimateintent(意)ofthesagesthe

sagesonlyputthemintoeffectbecausetheycouldnotbutdootherwiseSomething

thatisputintoeffectbutneverdiscontinuedcannotbethewayofmilitary

stratagems103If(militarystratagems)areputintoeffectandthendiscontinuedthe

orderrevertsbacktothatofcivilvirtueThisispreciselythemeritoftheexpedient

Whenthewayofcivilvirtueandconstantnorms(經常)isspreadwidelythroughoutthe

realmandmeasuressuchasmilitarystratagemsandotherexpedienciesarenot

undertakenthentheorderofYaoandShunwillobtainautomaticallyIwilltryto

explainthisfurtherIbeseechYourHighnesstolistencarefullyrdquo

102ThissentencedirectlyparallelsKingHuirsquoscommenttoMengzithatwithrespectto(thegovernanceof)hiscountryhehasldquopouredhiswholeheartintoitrdquo梁惠王曰寡人之於國也盡心焉耳矣(Mengzi1A31)103Inotherwordslegitimateldquomilitarystratagemsrdquo武略areemployedwhennecessarybutdiscontinuedthereafter

65

ThekingrepliedldquoYouhavemyfullattentionrdquo

TheMasterofBalanceandRectitudecontinuedldquoBroadlyspeakinghuman

beingsarebornintothisworldfundamentallydifferentfromthebirdsandbeaststhey

havenottalonsandteethwithwhichtocatchthethingstheywantnorhavethey

feathersandfurwithwhichtowardoffthecoldOfnecessitytheymustrelyonother

thingstonourishtheirlifeTheyformcommunitiesandpursuetheirlivelihoodsbut

whentheirpursuitscannotbesatisfiedamindsetofcompetitivestrifewillbegintoset

inThesagesofoldintheirloftyperspicacityactedbymeansofthecivilvirtuesof

humaneness(仁)love(愛)propriety(禮)anddeference(譲)Themassesresponded

tothemweretransformedandsubmittedtotheminsubmittingtothemthemasses

flockedtogether(群)andcalledthemlsquorulersrsquo(君)Therulerstooktheaforementioned

civilvirtuesandappliedthemuniversallytothewholeoftherealmthepeopleofthe

realmgravitated(往)tothemandcalledtheserulerslsquokingsrsquo(王)Thekingswerethose

whodevotedthemselvestothecultivationofcivilvirtueandeffulgentlytransformed

(旺化)thecommonpeople104

HencethatwhichisenduringandunalterableisthewayoftheconstantIfthe

kingsweretofallintolaxityandlosewhatisenduringthenthepeoplewouldalso

becomelaxandceaseholdingtowhatisrightIfthedegreeoftheirlaxityweresmall

theywouldbepunishedwithwhipsandcanesiflargetheywouldbebroughttoheel

104InthesesentencesChūgansuggestsetymologicalconnectionsbetweenwordsbasedonhomophoniesldquorulerrdquo君(CjunJkun)isimpliedtobecognatewithldquoflockrdquo群(qungun)andldquokingrdquo王(wangō)isimpliedtobecognatewithbothldquotogotowardsrdquo往(wangō)andldquoradiantrdquo旺(wangō)Theetymologicalassociationofldquorulerrdquo君withldquoflockrdquo群occursinBaihutong白虎通(ComprehensiveDiscussionsintheWhiteTigerHallc97AD)andtheseminalsecond-centurydictionaryShuowenjiezi説文解字glossesldquokingrdquo王asldquohetowhomtherealmreturnsrdquo(王天下所歸往也)Theadditionalassociationof王with旺doesnotseemtobetraditionalandmaysimplybeadisplayofverbaldexteritybyChūgan旺isnotonlyhomophonouswith王butalsosynonymous(andhomophonous)withthecomparativelyrarecharacter暀(wangō)whosegraphicstructureobviouslyresembles往

66

bypunitivemilitaryaction105Thisisthewayofexpedientmeasures(權謀之道)Hence

itisdesirablethatthewayoftheconstantbeelevatedandthewayoftheexpedientbe

heldinabeyanceThewaythatoughttobeelevatedis(whatis)implementedduring

timesofpoliticalstabilitythewaythatoughttobeheldinabeyanceis(whatis)putinto

effectduringtimesofdisorder

NowthepoliticalorderofYaoandShuncannotalwaysobtainandasaresult

thewayoftheexpedientcannotalwaysbeheldinabeyanceThusitisthat

punishmentsmaycometobecarriedoutandforceofarmsmayrisetothefore

Disorderissuppressedbyforceofarmsinordertocompletethewayofconstantnorms

assuchmilitarypowerismaintainedinorderthatitinspireaweandtrepidationBut

displayingittotherealmovertlyisunacceptableInthewordsofMasterZuoldquoIf

(militarypower)isdisplayedovertlyitwillbeusedirresponsiblyandifitisused

irresponsiblyitwillloseitsawesomenessrdquo106NowYourMajestyfailstopracticethe

wayofculture(文道)andblithelydispatchestroopsoutamongstthepeopleofyour

countryndashpeoplewhofortheirpartfeelnoparticularsenseofaweandtrepidation

Thisisthereasonthebanditsandrobbershavenotbeenchasedawayandwhythefour

cornersremainunsettledAndifthingsremainlikethisyouwilllosenotonlytheway

oftheconstantbutthewayoftheexpedientaswell

Losingthewayoftheexpedientyouspeakofhavingldquopouredyourwholeheart

intomilitarymattersrdquoWithduehumilityImustconfessthatItrulypityyourmajesty

Ingeneralifonewishestoseethewayofconstantnormsputintoeffectthroughout

thewholerealmoneoughtnotbesecretiveaboutitifonedoesnotwishtosee

expedientmeasuresexercisedovertlyonecannotbutbesecretiveaboutthem

Nowadaysthosewhocultivatethecivilvirtuesarefewandthosewhotalkabout

militarymattersaremanyTheonestalkingaboutmilitarymattersmeetwithsuccessin105大則甲兵之威征之Theideaseemstobethatiflaxityorresistancetogovernmentcontrolwerewidespreadthroughoutanentirecommunitysoldierswouldbedispatchedtoforcethepopulationbackintocompliance106左氏之語曰示則翫々則無威IhavenotbeenabletolocatethisquoteinZuozhuanorinanyothertextbutitsbasicthrustisidenticaltothequotefromGuoyuthatappearedinGenmin

67

theworldwhiletheonescultivatingcivilvirtuesfindthemselvesinstraightenedestate

Ifhighrankingcourtiersstateofficialsandcommonfolksuchasfarmersandmerchants

allengageinmartialpursuitsnonewillbesatisfieduntiltheyhavewonallfor

themselves(不奪不厭)andthecountrywillbeimperiled107 Touseanexamplesupposewehaveahouseholdinwhichallthechildrenand

servantsarethoroughlyinstructedintheconstantvirtuesofbenevolenceand

righteousnessShouldoneofthechildrenorservantsactdisobedientlythetaskof

censuringthemormetingoutcorporalpunishmentmaybedelegatedtoastewardof

theeldestsonthiswillinstillaweandtrepidationinthemandreflectsthewayof

expedientstrategiesButifthechildrenandservantsallwieldwhipsandcanes

themselvesandresistcensureorpunishmentwhatsenseofaweandtrepidationwould

theyhaveInthissituationtothink(happily)tooneselfldquomyhouseisaccomplishedin

martialpursuitsrdquowouldbeapathtocompletedisorderYourMajestyitwouldbemost

fittingifyouweretotakethisillustrationofgoverningahouseholdextrapolatefromit

andunderstanditsrelevancetoindividualprovincesandindeedtotheentirerealmrdquo

ThekingwasgreatlypleasedandofferedlavishgiftsTheMasterofBalanceand

Rectitudewouldnotacceptthemandtookhisleave

中正子適烏何之國其君包桑氏為迎而問曰夫天下之動非武不止是以寡人自幼好武國中之民亦好武民生而七歳能舞劍十歳者可以出征是寡人之於武可言盡心焉耳矣然國之盜賊未去四邊甲兵未休何如 對曰大王且知夫經權之道乎 王曰未也願聞其説對曰經權之道治國之大端也經常也不可變者也權者非常也不可長者也經之道不可秘吝也示諸天下之民可也權也者反經而合其道者也反而不合則非權也

經者文德也權者武略也武略之設非聖人意聖人不獲已而作焉作而不止非武略之道也作而止則歸文德是則權之功也文德經常之道誕敷天下而武略權謀之備不行於國則堯舜之治可以坐致吾嘗論之大王請聽之王曰寡人之望也

107ThislineriffsonceagainonthefamousopeningchapterofMengziwhichrecordsMengzirsquoscounseltoKingHuiofLiangMengziopinesthatifthekingprizesprofitoradvantage(利)overrighteousness(義)hispeoplewilldothesameandldquononewillbesatisfieduntiltheyhavewonallforthemselvesrdquoSeeMengzi1A1

68

凡人生天地之間實與禽獸相異無爪牙以供嗜好無羽毛以禦寒暑必假它物以養其生於是聚而有求求之不足爭心將作古之聖人卓然而行以仁愛禮讓之文德眾心感之化而附之附而成群謂之君君以斯文德普施天下天下之人歸而往之謂之王王者專修文德旺化諸人者也是以為常而不可變者經之道也王者之心苟怠而失常則民心亦怠而不守常繇是小則鞭扑之刑行之大則甲兵之威征之是則權謀之道也是故經之道欲舉權之道欲措可舉之道治世而施可措之道亂世而為夫堯舜之治不能常有所以權之道不能措之由是刑罰行焉甲兵興焉然而戡定禍亂以合經常之道故甲兵之具以有威懲也然而示諸天下則不可也左氏之語曰示則翫々則無威是也

今王不修文道而翫兵於國中之民々無以威懲之心故盜賊不去四邊不安宜也如是則不惟無經之道而已兼失權之道也權之道失之而謂於武盡心焉耳矣月也竊為大王惜之凡經常之道欲普行之天下不可秘也權謀之事不欲普示諸天下不可不秘今則修文者寡講武者眾講武者達修文者窮卿大夫士庶民農工賈客皆為武者不奪不厭而國危矣假令有一家者以仁義之經普教諸兒及臧獲其兒若臧獲或有悖者委其長子可用者叱之鞭之而威懲之則權謀之道也若其諸兒及臧獲咸手鞭而叱則抗鞭何威懲之有 而自以為吾家能武則大亂之道也大王以治家之喩推而知之於國且天下則可也大王喜厚幣遣之中正子不受而去

IntermsofcontenttheldquoKeikenrdquochaptercoversfamiliargroundChūgan

defendstheuseofforcewhencircumstancesrequireitbutemphasizesthesocially

corrosiveeffectsofexcessivemilitarizationItdepartsfrombothGenminandthe

memorialhoweverinitsexplicitinvocationofthebun-bu文武(Cwen-wu)binary

whichisitselfpositedasaspecialcaseofthemoregeneralkei-ken經權(jing-quan)

relationItalsodiffersinfromthosetextsinmoreadamantlyemphasizingthe

subordinationofthemartialtothecivilTheadjustmentmayseemaminoronebut

itisthefirstofseveralindicationsinChūseishithatby1334Chūganhadmisgivings

aboutthedirectionGo-DaigorsquosrevolutionwastakingTheviewespousedinldquoKeikenrdquo

thatthemartialaspectofkingshipshouldnotbeopenlydisplayedmighteasilybe

readasanargumentdirectedagainstanynumberofactionstakenbyGo-Daigonot

leastofwhichwashisdecisiontostylehisseventhregnaleraldquoKenmurdquo建武or

69

ldquoBuildingtheMilitaryrdquoWhilethecharactermu武hadappearedoccasionallyinthe

posthumousimperialtitles(shigō諡号tsuigō追号)ofJapaneserulersitsusebya

reigningJapanesesovereignindesignatinganewregnalerawasunprecedented108

NotcoincidentallyldquoKenmurdquo(CJianwu)wasalsothenameforthefirstregnaleraof

EmperorGuangwu光武thefirstsovereignoftheLaterHandynastyAsAndrew

GoblehasobservedGo-Daigowouldcertainlyhavefoundtheparallelswithhisown

situationcompellingthefoundingoftheLaterHanbymembersoftheFormerHan

rulinghouseconstitutedtheonlyexampleinChinesehistoryofthereacquisitionof

nationalhegemonybyadynastythathadbeenpreviouslyoverthrown109InJapan

whilethenominalsupremacyoftheimperialfamilyhadremainedunquestioned

theroughly100yearsbetweentheJōkyūWarof1221andGo-Daigorsquosrevolution

mightwellbecastasaninterregnumofsortsalbeitonecharacterizednotbythe

destructionoftheimperialinstitutionassuchbutbyitsincreasingsubordinationto

anautonomousmilitarygovernment110Go-Daigowouldrescuethethronefrom

thispredicamentandhewoulddosonotbyananachronisticturntoanidealized

imperialpastinwhichanidentifiableldquowarriorclassrdquoplayednoessentialpartbutby

embracingwarriorsandactivelyintegratingthemintohisnewnationalpolity111

TothisextentitmightbearguedthatwhileGo-Daigoisoftencast

(inaccurately)asabackward-lookingquixoticsovereignunawarethatthetideof

108WhilemostposthumoustitleswereselectedretrospectivelyGo-Daigotruetohispersonalityexplicitlyrequestedhisappellationinhisroyalwill(go-ishō御遺詔)109GobleKenmup176110TheJōkyūWarwasabriefinternecinedisturbanceprecipitatedbytherebellionoftheretiredemperorGo-Toba後鳥羽(r1183-98)againsttheKamakuraregime111GobleKenmupp264-70andpassim

70

historyfavoredwarriorhegemonyhewasprobablymoreatpeacewitharmedmen

andtheirintereststhanChūganwasYetcareisinorderwheninterpretingthe

positionsChūganespousesregardingwarriorsandmilitaryaffairsHispatron

ŌtomoSadamunewasasupporterofGo-Daigoandapowerfulwarriorleader

holdingthepostofshugo(militaryconstable)forthesouthernprovinceofBungo

HewasalsoamongthefewmenofhisstationtoformallytakeZenpreceptsdoing

soundertheChineseeacutemigreacutemonkQingchuoZhengcheng清拙正澄1274-1339and

hissonUjiyasu氏泰(1321-62)eventuallybecameaZenmonk112Manywarrior

familiesoftenattheurgingoftheHōjō北条thepreeminentwarriorhouseinthe

realmthroughoutmostoftheKamakuraperiodcameinvaryingdegreesto

patronizeZenTypicallytheysupportedthenewfaithbyfinancingtemple

constructionfundingthetravelsofJapanesemonksandhostingmonksfromChina

ItisthusdifficulttobelievethatChūganrsquosconcernsovertheroleofmilitarymenor

martialsymbolisminGo-Daigorsquosregimewasmotivatedbyanyspecialprejudice

againstwarriorsassuchNorisitlikelythatChūganwassimplyquixoticinhisown

rightofferingadvicegroundedinthehopelesspremisethatthenewpolitycould

ignoreoutrighttheinterestsofinnumerableindividualsandfamiliesconnectedin

somewaytosourcesofwarriorpowerwhetherthroughappointmentstojitō

(estatesteward)orshugopostsorbyhavingbeengokenin(retainers)ofthe

recentlyvanquishedKamakurashogunateInsteadtheldquoKeikenrdquochapteris

probablybestunderstoodasanattempttoofferaconceptuallycompelling

112MartinCollcuttFiveMountainsTheRinzaiZenMonasticInstitutioninMedievalJapan(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1981)p82

71

argumentforalessmilitarizedsociopoliticalordertoasovereignwhoserecent

successeshaveunderscoredtohimtheextraordinarypoliticalusefulnessof

preciselythoseindividualsandfamilies

ThefactthatldquoKeikenrdquoismoreinsistentthanGenminconveyingasenseof

crisiswithoutthecountervailingoptimismregardingroyalleadershipclearlyseems

toreflectalossoffaithinGo-Daigorsquosenterprise113Yetotherthanthechoiceof

Kenmuforthenameoftheregimersquosinauguralerandashtobesureaseriousmatterndashit

isdifficulttoidentifyspecificpoliciesundertakenbyGo-DaigobetweenDecemberof

1333andthespringof1334thatseemlikelytohavegivenChūganadrasticchange

ofheart114OnepossibilityisthatwiththedeathofSadamunewhohadbeena

supporterofGo-DaigoChūganwassimplymoreabletoexpresscriticismsthathe

hadwithheldearlieroutofconcernforSadamunersquosinterests(andbyextensionhis

own)Genericconventionstoomightbeadducedtoexplainatleastsomeofthe

differenceintonebetweenldquoKeikenrdquoandGenminwhileldquoKeikenrdquowasclearlywritten

withGo-Daigoinminditwasnotdeliveredtohiminthemannerofaformal

memorialChūganwasthusfreertoexercisehisownstylisticdiscretionchoosing

WangTongrsquosWenzhongziashisoverarchingtemplateforChūseishiandpatterning

thehypotheticalremonstrationwithEnduringMulberryintheldquoKeikenrdquochapter

directlyafterMengzirsquoswiseyetpointedcounseltoKingHuiofLiang

113SunldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquop100114RegnaleraswerechangedfrequentlyinpremodernJapantheirbinomialdesignationswerecarefullychosenforspecificpurposesbyaselectcadreofcourtscholarstypicallyonthebasisofportentologicalinvestigationsintonaturalorsocietalphenomenaBetween930and1336therewere36emperorsand124regnalerasmeaningmostemperorspresidedoverthreetofourGo-Daigorsquosreigncomprisedeight

72

InsofarasthefictionalEnduringMulberrycomesoffaswoefullymisguided

oratleastassomeonewhodoesnotappeartohaveldquoinheritedtheperspicacityof

KingWenofZhourdquothechapterseeminglydoesnofavorstoGo-Daigorsquosimage

Chūganrsquosuseofthefamily(家)asamicrocosmoflargersociopoliticalconstructs

suchastheprovince(國)orthewholeoftherealm(天下)wasentirelytraditional

butasacriticismoftheKenmupolityitcarriedparticularforceMultipleofGo-

DaigorsquossonswerepersonallyinvolvedinwarfareandthreeofthemMoriyoshi

TakayoshiandthecrownprinceTsuneyoshiwouldallmeetviolentendsoverthe

1330sastheKenmuregimefellapart115Itwashighlyunusualformembersofthe

imperialfamilytoreceivesubstantialmilitarytraininganddownrightshockingthat

theyshouldindefeatbekilledbytheiropponentsasopposedtosimplybeing

apprehendedandexiled116ItisdifficulttoknowwhetherChūganintended

specificallytocriticizethewayGo-Daigowasleadingtheroyalfamilybuttherecan

belittledoubtthathetookexceptiontowhatheperceivedastheemperorrsquos

fondnessforallthingsmartialNonethelessthechapterasawholedoesstilloffer

hopeforthefutureanditultimatelypositionsEnduringMulberryandhenceGo-

Daigoinamorepositivelightthanmightbeapparentatfirstglance

ThisismostevidentinthenameldquoEnduringMulberryrdquo(Hōsō包桑)itself

whichisadeftreferencetoYijingandnotatallunflatteringThetermhōsō(C

baosang)appearsinthetwelfthchapterldquoPirdquo否orldquoStandstillrdquowhereitdenotes

rapidlygrowingmulberryshootsTherelevantpassagereadsasfollows

115GobleKenmupp269-70116Ibid

73

NineinthefifthplacemeansStandstillisgivingwayGoodfortuneforthe

greatmanldquoWhatifitshouldfailwhatifitshouldfailrdquoInthiswayhetiesittoaclusterofmulberryshoots117

九五休否大人吉其亡其亡繋于苞桑

TheCommentaryontheAppendedPhrases(Xicizhuan繋辭傳)expatiatesonthe

enigmaticpassagethusly

TheMastersaysldquoDangerariseswhenamanfeelssecureinhispositionDestructionthreatenswhenamanseekstopreservehisworldlyestateConfusiondevelopswhenamanhasputeverythinginorderThereforethesuperiormandoesnotforgetdangerinhissecuritynorruinwhenheiswellestablishednorconfusionwhenhisaffairsareinorderInthiswayhegainspersonalsafetyandisabletoprotecttheempirerdquo118TherelevanceoftheforegoingtoGo-Daigorsquospositioniscleartheemperorisina

positionofstrengthbutmuststillnegotiatehisfortuitouscircumstanceswithskill

lesthelosewhathehasgainedThereisevidencehereandelsewherethatChūgan

thoughtthenewregimewasrushingaheadwithoutsufficientdiscretionandquite

beyondhisspecificconcernsovertherecrudescenceofwarriorpowerwantedGo-

DaigotobemorecautiousanddeliberateThephraseldquowhatifitshouldfailwhatif

itshouldfailrdquo(其亡其亡)referstotheconcernthattheldquosuperiormanrdquo(君子)has

forthefragilityofhisenterprisewhosecontinuedsuccessiscontingentuponhis

ongoingcareandvigilanceThemulberryshootsfigurevigorandendurancehence

117RichardWilhelmCaryFBaynestransTheIChingorBookofChanges(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1977)p55Thephraseldquonineinthefifthplacerdquoreferstoaparticulararrangementofyarrowstalksresultingfromacomplexdivinatoryprocedureoutlinedonpp721-23118Ibid55

74

thegreatmanrsquosuseofthemtoserveasbothanchorandguide(astheshootsgrow)

forhisendeavorChūganrsquospointseemstobethattheKenmurevolutionneedsa

moralanchorifitistobesuccessfulneedlesstosaythatanchorcannotsimplybe

martialpreeminencewhichisonlyanexpedient(ken)tothereestablishmentofa

well-orderedcivilsocietyInthefifthchapterofChūseishildquoExplicatingRevolutionrdquo

(ldquoKakukairdquo革解)whichtreatsthe49thchapterofYjingldquoGerdquo革orldquoRevolutionrdquoThe

MasterofBalanceandRectitudeopinesthatthepathofreformcannotbetread

recklessly(改革之道不可疾行也)FrustratinglyperhapsChūganoffersno

specificproposalsbeyondthatofdeemphasizingthemartialexpedientand

emphasizingthecivilconstantYetheprobablyfeltthatthisalonewouldbe

sufficienttobringaboutotherpositivechangesFurtherhealsoseemstohavefelt

itinappropriatetoreferencespecificactorsinthecurrentpoliticaldramabyname

neitherhismemorialnorChūseishimakesanyexplicitmentioncriticalorotherwise

ofthemajorpowerplayersintheKenmupolitysavethesovereignhimself119

AltogetherldquoKeikenrdquodoesnotrepresentawholesalerejectionofanyofthe

basicpointsadvancedinGenminthoughitdoesgomuchfurtherthanthatpiece

doesinimplicatingnotjustmilitarismintheabstractbuttherulerhimselfinthe

119InadditiontoriskingoffensegreaterspecificitymaynothavebeenthoughtnecessarysinceChūseishiwasprobablywrittenlessforposteritythanforGo-DaigoandarelativelysmallaudienceofcontemporaryelitesandintellectualsAsimilarsituationisobservableinJinnōshōtōkiwhichdespiteanotherwiselengthyandinformativedescriptionofGo-DaigorsquosreignhaslittleofacriticalorinterpretivenaturetosayaboutitssignaleventsChikafusamakesnoremarkaboutthecontroversialenthronementofEmperorKōgonwhoselegitimacyGo-DaigowouldlaterdenynordoeshecommentonGo-DaigorsquosexiletotheOkiIslandsafterhisinitialplotagainsttheKamakurashogunatewasbroughttolightSeeVarleyAChronicleofGodsandSovereignsp35

75

countryrsquostroublesYetdespitethisanddespitethemildlysatiricalparodicquality

ofEnduringMulberryrsquosboaststhechaptershouldprobablynotbereadasan

insultingportraitofGo-DaigonotonlydoesthenameEnduringMulberrycarry

unambiguouslypositiveconnotationsofgrowthandfortitudebuttheentire

exchangeishighlyreminiscentofthememorableexchangesinMengzibetween

MenciusandKingHuiKingHuimayappearlessthansagaciousintheseepisodes

butwhateverhismisstepshedemonstrateshisintellectualmaturitybysolicitingor

atleasttoleratingMengzirsquosadviceonmattersofstatecraftInthisconnectionit

shouldalsobenotedthatthereislittlereasontobelievethatanyJapanesesovereign

leastofallGo-Daigowouldhavetakenparticularumbrageatthenotionthathisrule

mightbeusefullyunderstoodandcritiquedthroughtheconceptsnomenclature

andsuasivestrategiesoftheChineseintellectualtraditionorthatbeingaldquogoodrdquo

sovereignentailedfaithfulconformitytoasuiteofethicalbeliefsandnormative

behaviorsdrawnprincipallyfromthattraditionItisalsoworthnotingthatMengzi

aworktraditionallyassociatedwiththeviewthatroyallegitimacyiscontingent

uponarevocableldquoMandateofHeavenrdquo(CtianmingJtenmei天命)appearstohave

hadafarmoreextensiveimpactonthemedievalJapaneseintellectuallandscape

thanissometimesassumedMengzifeaturesmorecentrallyinChūseishithanother

MastersrsquoTextssuchasXunziLaoziorZhuangzianditloomslargerthanany

ldquoclassicrdquosavepossiblyYijingMoreoverwhileMengziwasprobablymoreimportant

toChūganrsquosthoughtthantothatofanyotherfigureintheGozanmilieuhewasnot

76

theonlyfourteenth-centuryscholartovaluetheworkhighlyasbothEmperor

HanazonoandYoshidaSadafusadrewfreelyuponitaswell120

AlthoughMengziclearlyinspiredthestyleandstructureoftheldquoKeikenrdquo

chapteritwasprobablynottheprimaryinspirationforthatchapterrsquoscoreconcept

namelythedyadicrelationbetweenestablishedmoralnormsandexpedientpolicies

andtheimportanceofeachtogoodgovernanceTheexplicitjuxtapositionofkei

(jing)andken(quan)isoldoccurringasearlyasthesecondcenturyBCGongyang

commentaryontheSpringandAutumnAnnalswhichinitsdescriptionofthe

politicalfigureJiZhong祭仲(743-682BC)definesquanassomethingthatgoes

againstjingbutindoingsoultimatelyresultsingood121InMengziasimilar

relationispropoundedbrieflywhenMengziopinesthatalthoughritualpropriety

(禮)dictatesthatmenandwomenshouldnottouchoneanotherrsquoshandswhen120SeeInoueHonpōchūseimadeniokeruMōshijuyōshinokenkyūp252SunldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquop101TheimportanceofMengzitopre-TokugawaJapanesethoughtseemsuniformlyunderappreciatedSunobservesthatJapanesescholarstendtofocusprimarilyontheunderstandablylargeroleMengziplayedindiscussionsofrulershiplegitimacyandrevolutionbutpaycomparativelylessattentiontotheotherphilosophicalusestowhichtheworkcouldbeputThisisparticularlyunfortunateinChūganrsquoscaseashismostsustainedengagementwithMencianthoughtoccursinthesecondandseventhchaptersofChūseishiwhichconcernnotrevolutionbutthevirtuesofhumanitybenevolenceandrighteousness( )andhumannaturerespectively TothiswemightalsoaddthatinAnglophoneandChinesescholarshiptheproblemcanbequitetheoppositeasitisoftenassumedthatMengzirsquosviewsonlegitimaterulewereinherentlyanathematotheideologyofeternaldivinekingshiptheoreticallyinformingsovereigntyinJapanSeeforinstanceChenShuifengRibenwenmingkaihuashiluumle(TaipeiTaiwanshangwuyinshuguan1993)pp63-64ConradSchirokauerABriefHistoryofChineseandJapaneseCivilizations(SanDiegoHarcourtBraceJovanovich1989)p144InemphasizingthispointbyitselftheauthorsriskimplyingthatMengziwasgenerallyrejectedbyJapaneseintellectualswhichitwasnotandthatJapaneseintellectualswereeverywherebeholdentoaldquonativistrdquoroyalorthodoxywhichtheywerenot121權者何權者反於經然後有善者也(GongyangzhuanldquoHuanGongrdquo桓公 11)

77

exchangingobjectsitwouldbeexpedient(quan)tograbyoursister-in-lawrsquoshandif

sheweredrowning122Herequanissetoppositetoldquoritesrdquoorldquoritualproprietyrdquobut

thebasicideaisthesameanestablishedmoralnormisviolatedbecauseexigent

circumstancesaresuchthatupholdingthenormwoulddomoreharmthangood

Thisconceptionofquanleadsultimatelytothearchetypaljing-quanbinaryofHan

Confucianisminwhichquanisconstruedasanydiscretionaryactionthatldquoin

violatingjingcompletestheWayrdquo(反經合道)123Althoughlaterthinkerssuchas

ChengYi程頤(1033-1107)andZhuXi朱子(1130-1200)woulddevelopthejing-

quandyadinnewdirectionsChūganrsquosusageoftheideainChūseishiaccordsmost

closelywiththatseeninHantextsandbearslittletraceoftheCheng-Zhuthought

withwhichhelikemostotherGozanliteratiwasotherwisequitewell

acquainted124

Itisnoteworthythatcontrarytotheusualrelationshipfoundtoobtain

betweenpre-TokugawaJapanesekanbuntextsandtheirChineseanaloguesthe

ldquoKeikenrdquochapteroffersamuchlongerandmoredetailedexpiationonthejing-quan

relationthananyoftheworkstypicallycitedforcomparisonthissuggestseither122嫂溺不援是豺狼也男女授受不親禮也嫂溺授之以手者權也(Mengzi4A17)ldquoIfyoursister-in-lawisdrowningbutyoulendnoaidyouarenothingbutabeastThatmenandwomenwhengivingandreceivingthingsshouldnottouchoneanotherisamatterofritualproprietythatwhenyoursister-in-lawisdrowningyouhelpherbyextendingyourhandisamatterofexpediencerdquo123SeeYueTianleildquoZhuXilunlsquoquanrsquordquoZhongguowenhuayanjiusuoxuebaoNo56(Jan2013)p1 124SpecificallyChengYiconcludedthatldquoquanarenothingbutjingrdquo(權即是經)ndashamovethatwouldseemtoundothedynamictensionthatChūganseesasessentialtothejing-quanbinaryZhuXiarguedinanevolutionaryveinthatldquojingaresimplyquanthathavebeenfullyestablishedwhilequanareasyetun-establishedjingrdquo(經是已定之權權是未定之經)whichseemstoadumbratequitemodernideasabouttheformationandhistoricalcontingencyofsocialnorms

78

thattherelevantChinesesourcetexthasyettobeidentifiedorthatChūgan

independentlychosetopursueanunusuallydetailedelaborationoftheidea125

Eitherwayhemusthavethoughtitausefulconceptualframeinwhichto

communicatehispointtocontemporaryreadersandtoGo-Daigoinparticular

Inherentintheconceptofquanasldquoexpediencyrdquoorldquodiscretionrdquoispreciselythesort

offlexibilitythatanyrulerinGo-Daigorsquospositionwouldfindcongenialpossiblytoa

faultSuchflexibilityismostnecessaryduringtimesofsocialrupturewhich

presentchallengesthatdemandunconventionalresponsesAsChūgansaysthe

orderofYaoandShuncannotalwaysobtainSincesuchapointcouldwellhave

beenmadewithoutframingitentirelyintermsofjingandquanitisreasonableto

assumethatGo-Daigowasalreadyquitefamiliarwiththejing-quandyadSuchan

assumptionisallthemoreplausibleinlightofGo-Daigorsquosunusuallyextensive

knowledgeofChinesetextswhichasearlyas1317wasappraisedveryhighlyby

HanazonohimselfamongthemostlearnedsovereignsinJapanesehistory126Texts

inwhichGo-DaigoisknowntohavebeenversedincludeShiji史記(Recordsofthe

125SunRongchengnotesthatwhilethepairingofjingandquanisitselfextremelycommonheisnotawareofanyotherworkeitherChineseorJapaneseinwhichtheyareexplicitlyassociatedwithwenbunandwubuastheyareinldquoKeikenrdquoJingandquandooccurtogetherintheldquoViscountofWeirdquo魏相chapterofWangTongrsquosWenzhongziatextwhoseimportancetoChūganhasalreadybeennotedbutthedyadisnotdevelopedindetailitisglossedbytheSong-eracommentatorRuanYi阮逸(flmid11thc)byreferencetotheGongyangcommentarySeeSunldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquop100andIriyaChūseiZenkenoshisōp403126GobleKenmup11LestthereaderthinkHanazonowassimplyflatteringthefutureoccupantofthethroneitshouldbeemphasizedthathewasoftheJimyōinbranchoftheimperialfamilyrivaltoGo-DaigorsquosDaikakujilineandanoutspokenscholarunafraidtovoiceopinionsatoddswithimperialorthodoxy(seenote141below)HanazonosetgreatstorebythestudyofChinesehistoryandliteratureandhewouldnothavegoneoutofhiswaytodeemGo-DaigorsquosknowledgeofChinesetextsexceptionalhaditbeenmerelyaverage

79

GrandHistorian)Hanshu(HistoryoftheHan)andHouHanshu後漢書(Historyofthe

LaterHan)Zhongyong(DoctrineoftheMean)andLunyu論語(Analects)Shangshu

尚書(TheBookofHistory)YijingandLiji禮記(TheRecordofRites)Zuozhuanand

Laozi老子(knownfrequentlyasDaodejing)Difan帝範(ModelsforanEmperor)

andHuainanzi (MastersofHuainan)Go-Daigoalsosponsoredacademic

discussionsofworkslesscommonlyreadinJapansuchasYangXiongrsquos (53BC

ndash18AD)Taixuanjing太玄經orldquoClassicofGreatMysteryrdquo127

OfparticularrelevancetothepresentinquiryisHuainanziwhichcontains

numerouspassagestreatingthemoralandpoliticalsignificanceofquanWhileIam

notawareofanycurrenttreatmentofChūseishithatexploresthematicorrhetorical

parallelswithHuainanzithelatterseemsafarmorelikelytouchstonefortheviews

articulatedintheldquoKeikenrdquochapterthandoestheGongyangcommentarythe

responsesofDongZhongshuorWenzhongziAltogetherHuainanziprobably

offeredmoreintellectualjustificationforradicalpoliticalactionthananyothertext

Go-DaigoisknowntohavestudiedafactnotlikelytohavebeenlostonChūgan

Theconceptofquanasanexpedientstrategyfeaturesparticularlyprominentlyin

chapterthirteenldquoFanlunrdquo氾論orldquoBoundlessDiscoursesrdquowhosecentralthemeis

thesagerulerrsquosadaptabilitytocircumstanceAsSarahQueenandJohnMajor

observeldquoFanlunrdquoprovidesthemostcomprehensivediscussionofchangeinthe

entireHuainanziitisoneoftheworkrsquosmostovertlypoliticalchaptersemphasizing

boththehistoricalcontingencyoflawsandritesandthenecessityofadaptingonersquos

127GobleKenmupp2127-28

80

policiestosuittheneedsoftheage128Quanprovidesthekeytosuccessinan

inherentlyproteanworldthoughitisnotsomethingjustanyrulercangrasp

ExpediencyissomethingsagesaloneperceiveThusthosewho[first]disobey[ritualnorms]butultimatelyaccordwiththemaresaidtounderstandexpediency(Huainanzi1311)129權者聖人之所獨見也故忤而後合者謂之知權 IndaysofoldtheDocumentsofZhouhadasayingthatreadldquo[Sometimes]oneelevateswordsanddenigratespracticalities[sometimes]onedenigrateswordsandelevatespracticalitiesElevatingwordsisthenormdenigratingwordsistheexpedientrdquoThisisthetechniqueforsurvivinginthefaceofdestructionButonlyasageiscapableofunderstandingexpediency(1311)130 昔者周書有言曰「上言者下用也下言者上用也上言者常也下言者權也」此存亡之術也唯聖人為能知權

Itisimportanttonotethattheusageofthetermldquosagerdquo(聖)inHuainanziis

somewhatlessrestrictivethanthatseeninprototypicallyldquoConfucianrdquoclassicaltexts

AsintheFiveClassicsthesagesofhighantiquityarecreditedwithcreatingthe

moralandinstitutionalunderpinningsofhumancivilizationHoweverHuainanzi

doesnotlocatethechiefefficacyofthesageinthepastmodernrulersnotonlycan

attainsagelywisdomtheymustdosoiftheyaretobringharmonytotheirpresent

disorderedage131AccordingtoAndrewMeyerthesageofHuainanziismuchcloser

tothatofDaodejing(Laozi)thantothatoftheConfucianclassicsheachieves

sagehoodnotonlythroughthestudyofclassicaltextsandthephenomenalworld

128JohnSMajoretaledsTheHuainanziAGuidetotheTheoryandPracticeofGovernmentinEarlyHanChina(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2010)pp483-89129Ibidp508130Ibidp506131Ibidp887

81

butalsothroughldquoaprogramofapophaticpersonalcultivationcenteredonpractices

ofcontemplativemeditationandyogicregimensrdquo132OnecaneasilyimagineGo-

Daigowhoseinterestinesotericreligiousritualswaslegend133findingmuchtolike

aboutthefigureofthesageinHuainanziMasterofhispoliticalcosmosthesage

regulatesritesandmusicbutheisnotregulatedbythem(聖人制禮樂而不制于禮

樂)134

IntheldquoKeikenrdquochapterChūganinvokesthefigureofthesageonlytosaythat

theldquoexpediencyrdquoofformulatingmilitarystratagemsisnothisultimateaimbut

rathersomethinghedoesbecausethereisnootherchoice(武略之設非聖人意

聖人不獲已而作焉)Suchapositionwouldseemtobesomewhatdifferentatleast

inemphasisfromthatarticulatedinHuainanziwhichisonthewholeagooddeal

morepositivethanldquoKeikenrdquoregardingtheuseofquanYetthehierarchical

relationshipChūganpositsbetweenkeijingandkenquanwiththelatterclearly

morallysubordinatetotheformerisvisibleinHuainanziaswell

ThewayoftheFiveThearchsandtheThreeKingsconstitutesthewarpandweftoftheworldandtherulesandstandardsoforderNowShangYangrsquosldquoOpeningandClosingrdquoShenzirsquosldquoThreeTestsrdquoHanFeizirsquosldquoSolitaryIndignationrdquoandZhangYiandSuQinrsquosldquoHorizontalandVertical[AllianceSystem]allwereselectiveexpedienciesonesliceofthearts[ofgovernance]Theyarenotthegreatrootoforderortheconstantnormofservicethatcanbeheardwidelyandtransmittedthroughtheages(2034)135

132Ibidpp887-88133SeeGobleKenmupp96-97134Huainanzi133135MajoretaledsHuainanzip833

82

五帝三王之道天下之綱紀治之儀錶也今商鞅之啓塞申子之三符韓非之孤憤張儀蘇秦之從衡皆掇取之權一切之術也非治之大本事之恒常可博聞而世傳者也

ForChūganthemostdesirablestateofaffairsisonewherekeijingare

promoted(舉)anddevicesclassifiableaskenquanareputaside(措)untildisorder

requirestheiruseThemethodsoflegalistreformerssuchasShangYangShen

BuhaiandHanFeiziareheldinHuainanzi2034toconstitutesuchdevicesthe

particularityandtemporarinessofwhichstandsincontrasttotheenduringquality

ofldquoconstantnormsrdquo(恒常)InhismemorialtoGo-DaigoChgūancitesShangYangrsquos

reformsapprovinglybutcriticizestheQinforholdingtoolongtothelegalistcourse

TherethepointwastoapplaudandjustifyGo-Daigorsquoswillingnesstoviolatethe

statusquoinordertorectifycurrentillsanobjectivefacilitatedbytheinvocationof

keymomentsinChinesehistoryatwhichradicalactionwaswarrantedInldquoKeikenrdquo

theintentisquitetheoppositeemphasisisplacedontheinherentlyspecificnature

ofldquoexpedientmeasuresrdquo(權謀)whicharelimitedinscopeanddurationandstand

incontrasttotheunchangingwayoftheconstant(常而不可變者經之道也)

whichinturnisidentifiedwithcivilvirtue

InallldquoKeikenrdquooffersalucidallegoricalrepresentationofJapanese

sociopoliticalconditionsin1334Itsthoughtfulapplicationoftwodyadicrelations

jing-quanandwen-wutoJapanesepoliticswashighlyoriginalanditsuseofa

dramatizeddialogicexchangebetweenrulerandministerpatternedcloselyafter

thoseinMengzialsoappearstobeuniqueamongpre-Tokugawaworksofpolitical

suasionThedistinctionChūgandrawsbetweenenduringnormsandtemporary

83

expedienciesisstraightforwardasishisbeliefalreadystatedforcefullyinGenmin

thatfartoomanypeoplehavebecomeinvestedinmartialpursuitsInutilizinga

vocabularyofgovernanceandkingshiplargerandmoreflexiblethanthatofthe

ConfucianclassicsChūganwasabletodescribetheeventsofhisageinwaysthat

werenovelyetentirelylegiblewithinChinesepoliticaldiscourseThoughhewasby

nomeanstheonlyJapanesefiguretoseekanunderstandingofJapaninostensibly

ldquoChineserdquotermsndashevencontemporaryarticulationsofShintooftendrewheavilyon

ChineseBuddhismandyin-yangtheoryndashfewofhiscompatriotscouldboast

comparableknowledgeofthebroadercorpusofHanpoliticalwritingandprobably

nonesharedhisfamiliaritywiththeSui-eratextWenzhongzi

ChūseishiwasChūganrsquoslastmajorcontributiontopoliticaltheoryduringthe

KenmuRestorationThenetworkofalliancesonwhichGo-Daigorsquospolitydepended

provedvulnerabletodisruptionandinmid1335anunexpected(andunexpectedly

successful)uprisingbyHōjōremnantsagainstthehouseofAshikagaineastern

JapansetinmotionaseriesofeventsthatwithintwoyearswouldseetheAshikaga

riserapidlytomartialpreeminenceandeffectivelydisplacetheimperialcourtasthe

fulcrumofnationalgovernance136ItisnotdifficulttoimagineChūganreactingwith

dismaytothepoliticalmutationsandmachinationsthatplayedoutoverthe

followingyearGo-DaigoandhiserstwhileallyAshikagaTakaujieachscroungingfor

supportamongdozensofregionallypowerfulfamilies(andamongdifferent

branchesofthesamefamilies)bloodybattlesmotivatedmorebypersonalor

136TheHōjōuprisingwasthemostimportanteventinwhatisknownastheNakasendaiDisturbance(中先代の乱)DetailsmaybefoundinGobleKenmupp244-61

84

familialgrievancesthanbypoliticalidealsandtheJimyōinlineoftheimperial

familythrowingitssupportbehindtheupstartTakaujidespiteknowingfullwell

thattheimperialinstitutionitselfwouldbelittlemorethanadependentjunior

partnerwithinanAshikaga-ledconfederacyBeforetheendof1336Go-Daigofled

thecityofKyotoforasecureredoubtintheYoshinomountainsofYamatoprovince

withtheJimyōinprinceYutahitoenthronedasEmperorKōmyōbyTakaujiJapan

nowhadnotjusttworivalimperiallinesbuttwoimperialcourtsandanew

shogunatewithmorepowerovertheprerogativesoftheKyotoaristocracythan

everbeforeItishardtoenvisionasituationmoreantitheticaltotheidealsofroyal

preeminencesoenergeticallyespousedinChūganrsquosmemorialUnfortunatelythe

textualrecorddoesnotpermitadetailedreconstructionofChūganrsquospost-Kenmu

politicalthoughtafactwhichgivestheinaccurateimpressionofaretreatfrom

publicintellectuallifeInfacttheseemingpaucityofexplicitlypoliticalmaterial

fromthisperiodstemsinlargepartfromthelossofwhatfromamodern

perspectivemighthavebeenChūganrsquosmostsignificantintellectualworkhadit

survivedTheworkinquestionishisinfamoushistoricaltreatiseNihonsho日本書

ARecordofJapanabriefglimpseatwhatisknownofwhichwillconcludethis

chapter

Writtenin1341Nihonshoseemstohavebeenintendedasalong-termstudy

ofJapanesehistoryandperhapsmorespecificallyasacounterpointtoKitabatake

ChikafusarsquosrecentlycompletedJinnōshōtōkiItsexistenceisonlyknowntoday

becauseitadvancedanunusualtheoryregardingtheoriginsofJapanrsquosroyalfamily

Accordingtothefifteenth-centuryGozanliteratusTōgenZuisen桃源瑞仙(1430-

85

89)ChūganproposedthattheprimordialJapanesedeityKunitokotachinomikoto

國常立尊wasinactualitya(human)descendantofPrinceWuTaibo呉太伯(alt泰

伯)ascionofKingTaiofZhouandthepurportedfounderofthestateofWu137The

notionthattheJapaneseimperialfamilywasultimatelydescendedfromWuTaibo

wasnotinitselfnewitappearsinseveralChinesesourcesincludingWeiluumle魏略

(ABriefHistoryoftheWeiDynastymid3rdcentury)Liangshu梁書(ARecordofthe

LiangDynasty635)andJinshu晋書(ARecordoftheJinDynasty648)anditis

explicitlymentionedndashandsummarilydismissedndashinJinnōshōtōki138Whatdoes

seemtohavebeenoriginalwasChūganrsquoslinkingofWuTaibowithKunitokotachia

deityofcentralimportancetothemedievalreligio-culturalmovementthatcameto

beknownasIseShintoBeginninginthelateKamakuraandearlyMuromachi

periodspriestsassociatedwithIsersquosOuterShrine(gekū外宮)whichtraditionally

veneratedagoddessoffoodstuffsandfecunditynamedToyouke豊受(incontrastto

theInnerShrinenaigū内宮whichveneratedAmaterasu)undertookeffortsto

137ItmightbenotedthatTōgenwasfrankinhisrejectionofthisidealdquoSayingsomethinglikelsquothedeitycalledKunitokotachinomikotoisadescendantofWuTaiborsquoisnonsenseChūganwasaredoubtablemanbut(thistheory)whileelegantwasnonsenserdquo國常立尊ト云ハ呉太伯ノ后裔ヂャナンドト云ハ合ワザル事ゾ中巌ホドノ人ヂャガウツクシウモ合ワザル事ヲセラレタゾSeeInoueHonpōchūseimadeniokeruMōshijuyōshinokenkyūp263SunldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquopp107-110138TheoriginofthenotionisunclearthoughtheChinesesourcesallreportthatitwastheWa倭themselveswhoclaimeddescentfromTaiboWeiluumlenolongersurvivesintactbutthepassagesconcerningtheWaarepreservedintheTang-eraworkHanyuan翰苑SeeSunldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquop158n321

86

articulateandevangelizeShintoinnewlycoherentterms139Inmattersofdoctrine

theInnerandOutershrinescouldofcoursebeseenascomplementarybutthey

wereadministeredbytwodistincthereditarypriestlyfamilies(theArakidaand

Watarairespectively)andthehistoricallyprivilegedpositionoftheInnerShrine

coupledwiththegrowingneedtosecurematerialsupportinaneraofdwindling

courtresourcesmadetherelationshipacompetitiveoneInordertoenhancetheir

positionvis-agrave-vistheArakidatheWataraipriestsproposedthattheirdeity

ToyoukewasinfactKunitokotachiwhoasoneoftheearlycreatordeitiesoccupied

aplaceinthepantheonostensiblyldquohigherrdquothanthatofAmaterasu

IseShintohadamajorinfluenceonelitesandintellectualsofthefourteenth

centurynotleastofwhomwasChikafusawhoseGengenshū元々集(Collectionof

theOriginofOrigins1337)explicatesthesignificanceofvariousshrinesanddeities

byreferencetotheteachingsofShintotheoristWataraiIeyuki渡来家行(1256-

1351)alongwithaccountsdrawnfromJapanesemythohistoricalchroniclesJinnō

shōtōkialsoreflectsIsedoctrineparticularlyinitsmemorableopeningpassage

whichhasbeenatouchstonepolemicfornativistwritersandideologuesdownto

thepresentdayldquoGreatJapanisthedivinecountryItwasfoundedbytheHeavenly

Ancestor(ieKunitokotachi)andistransmittedinperpetuitythroughthelineageof

theSunGoddess(Amaterasu)Thisissomethingtrueofourcountryalonethereis

nothingcomparableinotherlandsrdquo140ByidentifyingKunitokotachinomikoto

139SeeHagiwaraTatsuoldquoShintōtheWayoftheKamirdquoinKasaharaKazuoedAHistoryofJapaneseReligion(TokyoKōsei2001)pp299-314140大日本は神國なり天祖はじめて基をひらき日神ながく統を傳え給う我國のみ此事あり異朝には其たぐひなし

87

whosenameprobablymeantsomethinglikeldquoTheAugustDeityWhoPermanently

EstablishestheCountryrdquowithWuTaiboChūganseemstoofferabluntrepudiation

ofthisnewlyburgeoningJapaneseexceptionalism141Possiblyheintendedtodo

morethanthishistheorymightbereadasanattempttointerpretmythical

accountsofJapanrsquosfoundingeuhemeristicallythoughwithoutfurtherevidence

suchareadingmustremainspeculative142Thattheworkhasnotsurvivedisa

greatlosstocurrent-daystudentsofmedievalJapanesehistoryhistoriographyand

politicalthoughtthoughitisperhapsnotaltogethersurprisingEvidencesuggests

thatevenduringChūganrsquoslifetimetheworkmetwithnosmallmeasureof

disapprovalandwiththeemergenceofShintoasadoctrinallydistinct(and

distinctlyldquonativerdquo)faithtraditionitsviewsprobablyappearedincreasingly

141ItisofinteresttonotethatChūganwasnottheonlyprominentintellectualtorejectsuchexceptionalismEmperorHanazonoisnotedforhisbluntdismissalofthenotionthatdivinedescentautomaticallyensuredtheperpetualcontinuityoftheimperialinstitutionHisKaiTaishisho戒太子書(AdmonitionstotheCrownPrince1330)anessayonsovereigntyandgoodgovernmentthathecomposedforhisnephewPrinceTokihitoindicatesquiteclearlythatthenativistideologywithinwhoseframeworktheJapaneseimperialfamilywassupposedtoexistwasnotinitselfsomethingautomaticallychampionedbymembersoftheimperialfamilySeeGobleldquoSocialChangeKnowledgeandHistoryrdquop119142SeeUenoTakeshildquoWajinnokigentoGonoTaihakudensetsurdquoinMoriKōichiedNihonnokodaivol1ldquoWajintōjōrdquo(TokyoChūōKōron1985)p327UenoseesinthispossibilityaldquoConfucianrationalismrdquo(儒教的合理主義)thatissetoppositetobeliefindivineorsupernaturalforcesasagentsofhistoryWemightnotethatsuchaviewisalsoreminiscentofAraiHakusekirsquos(1657-1725)boldbutlinguisticallyproblematicargumentthattheJapanesewordforldquodeityrdquokami神simplydenotedthosewhoweresociallyldquoaboverdquo(kami上)ordinarypeopleWhilethewordsareentirelyhomophonousinModern(andMiddle)JapaneseinOldJapanesethesyllablemiinkami神wouldhavebeenpronounceddifferentlythanthemiinkami上

88

subversiveasthecenturiespassed143Theonlydirectevidenceconcerningthe

contemporaryreceptionoftheworkisprovidedbyGidōShūshinwhowasamong

ChūganrsquosforemostintellectualdisciplesandisregardedtodayasoneoftheldquoTwin

Pillarsrdquo(双璧)ofGozanliteraturealongsideZekkaiChūshinInashortaddress

deliveredinChūganrsquoshonorin1367GidōmakesdeftreferencetoNihonshoandthe

controversysurroundingit

He(Chūgan)assiduouslystudiedthecountryrsquoshistoryldquounderstandmeby

theSpringandAutumnAnnalscontemnmebytheSpringandAutumnAnnalsrdquoHisconductwasinkeepingwiththemonasticrulesinwalkinghewasastheMasterinrushinghewasastheMaster144

修國史兮知我春秋罪我春秋行清規也步亦夫子趨亦夫子

ThelineldquounderstandmebytheSpringandAutumnAnnalscontemnmebythe

SpringandAutumnAnnalsrdquoisadaptedfromapassageinMengzi

143Itisdifficulttodeterminewhetherthelossoftheworkwasactuallyduetointentionalsuppressionorsimplytothehistoricalvicissitudesbearinguponmanuscriptcopyingandre-copyingwithoutwhichverylittlefrombeforetheearlymodernerawouldbeexpectedtosurviveThegreatearlymodernNeo-ConfucianthinkerHayashiRazan林羅山(1583-1657)whosupportedChūganrsquostheoryreportedinhisJimmutennōron神武天皇論thattheimperialcourttookumbrageattheworkanddestroyeditChūganwashighlyactiveinpublicreligiouslifeforthenexttwodecadesandwhileheseemstohavesufferednopersecutionorofficialcensureforNihonshoitmaybethathedecideditwouldbebettertoabandontheprojectthantoriskalienatinginfluentialbackerswiththeresultthatfewifanycopiesoftheworkwereevermadeTōgenhimselfseemsnevertohavepossessedacopyoftheworknotinginhisShikishō史記抄(NotesonShiji)thatChūganrsquosworkldquocausedcontroversyandwasnevercirculatedrdquoTheJimmutennōronmaybefoundinNakagawaTarōldquoHayashiRazanrdquoinAbeYoshioetaledsShushigakutaikeivol13ldquoNihonnoShushigaku(2)rdquo(TokyoMeitoku1975)pp163-67withrelevantportionstranslatedindeBaryetaledsSourcesofJapaneseTraditionpp357-60144GZBTvol2p982

89

WhentheworldfellintodeclineandtheWaywasobscuredperniciousdoctrinesandviolentactsaroseagaintherewerecasesofministersmurderingtheirrulersandcasesofsonsmurderingtheirfathersConfuciuswasfrightenedatthisandsocomposedtheSpringandAutumnAnnalsAworkliketheSpringandAutumnAnnalsisthebusinessoftheSonofHeaven145ItwasforthisreasonthatConfuciussaidldquoThosewhounderstandmewillsurelydosobywayoftheSpringandAutumnAnnalsthosewhocontemnmewillsurelydosobywayoftheSpringandAutumnAnnalsrdquo世衰道微邪説暴行有作臣其君者有之子其父者有之孔子懼作春秋春秋天子之事也是故孔子曰知我者其惟春秋乎罪我者其惟春秋乎(Mengzi3B9)

GidōsuggeststhatChūganlikeConfuciushasbeenbothappreciatedandscorned

forwhathehaswrittenandheimplicitlyaccordsChūganrsquoshistoricaltreatisea

placeinJapanesepoliticalthoughtanalogoustothatoccupiedbytheSpringand

AutumnAnnalsinChinaThecomparisonofthetwotextsmightsimplyhavebeen

GidōrsquoswayofaccordinghismentortheloftiestpossiblepraiseYetitisbynomeans

inconceivablethatChūganhadintendedallalongtoadvanceNihonshoasaJapanese

SpringandAutumnAnnalsaworkmeantforanageofdivisionandldquopernicious

doctrinesrdquoandonethatmostlikelyofferedanessentiallyConfucianvisionof

JapaneseculturalandinstitutionalhistoryWhateverthecaseinhavinghiswork

comparedtosuchanesteemedclassicandhisconductlikeneddirectlytothe

MasterrsquosChūganseemsultimatelytohaveearnedboththeaccoladesandthe

opprobriumbefittinganoutspokenscholar-monkandfaithfuladmirerofthatmost

controversialofChineseConfucianistsWangTong

145Becauseitoffersmoraljudgmentsconcerningrulersandministerswhichistheprerogativeoftheemperoralone

90

Chapter Three An Essay on the Kun and the Peng Hermeneutics Cosmology and the Figural Reading of Fictional Characters 或問荘老中正子曰二子爰清爰静荘文甚奇其於教化不可SomeoneaskedaboutLaoziandZhuangziTheMasterofBalanceandRectituderepliedldquoThosetwomastersexemplifytranquilityandquiescenceZhuangzirsquosproseisparticularlywondrousthoughassuchitisentirelyunsuitableformoraleducationrdquo Chūseishi(1334)

物者也名言之迹也非言非默之理獨荘子能言而足盡其極而已 WhatwecallldquothingsrdquoarethetracesofwordsandnamestheyaretheprincipleofthatwhichisneitherspeechnorsilenceOnlyZhuangziwasabletousewordsinamannersufficienttoexhausttheirlimitsKonpōron(c1350)

WhenChūganleftKyotoinearly1334andbeganwritingChūseishimoral

suasionwasstillhisforemostconcernGo-Daigorsquosrevolutionwasongoingandas

suggestedbythestructureandcontentoftheldquoKeikenrdquochapterChūganstillsought

toinfluencetheemperorrsquosthinkingonmattersofpolicyEventhehistoricalwork

Nihonshopresentedtothecourtin1341hadamongitsostensibleobjectivesthe

repudiationoftheldquoofficialrdquonarrativeregardingdivineimperialdescentInso

openlychallengingnativistformulationsofJapanesehistoryandimplicitly

91

repudiatingtheviewsoffavoredintellectualssuchasKitabatakeChikafusaChūgan

wasalmostsurelyguidedbythehopethathisscholarshipwouldprovemeaningful

inthepublicdomainAswehaveseenhisinterventionwasunwelcomeand

unsuccessfulanditprobablyaddedtothepersonalandprofessionaldifficultieshe

facedthroughoutthe1340s146Ontheintellectualfronthoweveritwaslikely

duringthistimethatanembattledChūganbegantoventurebeyondtheConfucian

traditionproperandreconsidertextsthathehadoncedismissedForemostamong

thesewasZhuangzi

ThoughrecognizedbybothChineseandJapanesecontemporariesforhis

exceptionalacquaintancewithmultipleschoolsofChinesethoughtChūganrsquosearly

workshowsgreateraffinitywithbothclassicalConfucianismandtheldquoNeo-

ConfucianrdquoCheng-Zhuschoolthanwithanytextortraditionthatmightreasonably

belabeledDaoistAsChūgansawittheworkofConfucianthinkerssuchasMengzi

XunziandYangXiongsimplyhadgreaterrelevancetopracticallearningandpublic

policythanthatofLaoziorZhuangzi147Exactlywhatsparkedhismid-lifeinterest

inthelatterisunclearthoughinlightofthevicissitudesheenduredafterhismove

fromSōtōtoRinzaiZenoneistemptedtopositatraditionalindeedalmost

146AsnotedinthebiographicalintroductionthesinglemostsignificanteventinthisregardwasnotChūganrsquosauthorshipofNihonshobutratherhisdecisiontoswitchsectarianaffiliationsfromtheSōtōlineofDongmingHuiritotheRinzailineofDongyangDehui147ThissentimentthoughdiscernibleinseveralplacesisarticulatedmostdirectlyinthethirdchapterofChūseishildquoHōenrdquo方円ldquoThethreemastersMengziXunziandYangXiongareoftheutmostvaluetolearningAlthoughZhuangziiswithoutvalue(tolearning)(histhought)maybetakenasawarningtocheckonersquosdesiresrdquo孟荀揚之三子最有益於學者也惟荘無益然可以為窒欲之警也SeeIriyaYoshitakaetaledsNihonkotenshisōtaikeiv16ldquoChūseiZenkenoshisōrdquo(TokyoIwanamiShoten1972)pp134and173

92

stereotypicalturnfromtheparadigmaticallypublicrealmofConfucianismtothe

privateanodynerealmofphilosophicalDaoism148Whateverhismotivations

sometimeafter1340Chūganauthoredanextraordinaryessayonthesymbolic

significanceoftwofamouscharactersfromtheopeningchapterofZhuangzithe

giganticKun鯤fishandtheenormousPeng鵬birdThisldquoThesisontheKunand

thePengrdquo(Konpōron鯤鵬論)offersanallegoricalreadingthatintegratesBuddhism

yin-yangtheoryandnumerologyinamannerthatisconceptuallycompellingand

entirelywithoutprecedentintheJapaneseexegeticaltraditionItalsoinvites

productivequestionsregardingfigurationandfiguralreadingthepowerand

limitationsoflanguageandtheinterplayofaffectanddiscursiveintellect

Longbeforethepost-HeianemergenceofinstitutionalZenandthe

efflorescenceofChineseliterarystudiesitfosteredseveralclassicalcommentaries

onZhuangzihadenjoyedwidespreadfavoramongJapaneseliteratiincludingthose

byGuoXiang郭象(c252-312)SimaBiao司馬彪(c243-c306)andCheng

Xuanying成玄英(flmidseventhc)LinXiyirsquos林希逸(1193-1271)ZhuangziYan

Zhaikouyi莊子鬳齋口義mayalsohavebeenavailableinChūganrsquosdaythoughthe

firstJapanesescholartomakesubstantialuseofthisworkseemstohavebeena

slightlylaterGozanwriterIshōTokugan惟肖得巖(1360-1437)TheNihonkoku

kenzaishomokuroku日本國見在書目錄abibliographicresourcefromtheearly148ThisintellectualtrajectoryistraditionallyassociatedwithministersorliteratiwhofallfrompoliticalfavorInHeianJapanlearnedmenwhofoundtheirchancesforofficialprefermentdiminisheddoseemtohaveturnedfrequentlytoDaoismforsolacethefamousstatesmanandpoetSugawaranoMichizane菅原道真providesthehistoricalarchetypeOnthisseeRobertBorgenSugawaranoMichizaneandtheEarlyHeianCourt(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress1994)pp57and295

93

Heianperiodlists21ZhuangzititlesthenextantinJapanincludingGuoXiangrsquos

commentaryinthirtyfasciclesandSimaBiaorsquosintwentyfascicles149Newerworks

hadlikelybeenintroducedbyJapanesemonkswhotraveledtoChinaandKoreafor

religiouspurposesafterthecessationofofficialcourt-sponsoreddiplomatic

relationsintheninthcenturyStillothersmighthavebeenobtainedbyJapanese

religiousestablishmentsviaprivatetransactionswiththesizableexpatriate

communityofChinesemerchantsresidinginthesouthernportcityofHakata150

Finallythroughouthiseight-yearstayinChinaChūganwasanactiveparticipantin

thesalon-likeatmospherethatprevailedatsomeofthetempleshevisited

exchangingpoemsndashandstrugglingatleastinitiallytoconverseinvernacular

ChinesendashwithsuchcelebratedliteratiastheCentralAsianpoetandpainterSaDula

薩都刺(fl1320s)151Itisquitepossiblethatduringsuchinteractionshewas

exposedtonovelinterpretationsofZhuangzithoughtomyknowledgenospecific

attestationstothiseffectarefoundinhiswritingsItisalsoabundantlyclearthathe

wasdeeplyfamiliarwithmodesofinterpretationassociatedwithyin-yangtheory

andcorrelativecosmologyandwasalmostsurelywellacquaintedwiththepost-

HanBuddhistreceptionoftheprincipalworksofphilosophicalDaoismAmore

thoroughaccountingofthesepotentialinfluencesuponhisthoughtwillbegiven

149SeeYajimaGenryōNihonkokukenzaishomokurokushūshōtokenkyū(TokyoKyūkoShoin1984)pp122-4150ForahistoryofHakatacityanditsroleinbothofficialandprivatetradeseeBruceBattenGatewaytoJapan(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress2006)ContactswithprominentChinesemerchantscouldbehighlyprofitableforfledglingZentemplesinonefamouscaseawealthylocalnotableknownasXieGuoming謝國明fundedtheconstructionofJōtenji承天寺atemplethatremainsactivetothisday151KagekiHideoGozanshishinokenkyū(TokyoKasamaShoin1977)p224-25

94

belowitisenoughtonoteherethathewasworkingfromaknowledgebasethat

whileimpossibletoreconstructwithprecisionwascertainlyextensiveandpossibly

quiteup-to-date

Konpōronisbothaseriousworkofhermeneuticsandanexercisein

imaginativeallegoresisInordertocarrytheprojectoffChūganfirstneededto

performaground-clearingoperationinwhichliteralinterpretationsofZhuangzi

wererejectedandtheKunandthePengwereconstruedasbothallegoricaland

entirelyfictionalInthistheybecomepurposivecreationsofthesortknownin

medievalWesternhermeneuticsasallegoriainverbisthepurelyliterary

counterparttothetypeofallegorymostoftenassociatedwithscriptural

interpretationallegoriainfactiswhereineventsareheldtohavesymbolic

significanceyetalsotobefactuallytrue152Toalimiteddegreethishadbeen

standardpracticesinceatleastGuoXiangwhonotedinhiscommentarythathe

couldnotattesttotheexistenceofactualcreaturesfittingthedescriptionoftheKun

andthePengEvidentlycontenttoletthematterrestGuoXiangopinednofurther

afterthisdisclaimerHeprobablyfelttherewasnoneedingeneralthetraditional

commentariesarenotdedicatedtothedisclosureofanocculttextfromthereceived

Zhuangziandtheydonotforcefullyandsystematicallyattempttoprivilegelatent

overmanifestsenseInthefollowingpassagesChūgansetsthestageforhisown

symbolicinterpretationoftheKunandthePengbyrefutingthewayinwhich

credulousreadersingeneralandmisguidedNeo-Confuciansinparticularmighttry

toapprehendthem152SeeSimonBrittanPoetrySymbolandAllegory(CharlottesvilleUnivofVirginiaPress2003)p21

95

BeforeZhuangzitherewasnobodywhotalkedabouttheKunandthePengandnothingaboutthemisrecordedinancienttextssuchasShijingShujingYijingandChunqiuOnlyinZhuangziismentionmadeofthem153LatergenerationsmistakenlybelievedthattheKunandthePengwererealTheirfailuretoconsiderreason(道理)andtheirfruitlessclingingtowordsandtracesissurelyanextremecaseofnotthinking154 WhenIwasyoungIaskedthevariouslearnedmeninmyvillageaboutthisbuttoamanalltheycoulddowashemandhawWhenIreflectbackonitnowitseemsobviousthattheycouldnthopetohaveknownjustwhatkindoffish(theKunwas)orwhatkindofbird(thePengwas)Alltheycoulddowasstareatthesentences(文)comprisingZhuangzirsquosworkorhearexplanationsaboutparticularwrittencharacters(字)bylaterConfucians155Havingonlythetextitself(文字)theylostsightofthefactthatitssubstance(實)wasthestuffofpurefantasy156

莊子前無云鯤鵬之事如詩書易春秋之古書所不戴也惟莊子一言之後世以爲實有云鯤鵬之物其不考之道理徒拘於言迹且不思之甚也予幼年時問之之諸先生皆含糊而已今反復而思之固應不知夫果爲何等之魚耶何等之鳥耶特以覩其文於莊子之書又聞其字於後儒之言而已徒有文字而亡其實者兔角龜毛是類焉

Apparentlyfeelingitinsufficienttosimplyrejecttheassumptionofliteral

referentialityoutofhandChūgangoesontoargueinalmostpatronizinglyexplicit

termsthatabirdsuchasthePengisaphysicalimpossibilityWhilethisisbyfarthe

leastconceptuallyinterestingportionofhisessayappearingatfirsttobelittlemore

thanasimplisticfoilforthemorenuancedreadinghewilloffersubsequentlyits

153AswillbecomeclearlaterinhisessayChūganisnotsuggestingherethattheactualwordsldquokunrdquoandldquopengrdquodidnotexistpriortotheirappearanceinZhuangzionlythattheapplicationofthosedesignationstotwofantasticcreatureswasnovel154Theconnectionbetweenwords(言)traces(迹)andthings(物)isoffundamentalimportancetoChūganrsquosthesisandwillbeaddressedinmoredetailbelow155ldquoLaterConfuciansrdquorenderstheepithetkōju後儒(Chouru)whichappearsinbothChinaandJapanasabroadreferencetoConfucianscholarsofrecenttimesandduringtheSongeraandthereaftertoadherentsoftheCheng-Zhu程朱schoolinparticular156LiterallyldquohornsonarabbitorhaironaturtlerdquoacommoneuphemisminZenliteratureforsomethingthatdoesnrsquotexistinnature

96

forceandsimplicityrecallshisapproachtohomilyndashagenreinwhichChūganlike

otherGozanliteratiwasextremelyproficientInitslaboriousnessitisalsowryly

funny

ThenatureofabirdistoflyIftherewereabirdwhosewingsreallybeatthewindfor90000liandwerelikecloudssuspendedfromtheheavensthentheywouldcoverallthelandinChinawhenspreadTravelling(fromChina)inthefourdirectionsoneneednotevengo10000litotheeastbeforepassingthethreeKoreankingdomsandgoing(10000li)tothewesttakesonebeyondtheKunlunMountainsGoing(10000li)tothenorthtakesonebeyondthedesertand(10000li)tothesouthbringsonetotheedgeofmountainandsea157AllofthiswouldbeunderthePengrsquoswingsandforthoseaffecteditwouldbelikebeingunderneathanoverturnedbowlonewouldbeunabletoseethelightfromthesunorthemoonandtherewouldbenodifferencebetweendayandnightItwouldbeperpetuallydarkWhatrsquosmoretheforceofthewindandwaves(thatthePengwouldgenerate)wouldbesostrongthateveryboatwithinthefourseaswouldbequitebeyondsalvation158JustonebirdtakingtotheairwouldimperilthecountrynowimaginethesebirdsflyinginaflockthentherealmwouldbeinrealtroubleYetIhaveneverheardofsuchastrangeoccurrenceinanyepochTheChunqiucontainsveritablerecordsoftheagesandallofthemmentionnaturalcalamitiesandunusualeventsBut(aPeng-induceddisaster)issomethingthatisnotwrittendowninanyofthehistoriesClearlythenthestoryissimplyoneofZhuangzirsquosallegories(寓言)couchedinthemostfancifulandfar-fetchedlanguage

鳥之性以飛爲常且如九萬里搏風之翼若垂天雲者一展其翅亦縣神州之地四方不過萬餘里東及三韓西過昆崙北踰沙漠南際嶺海皆在翼下如覆盆中不見日月之照無晝夜之分永爲暗昧也且夫風濤之勢四海舟揖之利不可濟也一鳥一飛尚難爲國土況此鳥飛以群則國土奈之何未聞何代何時而有如斯之怪乎春秋歷世有實錄皆記災異然諸史所不戴也是乃莊子寓言荒唐開誕之語耳

157Thetermldquomountainandseardquorenders嶺海whichseeminglyreferstotheFiveRidgesofsouthernChina(Dayu大庾Qitian騎田Mengzhu萌渚Dupang都龐andYuecheng越城)andtheseaoffthecoastofwhatistodayGuangdongandGuangxiprovinces158Thephrase四海舟揖之利不可濟也seemstomeansomethinglikeldquoeventhebenefit(利)gainedfromthesupplications(揖)ofeveryboatinthefourseaswouldnotbeenoughtosavethemrdquo

97

HavingthusdeniedsimplereferentialinterpretationsofZhuangzirsquosPengonthe

basisofhistoryandcommonzoologicalsenseChūganturnstophilologyinrejecting

theoftencounteredassociationofthePengwithanotherlegendarybirdthefeng鳳

commonlyrenderedinEnglishasldquophoenixrdquo159Hearguesthatthiserroneous

identificationstemsfromconfusionwithyetanotherquasi-mythicalbirdtheso-

calledldquoblazingfirebirdrdquo(jiaoming焦明)ofSimaXiangrursquosfamousRhapsodyon

ShanglinImperialPark(Shanglinfu上林賦)Theblazingfirebirdwasexplainedby

thenotedfifth-centuryscholarPeiYinasabirdthatldquoresemblesthephoenixrdquo似鳳

thisglossseemstohavetakenrootveryearlyasitisalsogivenbythethird-century

lexicographerZhangYi160TomakemattersworseSimaXiangrursquosbiographyinHan

shucallsthisbirdnotjiaomingbutjiaopeng焦朋andChūganfocusesonsemantic

correspondencesbetweenthethreecharactersfeng鳳peng朋andpeng鵬as

centralfactorscontributingtothemisinterpretationofZhuangzirsquosallegoricalbird

Thecharacter鵬wasoriginallywritten朋(peng)andwassynonymouswiththecharacter鳳(feng)Thetraditionalexplanationforthisisthatwhenthefengbirdfliesflocksofotherbirdsfollowitenmassetherebyearningitthestyleldquopengrdquo鵬hellip161Zhuangziwasfondofallegoriesandsohesimplyborrowedthewordldquopengrdquo朋and

159HealsorejectsoutofhandthestillmoreexoticassociationofthePengwiththegolden-wingedgaruda(金翅鳥)ofBuddhistlore160ZhangYiisnotedforcompilingthedictionaryGuangya廣雅whichcontainsover17000charactersSomewhatunusuallyhisglossonthejiaopengassociatesitwiththewestasopposedtothesouthSeeTakahashiTadahikoShinshakukanbuntaikeiv80ldquoMonzenfuhenrdquopt2(TokyoMeijiShoin1977)p104161Thislineisanearquotefromthesecond-centurydictionaryShuowenjiezi説文解字Chūganaddsthatthetermldquopengrdquo isusedpredominantlyasignifierforapair(相偶)suggestingthatitisthesenseofbirdscomingtogetherorldquopairinguprdquothatisbehindtheuseofthegraph鵬todenotethebirdcalledldquofengrdquo

98

useditasthenameofagiantbirdItwaslaterConfucianswhoonthebasisofthebirdradicalinthecharacter鵬assumedthattherereallywassuchabird鵬本爲朋與鳳字同説者曰鳳飛則群鳥相從以萬數故爲鵬hellip 莊子好寓言故假朋字爲大鳥之名而已後儒從鳥成鵬以為實有斯鳥也

ThatChūganwouldmustersuchlengthysoberappealstophilologyand

recordedhistorytoadvancetheseeminglyobviouspointthatthereisnosuchthing

asthePengisconsistentwithhispenchantfordramaticandpolemicalarguments

ItisalsopossiblethatthehighculturalstatusaccordedtotheChineseclassicswould

foratleastsomemedievalJapanesereadershaveeffectivelyguaranteedthe

historicityofthestoriestheyrelatemakingsuchathoroughgoingrebuttalauseful

propadeutictothetypeofsymbolicreadingthatheintendedtooffer162The

foremostgoalofChūganrsquosreadingwastoelucidatetheprincipleofldquotransformationrdquo

(物化)anideaoffundamentalimportanceinbothBuddhistandDaoist

philosophicaldiscourseandonewhichChūganbelievedwasaptlyfiguredbythe

physicalmetamorphosisoftheKunintothePeng

162HereitmightbenotedthattheKunwasapparentlylesscontroversialItsnamewasconstruableasdenotingeitherasinglegiganticfishorsomewhatparadoxicallyminisculefisheggsndashabasicmeaningofthewordldquokunrdquoAswillbeseenbelowChūganbelievedthelattersensewasactuallythemoreimportantbutperhapsbecausegiganticseacreaturessuchaswhaleswereknowntoexistheofferednoexplicitcritiqueofthegargantuanproportionsascribedtotheKuninthestory

99

Hebeginshisinterpretation

byexplainingthesignificanceofthe

termNorthernDarkness(北冥)the

bodyofwaterinwhichtheKunis

heldtoresideAccordingtoChūgan

northisthedirectionwhereyang

energyliesdormantandwherethe

ldquoOneofHeavenrdquo(天一)bringswater

intobeingHerehedrawsexplicitly

ontheldquoYellowRiverChartrdquoorHetu(河圖)afamousdiagraminwhichasymmetric

arrangementofgroupsofdotsrepresentcorrespondencesbetweenthenatural

numbersfromonetotenthecardinaldirectionsandthefivephases(fig1)He

furtherexplainsthatthedirectionnorthisassociatedwiththedivinatorytrigram

kan(坎)whichshowsoneyanglinetrappedinbetweentwoyinlinesand

symbolizeswaterFinallyhenotesthatthecharacterming冥(Jmei)canbeusedto

denotetheseaandthatthecloselyrelatedhomophonouscharacter溟connotesa

particularlydarkseamaking北冥suggestiveofthatwhichisldquohiddendark

mysteriousandatrestrdquo(幽晦玄寘)ToChūganZhuangzirsquosNorthernDarkness

representsldquoaplacewherethemyriadthingsliedormantandconcealedrdquo(萬物潛藏

之地耳)

ThisinterpretationoftheNorthernDarknessbuttressedandperhapseven

helpedmotivatehisdecisiontofocusnotonthemanifestsenseoftheKunasa

Fig1

100

giganticfishbutratheronthemeaningofthewordldquokunrdquoasfisheggs(魚卵)which

maybeseentoembodythesamequalitiesoflatencyinchoatenessandhidden

potentialassociatedwiththekantrigramPhilologicallyspeakingthisreadingis

wellsupportedthegreatpre-QinlexicographicalworkErya爾雅definesldquokunrdquoas

roewhichisalsohowthewordappearsinGuoyu國語atextcompiledbetweenthe

fifthandfourthcenturiesBC163HistoricallyZhuangzischolarshiphasbeendivided

onthematterwithsomeearlyscholarssuchasWeiZhao韋昭(204-73)notingat

leastthatthetermldquokunrdquoproperlymeansroewhileothercommentatorsavoided

thiscomplicationaltogetherandadheredintheirinterpretationstothemanifest

qualitiesofZhuangzirsquosKuntheEasternJinscholarCuiZhuan崔譔forinstance

proposedthattheKunwasinfactawhale(鯨)164Chūganrsquosreadingwasprobably

motivatedlessbyageneralconcernforphilologicalrigorthanbytheneedto

establishthelogicalgroundworkforhissymbolicinterpretationofthepassageasa

wholeConstruingtheKuntobeawhaleorothersuchcreaturesapstheanecdote

ofthehumorandironicwitcharacteristicofsomuchofZhuangziandobviously

rulesoutfictionalallegoryasaninterpretivemodeBycontrastforegroundingthe

basicsenseofthewordldquokunrdquocreatesaratherstarkbutextremelyproductive

terminologicaldisjunctionbetweenthenameandthecharacterthatbearsitTothe

extentthatitplainlysubvertscategoricaljudgmentsconcerningsizendashkunaretiny

163SeeWangShuminZhuangzijiaoquanvol1pp4-5164IbidEnglishtranslationsofZhuangzialsofrequentlyunderstandtheKunsimplyasanenormousfish(HerbertGilesfamouslyrendereditLeviathan)withnoreferencetothefactthatthewordldquokunrdquomeantroeManymodernChineseandJapaneseeditionsdosoaswellapparentlywishingtoavoidaninterpretiveschemethatwouldrequiretoolongadetourintophilologyorsymbolism

101

buttheKunisenormousndashthisdisjunctionishighlyconsistentwithZhuangzian

rhetoricingeneralanditiswhatwilllaterallowChūgantoplacephilologyinthe

serviceofphilosophy

Aldquokunrdquoisaneggwhosebodyisamorphousandhasyettoassumethefullformofafish165ItlieslatentandconcealedandisextremelyminisculeYettheambitionitnurturesisvaststretchingforwhoknowshowmanythousandliAlthoughonemightsaythatitistinyandhiddenitnonethelessrepresentstheseedofadragon(iesomethingwiththepotentialforgreatness)鯤體渾渾然而未具魚體之卵也潛伏而微小之甚也然所養之志氣浩大不知其幾千里也雖云微潛亦龍種耳HereChūganunderstandsthephraseldquowhoknowshowmanythousandlirdquo不知其

幾千里whichinthetextostensiblydescribestheactualphysicalsizeoftheKunas

anentirelyfigurativeexpressionThedefiningcharacteristicofZhuangzirsquosKunis

thusitsimmensepotentialtheultimaterealizationofwhichisitstransformation

intothePengAndjustastheinitiallocationoftheKuninthecoldwaterofthe

NorthernDarknesscanbywayofYijingsymbolismbeunderstoodtoadumbrate

thecreaturersquoscentralqualitiesndashlatentyangenergyconcealedbutreadytoburst

forthndashsothedirectionintowhichthePengfliescanbeseenasamarkerofits

significanceasasymbolofnewlyliberatedradianceChūgannotesthatthesouthis

associatedwiththetrigramli(離)whichshowsoneyinlinebetweentwoyang

165ItisimpossibletoconveyinEnglishthedoubleentendrethatChūgancreateseverytimehewritesldquokunrdquo鯤whichbothdenotes(orconnotes)thegargantuancharacternamedKunandconverselyconnotes(ordenotes)thewordthatmeansroeThedescriptiongiveninthispassageismanifestlyaboutthewordbutthereaderismeanttoholdZhuangzirsquosKuninmindaswellasitssymbolicconnectiontoroeiswhatdrivesChūganrsquosentireinterpretation

102

linesandrepresentsfireandbyextensionbrightnessandclear-sightedness166He

observesfurtherthatfirehastheabilitytoldquotransformthingsrdquo(化物)andthat

accordingtotheelementalcorrespondencesintheHetudiagramitisbegottenby

theyinnumber2Waterasalreadynotedisbegottenbytheyangnumber1To

Chūganthiscorrelationbetweennumerologyandfive-phasestheoryisreflectedin

thephysicalformsoftheKunandthePengjustasthenumber1precedesthe

number2sotheKunwhichisunitary(單)andodd(奇)precedesthePengasits

ldquoelderbrotherrdquo(kun昆toaddtoanalreadymultilayeredwordplay)ThePengby

contrastiseven(偶)afactreflectedinthebilateralsymmetryofitswingswhich

formapair(peng朋)AndwhereasthebodyoftheKuniswholeand

undifferentiated(一合昆侖)asitlayssubmergedintheNorthernDarknessthe

Pengrsquostwowingsworkinunison(二張朋會)asitsoarsintothesouthernsky167

Thestrategyofexplicatingaparticularwordviareferencetoahomophonous

wordwrittenwithacognatecharacterfeaturesprominentlyinChūganrsquosessay168It

166CommentingontheirhexagrammaticformswhichsubsumethesymboliccontentofthetrigramsRichardWilhelm(translatedbyCaryFBanes)putsitevocativelyldquoWhileKanmeansthesoulshutwithinthebodyListandsfornatureinitsradiancerdquo(TheIChingp118)167ThesearedifficultlinestoparseandIsuspecttheremaybeawordplayatworkinvolving昆侖and朋會thatenrichesanotherwisesimpleparallelismInfullthelinesreadasfollows鯤體一合昆侖而伏于溟北鵬翼二張朋會而騫于天南InYijingthefirstdivinatoryjudgmentpertainingtothesecondhexagramndashwhichhappenstobepronouncedkun( )ndashsaysthatthesuperiorman(君子)willgainfriendsinthesouthorwestandlosethemifhegoesnorthoreast西南得朋東北喪朋SeeSuzuki(1974)pp100-1andWilhelmandBaynes(1976)p11168Recallalsothevariousphono-semanticlinksChūganemphasizedbetweenthecharacters君and群andbetween王往旺and暀intheldquoKeikenrdquochapterofChūseishi(seeChapterTwoofthepresentstudy)

103

driveshisfinalactofcorrelativereasoningwhichbeginswiththestraightforward

associationofnorthwiththecelestialstemren壬(Jnin)andsouthwiththe

celestialstembing丙(Jhei)Thereisnothingparticularlynovelaboutthissince

renandbingaretraditionallyassociatedwithwaterandfirerespectivelyandthe

HetuaswehaveseenassociatesthoseelementswithnorthandsouthButChūgan

proposesafurtherphoneticandsemanticconnectiontotheZhuangzistoryarguing

thatthenorthbeingrensymbolizesastateofpregnancy(CrenyunJninrsquoyō妊孕)

andthesouthbeingbingastateofbrightness(CbingyaoJheiyō炳曜)169Even

thesecompoundsseemcarefullychosenasthesecondcharacterineachcontains

radicalelementssuggestiveoftheKunandthePeng子(childprogeny)羽(wings)

隹(bird)Rhetoricallyspeakingthetermsalsoconcludethisportionoftheessay

nicelyaseachencapsulatesandrestateskeymotifsoftheZhuangzistorywherethe

KunispregnantwithpotentialhiddenintheNorthernDarknessthePengasits

transfigurationescapesthisdarknessandascendsintothelight170

Toreturntoanissuebroachedbrieflyabovesuchameticulousfigural

readingofaChinesetextbyaJapanesescholarwillnaturallyleadthegeneticcritic

(andtheintellectualhistorian)tooneintriguingquestionhowmuchofthisreading

wasoriginaltoChūganandhowmuchistraceabletoknownChinesesources

169ThesephoneticcorrelationsholdinbothLateOldChinesethelanguageofZhuangziandMiddleMandarin(PulleyblankrsquosEarlyMandarin)whichreferstothelanguageoftheZhongyuanyinyun中原音韻compiledcirca1300whichisalsoaroundthetimeChūganwasinChinaNotsurprisinglytheyalsoholdinJapanesesolongasoneusesthegorsquoon呉音readingldquoninrdquofor壬170AsawholethepassageinwhichtheseideasarearticulatedisdenseandsignificantlymoredifficultthantheportionstranslatedearlierAcompletetranslationisventuredintheappendixtothischapter

104

WhileIhaveyettodiscoveranythingdirectlyparallelingKonpōroninthe

commentarialtraditionitisclearthatinterpretationsoftheKunandthePengin

termsofyin-yangtheorydidexistInhisZhuangziYanZhaikouyi莊子鬳齋口義the

aforementionedLinXiyirejectedsuchreadingsonthegroundsthattheywere

overwroughtunfortunatelyhiscommentsareterseanddonotgiveasenseofhow

theinterpretationshehadinmindwereconstructedphilosophicallyor

rhetorically171Moregenerallyawell-establishedpoeticsofnatureinwhichfish

embodiedyinandbirdsembodiedyangwasseeminglycommonknowledgeandthe

juxtapositionofthetwoanimalsinliteraturepredatesevenZhuangzi172Moreover

theYijingsymbolisminformingChūganrsquosKonpōroniscloselyconsonantwithseveral

importanttrendsinSong-eraYijingexegesisTheintellectualcultureofthe

NorthernSongDynasty(960-1126)evincedextraordinaryfascinationwith

divinatorychartsanddiagramsandYijinginterpretationduringtheerareflecteda

resurgentinterestintheXiangshu象數(ldquoImagesandNumbersrdquo)andChenwei讖緯

(ldquoPrognosticardquo)traditionsthatfirstemergedduringtheHan173TheDaoistpriest

ChenTuan陳摶(d989)aneclecticandapparentlyquitepopularfigureconversant

171LinremarksldquoThenamesKunandPengaresimplyallegoricalSomehaveexplicatedthembymeansofyinandyangbutallsuchinterpretationsareforcedandintroduceunnecessarycomplexitiesrdquo(鯤鵬之名亦寓言耳或以陰陽論之皆是強生節目)SeeZhuangzikouyi(TaipeiHongdaowenhuashiye1971)pp2-3172SeeAkatsukaKiyoshiZenshakukanbuntaikeiv16ldquoSōshirdquo(TokyoShueisha1974)pp26-7ForanearlyexampleoftheliteraryjuxtapositionofbirdswithfishAkatsukacitesthepoemldquoHanLurdquo早麓(ldquoTheFoothillsofMountHanrdquo)fromShijing詩經(Maono239)whichcontainsacoupletthatreads鳶飛戾天魚躍于淵ldquoThekitetakesflightandreaches(戻=至)theheavensandthefishfrolicinthedeeprdquo173SeeRichardJSmithFathomingtheCosmosandOrderingtheWorldTheYijing(I-ChingorClassicofChanges)andItsEvolutioninChina(CharlottesvilleUnivofVirginiaPress2008)p114

105

withbothBuddhismandtheConfucianclassicstaughtXiangshuideaswidelyandis

oftencreditedwithpromulgatingtheHetuandLuoshudiagrams174Connections

betweenYijingandZhuangziwerealsodeepandlongstandingcenturiesearlierthe

famedscholarandexegeteWangBi王弼(226-49)haddrawnheavilyonLaoziand

ZhuangziindevelopinganapproachtoYijingstudiesthateventuallybecamethe

schoolofldquoMeaningsandPrinciplesrdquo(Yili義理)aninfluentialalternativetothe

XiangshuschoolNearertoChūganrsquosowntimethepoetYeMengde葉夢得(1077-

1148)evenopinedthattheessenceofYijingisentirelycontainedinZhuangziand

anotherDaoistclassicLiezi列子175BeginningintheSixDynastiesera(220-589)

BuddhistwriterstoomadefruitfuluseofLaoziandZhuangzifewmoreextensively

thanSengzhao僧肇(384-414)176Aswillbeseenbelowtheenigmaticopening

passageofKonpōroncloselyparallelsportionsofSengzhaorsquosfamouscollectionof

essaysZhaolun肇論DuringtheTangDynastytheBuddhistscholasticfootprintin

YijingstudiesgrewdramaticallywithnotablecontributionsmadebyHuayan華嚴

(Kegon)exegetessuchasLiTongxuan李通玄(635-730)whocreativelyinvoked

bothYijingitselfandtheldquoYijingapocryphardquo(易緯)inordertoexplicatecertain

aspectsofHuayanphilosophy177Lestthisaccountingofplausibleinfluencesupon

Chūganrsquosthoughtgrowunmanageablylongwemayconcludebynotingthatthe

eminentdualmasterofHuayanandChanGuifengZongmi圭峰宗密(780-841)

174Ibidp114-15TheLuoshu洛書wasadiagramsimilartotheHetubutusedadifferentarrangementofcorrespondences175Ibidp133176SeeWangZhongyaoZhongguoFojiaoyuZhouyi(TaipeiDazhan2003)p100177Ibidpp256-68

106

perhapsthemostfamousBuddhistthinkerofhiseradeftlyglossedvarious

doctrinalconceptsfundamentaltoMahayanaBuddhismbywayofreferenceto

YijingZhuangziandLaozi178

ThefoundationslaidbySixDynastiesandTangtheoristswouldcontinueto

inspiresyncreticallymindedwritersoftheSongandYuaneraswhichwere

characterizedbytheincreasinglywidespreadparticipationofostensiblyldquoConfucianrdquo

scholarsinChanBuddhismandtheparticipationofChanprelatesintheacademic

studyofldquoexteriorrdquo(ienon-Buddhist)classicaltextsHencelikeanywell-placed

BuddhistscholarofthefourteenthcenturyChūganwasheirtoalongandfertile

intellectualtraditionthatincludedelementsofIndicphilosophynotablyYogācāra

andMādhyamikaphilosophical(andevenalchemical)Daoism179numerologyyin-

yangtheoryandConfucianethicsItwasatraditionofimmensebreadththatcould

bemarshaledinsupportofanextraordinaryvarietyofinterpretiveapproachesnot

leastofwhichwasallegoresis

178Ibid343-67SeealsoPeterNGregoryAnInquiryintotheOriginofHumanityAnAnnotatedTranslationofTsung-mirsquosYuumlanjenlunwithaModernCommentary(KurodaInstituteClassicsinEastAsianBuddhismHonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress1995)passim179FamousalchemicaltextssuchastheHan-eraZhouyicantongqi周易參同契(TokenfortheAgreementoftheThreeAccordingtotheZhouChanges)attesttothelongstandingconnectionbetweenYijingscholarshipandalchemicalDaoismandChenTuanwasakeyfigureinthedevelopmentoftheSong-eraldquoinneralchemyrdquo(neidan内丹)traditionSeeSmithFathomingtheCosmos106-7and115

107

InterpretationandAuthorialGenius

IntheChinesecommentarialtraditionatypeofreadingthatcanjustifiably

betermedldquoallegoricalrdquowasencouragedbymultiplefactorsthemostbasicofwhich

wasthepersistenttendencyofcommentatorstomakeevenanostensiblysimple

textsuchasapoemfromShijingmeansomethingotherthanitsmanifestsense

TheapproachwaswellknowntoJapanesescholarsoftheNaraandHeianperiods

andiscommonlyassociatedinbothChinaandJapanwithConfucianmoral

imperativestodiscover(andultimatelyprivilege)politicalmessagesinclassical

proseandpoetryFromalinguisticstandpointallegoresiswasfurtherabettedbya

processofterminologicalsedimentationwherebycertaintermsofartgradually

accretedmanylayersofmeaningthroughcenturiesofuseinchangingconceptual

environmentsThewordswerethusstronglypalimpsesticanditwasrelatively

easyforphilologicallyinclinedcommentatorstobringtolightlatentmeaningsof

specificwordsandphrasesTheeffectwasthustomultiplythenumberofpossible

newldquotextsrdquondashunderstoodfollowingMcGannasldquolacednetworksoflinguisticand

bibliographiccodesrdquondashthatcouldbewroughtfromthewordsofanexistingwork180

Yetanothersignificantfactorwastheenduring(post-Han)influenceofwhathas

beencalledbyWesternscholarsldquocorrelativecosmologyrdquoamodeoftaxonomic

thinkingconducivetotheproliferationofconnectionsbetweenseeminglydisparate

180JeromeMcGannTheTextualCondition(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1991)p13

108

phenomena181NeedlesstosayKonpōronmakesextensiveuseofthisparadigm

forginggeographicelementalandnumericalrelationshipsbetweenvariouskey

wordsintheZhuangzipassageitexplicates

Whilesymbolicrepresentationandfiguralreadingwereintegraltothe

Chineseinterpretivetraditionquestionswereraisedseveraldecadesagoregarding

thespecificnatureofthesymbolsandfiguresthemselvesThetypeofallegory

commonlyencounteredinChineseliteraturehasbeenheldbymanyscholarsto

differfundamentallyfromthatwhichpredominatesintheliteraturesoftheWest

TheformerasanalyzedbyAndrewPlaksissynecdochicthingsmayrepresent

otherthingsbutasaruleboththevehicleandthetenorinanymetaphoric

substitutionareofthesameontologicalorderwhereWesternallegoryldquolooks

upwardrdquotowardsaprivilegedmetaphysicalplaneChineseallegoryldquolooks

outwardrdquo182QuiteunlikehisWesterncounterparttheChinesepoethasthusbeen

judgedtoinhabitanessentiallymonisticcosmosinwhichnoabsoluteseparation

waspositedbetweentheldquohumanrdquoandtheldquodivinerdquobetweenphenomenaand

noumenaTotheextentthatsuchadescriptionisaccuratefiguresandsymbolsin

ChineseliterarytextsnecessarilyworkmetonymicallythereisasPaulineYuputit

nomovementtowardsldquoatranscendentrealmthatisautonomousanddifferentin

kindfromthesensoryworldofthepoetandhisreaderssimplybecausesucha

181ThephraseldquocorrelativecosmologyrdquoisnotatranslationofatraditionaltermbutarelativelyrecentneologismThecomplexofideasitattemptstocaptureisdenotedinhistoricalsourcessuchasHanshu漢書(111AD)andWenxuan文選(ca530)byphrasessuchasldquothejunctureofHeavenandManrdquo天人之際182SeeAndrewPlaksArchetypeandAllegoryintheDreamoftheRedChamber(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1976)p180

109

realmwasnotheldtoexistrdquo183Thepoetmoreoverwasnotacreatorassuchbut

anorganizerorexcavatorofestablishedtropesandfiguresthatembodiedpre-

existingrelationships184Yuhasevenappliedthispositiontothesymbolismfound

inBuddhist-inspiredpoetrycitingthenon-dualismofformandemptiness

articulatedintheHeartSutraandnotingthatldquotheapparentdichotomybetweenthis

worldandanothersamsaraandnirvanatheillusoryandtherealcouldbe

explainedbyBuddhistdialecticianswithintheirsystemoflsquodoubletruthrsquoasmerely

conventionaltruthrdquo185TheresultpredictablyisthattheBuddhistpoetlikehis

ldquoConfucianrdquocounterpartisheldnottohavebeenalludingtoarealmthatwas

fundamentallyotherThepointiselegantandpowerfullygermanetoour

understandingofaworklikeKonpōronthoughitmightbehedgedwiththeobvious

provisothatthemetaphysicalperspectivesoftheHeartSutraandother

PrajntildeāpāramitāsutrasneednotbeautomaticallymappedontoeveryBuddhistpoet

oreverypoeticinvocationofldquoemptinessrdquo(空)Morefundamentallythebroad

metaphysicalcommitmenttoanon-dualorganismiccosmosamongEastAsian

intellectualsdidnotinitselfmeantheabsenceofdiscoursesoftranscendence

whichattheveryleastservedheuristicandrhetoricalpurposeseveniftheymight

beshownbyanextendedjourneyontheviaphilosophicatodifferfromsimilar

discoursesintheWest

183PaulineYuldquoMetaphorandChinesePoetryrdquoChineseLiteratureEssaysArticlesReviews(CLEAR)32(Jul1981)p220184Ibidpp220223andpassim185Ibidpp223-24

110

NonethelessevenasChūganrsquosallegoresisimpliesthepossibilityof

transcendencethemetaphysicsbehinditmaystillbelabelednon-dualisticallthat

theKunwillbecomeiscontainedgerminallywithinitndashanalmosttooobvious

implicationofthenameKun(ldquoRoerdquo)ndashandnowheredoesChūganrsquosdiscussion

dependexplicitlyonthepresumedexistenceofldquohigherrdquoorotherwise

incommensurableordersofrealityByandlargethenKonpōronmaybesaidto

lookldquooutwardrdquoinpreciselythewayscharacteristicofcorrelationistexegeses

revealingaunifiedsocio-cosmicordergovernedbynaturallawsandpre-existing

correspondencesThereishoweveronesignificantrespectinwhichChūganrsquos

accountoftheKunandthePengdoesdepartfrombothpurelyyin-yang

correlationistandConfucianistallegoricalreadingsWhileheholdstheoverarching

purposeofthestorytobethesymbolicillustrationoftheprincipleof

transformationhealsoholdstheKunandthePengthemselvestobeingeniousand

entirelyfictitiousliterarycreationsofthehistoricalZhuangzi

ItseemsMasterZhuangwasabletoperceivetheprocessofchangedrivingthetransformationofthingsandelucidatetheiressentialnature186Thisiswhyhelefthis

186ldquoEssentialnaturerdquorendersseishō精性(Cjingxing)精seemsanalogoustoitsuseintermssuchasseiki精氣(jingqi)ldquoessentialpneumardquoandseishin精神 (jingshen)ldquoquintessentialspiritrdquo(thesetranslationsfollowCsikszentmihalyiedReadingsinHanChineseThoughtandMajoretalTheHuainanzirespectively)SeishōisnotaparticularlycommoncompoundthoughitdoesoccurinBuddhisttextsandwithespeciallyhighfrequencyintheHeroicValorSutra(首楞嚴經)ItisreminiscentofotherBuddhisttermstreatingvarioustypesofldquonaturerdquosuchastaishō體性(tixing)whichhasalsobeentranslatedasldquoessentialnaturerdquo(seeSwansonFoundationsofTrsquoienTrsquoaiPhilosophyp77)ChūganseemstobelievethatseishōisdifficultbutnotimpossibletounderstandthroughlanguagepresumablyotherbaserformsofnaturearemorereadilyaccessibleAndalthoughhedoesnotofferanexplicitcounterparttoldquoessentialnaturerdquooneisremindedofthedistinctionbetweenldquooriginalnaturerdquo(本然之性)andldquophysicalnaturerdquo(氣質之性)madebyZhuXi

111

traceinathingthatwasnotathingwhichwassufficienttoenablehimtoleavetraceswherenonecouldotherwisebeleft187HewasalsoabletotakeaccountofthevastnumberofnamesandnormsanddiscerntheirmysteriousprinciplesThisisthereasonhegroundedhiswordsinanamelessnameanditispreciselyhowhewasabletosaythatwhichcouldnotbesaid

蓋夫荘生能觀物化之變而明其精性故遺迹於無物之物足能迹所不能迹之迹也又籌名數之量而分其玄理故立言於無名之名是能言所不能言之言也

ToChūganZhuangziwasamastersymbolistwhousedfictionalizedcreatures

whichistosaycreatureswhosenames(名)asdeployedwithinthetextdidnothave

directreferentsoutsideitinordertoldquosaywhatcouldnotbesaidrdquoFictionalityitself

wasfundamentaltothisendeavorsincetousenamesinamannerthatsimply

denotedwellknownreal-worldreferentswouldbetoremainentirelywithinthe

associationalparadigmtypicaloftraditionalConfucianallegoryByemploying

signifiersinawaythatwasatoncedenotativelynewndashpriortoZhuangzithewords

ldquokunrdquoandldquopengrdquohadnrsquotbeenusedinparadoxicalfashiontonameagargantuanfish

andacontinent-sizedbirdndashyetwhichsimultaneouslypreservedandplayeddeftly

uponthereferentsthetermsoriginallydidpossessZhuangziachievedsomething

bothstylisticallyandconceptuallynovel

OnthisaccountatleastChūganrsquosreadingoftheepisodecomesremarkably

closetoPaulineYursquosconceptionoftheprototypicalWesternallegorywhichldquocannot

betakenatfacevalueasaliteralrecordofactualeventsrdquobutisratherldquoasystemof

signswhoseverymeaningconsistsinassertingtheirfictivenessandtheirfunction

187Thenounphrase迹所不能迹之迹mayberenderedmoreliterallyasldquotoleave[astrace](迹)thesortoftracethatcannotbeleftastrace(所不能迹之迹)rdquoorldquotoleave[astrace]tracesinaplacewherenotracesmaybeleftrdquodependingonhowonechoosestoconstrue所不能迹

112

assignifiersforsomethingbeyondthetextrdquo188Thislastqualificationofcourse

returnsustotheissueofmetaphysicsandthequestionathandbecomeswhether

ornotortowhatextenttheprincipleoftransformationmightmeaningfullybe

construedaslyingldquobeyondrdquothetextAlongstandingproblemfacingexegetes

workingonthetextsofphilosophicalDaoismwasthefactthattheDaowasboth

immanentandtranscendentitwasapproachablevialanguageinitseffectsor

ldquofunctionsrdquo(CyongJyō用)butnotinitsundifferentiatedtotalityastatethat

precedesandbydefinitionprecludesldquonamesrdquoofanysortYetintheworkof

renownedLaozicommentatorLuXisheng陸希聲(fl9thc)namesldquoareaccorded

valueinananagogicwaytheyaretheyongofDaotheyrelyonitandpermitthe

searchforthelsquofoundationrsquo(CtiJtai體)rdquo189Tothisextentnamesarepartofa

metaphysicalorderthatdoesnotadmitofanontologicaldualityinthemannerof

AbrahamicorPlatonicthoughtbutwhichinmostformulationsisnonetheless

hierarchicalChūgantoopositsaclearhierarchybetweentheDaoandthe

phenomenalworldofwhichlanguageisoneparticularconstituentAsthe

conditionofpossibilityforbothsensoryexperienceanddiscursivereasontheDao

cannotbeentirelycapturedndashldquoexhaustedrdquo(盡)ndashbyanyordinarydevicelinguistic

orotherwise190Yetldquothingsrdquo(物)whicharespecificinstantiationsoftheDaoand

188PaulineRYuldquoAllegoryAllegoresisandtheClassicofPoetryrdquoHarvardJournalofAsiaticStudies432(Dec1983)pp377-412189RobinetldquoTheDiverseInterpretationsoftheLaozirdquop147190IntheinterestofcompletenessitmightbenotedthatChūgandoesnotcommentonthepossibilityofexperiencingtheDaothroughmysticalunion

113

thusgesturetowardsitareamenabletoverbalexplicationatleastbysomeoneas

skilledasZhuangzi

ThosewhocansaysaywhatcannotbesaidthoseabletoleavetracesleavetraceswherenotracesmaybeleftNowtheDaoistheprincipleofspontaneousorderItcannoteitherwithwordsorwithsilencebewillfullymadeintosomethingwithdeterminateexistenceorwillfullydenieddeterminateexistenceZhuangzisaidldquoifspeakingwereenoughthenonecouldspendalldayspeakingandtherebyexhaustivelydescribetheDaoifspeakingwereinsufficientthentospendalldayspeakingwouldyieldanexhaustivedescriptionofthingsrdquo191ThingsrefertothetracesofnamesandwordsTheyembodytheprincipleofneitherspeakingnorremainingsilentOnlyZhuangziwasabletospeakaboutthemandfullyprobetheirlimits能言者言其所不能言能迹者迹其所不能迹夫道也者自然之理也不可使言之與默強有之強無之耳荘子曰言而足則終日言而盡道言而不足則終日言而盡物物也者名言之迹也非言非黙之理獨荘子能言而足盡其極而已

ThesearethememorableopeninglinesofKonpōronTheyfeatureseveralof

themostpotentandpolysemoustermsoftheDaoistcommentarialtraditionshizen

自然(Cziran)ri理(li)u有(you)mu無(wu)andbutsu物(wu)while

unambiguouslyaffirmingofthepoweroflanguageandZhuangzirsquossingularuse

thereofThephraseldquoneitherspeakingnorremainingsilentrdquo(非言非黙)isseenin

Zhuangzi2510AsrenderedbyVictorMair(1994)thatpassageendswiththe

followingstatementaboutthenatureoftheDaoldquoTheWayisthedelimitationof

thingsNeitherwordsnorsilencearesatisfactoryforconveyingitWithoutwords

andwithoutsilenceourdeliberationsreachtheirutmostlimitsrdquo(道物之極言默不

191Zhuangzi2510

114

足以載非言非默議有所極)192Thereisevidentlysomedisagreementamong

scholarsoverwhethertointerpretthestatementldquotheWayisthedelimitationof

thingsrdquo道物之極asMairdoesorwhethertotake道asbeingparalleltothenoun

phrase物之極ieldquotheDaoandthelimitofthingsrdquobutinanyeventthemessageis

thatneitherspeakingnorremainingsilentndashbothofwhichareultimatelydiscursive

strategiesndashcandothejobChūganhoweverseemsnottoregarddefianceof

discursiveexplicationasanintrinsicpropertyofthingsbutratheraresultofhuman

limitationswhichZhuangziwasabletoovercomeInthetranslationaboveldquothe

principleofneitherspeakingnorremainingsilentrdquo(非言非默之理)wasconstrued

astheoperativeprincipleofthingsItisalsopossibletoconstruethatphraseasa

topiconwhichtheensuingsentenceisacommentieldquo(Withrespectto)the

principlethatisneitheroneofspeechnorofsilenceonlyZhuangziwasableto

speakaboutitandfullyprobeitslimitsrdquoIneithercasetheclaimisthatZhuangzi

stoodaloneinhisabilitytouselanguagetorevealsomethingaboutthehidden

orderinformingphenomenalrealityAcompleteunderstandingofthisorderor

ldquoprinciplerdquowouldseemtoaffordthemostcompletediscursiveknowledgeofthe

Daopossiblesincesuchanunderstandingwouldrepresentamoregeneralldquometardquo-

physicalgraspofphysical(andsocial)phenomena193

192VictorHMairWanderingontheWayEarlyTaoistTalesandParablesofChuangTzu(NewYorkBantamBooks1994)p267193InthisandsimilarcontextsldquoprinciplerdquoisanoccultthoughstillimmanentaspectoftheDaoAsRobinetexplainstheDaoldquoactsthroughanaturalorderwhichsomecallli andwhichisalsooneofitsaspectsrdquo(ldquoTheDiverseInterpretationsoftheLaozirdquop149)

115

AnotherconceptcentraltoChūganrsquosessayisthatoftheldquotracerdquo迹(JsekiC

ji)avestigialrelationthroughwhichthingsandwordsremaincommensurableThe

termisparticularlyredolentofBuddhistphilosophicaldiscoursewhereitdenotes

externalindicationsorempiricalevidenceastraightforwardextensionofitsbasic

meaningoftracksorfootprintsChūganholdsthings(物)tobetheldquotracesofnames

andwordsrdquo(物也者名言之迹也)Thisprovocativeformulationappearstoinvert

therelationshipthatmightordinarilybeexpectedtoobtainbetweenlanguageand

thingswhoseexistencewouldotherwiseseembothlogicallyandtemporallyprior

tothatofthenamesandwordsdevisedtoidentifythemUnfortunatelyhedoesnot

expandupontheclaimorreturntoitelsewhereintheessayabsentfurther

evidenceaconservativereadingofChūganrsquospositionwouldsimplybethatheholds

ldquothingsrdquotobetheoutwardlysensiblesideofadipartiteidiographicrelationwords

andthingsarecoevalinsofarasanygivenldquothingrdquoisnrsquotperceivedassuchuntilitis

identifiedandidentificationisnecessarilyalinguisticactThetracerelation

providesthekeylinkbetweenwordsandobservablephenomenathatenablesthe

formertoldquoexhaustrdquothelatterwithrespecttothePengpassageitisthislinkthat

ultimatelymakespossibleZhuangzirsquoselucidationoftheprincipleoftransformation

Chūganinscribesthisthesiswithinalargeandlongstandingdiscourseon

languageandepistemologythatatleastinpartfindsitsoriginintheworkofthe

aforementionedSengzhaoSengzhaowasaneclecticBuddhistthinkeranda

talentedrhetoricianandChūgandrawsexplicitlyonhisstyleofexpositioninthe

veryfirstlineofKonpōronAsrenderedabovethislineproclaimsldquothosewhocan

saysaywhatthatcannotbesaidthoseabletoleavetracesleavetraceswhereno

116

tracesmaybeleftrdquo(能言者言其所不能言能迹者迹其所不能迹)Theenigmatic

wordingcloselyparallelsapassagefromalettertraditionallyincludedamongthe

fouressayscomprisingZhaoluninwhichSengzhaorepliestoquestionsposedto

himbyaneducatedandpiousaspirant194TherelevantportionreadsldquoHenceone

whoisskilledatspeakingwordsseekstosaythatwhichcannotbesaidonewhois

skilledatleavingtracesinvestigateshowtoleavetraceswherenotracesmaybeleftrdquo

(是以善言言者求言所不能言善迹迹者尋迹所不能迹)195Yettheclose

similaritiesindictionbelieasubtledifferenceinphilosophicalfocuswhereas

Sengzhaorsquosdiscussionofnamesandthingssoughttohighlightthearbitraryand

contingentnatureofthesignifyingprocessitselfChūganrsquossoughttoposition

Zhuangziastheultimatemasteroflanguagesomeonendashindeedtheonlyonendashwho

wasabletoexhaustthemysteriesofthingsthroughwordsThegoalofKonpōron

wasthusnottodeconstructaspurioushomologybetweennamesandphenomenal

realitybuttoreconstructthepathbywhichZhuangzigotfromtheformertoan

otherwiseinscrutableaspectofthelattertransformationassuchisnotathingbut

194ForacompletetranslationseeRafalFelburldquoEssaysofSengzhaordquoinThreeShortTreatisesbyVasubandhuSengzhaoandZongmi(MoragaBDKAmerica2017)pp47-135WalterLiebenthalChaoLunTheTreatisesofSeng-chao(HongKongHongKongUnivPress1968)pp81-100195Thephrase迹所不能迹mightbetakenas迹之所不能迹apartitivestructureinwhichthefirst迹isanounthesecondisaverbandthewholethingmeanssomethinglikeldquotracesofthesortthatcannotbeleftastracesrdquosimilarinmeaning(thoughnotinsyntax)to所不能迹之迹aboveAlternativelyitmaybereadsimplyasaverbphraseinwhichthefirst迹isatransitiveverbldquotoleaveastracerdquotakingthenounphrase所不能迹ldquothatwhichcannotbeleftastracerdquoorperhapsldquotheplacewherenotracemaybeleftrdquoasitsdirectobjectThelatterresultsinthetranslationgivenaboveldquotoleavetraceswherenotracesmaybeleftrdquo

117

aprinciplethatactsthroughanduponthingsandonewhoseoperationmaybe

communicatedgivensufficientmasteryoflanguage

Thusfartheanalysisundertakeninthepresentstudyhasnotaddressed

whatissurelyamongthemostobviousandenduringproblemsofhermeneutics

namelythattheexegesisofanyparableplacestheformitselfinquestionif

somethingismeanttobeunderstoodandmayinfactbeexplainedwhyofferonlya

symbolicorellipticalillustrationofitIfZhuangzirsquospurposehadbeentoelucidate

theprincipleoftransformationasChūganclaimswhydidhenotdosodirectlyvia

thesortofcorrelativeexpositionChūganhimselfemploystoldquodecoderdquotheKunand

thePengChūganprovidesnoexplicitanswerstothesequestionsthoughhis

commentssuggestatleasttwointriguingpossibilities196Thefirstandperhaps

mostcompellingpointheraisesregardingZhuangzirsquosuseofsymbolismisthatit

simplymakeshisworkmoreenjoyablethanapurelyexpositorytextofsimilar

importwouldbeandthatthispropertyenablesaqualitativelydifferentkindof

readingexperienceoneinwhichdelightseemsbothanenduntoitselfandanaidto

theacquisitionofknowledge

hellipClearlythenitwassimplyoneofZhuangzirsquosallegoriescouchedinthemostfancifulandfar-fetchedlanguageStupidConfuciansadheredinvaintothetracesandfailedtoglimpsetherealprincipleAretheynotoffendersagainstZhuangziWhatcouldmatch

196ItisworthpausingheretoemphasizethatChūganwouldneverhaveentertainedthepossibilitythatZhuangzididnotofferapurelyexpositoryaccountbecausehewasnrsquotabletodosoAssuchthefactthatmuchofwhatconstitutesldquocorrelativecosmologyrdquopostdatesZhuangzibyseveralcenturiesisnotespeciallyrelevantthevariouscorrelationsandcorrespondencesChūganpurportstorevealinthePengpassageweretohimfundamentalaspectsofnatureandtherecanbelittledoubtthatChūganwouldhaveassumedasamatterofcoursethatthehistoricalZhuangziwasperfectlyawareofallofthem

118

transformingoneselfintoapersonwithoutanameridinguponthisbirdbefriendingZhuangziintheboundlesswildsandfollowinghimasheroamsuntotheendsoftheEarthIsthisnotdelightfulhellip 是乃莊子寓言荒唐開誕之語耳愚儒徒泥乎言迹而不見眞理不亦為莊子罪人耶何當吾化成無名人而乘是鳥拍莊子肩於壙埌之野從遊於八極之表不亦快哉 ChūganhadalreadycriticizedldquolaterConfuciansrdquo後儒forfailingtolookbeyondthe

manifestsenseofthetextandherehetreatswithevengreatercondescensionthose

ConfucianswhofailtoappreciatethepleasureofidentificatoryexperienceItis

unfortunatethathedoesnotdevelopthispointfurtherasitrepresentsan

uncommonlystrongaffirmationofthevalueofdelighttoeducationZhuangziit

wouldseemsurpassesotherworksofphilosophybecauseitencouragesthe

dynamicinterplayofbothcognitiveandaffectivefacultiesThatsaidperhaps

Chūgandidnrsquotbelaborthepointbecausetodosowouldhaveweakenedtheraison

drsquoetreofhisownprojectoneneedharbornoRomanticprejudicesagainstallegory

toconcedethatthehabitsofminddrivingafinelywroughtcorrelationist

allegoresisareratherdifferentfromthosethatpermitareaderthepaidicjoyof

ldquoridinguponthePengbirdrdquoandldquobefriendingZhuangziintheboundlesswildsrdquo197

197InthisconnectionitmightbeobservedthatthereareperRogerCailloisrsquodefinitionsofludus(controlledrule-boundplay)andpaidia(uncontrolledfantasy)stronglyludicelementstotheapplicationofyin-yangcorrelativethinkingtotextualinterpretationInformulatingareadingbasedonyin-yangtheoryalargeandwellestablishedbodyofconventionsactasrulesthatstructureanddelimittherangeofpermissibleinterpretationsasatisfyinginterpretationisonethatsuccessfullyconnectstogetherasmanyelementsaspossiblewithoutviolatingtheconventionsSeeMeyerBarashtrRogerCailloisManPlayandGames(UrbanaUnivofIllinoisPress2001)p13

119

AnadditionalpointofinterestisChūganrsquosassertionthatincreatingtheKun

andthePengasfictionalcharactersZhuangzildquogroundedhiswordsinanameless

namerdquo(立言無名之名)TheldquonamesrdquoreferencedhereareKunandPengandthe

locutionsuggestssomethingakintoastrategyofdefamiliarizationAswehaveseen

thewordsldquokunrdquoandldquopengrdquoalreadypossessedreferentswhosequalitieswere

differentfromandinthecaseofldquokunrdquoverynearlyoppositetothoseascribedtothe

fictionalKunfishandPengbirdTheconceptualconnotationsofbothtermsalong

withthenumerousassociationseachhadwiththeotherfirestheimaginationina

waythatChūganclearlybelievesisproductiveofgreaterunderstandingZhuangzirsquos

carefullycraftedsymbolismiseffectivebecauseitencouragesreaderstomake

conceptualleapsItisworthnotingthatsuchapositionisbroadlyconsistentwith

viewsofparableespousedinotherhermeneuticaltraditionsearlyChantheorists

associatedwiththeNorthernSchoolforinstancerejectedtheliteralreadingsof

importanttechnicaltermsinfavorofallegoricalglossesdesignedtosupport

doctrinalpositionsthatwereinmanywaysatvariancewiththoseofIndian

Buddhism198FurtherafieldofChūganThomasAquinasopinedthatspiritualtruths

areusefullyveiledinsymbolandmetaphorbecausedoingsoldquodoesnotlettheminds

ofthosetowhomtherevelationhasbeenmaderestinthemetaphorsbutraises

198SeeJohnRMcRaeTheNorthernSchoolandtheFormationofEarlyChrsquoanBuddhism(KurodaInstituteStudiesinEastAsianBuddhismno3HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress1986)p198-99AccordingtoMcRaewhilemetaphorwasutilizedbyallschoolsofBuddhismthedeviceplayedanespeciallylargeroleinNorthernSchoolChanwithmostofthemetaphorsfoundinNorthernSchooltextsaimedattransformingallofBuddhismintoldquoanallegoryforthepracticeoflsquocontemplationofthemindrsquordquo(JkanshinCguanxin觀心)

120

themtotheknowledgeoftruthsrdquo199Aquinasrsquohandlingoftheissuereflectsof

courseanapproachtoscripturalallegorythatisrootedinanontologydifferent

fromthatofBuddhismandDaoismStillexegetesineachtraditionsharedthebasic

needtodetermineorthodoxyconstrueparablesldquocorrectlyrdquoasserttheirpedagogical

valueandattempttoexplainhowwordsandworldlythingscouldfiguretruths

whosevalueastruthstranscendedanyparticularmanifestationorinstantiation

thereofintherealmofordinaryexperience

Toreturntoapointraisedatthebeginningofthisinquiryitisnotable

thoughnotespeciallysurprisingthatChūganrsquosacademicappreciationofZhuangzi

seemstohavearisenlaterinlifeafterhisinitialperiodofscholarlyproductivity

duringthe1330sTherecanbelittledoubtthatChūganviewedZhuangziasa

seriousworkofphilosophyatleastifbythatismeantaworkwhosechiefaimwas

theinvestigationandadvancementofhumanknowledgeThereisalsolittledoubt

thathewasdeeplyimpressedwithwhathetooktobethesingularintellectand

rhetoricalpanacheofthehistoricalZhuangziConvenientlytheparableoftheKun

andthePengisheldinKonpōrontodemonstratethatworldlylearningandliterary

skillofpreciselythesortprizedbytheGozanintelligentsiawasthekeytoachieving

uncommoninsightintoacomplexnaturalorder

AhMasterZhuangHeperceivedthetransformationsexhaustedtheessencesaccountedforthenormsprobedthemysteriestotheirutmostextentandroamedfreelyacrossthewideworldWondrouslyhedroveallofexistenceintothetipofhisbrushndashverilythemyriadthingshadnowheretorunHisinfluencereachedevenunto

199SummaTheologica11i9QuotedinBrittanPoetrySymbolandAllegoryp31

121

thingsthatlayhidinthedarkwithoutsubstancewithoutformandwithoutnames200AndyethewasstillabletowondrouslyseekthesethingsoutdrivethemonandmakeallofthemintohisownendowmentWithhisprosehemadethembeatandmadethemdanceandinthisheglimpsedtheirsublimity吁莊生觀化盡精籌數極玄逍遙乎六合之表冥驅萬物入己筆舌萬物固無攸逃焉其餘波遠及於幽冥無象無質無形無名之物猶能冥搜之旁驅之而皆為己資文章鼓之舞之以見其玅也

ItisonlyafterthisencomiasticdescriptionofZhuangzirsquosaccomplishmentwhich

comesquiteneartheendoftheessaythatChūganproceedstoofferhisown

analysisoftheparableoftheKunandthePengAssummarizedpreviouslyChūgan

readstheparablethroughamultitudeoflaw-likenaturalcorrelationsorldquonormsrdquo數

andtakesittofiguretransformationThroughouthisreadinghereturnsrepeatedly

tothetwintropesofconcealmentandrevelationChūganrsquosZhuangzimarshalshis

extensiveknowledgeandrhetoricalabilitiestoexposewhatishiddenHe

investigatesandldquodrivesrdquo驅thethingsoftheworldasonedrivesahorseultimately

ldquomakingthemallintohisownendowmentrdquo皆為己資Chūgancomescloseto

personifyingtheldquomyriadthingsrdquo萬物whenhesaysthattheyldquohadnowheretorunrdquo

無攸逃201ratherasanomotheticallyinclinednaturalistmightdoinspeakingof

NatureasldquosurrenderinghersecretsrdquoHebookendshisaccountwithyetmorepraise

200TheideaofaldquonamelessrdquothingseemsacuriousandpossiblycontradictorynotiongivenChūganrsquosearlierdefinitionofthingsastracesofwordsandnamesReasoningasbeforethatathingisonlyrecognizedassuchinandthroughlanguageitmightbesupposedthatwhatChūganhasinmindherearesimplyphenomenandashldquothingsrdquointhebroadestsensendashthatnoonehasyetperceivedandwhichthushaveyettobenamed201 isequivalentinmeaninghereto所andthephrase無攸逃wouldlikelyhavebeenreadnogarurutokoronashiinJapanese

122

forZhuangzirsquosredoubtablelinguisticskills(JhitsuzetsuCbishe筆舌)whichareto

himnotmerelydecorativebutthemeansforcommunicatingperceptualinsights

thatarenormallyineffable

OhtoperceivethetransformationswithoutdependingonessencesTotraversethenormsinawaythatdidnotdependonbeingmysterious(玄)WhoelsecouldgothisfarWhatrsquosmoreitwasbymeansofthemarveloussubtletywithwhichhedevelopedtheseinhiswritingthathewasabletoexhaustthemandprobetheirlimitsAuthorsoflateragescouldnotevenattempttomatchhim吁觀化不以精步數不以玄則孰能造於此哉加之以其筆舌鼓舞之玅盡之極之後世作者不能企而及也

ThesearetheclosingwordsofKonpōronChūganrsquosdecisiontobookendhis

allegoricalreadingoftheKunandthePengwithyetmorepraisefortheircreator

suggeststhathewishedhisownaccounttobeseennotasanactofcreationassuch

butsimplyofrevelationandthatwhatitrevealsisnotonlythetruemeaningofa

parablebutthematchlessauthorialgeniusbehinditAtthesametimeand

particularlywhentakeninconjunctionwithhisearliercelebrationofidentificatory

delightthemoveexposesameasureofanxietyovertheactofinterpretationitself

FromamodernperspectiveChūganrsquosreadingdemonstratesthewaysinwhichyin-

yangcorrelativecosmologydramaticallyamplifiesthehermeneuticpotentialofa

textallowingappropriatelyconditionedreaderstolinkvariouselementsofthe

storyworldtoaplethoraofphenomenaoutsideitTheparadigmaticsubstitutions

licensedbythisapproachareinprincipleboundedbyyin-yangtheoryYetin

movingfreelyacrossanenormousrangeofentitiesandideasthechainsof

associationcangrowlonganddependingontheconnectionsbeingproposedthey

123

canthreatentobreakawayfromthesyntagmaticexpectationsthatwouldordinarily

structurethereadingprocess

InKonpōronthefirstchainofassociationswiththeKunwereasfollows

NorthernDarknessnorthwaterthenumber1thefirstEarthlyBranch(ieldquoratrdquo

子)childbeginningtheanimalldquoratrdquo(鼠)water(again)lurkingconcealmentthe

BlackTortoise(玄武)202Somelinksinthischainareperfectlysyntagmaticgiven

theelementsoftheparablethenumberonewaternorthandchildarejoinedin

thestorybythefactthattheKunisasinglefishlivinginanorthernbodyofwater

anditsnameisalsoawordthatadmitsldquoroerdquoasaprincipalmeaningStillitisplain

thatthiskindofapproachmightleadtoevenmorebaroqueinterpolationsand

ChūganwasprobablywellawarethattherehadalreadybeencriticismslikeLin

Xiyirsquosoftheapplicationofyin-yangtheorytoZhuangziRecallthatLinrsquosopinionof

yin-yangcorrelationistreadingswasthattheyinsisteduponintroducingldquoknotsrdquo(強

生節目)LinhadreadilygrantedthatthenamesKunandPengwereallegoricalthe

problemitwouldseemwasthatcorrelationistallegoresestendedtostraytoofar

fromthemanifestsenseofthetextandindoingsotheycreatedcomplexitieswhere

noneneedexistLinrsquosbasicpointishardtorefuteaheavilywroughtworklike

Konpōronisimplicitlybasedontheseeminglyunprovableassumptionthatthe

parableitexplicateswasalwaysintentionallycomplexalwayspossessedofasurfeit

ofmeaningthatwasnotcreativelyimputedbytheexegetebutintendedallalongby

itsauthorandnotimmediatelyapparentattheldquosurfacerdquolevelofdenotationItisan202SeethetranslationinAppendix1attheendofthischapterAtpresentIhavenotbeenabletodeducethesymbolicsignificanceofsomeoftheseandtheythereforedidnotfeatureinmyanalysisofChūganrsquosaccount

124

assumptionthatinthiscaseinevitablyrevealsmoreaboutChūganthanitdoes

aboutZhuangziwholikemanyancientwritersisknownalmostexclusively

throughthewritingascribedtohimMoregenerallyitalsobespeaksthe

precariousnessoftheinterpreterrsquospositionforitishardtobebothafaithfulinsider

andanactivecreatorbothconduitandsourcethecloserinterpretationcomesto

resembleauthorshipthefurthertheinterpreterisestrangedfromhisobject

TothisextenttheeffusivepraiseofZhuangziinoculatesChūganand

perhapshisreaderstooagainstthepossibilitythatitistheyandnottheNeo-

Confucianswhoaretherealoffendersdistortingthetextbyimposingextraneous

materialuponitKonpōronmakesnoclaimtomysticalorotherwisenon-discursive

accesstoZhuangzi(ortoZhuangzi)yetintheverycomplexityofitsinterpretation

itclearlypurportstoofferaninsiderrsquostakeontheKunandthePengWhatmakes

suchapositioncredibleatleastwithintheinterpretiveframeworkChūgan

developsisaratherremarkablepropertyheimputestothehistoricalZhuangzi

whoaccordingtohimwascapableofldquoprobingthemysteriestotheirutmostextentrdquo

(極玄)yetalsoabletoldquotraversethenormswithoutbeingmysteriousrdquo(步數不以玄)

ThiscommentseemsmeantinparttodistinguishtheapproachtakenbyZhuangzi

fromthattakenbyLaoziwhowascloselyassociatedwiththeconceptofldquomysteryrdquo

(CxuanJgen玄)onaccountoftheprominencethatnotionenjoysinthefamous

openingchapterofLaozi(Daodejing)203Stillmoreimportantlythehistorical

203ThatChūgantooassociatedLaozifirstandforemostwithmysteryissuggestedbytheopeningcoupletofashortpanegyricverse(JsanCzan贊)hededicatedtotheoldmasterldquoInmysteryhisthoughtsdidrightlyrestamindcontentandself-possessedhelliprdquo玄宜思潭澹泊心甘(GBZS440)

125

Zhuangzirsquosabilitytodowhathedidwithoutbeingmysteriousiswhatenables

ZhuangzitobeinterpretableintheordinarydiscursivesenseItisboththemeans

toachievingauniquefusionofaestheticandintellectualexperienceandthe

conditionofpossibilityforinterpretationinthefirstplaceanditissomethingwe

aretoldthatnootherauthor(作者)oflateragescouldmatchItisapitythat

Chūgandidnottry

126

Appendix1ACompleteTranslationofChūganrsquosCorrelativeAccountoftheKunandthePeng

WithrespecttothetermldquoNorthernDarknessrdquonorthrepresentsconcealment

accordingtotheHetudiagramitisthedirectioninwhichyangenergyliessunkand

concealedTheoneofHeavenbegetswaterinthenorthOneisthebeginningof

numbersinthesexegenarysystemitisthechild andmayalsobeglossed( )as

ldquobeginningrdquo Itrsquosspirit( )isthatoftherat ananimalthatlurksconcealedin

poolsofwaterInform( )itbelongstotheBlackTortoise anditstrigramiskan

(TheAbysmalWater)204IntheldquoHongFanrdquochapterofTheBookofHistoryitis

writtenthatwateristhatwhichsoaksanddescendsandinsoakinganddescendingit

makessaltrdquoThisdescribestheseaMing isalsoanamefortheseawhichbased

uponitsblackcoloriscalledming andwhichinitsdarkobscurity()becomes

hai 205ZhuangziusedthetermNorthernDarknessinordertoputintowordsthat

whichisdarkprofoundpossessedofahiddenessenceandistheplacewherethe

myriadthingsliedormantandconcealedAfishisacreatureofthewaterwhorsquosnature

istobesubmergedkunisaneggwhosebodyisamorphousandhasyettoassumethe

fullformofafishItlieslatentandconcealedandisextremelyminisculeYetthe

ambitionitnurturesisvastldquostretchingforwhoknowshowmanythousandlirdquoAlthough

onemightsay(thatkun)istinyandhiddenitrepresentsnonethelesstheseedofa

dragonTheloftyflairofZhuangzirsquosstylecanbeglimpsedhere

Thesubstanceofthefengbirdistobeofbrilliantvariegatedcolorsandtosoar

intotheheavensHowmeetitisthatitfliestothesouthSouthisthedirectionof

patternedbrightness()anditstrigramisli (TheClingingFire)Libelongstofire

204TheBlackTortoiseisoneoftheldquoFourCelestialAnimalsrdquo(四神)orldquoFourSymbolsrdquo(四象)mythologicalcreatureseachassociatedwithaseasonadigram(爻)atrigram(卦)acardinaldirectionandalsowithaspecificsetofsevenoftheTwenty-EightMansions(二十八宿)inChineseastronomy205Heretwowordsthatdenotethesea(溟海)areexplainedascognatewithtwowordsthatsuggestdarknessandobscurity(冥晦)

127

andfirehastheabilitytotransformthingsThusthetext(ofZhuangzi)saysldquo(theKun)

transformsintoabirdrdquoIntheldquoHongFanrdquochapterofTheBookofHistoryfireisthat

whichblazesandascendsandinblazingandascendingitbecomesbitterrdquoBitteristhe

tasteofthatwhichisburnt(jiao) andthePengisalsotermedjiaopeng afact

duesimplytoSimaXiangrursquosrhapsody206InformitbelongstotheVermillionBird

ofthesouth

IntheHetudiagramtheTwoofEarthbegetsfireTwoisdivisible being

divisibleitiseven andcomprisedofapair (peng)Thenumberoneisunitary

beingunitaryitisodd andasingularindividualamongmany (kun)207Forthis

reasonthebodyoftheKunissingularlyconceived( )andconcealedinthedarksea

ofthenorthThePenghastwowingsthatspreadsymmetricallyanditsoarsintothe

heavensandgoessouthWithrespecttopositionvis-agrave-visthesunnorthisren it

representsastateofpregnancy whereeggs (kunrsquoer)liesubmergedWith

respecttopositionvis-agrave-visthesunsouthisbing itrepresentsastateofbrightness

(bingyao)whereflocksofbirds (pengyu)ascendintothesky

206Likethefengabirdknownasthejiaoming焦明hasalsobeenassociatedwithZhuangzirsquosPengitappearsinSimaXiangrursquosfamousrhapsodyontheimperialhuntingpark(上林賦)andisrenderedldquoblazingfirebirdrdquobyDavidKnechtgesThealternatetermjiaopeng焦朋appearsinSimaXiangrursquosbiographyinHanshuwhetherChūganissimplyconflatingthepoem(asitappearsinWenxuan)withthebiographyorwhetherhewasusinganeditionofWenxuan(oranothersourcealtogether)inwhichthebirdinthepoemwasrenderedjiaopenginsteadofjiaomingisunclearThispartofChūganrsquosessayissomewhatperplexingatleastinsofarashewaspreviouslyquiteadamantthatZhuangzirsquosPengisnotidenticaltothefengandhereheseemstobedrawingconnectionsbetweenfeng鳳jiaopeng焦朋andpeng鵬notingtheassociationeachhaswithfireTheVermillionBirdisoneoftheFourCelestialAnimalsandisassociatedwithsouthfireandyang207ldquoSingularindividualamongmanyrdquoisanadmittedlycumbersomerenderingof昆thatattemptstoconveyChūganrsquosunderstandingofthecharacterwhichseemstobebasedmainlyonthesenseitpossessesintermssuchaskunchong昆蟲ldquo(aswarmormultitudeof)insectsrdquoandkunqun昆羣ldquomultituderdquoThissenseisobviouslypresentinkun鯤whenconstruedasldquoroerdquoandwhatChūganseemstobeemphasizingintheconnectionbetweenunity單oddness奇andkun昆isthesenseofbeingsmallanddiscreteevenifpartofalargergroup

128

129

Appendix2

IntheHetudiagramlinkedblackandwhitedotsrepresentnaturalnumbersfrom1to10Even(yin)numbersarerepresentedwithblackdotswhileodd(yang)numbersarerepresentedwithwhitedotsAdjacentpairsofyinandyangnumberscorrespondwiththefiveelements1and6withwater2and7withfire3and8withwood4and9withmetaland5and10withearthThesepairsaresaidtobecomprisedofasmallerldquobegettingnumberrdquo(生數)andalargerldquocompletednumberrdquo(成數)thecommondifferencebetweenwhichisalwaysfive

130

Chapter Four

Poems of Remembrance Poems of Social Engagement 1 Chūgan Engetsu and Early Gozan Poetry An Historical and Stylistic Overview

PoetrywasthecentralliteraryendeavorwithintheGozanmonasteriesso

muchsothatthemoderncoinageldquoFiveMountainsLiteraturerdquo(Gozanbungaku五山

文学)ubiquitousinsurveysofmedievalJapaneseliteratureisfrequentlyusedasif

poetrywereitsonlyconstituentThoughsomewhatmisleadingthisconvention

suggeststhelongstandingappreciationforboththequantityandartisticqualityof

thepoetrycollectionsintheFiveMountainscorpusthesecollectionshavegenerally

beenheldbymodernandearlymodernscholarstorepresentthezenithofmedieval

JapanesekanshiFormallyspeakingthevehiclesofchoiceamongGozanpoetswere

thegātha(JgeCji偈)astrictlyreligioustypeofverseintendedtoencapsulateand

conveydoctrinalpositionsandtheshi詩whichinitsfive-andseven-syllable

varietieshadbeenpracticedassiduouslyinJapansinceatleasttheeighthcentury

LikeeverynotablecontributortoGozanliteratureChūganwasanaccomplished

poetthathewasarguablyanevenbetterexpositorandessayistisbutoneofthe

idiosyncrasiesdistinguishinghimfromhiscontemporariesAnothermorespecific

totherealmofpoetrywashiswillingnesstothematizethepoliticaltumultofthe

eraandtouseunorthodoxoratleasthighlyuncommonpoeticformsandsyllabic

metersAlthoughtheprincipalcollectionofChūganrsquosworkTōkaiichiōshū東海一漚

131

集isdominatedbyexpositoryproseitrsquosfirstfasciclecontainsthreefu賦(lengthier

metricallyunregulatedpoemsusuallytermedldquorhapsodiesrdquo)whilethenextfive

contain227shialargenumberrelativetootherGozancollectionsMostofthe

majorstylesofshiarerepresentedincludingfive-andseven-syllableldquorecent-stylerdquo

quatrains(JzekkuCjueju絶句)regulatedverses(risshiluumlshi律詩)ldquoancient-stylerdquo

versesofvaryinglengthandevenhexasyllabicquatrains208Stylisticallythe

collectionishighlyvariableandbespeaksnosinglepreponderantsourceof

influenceorinspirationwhilesomescholarshavenotedChūganrsquosfondnessforHigh

Tang(c713-66)poetryothershaveemphasizedtheinfluenceofSong(960-1279)

models209MoreoverthefactthatheplayedaseminalroleinpopularizingSantishi

三體詩(JSantaishi)ananthologyofmostlyMid-andLateTang(c827-907)verse

plainlysuggestsinterestinthosestylesaswellInthepoemstreatedbelowthe

mostsalientthematicconnectionsaretobefoundwiththeworkofpoet-scholars

suchasOuyangXiu歐陽修(1007-72)andFanChengda範成大(1126-93)who

wereespeciallynotedfortheirattentiontosocialillsandthevicissitudesofplebian

life

208So-calledldquorecent-stylepoetryrdquo近體詩(JkintaishiCjintishi)isgovernedbyprosodicandstructuralconstraintsstricterthanthosethathadgovernedearlyshipoetryafterthefullestablishmentofrecent-styleverseduringtheTangthelessrule-boundvarietycametobetermedldquoancient-stylepoetryrdquo古體詩(kotaishigutishi)Shipoetryinthesix-syllablemeter(六言詩)isvastlylesscommonthanpenta-andheptasyllabicvarietiesChūganappearstohavebeenthefirstGozanfiguretousetheformandsomegeneralremarksregardingbothitshistoricaldevelopmentanditsadaptationofrecent-styletonalconventionswillbegiveninthefollowingchapter209SeeKagekiHideoGozanshishinokenkyū(TokyoKasamaShoin1977)p219

132

AsaresultofthisartisticorientationChūganoccupiesasingularniche

withintheroughly250-yearhistoryofGozanpoetryThishistoryisoftenheldto

comprisetwobroadepochsthefirstcharacterizedbygrowthandcreativitybegins

aroundthetimeofChūganrsquosbirthin1300andpeaksneartheturnofthefifteenth

centurythesecondmarkedunsurprisinglybystagnationanddeclinebeginsinthe

midfifteenthcenturyandroughlytracksthegradualeconomiccollapseoftheGozan

establishmentitselfTheeacutemigreacutemonkYishanYining一山一寧(JIsshanIchinei

1247-1317)whoarrivedinJapanasaYuanemissaryin1299isoftenidentifiedas

theprogenitoroftheGozanliterarymovement210Otherseminalwritersinclude

YishanrsquosJapanesediscipleSessonYūbai雪村友梅(1290-1348)whowouldspend

twenty-twoyearsinChinaandbecomeoneofthefirstmajorGozanpoetsand

KokanShiren虎関師錬(1278-1346)whosegroundbreakingtreatiseGenkō

shakusho元亨釋書constitutestheearliestgeneralhistoryofJapaneseBuddhism

TomanyscholarswhatdistinguishesGozanliterature(andindeedGozanmonastic

life)ofthistimefromthatofthelatefourteenthcenturyandbeyondisitsexplicitly

religiouscharacterwritersofthiseraincludingevengiftedlyricistslikeSesson

wereZenpriestsfirstandforemostnotliteratiwhohappenedtoresideinZen

temples211

210ThissuggestionseemstohaveoriginatedwithKamimuraKankō上村觀光(1873-1926)thefirstmodernscholartostudyandcollateasignificantfractionoftheGozancorpusitremainswidelyacceptedtodaySeeKamimuraGozanbungakushōshi(TokyoShōkabō1906)pp3-4211HagaKōshirōldquoZenbungakutoGozanbungakurdquoinYamagishiTokuheiedsNihonkanbungakushironkō(TokyoIwanamiShoten1974)pp409-415

133

Theimpetusbehindtheshiftawayfromreligiouslifeandtowardssecular

avocationswasironicallytheincreasingsuccessoftheZensectitselfWhile

AshikagapatronagebroughtthemajorGozanmonasteriesunprecedentedwealth

andpoliticalprominenceitalsodrewthemostartisticallyandintellectuallygifted

prelatesawayfromreligiouspraxisandintoelitesocialcircles212Thepivotalfigure

inthistrajectoryisZekkaiChūshin絶海中津(1336-1405)whoalongwithGidō

Shūshin義堂周信(1325-88)helpedmaketheso-calledKitayama北山erandashnamed

forthelavishprivateestateoftheshogunAshikagaYoshimitsu足利義満(r1368-

94)ndashaheydayofmedievalhighculture213FlourishingagenerationafterChūgan

Zekkairepresentstomanymodernscholarsthetriumphofsecularaestheticsover

religiousconvictionhisliteraryrenownbespeakstheapogeeofGozanpoetrywhile

alsoauguringthedecadencetocome214WhereasChūganisrelativelywellknown

tointellectualhistoriansbutfiguresonlymodestlyinmostsurveysofGozanpoetry

ZekkaiisalmostuniversallyregardedasthegreatestshimasterintheGozanmilieu

ThisappraisalisdueinlargeparttotheunusualesteemhisworkearnedinChina

tellinglyheistheonlyJapanesepoetinhistorytohaveoneofhispoemshonored

212SeeCollcuttFiveMountainspp98-102213ThisestatecontainsthefamoustempleRokuonji鹿苑寺betterknowntodayasKinkakuji金閣寺ldquoTheTempleoftheGoldenPavilionrdquoYoshimitsuisalsofamous(orinfamous)foracquiescingtothehierarchicaldiplomaticdemandsoftheMingcourtinordertoreestablishtraderelationswithChinaThemoveearnedhimthetitleldquoKingofJapanrdquo(日本國王)inChinaandtheenduringdisfavorofJapanesenationalists214HagaldquoZenbungakutoGozanbungakurdquop409HeinrichDumoulinZenBuddhismAHistoryJapan(BloomingtonWorldWisdom2005)pp169-77

134

witharesponsorialversebyareigningChineseemperor215Andalthoughmodern

criticswouldgenerallyavoidevaluatingJapaneseliterarySiniticmediasolelyonthe

basisoftheirfidelitytoChinesenormstherecanbelittledoubtthatZekkairsquos

historicalreputationhasbeenpredicatedonjustsuchacriterionInhisNihonshi

shi日本詩史(AHistoryofJapaneseShiPoetry1771)theearly-modernpoetand

scholarEmuraHokkai江村北海spokeofZekkai(andGidōShūshin)intermsthatif

somewhatpolemicalarenonethelessentirelyrecognizableinmuchscholarship

today

ZekkaiandGidō(Shūshin)areoftenmentionedtogetherandheldupasrivalsIread(Zekkairsquos)ShōkenkōsometimeagoandIhavealsoread(Gidōrsquos)KūgeshūItisclearthattheyarethetwogreatbulwarksofZen216Ifwersquoretalkingaboutwhoadvancedfurtherinlearning(學殖)thenitwouldseemthatGidōsurpassesZekkaiButintermsofpoetictalent(詩才)GidōisnomatchforZekkaiZekkairsquospoemsnotonlyhavenoequalintheancientandmedievalperiodsbuteventhefamouspoetsofrecenttimeswouldinalllikelihoodcastofftheirarmorandfleeintothenightThereasonisthatalthoughtheworksoftheancient(ieNaraandHeian-era)courtgentlemenarenotwithoutbeautifullinesandarrestingcoupletstheyarealsofulloffaultsanditisveryraretofindversesthatarebeautifultheentirewaythroughAndwhileimpeccableversesmayoccasionallybefoundtheyarestillonlypoemsofourcountrywhichwhen

215SeeInoguchiAtsushiShinshakukanbuntaikeivol45ldquoNihonkanshirdquopt1(TokyoMeijiShoin1972)p96OnZekkairsquosaudiencewiththeHongwuEmperor(MingTaizu)seeMicahSpencerHechtldquoConventionsofUnconventionalityrdquo(PhDDissUnivofHawairsquoi2005)pp124-30InbriefZekkaiappearedbeforetheemperorin1376toanswerquestionsonBuddhistdoctrineEvidentlycuriousaboutZekkairsquoshomelandtheemperorpointedtoamapofJapanandaskedaboutthefamoussiteofKumanowhereaccordingtolegendtheancientdivinerXuFu徐福traveledinsearchoftheelixirofimmortalityZekkaicomposedapoemattheemperorrsquosrequestandtheemperorgenerouslyauthoredaresponsorialverseofhisownBothversesthematizeKumanoandXuFursquoslegendaryjourneytheyaretranslatedinHechtpp125-29216ldquoThetwogreatbulwarksofZenrdquorendersthephrase二禅の壁壘FromcontextitseemsthatEmuramustmeanZenliteratibutitisalsopossiblethathedidnotentertainasharpdistinctionbetweenspiritualadvancementontheonehandandexcellenceinlettersontheotherandtookthelattertobeindicativeoftheformer

135

comparedtothoseoftheChinesearevastlyinferiorEventhepoetsoftodaycanseeforthemselvesthattheseareafteralljustJapanesepoemsperenniallyblightedbyunorthodoxiesofdictionButinthecaseofZekkaithisisnotso217絶海義堂世多く並稱して以て敵手と為す余嘗て蕉堅藁を讀み又空華集を讀む二禅の壁壘を審かにす學殖を論ずれば則ち義堂絶海に勝るに似たり詩才の如きは則ち義堂絶海の敵に非ず絶海の詩 古昔中世敵手無きのみに非ざる也近時の諸名家と雖も恐らくは甲を棄てて宵に遁れん何となれば則ち古昔朝紳の詠言佳句警聯無きには非ず然れども疵病雜陳全篇佳なるもの甚だ稀なり偶佳作有るも亦唯我邦の詩のみ之れを華人の詩に較ぶれば殊に 我邦の詩なり往往俗習を免れ難し絶海の如きは則ち然らず

WhileChūganrsquospoetryismorevoluminousandthematicallyvariegatedthan

Zekkairsquosithasrarelywoncomparableacclaimfromearly-modernormodern

scholars218NonethelessChūganrsquospoeticoeuvremuchlikehiscorpusofprose

remainsamongthemostcompellinginthehistoryofmedievalkanshicomprising

notonlyworksoneremitismreligiouscontemplationandscenesofnaturendash

commonthemesamongZenpoetsndashbutalsostridentpoliticalworkstreatingthe

effectsofpovertywarfareandsocialdislocationWhilesuchtopoiarewellwithin

theambitoftraditionalChinesepoetrytheyareseldomencounteredinpremodern

kanshiandareevenrarerinwakaEvenbytheeclecticstandardsofGozan

literatureChūganrsquosldquopoliticalrdquopoetryisentirelyuniqueinbothquantityandlyrical

217ShimizuShigeruetaledsShinNihonkotenbungakutaikeiv65ldquoNihonshishiGozandōshiwardquo(TokyoIwanamiShoten1991)pp77 218ThefamousMeiji-TaishoerasinologistandpoetKuboTenzui久保天随(1875-1934)istomyknowledgetheonlyliteraryfigureofnotetofavorChūganrsquospoetryoverZekkairsquosSeeInoguchiShinshakukanbuntaikeiv45pt1p48EmuramakesnomentionofChūganinNihonshishi

136

intensityperhapsnotsurprisinglyitisthistypeofpoetrythatismostoften

selectedtorepresenthiminmodernanthologiesofJapaneseliterarySiniticverse

WhilemanyofChūganrsquosthematicinclinationsadhereinthemaintoartistic

precedentsthatinsomecasesdateasfarbackastheEasternHan(25-220)andJin

(265-420)dynastiesothersreflectthecomparativelyrecentinnovationsoftheSong

DynastyIngeneralpoetsoftheSongweredistinguishedfromtheirTangandSix-

Dynastiespredecessorsbytheirwillingnesstotreatawidevarietyoftopicsdrawn

fromordinarylife219OnesuchtopicwasillnessandphysicalinfirmitywhichSong

poetsbuildinguponprecedentssetbyHanYuandMengJiaowouldapproachwith

extraordinarycandor220UnusuallyforaJapanesepoetofhiseraChūgantoowould

poeticizeillnessdetailinginversethebodilyexperienceofbeingsickwithmalaria

whileontourinChinaAlthoughthepiecetitledsimplyldquoMalariardquoisnotinany

sensealdquopoliticalrdquopoemitslanguagestructureandrelativelyearlydatemakeitan

especiallyfineintroductiontoChūganrsquospoeticsensibilitieswhichinmanyways

remainedquitestableevenashematuredstylisticallyoverthe1330sTheworkis

theonlyofitskindinTōkaiichiōshūandtomyknowledgenosimilarworksare

foundelsewhereinthecorpusofGozanpoetryUsefullyitillustratesmultiple

rhetoricalfeaturescommontoallbutoneofthepoemstreatedintheremainderof

thischapter

219RonaldEganldquoShiPoetryAncientandRecentStylesrdquoinZong-qiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetry(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2008)p308220StephenOwenThePoetryofMengChiaoandHanYu(NewHavenYaleUnivPress1975)passimPoemno13ofMengJiaorsquosseriesldquoAutumnMeditationsFifteenPoemsrdquo秋懷十五首analyzedonpp179-81isparticularlystrikinginthisregard

137

瘧疾

Malaria三尸謀疾疫 TheThreeCorpsesplotmalaise二竪穴胸膈 TheTwoChildrenburrowinsidemychest221老夫盍誅之 ldquoThisolrsquowightletrsquosputhimtodeathrdquo222陰蟲放毒螫 Hiddenpestswithpoisonbarbs熏熇氣相蒸 Inthehotsmokeoffumigationmyqiisbrazedaway風雷勢 Windandthunderroarswithfrighteningforce天地成 Thewholeworldbecomesaboilerandhotplate223濈濈汗流腋 Sweatstreamsfrommyarmpits俄爾輙送寒 ThensuddenlyIhavethechills凛凛氷底溺 Likebeingdrownedatthebottomofanicyriver衾裯重繒絖 Silkenfabricspiledatopmyquiltandbedsheets當暑莫之 Whentheweatherrsquoshotnothingismoredetestable胡為須臾間 Howinthespaceofaninstant陰陽忽變易 Canyinandyangchangeplacessoabruptly咳嗽和噴嚏 Coughingandsneezing涕泗交津液 Tearsandsnotmixedwithotherfluids224221TheThreeCorpsesalsoknownastheThreeWorms(三蟲)andTheTwoChildrenrefertospiritsresidinginsidethebodythoughttocauseillness222Thephraseldquooldfellowrdquo老夫(ClaofuJrōfu)hastorefertoChūganthoughhewasonlyinhistwentiesatthetimeThetranslationabovetakes盍as蓋ldquooughttordquoandconstruesthelineasaninterjectioninthevoiceoftheTwoChildrenAlternativelyif老夫istakenasafirstpersonsubjectpronoun(anattestedusage)and盍isunderstoodasaninterrogativepronounessentiallyequivalentto何thenthelinemightberenderedldquoHowamItoeliminatethemrdquo(withthereferentof之nowbeingtheTwoChildren)223Theactualcharacterthatappearsinthefinalpositionofthislineisnot butthe

variantform whosetypesetversionsarenotrecognizedbyMicrosoftWord224Thetermshinrsquoeki津液(Cjinye)isageneralreferenceforbodilyfluidsintraditionalChinesemedicinebyitselfthecharacter津mayrefereithertosalivaorperspirationandsincethelatterwasmentionedalreadyinlineeight(albeitwithadifferentword汗)wemightimaginephlegmtobeintendedhereThepreviouscompoundteishi涕泗(Ctisi)ldquotearsandsnotrdquohasalonghistoryinpoetryappearinginworksbyRuanJiandDuFuamongothers

138

反仄不蹔安 TossingandturningIcannotgetcomfortableforlong何當定枕席 WhenwillIfinallybeabletoresteasy起臥偕歎為 Sittinguporlyingdownbotharetaxingtodo動輙求扶掖 AgainandagainIaskforhelp眼眩混方圓 DizzyIcanrsquottellsquaresfromcircles顛倒視黒白 AndIconfoundblackandwhite平生茹蔬荀 AllmylifeIhaveeatengreensandshoots欣然口自適 FortunatelyIfindtheysuitmypalette今設五候鯖 NowIhavebeforemesomeFiveMarquisfishstew苦淡同氷蘗 Asbitterandblandasamealoficeandcork225少間倚繩牀 AfterawhileIreclineonafoldingchair痩質如乾腊 Irsquomasgauntasapieceofdriedmeat傍有相過者 Atmysidearesomewhorsquovecometovisit視吾疑欺魄 UponseeingmetheycouldswearIrsquomaghost終日口唅呀 AlldaylongImuttertomyself觸事多怒嚇 Contactwiththingsoftheworldentailssomuchangerandfear回心自省身 Iturnmymindinwardandreflectuponmyself萬里海外客 Atravelerfromfaracrossthesea所志無人知 ThefeelingsIharbornooneknows越語憐莊舃 InmyownldquoYuetonguerdquoIsympathizewithZhuangXi226

Genuinethematicinnovationisalmostalwaysaccompaniedbyatleastsome

liberalizationintherealmoflanguageThispoemwrittenwhenChūganwas

twenty-sixincludesmultiplewordsandphraseswellremovedfromthemainstream

ofJapanesekanshiwhichonthewholeemphasizedselectmodelsfromtheTangand

225ldquoFiveMarquisStewrdquo五侯鯖wasawellknownstewoffishandmeatherethecharacter鯖simplymeansldquostewrdquonotldquomackerelrdquo226ZhuangXiwasanativeofthecoastalstateofYue越whoservedasanofficialintheinlandstateofChu楚thoughsuccessfulandwellassimilatedherevertedtothedialectofhishomelandwhenillZhuangXiappearsinShijiinthememoirofZhangYi張儀andalsoinWangCanrsquosfamousrhapsodyldquoClimbingtheTowerrdquo(登樓)

139

Six-DynastieserasAndwhileeveryagehasitsiconoclastsalineofverseconsisting

simplyofldquocoughingandsneezingrdquo(咳嗽和噴嚏)ndashtheseremainthestandardterms

inmodernChinesendashprobablyfindsaneasierhomeinSongpoetrythaninthe

poetryofanypreviousepochIntermsofnarrativestructureldquoMalariardquolikeallof

Chūganrsquoslongpoemsislineartracingthepathoftheillnessfromonsettopartial

recoverywithnodisruptionsintemporalcontinuitySomewhatatypicallyfor

ChūganthelyricalldquoIrdquoispresentatleastimplicitlyineverysinglecoupletandin

mostlinestheobjectofdescriptionremainsthesubjectofenunciationInsumitis

anentirelyautobiographicalpieceThecoupletshavingtodowithphysical

symptomsarestrikingthattheyoccupyjustafractionofthepoemrsquostotallength

mightsuggestacautiousapproachtosuchdetaillestanunrelentingfixationonthe

morbidcasttooheavyashadowoverthewholeoftheworkAlternativelyitis

possiblethatChūganrsquosprimaryinterestwasnottheparticularharrowingdetailsof

theexperienceitselfbuttheensuingreflectionuponhumanfrailtyanddependency

towhichsuchanexperienceleadsIneithercasethecontrastproducesaneffect

commontoagreatmanyofChūganrsquospoemswhichoftenbringonekindofaesthetic

sensibilitytothereaderrsquosattentiononlytoabruptlywithdrawitinfavorofanother

Nowhereisthisrhetoricalstrategyemployedmorefrequentlyandmoreeffectively

thaninhispoliticalpoemswhicharebothsufficientlynumerousandartistically

compellingenoughtomeritextendedtreatment

140

2 A Country Divided A Future Uncertain Poetry in Times of Turmoil

1333-1343

Poemsofsocialcommentarysomewithastrongsubtextofpoliticalcriticism

begintofeatureprominentlyintheyear1333whichwitnessedthestunning

collapseoftheKamakuraShogunateandEmperorGo-Daigorsquostriumphantreturn

fromexileHavingonlyrecentlyreturnedfromChinaChūganwasstillinKyushuas

theseeventsunfoldedBythefifthmonthhehadtakenupresidenceatthewell-

knowntempleManjuji萬壽寺inBungoProvince227Atthebehestofhispatron

ŌtomoSadamunewhowasanallyofGo-DaigohedepartedthatautumnforHakata

ShortlythereafterheembarkedforKyotoinSadamunersquoscompanywherehewould

deliverhismemorialtotheemperorThejourneytookhimpastmultiplesitesof

localinterestandinsomecaseshistoricalorreligiousimportanceandit

occasionedaseriesoftencommemorativequatrainstwoofwhichspeakdirectlyto

theupheavalsofthetime

檀浦

Dannoura228

晚浦煙橫日影斜 Atduskonthebaymistspreadswidecastingshadowsaslantin

theeveningsun漁歌送恨落蘋花 Fishermenrsquossongsbetellinggrievancesofoldscattertheping

blossoms229

227InformationconcerningChūganrsquostravelsandthetemplesatwhichheresidedcomesmostlyfromhisBusshuEsaiZenjiChūganGetsuoshōjirekifu(hereafterjirekifu)GBSSv4pp611-32Thisisachronologicallyorganizedautobiographicalrecordcomprisedofbriefsummariesofvariouskeyeventsforeachyear228Thesiteofafamoustwelfth-centurybattle(seebelow)

141

封侯能有幾人得 Intheendhowmanycanwinenfeoffment戰骨乾枯堆白沙 Bonesofthewardeadliedriedandbleachedmoundsofwhite

sand230

鞆津TomoHarbor231

楸梧風冷海城秋 Throughcatalpaandparasoltreesthewindblowschillseaside

rampartsmantledinautumn燹火煙消灰未收 Thefiresthatragedinwarsmoldernolongerbuttheirashes

haveyettobecleared232229Thepingorbaiping白蘋(HydrocharisdubiaJtochikagami)isafloweringaquaticplantthatgrowsinshallowmuddywaterPerhapsbecausetheblossomsreachjustinchesabovethewaterrsquossurfacepoemsdescribingthemashavingldquofallenrdquoseemtoberelativelyrareTheinterpretationfollowedherewassuggestedbyKamimurawhosekuntenmarkingsinGBZSindicateaJapanesereadingofgyokauramiookuritehinkaootosuinwhich落isconstruedasatransitiveverbwithsubject漁歌andobject蘋花230GBZSv2pp32-33GBSSv4p327231AnhistoricallyimportantharborinwhatisnowHiroshimaPrefecture 232ThelastcoupletrecallsDuMursquosfamousquatrainldquoMooredontheQinhuaiRiverrdquo泊秦淮whosesecondcoupletreadsldquoSinginggirlsknownothingoftheshameofthecountryrsquosruinStillintoningfromacrosstheriverthetuneofRearGardenBlossomsrdquo商女不知亡國恨隔江猶唱後庭花ThespecificeventreferredtointhesecondlineofldquoTomoHarborrdquoisunclearafactthathasledtosomeconfusioninmodernsourcestreatingthispoemTheseriestowhichitbelongsendswithanoteseeminglywrittenbyChūganhimselfthatreadsldquoTheforegoingtenpoemswerecomposedaftertheGenkōDisturbancewhenIwasonmywayfromHakatatothecapitalrdquo右十首元弘亂後自博多上京道中作也Howevertheearliestrecordofaneventcorrespondingtothelanguageofthepoem(andindeedofamajorfortificationatTomoHarbor)isfrom1342intheBattleofTomo鞆合戦theDaigashimaFortress大可島城builtearlierthatyearonanislandjustoutsidetheharborwasattackedbyforcesoftheNorthernCourtandcompletelydestroyedItisconceivablethatincollatingthismaterialseveraldecadeslaterChūganmisrememberedwhenldquoTomoHarborrdquowascomposedontheotherhandthelocationhadbeenofstrategicandcommercialimportanceforcenturiesanditisequallypossiblethathesimplywitnessedtheaftermathofanearlieroutbreakofviolencethatoccurredaroundthetimetheshogunatefellIneithercasetheldquorampartsrdquomentionedinthepoemcannotrefertoTomoCastle鞆城whichwasconstructedundertheaegisoftheMōrifamilyinthe16thcentury

142

遊妓不知亡國事 Thecourtesansknownothingoftheruinationofthestate聲聲秦曲泛蘭舟 Singingtomusicalaccompanimenttheybobalongonbedizened

boats233

Thejuxtapositionofdescriptivecoupletswithcriticalordidacticonesisa

recurrentfeatureinChūganrsquospoliticalpoemsThisjuxtapositionmoreoveris

alwaysanunevenonewiththepoliticalstatementsinthesecondcouplet

unambiguouslyprivilegedoverthedescriptionofferedinthefirstStructurally

speakingthisisconsistentwithpopularpoeticpracticeoftheSongandYuaneras

accordingtothecompositionalprinciplesadvancedintheaforementionedSantishi

whichwascompiledaround1250bythepoetandtheoristZhouBi周弼(1194-

1255)thethirdlineofaquatrainisthedominantlineandthemostimportanttothe

overallsuccessofthepoem234InldquoDannourardquotheturninthethirdlinetowards

discursiveprosaiclanguagecomesneartowhatZhouBitermsldquoemptycontinuationrdquo

虛接whereinthefirstandsecondlinesofaquatrainarenon-affectiveorldquosolidrdquo實

whilethethirdrevealsthefeelingsoropinionsofthepoetandistermedldquoemptyrdquo

虛235ldquoEmptycontinuationrdquowasacommonstrategyandonethatgrantsspecial

prominencetothepoemrsquosdiscursiveldquopointrdquobysettingitinreliefagainstan

233GBZSv2p33GBSSv4p328234ZhouBirsquoscriticalcommentsaretranslatedandanalyzedbyStephenOweninReadingsinChineseLiteraryThought(CambridgeHarvard-YenchingInstitute1992)pp421-34235OwenReadingsinChineseLiteraryThoughtpp422-25AlthoughthefirstcoupletofldquoDannourardquoisheavyondescriptiontheuseofthetermldquogrievancerdquo恨inthesecondlinedoesimplyjudgmentandhencealyricalsubjecttotheextentthatitforeshadowsthepoliticalmessageofthesecondcouplettherupturebetweenthecoupletsisnottotalandthepoemisnotaperfectexampleofldquoemptycontinuationrdquo

143

ostensiblyobjectivenon-evaluativebackgroundChūganstructuredmanyofhis

quatrainsthiswayandinlightofhisnotedfondnessforSantishiitisreasonableto

positthatheusedthecollectionverymuchasZhouBihadintendednamelyasan

explicitlyldquowriterlyrdquoguidebooktopoeticcomposition

Fromanartisticstandpointthebrevityofthequatrainformmakesitabetter

vehicleforimagismthanforsocialcritiqueandldquoDannourardquoinparticularseems

almostcalculatedtofrustrateaestheticexpectationsinitiallyofferingthereaderthe

pleasureofdetachedimagisticdescriptiononlytosnatchitawaywiththe

impositionofabluntmoralmessageItisanapproachthatcontrastsmarkedlywith

thattakenbyotherGozanpoetswhogenerallyavoidedovertdidacticismeven

whencomposingpoemsthatfitthematicallyintotheldquohistoryrdquo(JeishiCyongshi咏

史)sub-genreWhiletheBattleofDannouramayhaveheldparticularsignificance

forChūganasanexampleofsenselessfeudalwarfarehewasnottheonlyGozan

poettomemorializetheeventinverseNolessafigurethanZekkaiChūshinwould

alsodososeveraldecadeslaterthoughtomuchdifferentartisticeffectandmost

likelywithmuchdifferentmotivationsinmindThecontrastbetweenthetwo

versesisinstructive

赤間関

Akamagaseki236 風物眼前朝暮愁 Thescenebeforemyeyesbringsgrieffrommorningtillevening 寒潮頻拍赤城頭 Acoldtideceaselesslypoundingruinsofredstoneramparts 236AlocationonthesouthwesterntipofHonshuinwhatistodaythecityofShimonosekiItoverlookedthewatersinwhichtheBattleofDannouraoccurred

144

怪岩奇石雲中寺 Fearsomecragsandcuriousrocksguardatempleintheclouds 新月斜陽海上舟 Underthenewmoonandthesettingsunaboatdriftsuponthe

sea 十萬義軍空寂戚 Arighteousarmyofhundredthousandvanishedintoemptiness 三千剣客去悠悠 Threethousandswordsmenlostforalltime 英雄骨朽干戈地 Bonesofheroeswitheredawayuponthebattlefield 相憶倚欄看白鷗 LostinremembranceIleanonthebalustradewatchingthe

gulls237

TheBattleofDannourawasthefinaldecisiveengagementoftheGenpeiWar

源平合戦(1180-85)anepisodeofstrifeandgenerallawlessnessframedprincipally

bythecontestbetweentwomilitaryhousestheMinamoto源andtheTaira平The

TairawhohadbeenfleeingwestwardafterlosingKyotoweresoundlydefeatedand

wouldneverrecovertheirspectacularriseandfallwouldinspirewriters

throughoutthemedievaleraandtheBattleofDannourawouldcometobeseenas

themostpoignantanddramaticofallhistoricalJapanesebattlesThiswasnot

simplybecauseitwaslargebythestandardsoftheerabutbecausetheannihilation

ofthenewlyascendantTairawastotalandbecausetheyoungEmperorAntoku(r

1180-83)bornofaTairamotherandbarelysixyearsoldatthetimewasamong

thethousandsdrownedinthemelee

BothldquoDannourardquoandldquoAkamagasekirdquotreatthesamehistoricaleventbut

theirdifferencesarestrikingwhereChūganspeaksonlyofthebonesofthewar

237GBZSv2p1920IriyaedldquoGozanbungakushūrdquopp96-97

145

deadZekkaispeaksofthebonesofheroeswhereZekkaiconcludeswithan

aestheticizationofviolencethatmovesthereaderfromhumanmortalitytothe

freedomofnatureChūgansimplysuggeststhatthewarwasamisguidedconflict

overalimitedresource(ldquoIntheendhowmanycouldwinenfeoffmentrdquo)Zekkairsquos

poemmaybeinterpretedasoneofspiritualconciliation(chinkon鎮魂)a

traditionalfunctionofmuchmedievalliteratureontheGenpeiWarChūganmay

havechoseninsteadtoemphasizethefutilityofthatconflictformoreimmediate

purposesalmostsurelyintendinghisversetobeseenbyGo-DaigoandSadamune

HereitshouldberemarkedthatinsofarastheGenpeiWarrepresentedexactlythe

sortofconflictmostantitheticaltoafundamentallystatistConfucianworldview

Chūgansurelysawnocontradictioninbemoaningitevenashebackedtheroyal

causeagainsttheKamakuraregimeinhismemorial

AsobservedpreviouslyChūganbegantoexpressmorecriticalviewsofGo-

Daigorsquosrevolutioninearly1334followinghisreturntoKamakurauponthesudden

deathofSadamuneWhathefoundwhenhearrivedwasatownscarredbyviolence

anddespoliationDuringthesummerof1333aforcegatheredbythewarlordNitta

Yoshisada(1301-38)hithertoaprincipalvassaloftheshogunatehadmarchedon

KamakuraandattackedtheHōjōgarrisonAccordingtothefamousaccountinthe

historicalchronicleTaiheiki太平記thefightingwasheavyandlastedforsome

dayswithdefeatimminentHōjōTakatokisetfiretonumerousadministrative

buildingsretreatedtothetempleTōshōjiandcommittedsuicidealongwithseveral

146

hundredofhismen238ApproximatelyfiveyearslaterChūganmemorializedthese

eventsinaseriesofheptasyllabicquatrainsandbemoanedtheongoingpolitical

disarray

惜陰偶作

ImpromptuVersesLamentingthePassageofTime

昔年是日鎌倉破 SeveralyearsagoonthisdaythecityofKamakurafell 所在伽藍氣像皆 Thetemplesthatweretherethesceneryndashallofitwasreduced

tonothing239 商女不知僧侶恨 Thepeddlergirlsknownotthemonksrsquogrievances 賣柴賣菜打官街 Sellingfirewoodandgreenstheyhawkupanddownstreetsonce

linedwithgovernmentoffices240 雨壓炎塵涼似秋 Raintampsthescorchingdustandthecoolnessfeelslikeautumn 無根緑樹翳林丘 Rootlessverdanttreesshadewoodedhills241 摩挲老眼看如畫 Strainingmyoldeyesitlooksjustlikeapainting 若箇濛濛佛也愁 ButinthisdrizzlymisteventheBuddhawouldfeelmelancholy

238Taiheiki102104239Thecharacter皆nearlyalwaysadverbialheredenotesaverbmeaningldquotobereducedtonothingrdquoIhavebeenunabletodiscovercomparableexamplesofthisusageinChinesetextsthoughthevernacularJapaneseexpressionsminaninasuldquoexhaustrdquoldquoreducetonaughtrdquoandminaninaruldquobeexhaustedrdquowereincommonusebythemid-thirteenthcenturyTheearliestexampleseemstobefromKokonchomonjū古今著聞集acollectionofsetsuwa説話from1254KamimuradoesnotindicateakunreadingforthecharacterwhileYamagishiTokuheisuggeststsukiruwhichimpliesaroughsynonymywith盡hiscompletekundokurenderingofthepoemmaybefoundinldquoGozanbungakushūEdokanshishūrdquopp90-91240ThiscoupletonceagainseemstodrawdirectlyonthesecondcoupletofDuMursquosldquoMooringontheQinhuaiRiverrdquo(seenote214)241Presumablymistisobscuringthelowerportionofthetreesmakingitappearasiftheywereldquorootlessrdquo

147

佛也愁時神更悲 InatimewheneventheBuddhafeelsmelancholythegodsmust

besadderstill腥風鼓海社簾吹 Afoulwindwhipstheseaandtheblindsoftheshrineareblown

open去年華表隨龍去 Lastyeartheornamentedcolumnsfollowedthedragonand

departed水稽天人作龜 Amidstabanefulfloodofexcessthatreachestheheavensmen

becomeasturtles 更無前代好衣冠 Gonemoreoverarethegoodgentryofagespast 滿眼氛埃暗社壇 Myeyesfillwithbalefulduststhatbenightthealtar 終古黃梅時節雨 Fromtimeimmemorialtheseasonofripeplumshasbrought

rain今朝特地著愁看 TodayhoweverIlookuponitwithasenseofanxiousgrief242 世事隆衰自有時 Theaffairsoftheworldflowandebbeachinitsowntime 山河是矣但人非 Mountainsandriversareconstantbutmanisnot 戰骨未収邊戍起 Bonesofthewardeadlieuncollectedasbordergarrisonsarise 鐡衣早晩復儒衣 Butthesuitsofarmorsoonerorlaterwillbeexchangedonce

againforConfucianrobes243

242IfthesubjectistakentobetheseasonitselfthelastlinemightberenderedldquoTodayhoweveritwears(著)amienofgrief(愁看)rdquoThebasicsenseofthelineseemstobethattherainyseasonusuallyahappytimeisnotsothisyeartheinvocationofrainmayalsobeseentocontinuethefloodmetaphorintroducedinthesecondverse243GBZSv2pp35-36GBSSv4p352ThefourthverseisfoundonlyinGBSSwhichalsoincludestwoadditionalversesinthisgroup

148

AsinldquoTomoHarborrdquowomengoingabouteverydayactivitiesarepresented

asfiguresofignorancewhiletheylacknotformaterialmeanstheyremain

oblivioustothesociopoliticalproblemsthatsoexerciseChūganInthefourthand

lastversethecorrosiveeffectofmilitancyisthematizedintermsreminiscentofhis

essaysGenminandGensōNotablythispoemalsoemploysastrikingtonalprosody

thatreinforcesitsmessagewheretheopeningcoupletadheresperfectlytothe

tonalconventionsofarecent-stylequatrainthesecondquiteunexpectedlybreaks

entirelywiththoseconventionsTheresultisadramaticandproductivedissonance

inwhichinitialfidelitytoprosodicrulesbuttressesthedetachedandaphoristic

qualityofthefirstcoupletwhilethesubsequentviolationofthemamplifiesthe

impassionedcriticaltenorofthesecond244

Thesecondthirdandfourthversesseemjoinedinnarrativecontinuitywith

thesecondfunctioningasamostlydescriptivepreambletotheothertwoIneffect

thethreepoemsevinceanextensionofthedescriptive-didacticmodeswitching

observedpreviouslyonthelevelofindividualcoupletsThethirdverseisarguably

themostinterestingandtheonlyonethatallowsaplausibledateofcompositionto

beadducedItsfirstcoupletframedclearlyasacontinuationofthepreviousverse

244Thetonaldistributionisasfollows仄仄平平仄仄平 平平仄仄仄平平 仄仄仄平平仄仄(theexpectedpatternis平平仄仄平平仄) 仄平仄仄仄平平(theexpectedpatternis仄仄平平仄仄平)SuchalterationwasbynomeansunprecedentedintheChinesetraditionitishighlightedonlytodemonstratethemannerinwhichtonalpatterningaformalpropertymaycontributeintegrallytoapoemrsquoscontent

149

isamongthefewinChūganrsquospoetrytoexplicitlymentionJapanesekamiWhat

becomesclearinthenextcoupletwhichasdetailedbelowseemsdrivenbyan

uncommonlybolddoubleentendreisthattheentirepoemisanacerbictakeonthe

presentconditionoftheJapaneseimperiumByearly1337EmperorGo-Daigohad

fledKyotofortheruralmountainsofYoshinowherehehastilyestablishedarival

courtthatwouldholdoutagainsttheAshikagaShogunateforthenexthalf

century245AssumingGo-DaigorsquosflighttoYoshinoisindeedwhatChūganis

referringtotheversemusthavebeencomposedsometimein1338Theterm

renderedasldquofloodofexcessrdquoiskōsui 水(Cjiangshui)arelativelyrarephrasethat

appearsmostfamouslyinMengzi

BoGuisaidldquoIexcelevenKingYuinwatermanagementrdquoMengzirepliedldquoYouaremistakensirInwatermanagementKingYufollowedthewayofwaterForthisreasonKingYuhadtheFourSeasashisreservoirButyouonlyhaveneighboringstatesasyourreservoirOpposingthecourseofthewateriswhatledtotheldquooverflowingwatersrdquo( )Theoverflowingwaterswerefloodingwaters(洪水)ThisissomethinghatedbybenevolentpeopleYouaremistakensir246白圭曰丹之治水也愈於禹孟子曰子過矣禹之治水水之道也是故禹以四海為壑今吾子以鄰國為壑水逆行謂之 水 水者洪水也仁人之所惡也吾子過矣

BoGuifailsbecauseheunlikethegreatKingYuattemptstocontrolwaterwithout

regardforitsnatureInlightofbothChūganrsquospreviouswritingsandtheother

versesinthisgrouptheimplicationofthepoemseemsobviouslikeBoGuirsquos

245ThisiswhatisreferredtoastheSouthernCourtitsestablishmentmarksthebeginningoftheso-calledNorthernandSouthernCourts(Nanbokuchō)南北朝erainJapanesehistorywhichcontinueduntilarapprochementbetweenthecourtswasreachedin1392246Mengzi6B11VanNordenMengzip168

150

misguidedapproachtomanagingwaterthepursuitofsuzeraintythroughmartial

preeminenceisaviolationthewayofthebenevolentman(仁人)andtheupheavals

ithaswroughtuponthecountryhavesaddenedthekamiThephraseldquomenbecome

asturtlesrdquoisintriguingandpossiblyquiteedgyAtfirstblanchldquoturtlerdquomayappear

anunsurprisingimageinacoupletthatcontainsfloodwatersandadragonsince

bothdragonsandturtlesareconventionallyassociatedwithwaterAconservative

interpretationofthelinemightthereforebethatpeoplenormallyterrestrial

creaturesareforcedtobecomeldquoamphibiousrdquoinordertosurvivethenewpolitical

environmentThewordldquoturtlerdquohowevercouldalsobeaninsultinvernacular

Chinesemeaningeitherldquobastardrdquoorldquocuckoldrdquo247Inthislightthelineseemsto

suggestthatpeoplehavebeendupedanddegradedamidstapowerstrugglethat

representsorhasunleashedadeluge(水)ofpoliticaldysfunctionItneednotbe

assumedthattheldquofloodofexcessrdquoisGo-DaigorsquosaloneChūgansurelywouldhave

laidagreatdealofblameupontheascendantAshikagawhorepresentedprecisely

thekindofauthorityheloathedndashyetanotherldquohegemonrdquo覇inastatestillwithouta

truekingEvensogiventhatldquodragonrdquoisamongthecommonesteuphemismsfor

247ThefirstsensederivesfromafolkbeliefaccordingtowhichmaleturtleswereincapableofcopulationrequiringfemaleturtlestomatewithsnakesinordertolaytheireggstherebymakingturtlesldquobastardsrdquobydefinitionAccordingtoMorohashiTetsujithesenseofldquoturtlerdquoassomethinglikeldquocuckoldrdquo(specificallyamanwhosewifeisengagedinextramaritalliaisonsorprostitution)datestotheTangasmightbeexpectedhowevertextualexamplesaremuchmoreplentifulinlaterperiodsAninformativeanalysisofvernacularinsultsinthenovelShuihuzhuan水滸傳(WaterMargin)theearliestportionsofwhichwereauthoredaroundthetimeChūganwasactiveisgiveninLiuPeipeildquolsquoShuihuzhuanrsquolimayanjiujiqizaiHuayuwenjiaoxuezhongdeyiyirdquo(MAThesisNationalChengchiUniversity2011)ldquoTurtlerdquoandrelatedtermsarecoveredonp39

151

emperorsandthedragoninthisverseseemsunambiguouslytobeGo-Daigothe

coupletmaywellbethemostdaringinhisoeuvre248

Continuingthefocusonthedeclineofoncehallowedinstitutionsthefourth

verselamentstheabsenceofestimableofficials(衣冠)andseeminglytheprofaning

ofthereligiousworldbycurrentevents(thisatanyratewouldappeartobethe

implicationoftheintriguinglocutionldquobalefuldustsbenightingthealtarrdquo)249The

termrenderedasldquoaltarrdquoisshadan社壇(Cshetan)thisisthebroadestandmost

elementarytranslationanditisconsistentwiththeuseofthewordinpre-and

earlyimperialChinaInaspecificallyJapanesecontexthowevershadanmayalso

denotetheraisedareaofearthonwhichthemainbuilding(shaden社殿)ofaShinto

shrineisbuiltItisreasonabletoassumethatthissensewouldhavebeeneasily

apprehendedbymostmedievalreadersespeciallyinlightoftheexplicitmentionof

kamiinthepreviousverseTotheextentthatterminologyassociatedwithkami

worshipleadssyntagmaticallytoJapanesekingshipandthetraditional

apotheosizedbodypoliticonemayreadilyinterpretthebenightingoftheldquoaltarrdquoto

figurethecorruptionorocclusionoftheimperialmajestyAltogetherthelanguage

mightseemtosuggestaratherromanticizedvisionoftheoldroyalorder

248Intheinterestofphilologicalcompletenessanadditionalandquitedifferenthistoricalmeaningofthephrase作龜isldquosetuptheturtlerdquoandreferstoplastromancyamethodofdivinationinwhichturtleplastronsareheatedandtheresultingcracksinterpretedItisnotimpossibletoconstruethelineonthebasisofthissenseforinstancebysupposingittomeanthatinuncertaintimespeopleturntodivinationHoweverthiswouldseemarathermildandanticlimacticconclusiontoalinethatbeganbyemphaticallydescribingastateoframpantmoralwaywardnessandmismanagementndashldquoabanefulfloodofexcessthatreachestheheavensrdquo( 水稽天)249Onldquobalefuldustsrdquo氛埃seenote252below

152

objectivelyspeakingJapanwasprobablygovernedaswellduringtheKamakura

periodasduringanyageofitspremodernhistoryEventheimperialcourtwhile

increasinglyovershadowedbytheshogunatewasatthattimeasubstantially

healthierinstitutionthanithadbecomebytimeofthispoemIndeedChūganmay

beimplicitlyadmittingasmuchthroughhisuseofthesomewhatelastictermzendai

(Cqiandai前代)whichcouldjustaseasilyrefertothepreviousageastoldquopastagesrdquo

ingeneralAndgiventheseeminglynostalgicreferenceinthefirstversetoldquostreets

(once)linedwithgovernmentofficesrdquo(官街)itisevenconceivablethatChūganwas

nolongerquitesoilldisposedtowardsthevanquishedKamakuraregimeashehad

beeninhisearlierwritingshavinggrownupinthevicinityofKamakuraitselfhe

couldnotbuthaverecalledthattheyearsofhisyouthwereatleastmarkedby

politicalstabilityifnotbyhisdesiredpoliticalorderInanyeventtheoverriding

themeoftheseversesndashdissolutionandlossonlevelsbothinstitutionalandspiritual

ndashwasonetowhichChūganwouldreturnfrequentlyduringtheyearsofcivilunrest

thatinauguratedtheturbulentMuromachiera

Yetregardlessofhisdistasteforshogunalauthorityorhishopeforunitary

imperialgovernanceChūgancouldseeaswellasanyonethatbytheendofthe

1330sthefightinghadsucceededonlyinmovingJapanevenfurtherfromthatideal

Inthewinterof1339Chūganassumedtheheadshipofthenewlybuilttemple

KichijojiandpubliclyembracedtheRinzailineageofDongyangDehuiDespitethe

hostilitythisprovokedtheearly1340swereaproductivetimehispoeticoutput

remainedhighandhishistoricalworkNihonshowhichwouldprobablyhave

requiredmanymonthsofresearchwascompletedin1341Thatyearalso

153

occasionedwhatisprobablyhismostfamoussinglepoemalengthymeditationon

thesufferingofthepoorduringanunusuallydestructiveblizzardThepieceis

amongthefinestworksofsocialengagementinmedievalJapaneseliteratureand

waspossiblythefirstofChūganrsquospoemstobetranslatedintoEnglish250

春雪

SpringSnow 辛巳二月二十五 Onthetwenty-fifthdayofthesecondmonthintheyearofjunior-

metalsnake(1341)相陽大雪深五尺 Sōyōrecordedasnowfallfivefeetdeep251初聞郭索歩窗前 AtfirstIheardasoundlikecrabsmarchingatthewindow俄驚樹杪風淅瀝 Thensoonaroseawindwhistlingthroughthetreetops252

250SeeBurtonWatsonJapaneseLiteratureinChinesevol2(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1976)pp28-29251ThefirsttwolinesdespiteseemingmorelikeparatextualheadnotesaretreatedinthevulgateeditionofTōkaiichiōshūandallsubsequentsourcesaspartofthepoemproperThisseemstobebecausetheentering-tonecharacter尺rhymeswiththeremainingfinalcharactersofeven-numberedlinesallofwhichareenteringtoneandinMiddleChineseconcludewiththeconsonantclusteriekiɛk252ThesoundofcrabsmarchingisanunusualfigureforthesoundsassociatedwithfallingsnowChūganseemstohavelikeditforitappearsintheopeningcoupletofanotherofhispoemsldquoExpressingMyFeelingsontheTopicofSnowrdquo題雪寄懐ldquoThemarchingofcrabsiswhatfirstIheardinthebamboosoutsidemywindowInadreamitrapsuponmyfreezingpillowasoundlonelyandsparserdquo蟹歩先聞窓外竹夢敲寒枕響疎々AlocusclassicusforthisfigurehasremainedelusiveIriyaYoshitakaremarksthatheisunawareofexampleselsewhereSeeldquoGozanbungakushūrdquop297Thewordkakusaku郭索(Cguosuo)doesappearinacoupletbyLinBu林逋(967-1028)ldquoThroughthegrassandmudcrabsgomarchingFrombecloudedtreescomecriesofthefrancolinrdquo草泥行郭索雲木叫鉤輈TherestofthispoemseemstohavebeenlostbutthecoupletiscitedwithadmirationbyOuyangXiuinhisGuitianlu歸田錄andagainbyShenKuo沈括(1031-1095)inhisfamousMengxibitan夢溪筆談(DreamPoolEssays)TherelevanceofthisissimplythatLinBuwasalreadymuchbelovedbyGozanpoetsandacoupletofLinrsquospraisedbyOuyangwouldstandanexcellentchanceofcirculatingwidelyamongthem

154

淅瀝轉作砰湃聲 Thenthewhistlingbecamearoaring百千雷霆鬭相撃 Athousandthunderclapsatwarwithoneanother253開窗昧目萬斛灰 Openingthewindowmygazewasdarkenedbyvastmassofash急掩扉頃便堆席 HurriedlyIshutthedoorandstackedupthemats254去年栽竹忽遭摧 ThebamboosIplantedlastyearwerecrushedinaninstant林木挫抑何是惜 Butwithwholestandsofwoodlandtreesbentandbowedwhat

useisthereinbewailingthem鎌倉城在海東南 InKamakurathecitybytheseasoutheastofhere古老皆言未嘗覿 Theoldmenallsaytheyrsquoveneverseenanythinglikethisbefore且如今年元日来 ThoughthefirstdayoftheNewYearhasdawned天弄陰機非旦夕 Heavenhasseenfittolooseitsmysteriousdesignanderaseall

distinctionbetweenthedawnandtheevening255陌上泥濘没牛尻 Onroadsthemudswallowsoxenuptotheirhindquarters故旧訪我難為屐 Impedingtheprogressofoldfriendswhotrytovisitme北客見慣能憑陵 Visitorsfromthenorthaccustomedtosuchconditions

shamelesslybullyandcadge土人縮頸不便僻 Localsmerelykeeptheirheadsdownunwillingtoactspeciously253ThiscoupletrecallslinesfromOuyangXiursquosldquoRhapsodyontheAutumnWindrdquo秋聲賦ldquoAtfirstitblewwithawhistlingshrillThensuddenlyitroaredlikeathunderinggalloprdquo初淅瀝以蕭颯忽奔騰而砰湃254WhiteashappearsinearlierChinesepoemsasametaphorforsnowHoweverashalsocarriesconnotationsofdeathandinthecontextofthispoemthesensethetermgeneratesisoneofforeboding255ThelinescontainamildpunonthefirstdayoftheNewYearwhichisconventionallytermedgantan(Cyuandan元旦)orldquoFirstDawnrdquoThecompoundterminki陰機(Cyinqi)renderedaboveasldquomysteriousdesignrdquoseemstobeparticularlycommoninpoemstreatingblizzardsItisfoundforinstanceinonebyHanYutitledldquoSnowintheYearofJunior-MetalHarerdquo(辛卯年雪)whichincludestheexactphrase弄陰機andinonebytheQingpoetQianQianyi錢謙益(1582-1664)alsotitledldquoSpringSnowrdquo(春雪)

155

咫尺鄰里少相過 Evenpeoplefromtheclosestneighboringvillagesseldomcrosspaths

百賈晝眠絶交易 Merchantssleeptillnoonandceaseconductingbusiness富門御冬蓄有余 Therichhaveamplestorestogetthemthroughthewinter机俎羅張厭脯腊 Withtraysandtablessplendidlyarrayedtheyhavetheirfillof

driedmeats銷金帳裡那知寒 Shutsafelybehindgoldencurtainswhatdotheyknowofthe

cold淺斟低唱情自適 Sippingwineandsingingsoftlytheyarecompletelyatease256窮家数日突無煙 Butfrompoorhousesnosmokerisesfordaysonend嬴臥陋巷同窀穸 Inmeanalleyshovelslielowlikerowsofgraves詩書萬巻徒撑腸 Allthepoemsandbooksintheworlddonothingtofillanempty

stomach竟不能療朝饑慼 Nevercouldtheyofferrelieffromthemorningrsquoshunger一束柴索價遼天 Forasinglebundleoffirewoodthegoingpriceishigherthanthe

heavens五合黄陳無處糴 Andameaslyfivecupsofstaleyellowedgrainarenowheretobe

bought或言雖晩瑞豊年 Somesaythatalthoughitcamelatetheblizzardbetokensayear

ofgoodharvests為我未免按剣戟 Buttomeitaugursnotbutfurtherresorttoswordsandspears257

256Thephraseldquosippingwineandsingingsoftlyrdquo淺斟低唱isacommonidiomthatappearsinnumerousSong-erapoemsincludingonebyFanChengda257HereChūganmaybemakingapunonthephrase為我(CweiwoJwagatame)whichhappensalsotodenoteYangZhursquosldquohedonistrdquophilosophyofself-preservation(inthismeaningthecompoundwouldgenerallybepronouncedigainJapanese)Ifthisissotheideawouldseemtobethatrampantself-interestperhapsintensifiedinthewakeoftheblizzardisultimatelywhatmakesthefightinginevitableAsaprepositionalphrase為我appearsinHanyuefuwiththemeaningofldquoonmy(orour)behalfrdquoandinChūganrsquospieceitisprobablybestunderstoodtomeansomethinglikeldquobymylightsrdquo

156

IntheJapanesekanshitraditionldquoSpringSnowrdquoisreminiscentofamasterful

seriesoftenpentasyllabicpoemstitledldquoFeelingtheColdEarlyrdquo寒早bySugawara

noMichizane菅原道眞(845-903)acourtscholaroftheHeianperiodwhoremains

oneofJapanrsquosmostwidelyappreciatedliterarySiniticpoetsAlltenpoemsbegin

withthelineldquoWhofeelsthecoldtheearliestrdquo何人寒氣早theythenproceedto

identifyvariouspeoplesuchaspeasantrunawaysorphansandelderlywidowers

whosewintertimesufferingisexacerbatedbytheirdifficultpersonalcircumstances

ThoughtheindividualsandsituationsMichizanedescribedwereinspiredbyhis

actualexperiencesasaprovincialgovernorthepoemsthemselvesbetraylittle

informationregardingthecontextoftheircompositionandtheartisticgazeofthe

poetisrarelyifeverintrusiveorinsistentTothisextenttheyareperhapsmore

aestheticallysatisfyingthanldquoSpringSnowrdquowhichdespitepossessinggreater

linguisticrichnessthanldquoDannourardquoandldquoTomoHarborrdquoshareswiththoseversesa

persistentlyldquosingulativerdquothrustthatanchorsitfirmlytoitshistoricalmoment258It

ishardtoconceiveofalesspoeticcoupletthantheonewithwhichldquoSpringSnowrdquo

beginsthismatter-of-factstartalongwiththestrictchronologicalorderinwhich

eventsarepresentedimpartstothepieceastronglydocumentaryordiaristicflavor

TheclosinglineforegroundsthelyricalldquoIrdquowhooffersfinaljudgmentonthe

significanceoftheeventsjustdescribedThisspeakerwhomthereaderisledby

conventiontoconstrueasChūganhimselfposesquestionsrelatesindirectquotes

258BycontrastMichizanersquospoemscomeclosertoldquoiterativediscoursesrdquowhereasinglediscourseevokesapluralityofsimilareventsSeeRichardHowardtransTzvetanTodorovIntroductiontoPoetics(MinneapolisUnivofMinnesotaPress1997)p31

157

andrecountsbothhisownresponsestotheblizzardandtheresponsesofothers

Asidefromldquocrabsmarchingatthewindowrdquoandtheconventionalsubstitutionofash

forsnowfigurativelanguageisalmostnonexistentparticularlyinthesecondhalfof

thepoemwherenearlyeverycoupletseemstoadvancesocialcritiqueDescription

tooiskepttoaminimumatleastifthattermistakentomeanthesortofdetached

non-evaluativetreatmentofobjectivephenomenainwhichsymbolismratiocination

andintertextualcodingiseschewed

ItiseasyenoughtounderstandtheserhetoricalfeaturesofldquoSpringSnowrdquoas

aconsequenceofChūganrsquospoliticalcommitmentswhichwhenarticulatedinverse

producedworksmoreorlessanalogousinspirittohisexpositoryproseSocial

protestisofcourseamongtheoldestestablishedfunctionsoftheshiandtothat

extentldquoSpringSnowrdquofitsreadilyintothebroaderChinesepoetictradition

Moreoverasanancient-styleshiwithnofixedlengthorstringentprosodic

requirementsldquoSpringSnowrdquoissubstantiallyfreerandmorecapaciousthantightly

knitrecent-stylequatrainssuchasldquoDannourardquoandldquoTomoHarborrdquoProseof

courseisfreerstillandsentimentslikethoseexpressedinthesecondhalfof

ldquoSpringSnowrdquowouldindeedbewellsuitedtothevariousnon-fictionalprosegenres

commonlyusedtolodgeprotestinmedievalJapanegge解mōshijō申状and

shūjō愁状Butbyexpressingtheminashithepoetautomaticallyunderscores

theiremotionalauthenticitywithoutcompromisingthehistoricalveracityofthe

eventsrelatedIncontradistinctiontoworksfromgenressuchasfushiwere

traditionallyreadasnon-fictionalemotionallysinceretreatmentsofthings

158

witnessedorexperiencedbythepoet259Whilethisassumptionofnon-fictionality

canprobablyberelaxedsomewhatforpost-Tangshi260ldquoSpringSnowrdquowouldstill

generallyhavebeenreadbyChūganrsquoscontemporariesasbothatruthfulaccountof

andaliterarymemorialtoreal-lifehardshipswitnessedfirsthandAdditionallyby

fusingmoralconcernwithaestheticexperiencepoemslaidclaimtoavastlylarger

readershipthanpracticaldocumentstypicallydidwhilealdquopeasantgrievance

reportrdquo(hyakushōshūjō百姓愁状)wasintendedtoelicitactionfromgovernment

officialsandestateproprietorsapoemwasintendedforposteritySolongasthe

shigenreremainedvitalevenoneassingulativeasldquoSpringSnowrdquowouldsurvivethe

passageoftimeintactandundiminisheditsinterventionistpotentialoperativenot

justontheleveloflogosbutalsoandindeedprimarilyonthelevelofpathos

InthemeanddictionampleprecedentforldquoSpringSnowrdquomaybefoundasfar

backastherealistpoetryoftheJianrsquoan建安era(196-220)particularlyinthework

ofpoetssuchasWangCan王粲(177-217)CaoZhi曹植(192-232)andtheslightly

laterFuXian傅咸(239-94)whosebriefpentasyllabicpieceldquoSufferingThrougha

RainySpellrdquo(愁霖詩)touchesonaverysimilarthemeandemploysstrikingly

similarmotifs

舉足沒泥濘Iliftupafootonlytosinkintothemuck市道無行車Ontheroadtothemarketnocartsgo

259StephenOwenTraditionalChinesePoetryandPoetics(TaipeiSouthernMaterialsCenter1985)pp3457260OwennotesthatsomeofLiShangyinrsquospoetrycomesveryneartofictionandthatSong-erapoetsnolongersharedthesamefaithastheirforebearsinanldquouncreateduniverserdquowheretraditionalmodesofpoeticexpressionweresimplyldquonaturalrdquoSeeTraditionalChinesePoetryandPoeticspp5288-89

159

蘭桂賤朽腐Orchidsandcinnamonarecheaperthanrottingtrash柴栗貴明珠Firewoodandmilletaremorepreciousthanlustrous

pearls261

ThelatterhalfofldquoSpringSnowrdquoispropelledbyaseriesoftropesthatwouldhave

beenimmediatelyrecognizabletoFuXianamillenniumbeforethedisparity

betweentherichandthepoorthedifficultiesingettingaroundandthepriceof

dailynecessitiesIfthereisanotablepointofthematicdifferenceintheway

ChineseandJapanesepoetshandledthistypeofmaterialitisthatpolitical

conditionsinChinaatleastduringerasofunityandstrongcentralgovernance

ofteninclinedpoetstheretofocusspecificallyontheroleoferrantgovernment

policiesincausingorexacerbatingpovertyBoJuyi白居易(772-846)probablythe

bestknownChinesepoetinpremodernJapanproduceddozensofintenselydidactic

poemssomeintheldquoNewMusicBureaurdquo(xinyuefu)genrebemoaningpeasant

hardshipsandexcoriatingofficialcorruption262Shipoetryexpressingsimilar

sentimentswascommonthroughouttheSongDynastybeginningwiththeworkof

earlyfiguressuchasOuyangXiuandWangAnshi王安石(1021-86)Bothwereelite

scholar-bureaucratswhoexpressedinverseharshcriticismsofgovernmentpolicies

theythoughtmisguided263AndFanChengdaapoetofotherwisehumble

261Taipingyulanv1ldquoTianburdquo11ldquoYuxiardquo262SeeKondōHaruoHaku-shimonjūtokokubungakushingafushinchūginnokenkyū(TokyoMeijishoin1990)LiaoMeiyunYuan-Baixinyuefuyanjiu(TaipeiTaiwanxueshengshuju1989)263FamousexamplesincludeWangrsquospoemldquoConfiscatingSaltrdquo(收鹽)whichdepictstheenforcementofthegovernmentsaltmonopolyandOuyangrsquospoemldquoThePeopleWhoEatDregsrdquo(食糟民)whichcriticizesthegovernmentmonopolyonwine-making

160

beginningsstillaspiredlikemostofhiscontemporariestoacareerintheofficial

bureaucracyanaspirationherealizedafterpassingtheimperialexaminationin

1154LikeOuyangXiuandWangAnshihispoeticoeuvrecontainsmanyverses

highlightingthesufferingofthepeasantryseveralofwhichmakereferencetotax

burdensndashathemealsoaddressedbyBoJuyi264

ThoughnotunknownsuchpoetrywasagooddeallesscommoninJapan

Whileseveralfactorsmightbeadducedtoexplainthisdifferenceinartistic

sensibilitytwoseemparticularlyrelevantFirstandmostparsimoniouslythe

numberofovertlyldquosociallyconsciousrdquoJapanesepoetswaslimitedbythefactthat

vernacularpoeticmediawereseldommarshaledforsocialcriticismalthoughthe

greatManrsquoyōshūpoetYamanouenoOkura山上憶良(c660-733)diddoexactlythat

hestandsfaroutsideofwhatbecamethemainstreamwakatradition265Second

andmoregermanetopresentpurposesprofessionalservicetoalargecentralized

bureaucraticstatewithwidespreadauthorityovertaxationandlandadministration

wasnotanavenueavailabletothemedievalJapanesepoetsincesuchastatesimply

didnotexistTherewasnoimperialexaminationsystemorcomparablemechanism

fordrawingmenoftalentintogovernmentserviceandeveniftherehadbeenthe

Kyotoauthoritiesevenbeforethewrenchingeventsofthe1330swereinno

positiontomakeandenforcepolicyonacountrywidescaleItistherefore

264SeeRonaldEganldquoShiPoetryAncientandRecentStylesrdquoinCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetryp324KondōHaku-shimonjūtokokubungakupp307-311265Justhowdifferenthewas(andremains)fromanyothermajorwakapoetisrevealedbythefactthatinjustonelongversehisfamousldquoDialogwiththeImpoverishedrdquo(ldquoHinkyūmondōnoutardquo貧窮問答歌)heuses30termsfoundnowhereelseinManrsquoyōshūndashacollectionofalmost4500poems

161

unsurprisingthatChūganrsquospoemconcludesnotbycastigatinggovernment

monopolies(therewerenone)orexcessivetaxationbutwithconcernoverthe

ever-presentpossibilityoflocalizedwarfare266

WhileldquoSpringSnowrdquomayhavedrawninspirationfromthewritingsofSong

DynastyintellectualssuchasFanChengdaandOuyangXiuthepoemisotherwise

consonantwithlongstandingrhetoricalconventionsregardingthetreatmentof

socialillsinshianditdoesnotrevealcharacteristicallySong-eraaesthetic

preferencesasplainlyassomeofChūganrsquosothercompositionsdoAndbecausefew

linesweresetinthedescriptivemodeldquoSpringSnowrdquoalsoevincesgreaterstylistic

uniformitythanapoemsuchasldquoDannourardquowhichswitchedfromacomparatively

staiddescriptivevignetteofflowersandfishermentoasubject-centeredmoral

argumentaboutfeudalcompetitionSuchmodeswitchingcreatescleavagesinthe

poemthatdisruptthereadingprocessandbeckonthereaderbacktothelevelof

narrativecontentalthoughtheapproachworksagainstaestheticreverieitmakes

forveryeffectivehomilyahortatorygenreinwhichChūganlikemostGozanliterati

266OppressivetaxationcouldofcoursebeaprobleminmedievalJapantoobutrarelyifeverbecauseofpoliciesadoptedbytheimperialcourtoreventheshogunateBythethirteenthcenturylegalrightstoagriculturalincome(shiki職)wereofmanifoldvarietyonagivenpropertymanydifferenttypesofshikiwouldbeheldbymanydifferentclaimantswhoseinterestsmighteasilycomeintoconflictWhilethehighnobilityortheshogunatemightclaimrightstoincomefromacertainpropertysotoomightmilitarygovernors(shugo)andtheirdeputies(shugo-dai)localestatestewards(jitō)estatesuperintendants(gesu)estatemanagers(tadokoro)andsoonMoreoftenthannotthosemostresponsibleforsqueezingtheresidentsofaparticularestatewerenotKyotoaristocratsbutjitōandotherldquomenofthelandrdquo(kokujin)Bytheearly15thcenturytaxesleviedbyshugowereoftenmoreonerousthanthoseleviedbytheMuromachishogunate

162

waseminentlyproficient267Whilethisfactisnotespeciallyrelevanttoworksthat

werenotintendedtoteachorpersuadeitiscentraltopoemswhosemanifestaimis

toimparttothereaderreligioustruthsSuchisthecasewithmanyverses

exchangedwithotherZenprelatesthesetendtounfoldratherlikesermonsand

theyresemblegāthasintheclarityoftheirdoctrinalargumentsThefollowing

poemwritteninresponsetoonefromfellowGozanluminaryBetsugenEnshi別源

円旨(1294-1364)isamongChūganrsquosfinestandillustratestheapproachwell

和答別源

HarmonizingReplytoBetsugen 窓間吐月夜沈々 Thewindowdisclosesthemoonasnightwearson 壁角光生藤一尋 Inacorneroftheroomitglintsinthelightmysix-footstaff 窮達与時倶有命 Frustrationandsuccessarrivewhentheywillasbothare

determinedbyfate268 行藏於世総無心 Actioninandwithdrawalfromtheworldmustalwaysbedonein

astateofno-mind 夢中誰謂彼非此 Whointhemidstofadreamwoulddeclarethatldquothatrdquoisnot

ldquothisrdquo 覺後方知古不今 Itisonlyuponwakingthatoneknowsthepastisnotthepresent 自笑未能除僻病 Ilaughatmyselfforbeingstillunabletoeliminatemywayward

habits 逸然乗興發高吟 IneaseandidlenessIfollowwherevermyinspirationleadsand

chantversesaloud

267Chūganmayhavebeenevenmoreadeptatdoctrinallyfocusedhomileticexpositionthanhispeersasreligiousdisquisitions(説)andcommentaries(疏)arefoundingreaternumbersinTōkaiichiōshūthaninmostGozancollections268Thephraseldquotobefatedrdquo有命isunderstoodasinLunyu125ldquoI(Zixia)haveheardthislsquoDeathandLifearemattersoffatewealthandworldlyhonorareinthehandsofHeavenrsquordquo商聞之矣死生有命富貴在天

163

Iftheopeningcoupletofthisversemaybeascribedaspecificrhetorical

functionitistoclearthemindandallowittorestinimagerythatisinsomeway

propadeuticaltotheensuingmessageThesuddenappearanceofthemoonitselfa

conventionalsymbolofenlightenmentrevealsinitslightanobjectthatisbotha

metonymfortheBuddhistpriesthoodandowingtoitssheen(ithasbeenrubbed

smoothoveryearsofuse)asymbolforoldageandtheworld-wisdomitbrings

Possessedofaquietdignitybefittingitssymbolicpotencythestaffconnectsone

prelatetoanotherandinturnconnectsanywould-bereadertothebroader

BuddhistepistemeHavingthussettheappropriatemoodChūganproceedstooffer

aseriesofthematicallytraditionalaphoristicstatementsaboutthenatureofaction

andindividualachievementBothldquofrustrationrdquo(窮)andldquosuccessrdquo(達)are

contingentuponbeingintherightplaceattherighttimeundersuchcircumstances

thechoicefacingtheprincipledscholariethatbetweenacting(行)intheworld

andwithdrawing(蔵)fromitisbestmadeinastateofnon-intentionalityHere

twoconceptsredolentofBuddhistthoughtldquono-mindrdquo無心andldquoawakeningrdquo覺are

marshaledtoaddresswhatisinessenceaclassicproblemofConfucianethicsactin

corruptedworldandriskbeingcorruptedorwithdrawandwaitforamore

opportunemomentInamovetypicalofZenliteraturethefinalcoupletresolves

thematterbylettingitgoandturnsinsteadtowardsprivatejoys

ThereismuchinthispoemthatspeaksdirectlytoChūganrsquospersonal

experiencestheidealisticscholar-vizieronceeagertoservehiscountryinaldquopublicrdquo

capacityisrejectedforhisbeliefsyetinturningwithinandreflectinguponhisown

164

shortcomingsheultimatelyachievesameasureofpeaceItisoftenthecasein

Chūganrsquospoetrythatplaintsofindividualmisfortuneandstatementsofself-

reflectionfeaturemostprominentlyinversesexchangedwithfriendsThisistobe

expectedalthoughworkssuchasldquoDannourardquoldquoSpringSnowrdquoandthepoems

comprisingldquoImpromptuVersesLamentingthePassageofTimerdquoallexpressthe

subjectivemoraljudgmentsoftheirauthortheymainlydescribesocietalas

opposedtoindividualmisfortunesandareaddressedtonooneinparticularThe

nextversewhichwascomposedforanotherofZhuxianFanxianrsquosJapanesedisciples

UnbōEitaku雲夢裔澤isessentiallyapersonallettersetinrhymingcoupletsIt

beginswithafamiliarrecountingofsocietalillsbutthennarrowsitsfocustothe

varioustrialsbesettingthetwofriendsaswithldquoSpringSnowrdquoitsadherencetothe

formalconventionsoftheshirendersitnotjustadescriptionofbutalsoamemorial

tothehardshipsitrecounts

送澤雲夢

SeeingoffTakuUnbō269乾坤干戈未息時 Atatimewhentheviolenceoftheworldremainsunabated氛埃眛目風橫起 Balefuldustsblownaslantcloudtheeyes270餓者轉死盈道路 Thestarvingdieinturnfillingtheroads

269ldquoTakuUnbōrdquo澤雲夢isaninvertedthree-characterabbreviationofUnbōEitaku雲夢裔澤theseabbreviationshadbeenacommonpracticeamongJapaneseliteratisinceantiquityAsnotedinthebiographicalintroductionChūganEngetsu中巌円月usuallybecomesldquoGetsuChūganrdquo月中巌270IriyaYoshitakaunderstandsthecompoundfunrsquoai氛埃(Cfenrsquoai)asldquodustofwarrdquo戦塵(senjinzhanchen)atermthatdoesappearelsewhereinChūganrsquospoetryItsbasicsenseissimplyldquofoulairrdquo

165

荒城白日狐狸嬉 Intheruinedcityfoxesandbadgerssportinbroaddaylight我問楽土在何許 WhereIaskisthereaplacefreefromsorrow一身可以安棲遲 ThatImightliveinpeaceandease固欲適他無所適 HowIhavewishedtogosomeplaceelsebutthereisnowhereto

go之子先我將何之 Thisfellowwhogoesbeforemendashwhereishegoing倉卒告別難為情 Withsuchahurriedpartingfeelingsareimpossibletoexpress袖出剡藤索吾詩 Itakefrommysleeveapieceofpaperandtrytocomeupwitha

verse浮雲流水無定跡 ldquoDriftingcloudsandflowingwaterleavenofixedtrace再得會合試難期 Thereisbutthefaintesthopethatwewillevermeetagainrdquo久厄艱危我羸臥 LongbesetbytroublesIlaydownillandgaunt磨墨揮毫皆不為 Irubinkandtakeupmybrushbutitisalltonoavail感君拳拳有厚意 Movedbytheearnestnessofyourconviction勉強起來拂烏皮 Iforcemyselfupandclearoffmydesk惜君學道不日成 Ilamentthatyourstudieswillsoonbecomplete如何早離金仙師 Howisitthatyoutakeleavesosoonofyourgoldensaintly

master271想君似我乏供給 Ithinkyoulikemeareinstraightenedestate不得已故得相辭 Andwethushavenochoicebuttosayourgoodbyes望君此去逢佳境 Ihopeafteryouleavehereyoufindaplaceofhappiness招我薯蕷同充饑 Invitemethenforsomewildyamsandletuseatourfill

together272271IeZhuxianFanxian272GBZSv2p7GBSSv4p335IriyaldquoGozanbungakushūrdquopp289-91

166

Asinthemoreexplicitlypoliticalpoemsencounteredalreadywarandsocial

unrestfigureprominentlybutthisversearrivesataconclusionthatisintriguingly

ambiguousThefinalcoupletoffersawarmentreatythatbespeaksatleastthe

possibilityofenjoymentamidstprivationyettherestofthepoemclearlybelies

Chūganrsquosconfidencethataldquoplaceofhappinessrdquocaninfactbefoundorthatthetwo

friendsreallywillseeeachotheragainOtherfeaturessuchasself-interrogation

andlanguagesuggestiveofeverydayspeecharehighlytypicalofChūganrsquoswork

whiletheinsertionofametacouplet(ldquoDriftingcloudsandflowingwaterleaveno

fixedtraceThereisbutthefaintesthopethatwewillevermeetagainrdquo)itselfpart

ofanekphrasticaccountofthewritingprocessisuniquetothispoemEvenby

ChūganrsquosstandardsthepieceisunusualintherangeoftopicsitcoversThegazeof

thepoetmovesgraduallyfromalargethematicspace(medievalJapan)anda

universaloratleastwidelysharedemotionalexperience(livingintimesofstrife)

toanintimatespace(theZenmonasticcommunity)andasinglemomentinthearc

ofaparticularfriendship

ForChūganpersonalexperienceandsocietalexperiencewereimbricatedto

adegreeunseeninthepoetryofhiscontemporariesThisisnotofcourse

equivalenttoclaimingthathefeltthesufferingofothersorthetumultofhisage

morekeenlythandidotherpoetsonlythathewasmorewillingthantheywereto

directlythematizeviolenceandsufferinginhisworkAtthispointitisnaturalto

wonderwhetherChūganeverdidexpressinpoetrythesamesortofadvocacyfor

unitaryimperialgovernancendashandforaroyalmonopolyonmilitaryforcendashthathe

167

espousedsoforcefullyinhismemorialtoGo-DaigoAsmightbeinferredfromthe

materialsurveyedherenearlyearlyeveryversethattouchesuponthepolitical

situationduringthe1330sseemstoechothedenunciationofwarandmilitarism

putforthintheldquoKeikenrdquochapterofChūseishiaworkthatlikemostofthepoems

treatedabovewaswrittenafter1333Onefeaturesharedbyallofthesepoemsis

thattheywereeitherunbiddenldquodeclarativerdquoresponsestoworldlyeventsor

ldquodialogicrdquoproductsofprivateexchangeswithclosefriendsYetfornotedGozan

writersespeciallythosepatronizedbyshogunsorpowerfulprovincialleaders

poetrynolessthanprosecouldsometimesserveentirelyprofessionalendsA

cleardemonstrationofthisisthenumberofinscriptions(JmeiCming銘)

preservedinGozancollectionsincludingTōkaiichiōshūthesemightbeengraved

uponnewlycasttemplebellsandothervaluedobjectsandtheyoftenconcluded

withformaltetrasyllabicpoemsInChūganrsquoscasethesocialandfinancialsupport

hereceivedfromSadamunecouldwarrantreciprocationintheformofpublicbelle-

lettristicsupportforŌtomofamilyobjectivesThatthisarrangementmighthave

resultedinatleastsomeldquopro-Kenmurevolutionrdquopoetryisrevealedbythefollowing

versewhichisuniqueinformandthematiccontent

軍士圖

SoldiersinFormation 沈而思 Immersedtheyponder呑而知 Imbibingtheyknow承歟乘歟 DowetakeitonDoweride兵莫持疑 Amongthesoldiersnotonehasdoubts笑而喜 Laughingtheyrejoice

168

嗔而恚 Scowlingtheyrage壯哉驕哉 HowstrongHowproud人馬美矣 Themenandthehorsesndashallsobeautiful273

Seeminglycraftedtoeulogizeadepartingarmyitisdifficulttooverstatehow

differentthispieceisfromanythingelseinTōkaiichiōshūItisclassifiedinthe1764

vulgateeditionasaformalpanegyricorsan(Czan贊)Thisappearstobeunique

tothateditionwhichwaspreparedbythepriestDaigeSōdatsuandpresumably

reflectshispersonalclassificatorychoices274Whilethelackofparatextual

informationprecludeseasycontextualizationwemightsurmisethatChūganwas

askedtocomposethepoemforaspecificcompanyofsoldiersperhapsone

marshaledbytheŌtomointheearlydaysoftheKenmuRevolutionThoughthe

brevityofeachutteranceandthemixingofmetersimpartstoeachhemisticha

staccatorhythmthepieceasawholeishighlysymmetricalandgovernedby

extremelytightparallelismThebeautyofstrongconfidentmenontheeveofbattle

isanunusualthemeforanykanshipoetparticularlyoneofChūganrsquosideological

temperbutasabenedictivepraisepoemldquoSoldiersinFormationrdquoisundeniably

successful

273GBSSv4p363GBZSv2p41274TheeightversesSōdatsugroupedundertheheadingsanarescatteredthroughoutTamamuraTakejirsquosmoderneditionofTōkaiichiōshūSōdatsuseemstohavelistedtheseversesassanbecauseoftheircontent(egofferingpraisetofamousfiguressuchasLanxiDaolongLaoziLieziZhuangziandConfucius)orbecauseoftheiruseofthesolemn-soundingtetrasyllabicmeterwhichisidentifiedasessentialtoaproperzaninthelatefifth-centurycriticaltreatiseWenxindiaolong文心雕龍

169

Withtheexceptionofthisversethepoemstreatedinthischapterare

broadlyunifiedbytheirattentiontopoliticalillsandpopularwelfareAcompelling

casecanbemadethatthewillingnesstotreatthesesubjectsatlengthwasChūganrsquos

mostnotablethematiccontributiontoJapanesekanshiandanoutstanding

contributiontoJapaneseliteraturemorebroadlyInitsunusualformldquoSoldiersin

FormationrdquoalsorevealsChūganrsquosequallynotablewillingnesstoventureoutsidethe

dominantpenta-andheptasyllabicmetersandexperimentwithmetrical

irregularityTheseexperimentsmoreoverwerenotconfinedtospecialsub-genres

suchaspraisepoemsorinscriptionsChūganexperimentedwithmetricalvarietyin

shitoocomposingaseriesofquatrainsintheunusualsix-syllablemeterEven

moreunusuallyforaJapanesepoethealsostudiedtheldquosonglyricrdquoorci詞whilein

ChinaandincludedacompositionofhisowninTōkaiichiōshūTheciwasamajor

poeticgenrebythe11thcenturyandthegradualexpansionofitsthematicand

stylisticrangeranksamongthemostculturallysignificanttrendsinChinese

literatureaftertheTangDynastyBeyondofferingfurthertestimonytotheartistic

adventurousnessofanindividualpoetthesepiecesshedlightonthescopeof

ChineseliteraryformsinmedievalJapan

170

Chapter Five

New Directions in Form Ci Poetry and Hexasyllabic Shi

ItisnosurprisethatinthehistoryofJapanesekanshipoemsinthefiveand

seven-syllablelineshouldpredominatealmosttotheexclusionofallothermeters

TheconcertedstudyofChinesepoetrybeganinJapanonlyintheseventhcentury

bywhichtimethepentasyllabicmeterhadbeendominantonthecontinentfor

severalhundredyearsandtheheptasyllabiclinewasrapidlygainingtraction

ThoughearlyJapanesekanshiwereoverwhelminglypentasyllabicbythemiddleof

theHeianperiod(794-1192)kanshianthologiescontainedmostlyheptasyllabic

eight-linepiecesthatgenerallyconformedtothecomplexrulesofrecent-style

regulatedverse275PerhapsbecausemostHeianpoetswerearistocratstrainedto

appreciatefinedistinctionsandtoupholdexactingstandardsofdecorumthe

prosodicconstraintsofregulatedversedidnotimmediatelygiveriseto

countervailingpressuresforgreaterartisticlibertyAsEdwardKamenshas

observedinrelationtovernacularJapanesepoetryofthesameeratheprotocolsof

publicaristocraticlifesometimesmeantthatcourtersrsquopoemswerenotsomuch

expressionsastheywereperformancesofexpression276

275SteinengerChineseLiteraryFormsinHeianJapanp85276KamensldquoTerrainsofTextinMid-HeianCourtCulturerdquoinAdolphsonetaledsHeianJapanCentersandPeripheries(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress2007)p136SeealsoHelenCraigMcCulloughBrocadebyNightKokinWakashūandtheCourtStyleinJapaneseClassicalPoetry(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1985)pp46-48andp421

171

So-calledldquoancient-stylerdquopoetrywhichdevelopedintandemwithrecent-

styleversebutwasprosodicallyfreerroseinpopularityduringthemedievalperiod

andwaswidelyfavoredbyZenliteratiWhilemanyGozancollectionsstillboasted

animpressivenumberofcarefullycraftedrecent-stylequatrainsregulatedverses

andeventheoccasionalextendedregulatedverse(JhairitsuCpailuuml排律)theless

ornamentedancient-stylewasseentofacilitatedirectlyricalexpressionandcould

beturnedeasilytocausesrangingfromreligiousdevotiontosocialcritiqueYet

withtheexceptionofreligiousencomiainscriptionsanddeathpoemsndashsmallbut

importantsub-genresthatfrequentlyusedthesolemnsoundingtetrasyllabicmeter

ndashfiveandseven-syllablelinesremainedthenorminmedievalJapanregardlessof

subjectmatterortonalprosodyTobroachapointthatwillbeaddressedingreater

detailbelowtheoverwhelmingdominanceamongkanshipoetsofpenta-and

heptasyllabicshiisatleastmildlysurprisingsinceJapaneseliteratiweregenerally

wellacquaintedwithcontemporarytrendsinChinaandnewerpoeticmediasuchas

theci詞(Jshitenshi塡詞)andqu(Jkyoku曲)whichemployedmixedsyllabic

meterswerecomposedbysomeofthesameChinesepoetsalreadywellregardedin

Japanfortheirshipoetry277

Atpresentrelativelylittleisknownaboutthepracticeofcipoetryin

medievalJapanorwhatinfluenceitmighthavehaduponJapanesekanshiasthe

277Owingtothehomophonybetweenthecharacters詞and詩inJapanesethecompoundtermtenshi塡詞whichliterallymeansldquofillingin(themusicalpiece)withlyricsrdquoispreferredwhenreferringtoci

172

topichasreceivedonlysporadicinterestfromscholarsmostofitquiterecent278

TheoldestknowncibyaJapanesepoetwascomposedbyEmperorSaga(r809-23)

andispreservedintheroyallycommissionedcollectionKeikokushū經國集(827)

despitethisearlyimprimaturtheformwouldnotreceivesustainedattentionin

JapanuntiltheearlyTokugawaperiod(1600-1868)279Fewcompletecifrombefore

theseventeenthcenturyremainandnonebutEmperorSagarsquosexplicitlyindicate

theirtunetitles(cipaishihai詞牌)Withouttheseaccurateidentificationrequires

theattentionofaspecialistasthecompositionsappearatfirstglancesimplytobe

unregulatedpoemsofmixedsyllabicmeterIndeedpremodernJapanesecollators

ofliterarycollectaneamayhavebeengenerallyunawareoforunconcernedwith

thehistoricalconnectionbetweenciandmusictheearliestclearindicationthata

Japanesepoetunderstoodcitobelyricssettomusicappearsinthesixteenth-

centuryworkNotesonAchievingPerfectiontheStudyofPoetry詩學大成抄bythe

GozanmonkIkōMyōan惟高妙安(1480-1568)280Whilethematerialconsidered

278SeeMatsuoHatsuko松尾肇子ldquoGozanZenrinniokerushinojuyōrdquo五山禅林における詞の受容Fengxu13(Dec2016)pp60-82NogawaHiroyuki野川博之ldquoGozanni-ryūgakusōnotenshiseisakuRyūzanChūgannoMokurengerdquo五山二留學僧の塡詞製作 龍山中巖の木蘭花Chūgokubungakukenkyū25(1999)pp96-109NogawaldquoChūganEngetsunoSōshishōkai中巖圓月の宋詞紹介Chūgokubungakukenkyū26(1999)pp71-84AnearlyinvestigationofciinJapanisKandaKiichirō神田喜一郎NihonniokeruChūgokubungaku日本における中国文学vol1ldquoNihontenshishiwardquo日本塡詞史話(TokyoNigensha1965)279SagarsquoscimaybefoundinGunshoruijūvol6p562ItissettothetuneldquoAFishingSongrdquo漁歌子andappearstobemodeledcloselyononebytheTangpoetZhangZhihe張志和(c730-810)280ThisworkcontainsJapaneseglossesandexplanationsofmaterialexcerptedfromthelateSongorearlyYuan-eratreatiseShixuedacheng詩學大成(AchievingPerfectionintheStudyofPoetry)SeeMatsuoldquoGozanZenrinniokerushinojuyōrdquopp61-62

173

belowmakesitnearlyimpossibletobelievethatIkōwasthefirsttograspthiseven

inChinatheactualmannerinwhichthecituneswereoriginallysunghadlongbeen

lostandthefewJapanesepoetswhoattemptedtocomposecimayhavesimplyseen

thetunepatternswhichdeterminedmeterrhymeplacementandthepositionof

tonesasakindofchallengenotunliketherequirementsofrecent-styleshi281

SignificantlyChūganrsquospersonalcollectionofwritingsTōkaiichiōshūisone

ofonlytwofromthemedievaleracurrentlyknowntoincludeacompleteciTōkai

ichiōshūhappensalsotobethefirstGozancollectiontofeaturequatrainssetinthe

unusualhexasyllabicmeterwhilesix-syllablelineswereusedfrequentlyinciand

quregularhexasyllabicshiwerequiterareinbothChinaandJapanThischapter

willexaminethesepiecestogetherwithanothercisettothesametunepatternby

oneofChūganrsquosoldercontemporariesandwillattempttosituatetheminrelation

torelevantChineseprecedentsScholarshiponthereceptionandcompositionofci

inpre-TokugawaJapanhasonlyjustbegunandthefactthatChūganrsquosciwasnot

indentifiedassuchuntil1999despiteTōkaiichiōshūhavingbeenavailableinprint

foralmost90yearsshouldsuggestthediscoveriesthatremaintobemadeamong

thevastbodyofGozanpoetryyettobesurveyedBecausebothciseemtohave

beencomposedinthe1320spredatingthehexasyllabicquatrainsbyadecadeor

moreouranalysiswillbeginthere

281OntherulesgoverningciseeMajiaBellSameildquoCiPoetryShortSongLyrics(Xiaoling)rdquoinZong-qiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetrypp245-48

174

兜率寺陋房夜為大風雨所擺搖醒而作 ComposedwhenIwasawakenedinmyramshackleroomatDoushuaiTemplewhich

thankstofiercewindandrainwasbeingjostledabout雨澎滂 Rainfallsinawildonslaught 海雷浪 Theroilingseahaththunderbrought 1313轆轆侵柴牀 Surgingandrumblingitassailsmybrushwoodcot 建瓴 Theeaveslikecaskswithwaterbrimming 潢盈庭 Poolsandpuddlesthegardenfilling 屋欲流兮動不停 Myhutrsquosabouttobewashedawayndashitshakeswithnorelenting 中正禪子住其中 ButwithinresidesthePrelateofBalanceandRectitude 至於此極未為窮 Whoevenbroughttothisextremeisnotamanentrapped睡受三禪天上樂 DozinghereceivesthejoyoftheThirdMeditationHeaven 夢覺又御冷然風 Wakingfromhisreverieheshieldshimselffromicydrafts282

PerhapsowingtotheextremerarityoftheciinJapanthevulgateeditionof

Tōkaiichiōshūwhichwascompiledin1764simplylisteditasanancient-styleshi

NogawaHiroyukihasidentifiedthepieceasonesettothetuneldquoLilyMagnoliasrdquo(木

蘭花)whichappearsinthecollectionHuajianjiandisgenerallytracedtotheFive-

DynastiespoetWeiChengban魏承班(d925)283AsisoftenthecaseinciChūganrsquos

compositionincorporateselementscommontomultiplepoeticgenresrepeateduse

ofthereduplicativebinomespengpang澎滂(Jhōbō)yinyin1313(inrsquoin)andlulu轆

轆(rokoroku)evoketheverbosestyleoffuorldquorhapsodiesrdquo(Jfu賦)whilethe

trisyllabiclinesrecallyuefu(Jgakufu樂府)Therhymeschemeismixedina

mannertypicalofciwhichusesstrophes(asopposedtocouplets)asthebasic

282GBSSv4p354283NogawaldquoGozanni-ryūgakusōnotenshiseisakurdquop105-06

175

structuralunit284HeretheendrhymesswitchinEarlyMandarinfromndashaŋ(滂浪

牀)inthefirstthreelinestondasheŋ(瓴庭停)inthefourthfifthandsixth285

Whereasinshinarrowlydefinedthesamesyllabicmeterisgenerally

retainedthroughouttheentiretyofthepoemciusuallyemploylinesofvariable

lengthThisenablesgreatvarietyinrhythmandreflectsthestructureofthemusic

towhichthelyricswereoriginallyset286Thespecific3+3+7syllabicpatternofthe

firsttwostrophesofChūganrsquosciisidentifiableasfarbackasHan-erayuefuandit

appearsincompositionssuchasDuFursquosfamousldquoBalladoftheArmyCartsrdquo(兵車行

c750)Whilethismediumlengthworkispredominantlyheptasyllabicitopens

withasinglestanzathatiscloselyanalogoustothestrophesfoundinci

車轔轔 Thecartsgoclikety-clack 馬蕭蕭 Thehorseswhinnyandneigh 行人弓箭各在腰Withbowsandarrowsattheirwaiststhesoldiersmarch

awayhellip287

284ThetermstropheindicatesaunitofverseendinginarhymeincitheymaybecomprisedofonetofourindividuallinesSeeSameildquoCiPoetryrdquop248285ReconstructedpronunciationshereandelsewherefollowEdwinGPulleyblankLexiconofReconstructedPronunciationinEarlyMiddleChineseLateMiddleChinese

andEarlyMandarin(VancouverUnivofBritishColumbiaPress1991)AsnotedinChapterThreeEarlyMandarinreferstothelanguageofthefourteenth-centuryrimebookZhongyuanyinyun中原音韻somescholarsincludingMichaelFullertermthislanguageMiddleMandarin286SameildquoCiPoetryrdquopp245-46287QTS21611ldquoBalladoftheArmyCartsrdquoisanancient-stylepoemofmixedmeter(雜言古詩)representativeofatypeofnarrativepoemtermedaldquosongballadrdquo(CgexingJkakō歌行)ExamplesmuchbelovedinJapanareBaiJuyirsquosldquoBalladoftheLuterdquo琵琶行andldquoSongofEverlastingSorrowrdquo長恨歌ldquoBalladoftheArmyCartsrdquoalsoappearsinthewellknown18thcenturyanthologyTangshisanbaishou唐詩三百首(ThreeHundredTangPoems)whereitisclassedasaheptasyllabicyuefu

176

ThelastfourlinesofChūganrsquosciwhichcompriseitssecondsectionorldquoverserdquo

(CqueJketsu )returnthereadertothetypeofprosodicsymmetry

characteristicofshiTheselinesinvokebothBuddhismandallusively

Confucianismwhilemaintainingtheplayfulchattyqualityofthefirstsection

Togethertheunbalancedhemistichesmirrortwodifferentaspectsofthepoetrsquos

psychologicalexperiencethequiescentjoyofmeditationpunctuatedbytheexciting

tumultofastorm

NogawatheorizesthatChūganwasfirstintroducedtocibytheexpatriate

monkRyūzanTokken龍山徳見(1284-1358)afellowZenprelatewhowasofa

differentRinzailineagebuthadalsostudiedunderGulinQingmao288Fora

JapanesemonkRyūzanwasunusuallywellestablishedintheChineseChan

communityandwashighlyfamiliarwiththeliterarycultureofthemajorsouthern

monasteriesHehadalreadybeenlivinginChinafor24yearswhenChūganmet

himattherenownedmonasteryYunyansi雲巖寺in1325andhewouldnotreturn

toJapanuntil1349Ryūzanhastohiscreditonesurvivingcithatisalsosettothe

tuneldquoLilyMagnoliasrdquoItsheavyuseofallusionandstronglyreligiouscharacter

makeitconsiderablyhardertointerpretthanChūganrsquosthesefeaturesalsosuggest

thattheworkwasprobablynotRyūzanrsquosfirstattemptatci

288RyūzanbelongedtotheHuanlong黄龍lineagewhileChūganbelongedtotheYangqi楊岐bothofwhicharoseintheNorthernSongGulinseemsnottohavebeenparticularlyconcernedwithestablishingconsistenttransmissionthroughasingledharmalineagereportedlyacceptingdisciplesprincipallyonthebasisoftheirskillincomposinggatha偈頌SeeNogawaldquoGozanni-ryūgakusōnotenshiseisakurdquop99

177

送有知客參黄龍 呉人 SeeingoffVisitorsrsquoOfficerYouWhoisGoingtoJointheHuanlongSchool

(HersquosaManofWu)289

蘇州有 WersquovegotlsquoeminSuzhou常州有 WersquovegotlsquoeminChangzhou 擬議思量成過咎 Exercisingthemindwithdeliberationistofallintoerror 收驢脚 Sowithdrawyourdonkeylegs 展佛手 AndextendyourBuddhahand 道火何曾燒著口 Evenifyouspeakfirehowcouldyourmouthbeburned 處處秋林落葉黃Everywhereautumnwoodsaredeckedwithfallenleavesofgold 處處春風鬧花柳Everywherevernalbreezesrousetheblossomsandwillows 還它有眼定古今 Ifyoudefertothoseoftrueinsighttodeterminepastandpresent六六元來八十九 Thensixbysixturnsouttobeeighty-nineafterall290

TotakethelastlinefirstNogawasupposesittobeadeliberatelynonsensical

propositionthatrepudiatesconventionaltruthThecharacters六六areconstrued

assixtimessixonthebasisofwhatwouldappeartobeasyntacticallyhomologous

linefromoneofGulinrsquospoems九九依然八十一whichplainlyseemstosayldquonineby

nineisasusualeighty-onerdquoToassumestrangenessorincomprehensibilitytobe

anintendedfeatureofthetextandnotaneffectofcurrentcriticallimitationsis

alwaysariskybusinessbutNogawarsquoshypothesisiscompellingsolongasRyūzanrsquos

lineisunderstoodtoworkgrammaticallylikeGulinrsquosthisinturnseemsa

reasonablesuppositionasitisunlikelythatacopyistrsquoserrorcouldresultin三十六

289ThetitleisdifficulttounderstandAzhike知客(Jshika)wasoneofthesixadministrativeofficersatatemple(六頭首)andwaschargedwithreceivingvisitorsYou有appearstobehisfamilynameandNogawabelievesthesmallercharacters呉人belowthetitleidentifyMrYouassomeonefromtheWuareatheopeninglinesofthepoemseemtopunhumorouslyonhisnameandplaceofbirth290GBSSv3p278

178

appearingas八十九Wemightofferfurthersupportfortheinterpretationby

notingthatifRyūzanrsquospurposewasindeedtopositanarithmeticidentitythatis

logicallyabsurdhehaschosenhisnumberswelleighty-nineisprimewhilethirty-

sixcontainsmoredivisorsthananyintegersmallerthanitmakingitaso-called

ldquoanti-primerdquoorhighlycompositenumber291

ThehumorousopeninglinesalludetoapopularNewYearrsquoscustominthe

SuzhouregionthehistoricalcenterofWu呉cultureonNewYearrsquosevechildren

wouldshoutmaichidai賣癡獃ldquoduncesforsalerdquoasiftoinvitebuyersfromother

regionstohelpreducethesurplusofidiotstraditionallyheldtoresideinWu292

Howexactlythisconnectsconceptuallywithwhatfollowsisdifficulttodetermineit

isconceivablethattheidiotsareinthiscasethosewhodoexercisetheirmindsin

ratiocinationandtherebyfallintoerrorNogawanotesthatthepracticeoflikening

onersquoshandstothoseoftheBuddhaandonersquoslegstothoseofadonkeyistraceable

tomethodsofChaninstructionusedbythepatriarchoftheHuanglongschool

291Thereremainsofcoursethepossibilitythatthereisinfactalegitimatearithmeticconnectionbetween六六and八十九(whateverthesecharactercombinationsaretakentomean)orthatthepurposeofthelineistopresentakindofnotationalpuzzleforthereadertointerpretandsolveIf六六and八十九areallowedtobereadasshorthandfortwodifferentmathematicaloperationsthensuchconnectionsmaybefoundegif八十九istakennotaseighty-ninebutastheproductof810and9and六六isallowedtomean6(sixfactorial)thenwewouldhavethelegitimaterelation6 5 4 3 2 1=8 10 9=720Moderngamesofthissortarequitecommonldquoperfect3srdquoforinstancepresentsexpressionssuchas333=7andasksreaderstocreatetrueequationsusingonlythesenumbersandbasicoperationseg(3divide3)+3=7292NogawaldquoGozanni-ryūgakusōnotenshiseisakurdquopp99-100ThecustomwasevidentlywidelyrecordedamongthecollectedworksofthepoetFanChengdawhosepossibleinfluenceuponChūganwasdiscussedinChapterFourisacientitledldquoSellingDuncesrdquo賣癡獃

179

Huinan慧南(1002-69)293Likethefinallineofthesecondversethefinallineofthe

firstversealsomakesaseeminglyparadoxicalclaimandtheoveralllessonofthe

poemseemstobethatrationaldiscursivethought(擬議思量)cannotleadto

enlightenment

Astheseexamplessuggestcimayemploysyntacticrhythmsandpatternsof

metricalvariationseeninolderformssuchasfuandyuefuandtheymayalso

includewholesectionsthataremetricallyregularandprosodicallyakintoshi294

Pointsofoverlapbetweentheciandshiwereinfactnumerousandlongstanding

andthegradualexpansionofthecirsquosthematicrangeduringtheSongDynasty

eventuallygaverisetocriticaldiscussionsofwhatitsproperpurviewoughttobe

vis-agrave-vistheolderandmoreprestigiousshi295EliteliteratilikeSuShibroughtthe

refinedsensibilitiesofshitotheciwhiletheleadingcipoetoftheNorthernSongLi

Qingzhao李清照(1084-1151)criticizedSursquoseffortsasyieldingldquonothingbutshi

withirregularlinesrdquo296BythetimeChūganarrivedinChinaithadlongbeenthe

casethatpoetsknownprimarilyforcomposingshiwouldalsocomposecievenif

fewwouldhavewishedthisfacttobeartooheavilyupontheirownliterary

293Ibidp102294NotethatinthesecondsectionofChūganrsquoscithecharactersattheendofthesecondandfourthlines風and窮behavepreciselyastheywouldbeexpectedtoinshibotharelevel-tonewordsandalthoughtheyareonlyslantrhymesinModern

MandarintheyrhymecompletelyinbothEarlyMandarin(fuŋkʰjuŋ)andMiddleChinese(fjywŋkɦiwŋ) 295OnconnectionsbetweenearlyciandshiseeShuen-fuLinldquoTheFormationofaDistinctGenericIdentityforTzrsquourdquoinPaulineYuedVoicesoftheSongLyricinChina(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1994)pp14-17296XindaLianldquoLongSongLyrics(Manci)rdquoinZong-qiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetryp263

180

legacy297Whileitisdifficulttoascertainwhetherornotthestudyofciplayeda

meaningfulroleinencouragingChūgantobemoreexperimentalinhisshiitseems

fittingthataftertryinghishandatcicompositionhewouldlaterventuretocompose

shiintheunorthodoxhexasyllabicmeterCimadefrequentuseofsix-character

linesandhexasyllabicshioftenusedlanguagethatwascomparativelycolloquial

andprosaicWeiShaoshenghassurmisedthatthedevelopmentofciwasinfact

influencedbyhexasyllabicshi298giventhatshiemployingthatparticularmeter

whilealwaysraredidbecomemoreprevalentaftertheTangitalsoseemspossible

thattheburgeoningpopularityofciamongseriouspoetslikeSuShifostered

increasedcompositionofsix-syllableshi

ThefourhexasyllabicshiincludedinTōkaiichiōshūareinformalvignettesof

ChūganrsquostravelsaroundaruralestateineasternJapantheyaredescriptivebutnot

austereusingordinarylanguageandavoidingtheimagisticdensityoftenassociated

withSongandYuan-eradescriptivepoetryThereisnoindicationastowhyhe

chosethisastheoccasiontoexperimentwithanovelsyllabicmeterbutinsofaras

hewasclearlycomfortabletreatingjourneysandlandscapesinverseitispossible

thathefeltanewventureinformwasmorelikelytobesuccessfulifthetopicwasa

familiarone

297SeeRonaldCEganldquoTheProblemoftheReputeofTzrsquouDuringtheNorthernSungrdquoinYuedVoicesoftheSongLyricpp191-225298WeiShaoshengLiuyanshitiyanjiu(BeijingSocialSciencesAcademicPress2010)pp183-203

181

利根山行春LateSpringintheMountainsofTone299

陰涯或有残雪 平平仄仄平仄春溪 平平仄仄平平風日乍寒乍暖 平仄仄平仄仄杖屨且留且之 仄仄仄平仄平ShadycragsndashsomewithremnantsnowSpringtimestreamsndashhalffullwithicefromthemeltWindandsunshinendashitrsquoscoldoneminuteandwarmthenextOutfittedforthehikeItarryandgotarryandgo白雲溶溶洩洩 仄平平平仄仄 流水潺潺湲湲 平仄平平平平乗興行春未盡 平仄仄平仄仄胡為倦烏先還 平平仄平平平WhitecloudsundulatingsoftlyStreamsbabblinggently300IshalltakeadvantageofthefactthatspringisnotyetoutHowcouldItireHowcouldIturnback301 299ldquoLatespringrdquorenders行春whichinthisusageliterallymeansldquodepartingspringrdquoAnothermorespecializedmeaningthatmayalsobegermaneisldquospringtimeinspectiontourrdquowhichdescribesthecustomofofficialsconductinginspectionsonfootorhorsebackoncewinterhadendedofplacesundertheirjurisdictionItwasnotuncommonforZenmonkstobetaskedwithadministrativedutiesontemplepropertiesoronestatesheldbyprivatepatronsgiventhatTonewasanŌtomofamilyshōenitispossiblethatsuchaninspectiontourwasthecontextforthetravelsdescribedinthepoems300TheimageryandheavyuseofreduplicativebinomesisstronglyreminiscentofacoupletbytheChanmonkZhengjue正覺(1091-1157)whichispartofthesixthverseofhisseriesldquoTwoHundredandFiveGathasrdquo偈頌二百零五

溶溶洩洩山上雲 Undulatingsoftlyndashthecloudsoverthemountain 潺潺湲湲山下水 Babblinggentlyndashthestreamatitsbase301Inthethirdlineif行春 istakentomeanldquospringtimeinspectiontourrdquothelinewouldmeanldquoIshalltakeadvantageofthefactthatmytourhasnotyetfinishedrdquo

182

枯藤屈曲蟲盤 平平仄仄平平怪石斕 仄仄平平仄平拒暘雪積巌罅 仄平仄仄平仄揺緑春囘燒痕 平仄平平平平DriedoutwisterialiecoiledlikewormsStrangerocksofvariegatedcolorsresemblecrouchingbeastsTheyblockthesunrsquosraysallowingsnowtoaccumulateinthecrevicesAmidstswayinggreenspringreturnstoreclaimgroundoncecharredbywildfire302 山深風俗淳朴 平仄平仄平仄民楽無懐之時 平仄平平平平溪梅別有風韻 平平仄仄平仄野質村姿更奇 仄仄平平仄平 DeepinthemountainscustomsaresimplePeopleareateaseasinthetimeofWuhuai303PlumblossomsinthevalleypossesseleganceunmatchedYettherusticityofthefieldsandbeautyofthevillagesismorecharmingstill

DatingtheseversesisdifficultbutthereferencetoToneinthetitlesuggests

theywerelikelycomposedafter1337Between1337and1359Chūganspentpart

ofnearlyeveryyearatoneoftwoŌtomofamilypropertiesineasternJapan

WisteriaValley(Fujigayatsu藤谷)andToneEstate利根庄thelatteramountainous

demesneinwhatistodayGunmaPrefectureToneEstatewasthesiteforthe

302ThelanguagehererecallsthelineldquoSittingdownIseethespringreturntogroundoncecharredbyfirerdquo坐看春回入燒痕fromaquatrainbythemonkHuihui慧暉(1097-1183)HuihuirsquospoemisincludedinthewellknownseriesNineteenVersesEulogizingtheOld頌古十九首compiledbytheChanmasterFaquan法全(1114-69)TheseriescontainsbothshiandcianditstitlemaybeanodtotheNineteenOldPoems古詩十九首afoundationalgroupofearlypentasyllabicshi303Wuhuaishi無懐氏(JMukaishi)isamythicalrulerwhoissometimesplacedinthegenerationjustafterFuxi伏羲andthecreatorgoddessNuwa女媧orasinShijiinthemuchlatergenerationjustprecedingtheYellowEmperorHiseraisinvokedheretofigurepeaceandpopularcontentment

183

templeKichijōji吉祥寺builtwithŌtomosupportin1339andheadedbyChūgan

andanattachedZenretreatcalledShishian止止庵304Theseplacesofferedprivacy

andrespiteduringthedifficulttimesfollowinghisrejectionoftheSōtōsectand

adoptionofDongyangDehuirsquoslineofRinzaiZenThefourversesarelistedinthe

vulgateeditionofTōkaiichiōshūashexasyllabicquatrains六言絶句Though

somewhatmorecommonthanhexasyllabicregulatedversesquatrainsinthismeter

arestillextremelyrareOftheapproximately48000shiintheQuanTangshi全唐

詩onlyabout150arehexasyllabicandthemostprolificuseroftheformZhang

Yue張説(667-730)iscreditedwithjusteightverses305Amongpoetsofwider

reputeWangWeiisknowntohavecomposedsevenhexasyllabicshiLiBaithree

andBaiJuyitwo306NostudyofwhichIamawareexaminestheprevalenceofthe

forminJapanthoughbecauseitspopularitywasrisinginChinathroughoutthe

SongDynastyitislikelythatmanyJapanesepoetswereawareofitAmongGozan

writerstheprincipalusersseemtohavebeenChūganandhisillustriousyounger

compatriotGidōShūshin(1325-88)wholeftnolessthaneleveninhismassive

collectionKūgeshū空華集307

304ThenameofboththetempleandtheretreatalludetotheaphorismldquoGoodfortuneliesinstoppingwhenitistimetostoprdquo吉祥止止whichisderivedfromZhuangzi21ldquoObservethevoidndashtheemptyroomemitsapurelightGoodfortuneliesinstoppingwhenitistimetostoprdquo瞻彼闋者虛室生白吉祥止止(trMairWanderingontheWayp33)GivenChūganrsquosabidinginterestinmoralbalanceandhisviewthatGo-DaigohaddisastrouslyoverplayedhishandintheKenmuRestorationthenamesarewellchosen 305Liuyanshitiyanjiup95306Ibid307GBZSv2pp472-73

184

Thereisdisagreementamongscholarsastowhetherpoemsofthismetercan

infactqualifyasrecent-stylepoetryatallwithsomeoptingtolimitthatdesignation

topenta-andheptasyllabicpoems308Intermsoftonalprosodyhexasyllabicshi

maysometimescontainlinesofwhichfourfiveorinsomecasesallsixwordsare

homotonousandtheso-calledldquoadherencerulerdquo(粘法)ofrecent-styleversewhich

helpstiecoupletstogetherisnotfollowedrigorously309Nonethelesshexasyllabic

shididgenerallyincorporateatleastsomeofthepatternsoftonalalteration

characteristicofrecent-styleversestrongtonalcontrastbetweenwordswithina

singlelineandbetweenlinesofasinglecoupletwasmorecommonthanthelack

thereofandhexasyllabicshialmostalwaysupheldtheessentiallyinviolablerecent-

stylerulethatevenlinesmustrhymeandthatrhymingwordsmustbeinlevel

tone310Thesimilaritieswereevidentlyenoughtomotivateatleastsome

premodernpoetstoincludesix-syllableshiintheircollectionsofquatrainsHong

MairsquosencyclopedicWanshouTangrenjuejuuml萬首唐人絶句(late12thc)forinstance

includes48suchversesndashstillamodestnumbergiventheimmensesizeofthe

work311Inanyeventtheboundarybetweenancient-styleandrecent-stylepoetry

washistoricallyratherfluidwithsomepoemscharacterizedasquatrainsor

308RenBantangTangshengshi(ShanghaiXinhuaShudian1982)309Therulestipulatesthatthefirsttwowordsofthelastlineofonecoupletshouldbeofthesametoneasthefirsttwowordsofthefirstlineofthesucceedingcouplet310Anoverviewoftheconventionsofrecent-stylepoetrymaybefoundinZong-QiCaildquoRecent-StyleShiPoetryPentasyllabicRegulatedVerserdquoinZong-QiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetry(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2008)pp161-77311WeiLiuyanshitiyanjiup150HongMai洪邁(1123-1202)aministerandscholarduringtheSouthernSonginitiallycompiledacollectionof5000TangquatrainsandpresentedittoEmperorXiaozong孝宗thiswassubsequentlyexpandedintoaworkof100volumescontaining100quatrainseachaboutthreequartersofwhichareheptasyllabic

185

regulatedversesbasedseeminglyonthefactthattheysomehowldquosoundedrdquolike

recent-stylepoemsdespitecontainingagreatmanytonalviolations312

Intermsoftheirgrammaticalstructurehexasyllabiclinesdonotscanin

thepatternstypicalofpenta-andheptasyllabiclinesproducingsyntacticrhythms

thatarenotonlystrikinglydifferentbutmorevariableaswell313Incipoetry

associatedwiththeschoolofldquoHeroicAbandonrdquo(ChaofangJgōhō豪放)thesix-

charactermeterwassometimesusedtoproducedramaticandhighlyimagisticlines

thatreliedonpureparataxisandavoidedfinalpredication

名月別枝驚鵲 Thefullmoonslantingbranchesastartledmagpie XinQiji辛棄疾(1140-1207) 孤村落日殘霞 Alonelyvillagethesettingsunlingeringhuesofpink輕烟老樹寒鴉 Lighthazeanagedtreeacrowinthecold BaiRenfu白仁甫(1226-1306)

WhiletheconventionsofclassicalChinesegrammardonotadmitofrigidly

definedpartsofspeechndashagivenwordmayfunctionasanounverbadjectiveor

adverbdependingoncontextandsyntacticpositionndashtheselineseffectivelycontain

312OwenReadingsinChineseLiteraryThoughtp432313ThedifferencesinsyntacticrhythmbetweenshiofdifferentmetersarenotnecessarilyapparentifreadingisdoneaccordingtoJapanesekundokuconventions(anymorethansuchdifferencesarenecessarilyapparentinEnglishtranslation)AsnotedintheintroductiontheworkingassumptionofthisstudyisthatChūganwasattentivetothewayhispoemssoundedinChineseEminentkanshipoetswereusuallywelltrainedinmattersoftonalprosodyeventhoughmostdidnotspeakChineseandtheassumptionthatChineseprosodywassignificantforapoetsuchasChūganwhobyallaccountsdidpossessnotableproficiencyinspeakingseemsespeciallywarranted

186

noverbssavethoseusedasparticiples(egthesettingsun落日)andtheyuseno

prepositionsparticlesorotherdevicestospecifygrammaticalrelationsThelines

scaninthe2+2+2semanticrhythmproducingadistinctivestaccatostyleChūganrsquos

versesworkdifferentlymakingfrequentuseofgrammaticalparticlesandfeaturing

linesthatconstitutecompleteornearlycompletesentencesInterestinglythismore

prosaicstylewasnotonlycommoninciandquwhichisunsurprisinggiventhe

vernacularoriginsofthoseformsbutwasalsoamainstayofhexasyllabicshiafact

WeiShaoshengbelievesmayreflecttheinfluenceoffu314Examplesreflectingthe

prosaicstylebyLiBaiWangJianWangWeiandmanyothereminentpoetsappear

plentifulwhenconsideredasafractionofthetotalnumberofsurvivinghexasyllabic

shiandtheversesofldquoLateSpringintheMountainsofTonerdquobearmanysimilarities

toarchetypessuchasthefollowing

題舒州山谷寺石牛洞 WrittenonShiniuGrottoatShanguTempleinShuPrefecture315

水泠泠而北出 Thewaterisclearandcoolandflowsnorth 山靡靡而旁圍 Thehillsarescatteredaboutandencirclethearea 欲窮源而不得 Iwantedtofindthesourcebutwasunabletogetit竟悵望以空歸 IntheendmyhopeswentunrealizedandIreturnedemptyhanded316 WangAnshi王安石(1021-86)314WeiLiuyanshitiyanjiup168 315ShanguTempleismorecommonlyknownasSanzuTemple三祖寺owingtothefactthattheThirdChanPatriarchSengcan僧璨(510-606)onceresidedthereShuPrefectureislocatedinthemodernAnhuiProvince316Ibidp168

187

田園樂七首

SevenPoemsontheJoysofFieldsandGardensno6

桃紅復含宿雨 Peachblossomsflushwithcolorstillholdlastnightrsquosrain柳緑更帶春烟 Willowslushandgreenremainmantledinspringtimemists 花落家僮未掃 Petalsliestrewnaboutandthehouseboyhasyettosweepthemaway鶯啼山客猶眠 Anoriolecallsoutbutthemountaintravelerstaysfastasleep317 WangWei王維(699-759)

OfthetwoWangWeirsquospoemisthemoredescriptiveandthelessinsistently

subject-centeredthoughineachlinewordssuchasldquostillrdquo(復更猶)andldquohasyettordquo

(未)underscorethepoetrsquospersonaljudgmentaboutthesceneSuchwasalsothe

casethroughoutthefirstverseofldquoLateSpringintheMountainsofTonerdquowhich

reliedheavilyuponsimilaradverbialexpressions(或半乍且)andinthesecond

versewhosesecondcoupletfeaturedtwointerrogativelocutions(胡為烏)318The

particlesandconjunctionsinWangAnshirsquosverse(而以)imparttoitastrongly

prosaicqualitythispointcanbeeasilyappreciatedbyimaginingthesecondlineas

onerephrasedinthepentasyllabicmeterwithout而where山靡靡而旁圍yields

ldquothehillsarescatteredaboutandencircletheareardquothetruncated山靡靡旁圍might

bestberenderedldquohillsscatteredaboutencircletheareardquoTogetherwiththeclearly

metaphoricalsecondcoupletndashthewordsldquosourcerdquo源andldquoemptyrdquo空areredolentof

Buddho-Daoistthoughtndashthepoemasawholecouldnotbemuchfurtherfromthe

317Ibidp74318Throughaprocessofparanomasticborrowingthecharacter烏isusedforitssoundwu(EarlyMandarinuMiddleChineseɁuǝ)torepresentthewordldquohowrdquo

188

austerenaturalisticmodeglimpsedinthelinesofHeroicAbandoncibyXinQijiand

BaiRenfu

ThepentasyllabicparaphraseofWangAnshirsquoslineadumbratesafeature

commonnotonlytoChūganrsquoshexasyllabicpoemsbuttohexasyllabicshimore

generallynamelyhowreadilyagreatmanylinesmayberecastintohypothetical

fiveorseven-syllablevariantswithnosubstantivechangeinmeaningForinstance

thefirstcoupletofChūganrsquosthirdverseldquoDriedoutwisterialiecoiledlikeworms

Strangerocksofvariegatedcolorsresemblecrouchingbeastsrdquomightberephrased

intheseven-syllablemeteras枯藤屈曲若蟲盤怪石斕斒似獣蹲whichsimply

makesexplicittherelationsoflikenessimpliedintheoriginalBothlinesnowscan

intheveryfamiliar2+2+3patternbetterstillsince若(ldquoasifrdquo)and似(ldquoto

resemblerdquo)areentering-tonewordsbothlinesnowalignperfectlywithrecent-style

tonalrequirementsSimilarlytheopeninglinesofthesecondverseldquoWhiteclouds

undulatingsoftlyStreamsbabblinggentlyrdquomightbeshortenedfrom白雲溶溶洩洩

流水潺潺湲湲to白雲溶洩洩流水潺湲湲althoughtheresultingtonaldistribution

doesnotaccordentirelywithrecent-styleconventionsthelinesscaneasilyand

theirmeaningremainsunchanged

Thisexercisemayseemlittlemorethanaspeculativeindulgencebutit

suggeststherelativeeasewithwhichaparticularpoeticimagemightberealizedin

multiplesyllabicmetersItalsoillustratesacompositionalstrategythatisinfact

knowntohaveinformedtheearlydevelopmentofpentasyllabicshipoetrynamely

theexpansionoffour-syllablelinesintofive-syllableequivalentsviatheuseof

particlesorbinomes(forinstanceusingdaolu道路forldquoroadrdquoinsteadofjustdao道

189

orlu路alone)319Historicallyofcourseheptasyllabicversewasrarebeforethe

TangDynastyandthusplayednoformativeroleinthedevelopmentofhexasyllabic

shiassuchButitseemsquitepossiblethatpentasyllabicpoetrymighthaveandin

anyeventbythetimeChūganwasactivetheseven-syllablelinehadbeendominant

inbothChinaandJapanformanycenturiesmakingmoreorlesscontinuous

interplaybetweenalloftheseformslikelyItisthereforeunsurprisingthatin

additiontotheapparentstylisticinfluenceofearlierhexasyllabicshiastockof

phrasesandpoeticimagesculledfromheptasyllabicpoemssuchasthosebythe

monksZhengjueandHuihuiseemalsotohaveinfluencedtheversesofldquoLateSpring

intheMountainsofTonerdquo

ConclusionCiandSiniticPoetryinMedievalJapan

ThecentralaimofthischapterhasbeentohighlightworksinTōkaiichiōshū

whoseformalpropertieswereunusualforSiniticverseinJapanandtoconsider

theminreferencetorelevantpoeticdevelopmentsinChinaChūganwasnotthe

onlyfigureintheGozanmovementtounderstandthesedevelopmentsbuthewas

evidentlymorewillingthanmostofhiscontemporariestoexperimentwiththemin

hisownverseoratleastmorewillingtopreservetheresultsforposterityYetin

lightoftheextraordinarypopularityandartisticvibrancythecihadachievedin

ChinabytheendofthetwelfthcenturyitsneartotalabsencefromGozan

collectionsisamongthemostcuriousfacetsofGozanliterarycultureandindeedof

319SeeStephenOwenTheMakingofEarlyChineseClassicalPoetry(CambridgeMAHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2006)p74

190

medievalkanshibunmoregenerallyTheproblemitshouldbenotedwasnotalack

ofbasicknowledgetheearliestandmostinfluentialanthologyofciZhaoCongzuorsquos

tenth-centuryHuajianji花間集islongknowntohavecirculatedamongGozan

literati320andseveralotherfamousworksthatdiscussorcontainexamplesofci

suchasShirenyuxie詩人玉屑andJuefanHuihongrsquosLinjianlu林間錄wereprinted

inJapanviawoodblockandpublishedbymajorGozanmonasteries321Giventhe

generalesteemaccordedtoChinesebellelettresitisthusrathersurprisingthat

notableJapanesepractitionersofcididnotappearuntiltheeighteenthcentury

nearlyamillenniumaftertheformrsquosemergenceinChina322

Multipleexplanationsmightbeadducedfortheapparentlackofinterestinci

amongpremodernJapanesepoetsthemostparsimoniousofwhichissimplythat

thenewformwastothemlargelysuperfluoustheshiremainedartistically

sufficientfortheirpurposesandfewJapanesepoetswereinclinedtostudyanew

formwhosemasterydemandedknowledgeofdozensoftunepatternsthat

determinedmeterrhymeschemeandtonalprosodyButtressingthispositionis

thefactthatkanshipoetsbyallindicationswereneverbesetbyasenseof

320SeeKandaKiichirōNihonniokeruChūgokubungakuvol1(TokyoNigensha1965)pp56-7321SucheditionsareknowntodayasldquoGozaneditionsrdquo(Gozan-ban五山版)SeeKandaNihonniokeruChūgokubungakup53322SeeChenZhuhui陳竺慧ldquoNomuraKōennolsquogashirsquotoShindainoshidansonoeibutsushiotegakarinirdquo野村篁園の「雅詞」と清代の詞壇その詠物詞を手がかりにWasedaDaigakudaigakuinbungakukenkyūkakiyō62(Mar2017)pp203-215AsChennotesevenintheEdoperiodciremainedaminorartformoflittleinteresttomostkanshipoetsThefirstJapanesetreatiseofcipoeticsTenshizufu塡詞図譜wascompiledbyTanomuraChikuden田能村竹田(1777-1835)andpublishedin1807

191

belatednessorBloomiananxietyvis-agrave-visthegreatChinesepoetsofthepastnor

didtheyfeelaneedtoescapefromtheweightofanoppressiveshitradition

Meaningfulparticipationinthattraditionwasaccomplishmentenoughandthefact

thatLiBaiorDuFuremainedunsurpassabledidnotdriveJapaneseshipoetsaway

fromthemediumortowardsconspicuousstylisticnovelty323

Anadditionalandperhapsevenmoresalientfactorthatmighthave

motivatedthearmrsquos-lengthapproachGozanmonkstooktocindashreadandreprint

thembutdonrsquotwriteyourownndashwastheformrsquoshistoricalassociationwithwomen

andtheentertainmentquarters324IndeedHuajianjiisdominatedbytheostensibly

femininethemesofloveandabandonment325andtotheextentthatthiscollection

wasthemajorsourceofinformationaboutciinearlymedievalJapanGozanpoets

mighthaveapprehendedtheformasaninherentlyfeminizedoneMoreoverwhile

mostmaleliteratiexpressedvaryingdegreesofdisapprovalforexcessive

indulgenceinciGozanmonksmighthavetakenspecialnoticeofthefactthatitwas

aChanmonkFayunFaxiu法雲法秀(1027-1090)whoofferedthegreatpoetHuang

Tingjian黃庭堅(1045-1105)afamousadmonitionagainstdabblingintheformat

all

323LestthisbethoughtsimplyareflectionofageneralconservatismamongJapaneseliteratiitisworthnotingthatintherealmofvernacularpoetryattemptstobreakfreefromcertaintraditionalpoeticstrictureswerebeingmadeatthistimebywakapoetsoftheKyōgyoku京極schoolandthedevelopmentofseriouslinkedverse(renga連歌)wouldsoonfundamentallytransformJapanesepoetryandpoetictheory324SameildquoCiPoetryShortSongLyrics(Xiaoling)rdquop245EganldquoTheProblemoftheReputeofTzrsquourdquopp194-207andpassim325Sameip251

192

hellipOnedaythedharmamastersaidtoLuzhi(HuangTingjian)ldquoTherersquosnoharminwritingasmanyshiasyoulikebutyoushouldstopcomposingeroticsongsandlittlecirdquoLuzhilaughedldquoTheyarejustwordsintheairIrsquomnotkillinganyoneandIrsquomnotstealingSurelyIwonrsquotbesentencedtooneoftheevildestiniesforwritingthesesongsrdquoThedharmamasterrepliedldquoIfyouusewickedwordstoarouselustinmenrsquosheartscausingthemtoignoreproprietyandviolatethelawthenyourwordswillbeasourceofcrimeandwrongandIrsquomafraidyouwillnotmerelybepunishedwithevildestiniesrdquoLuzhinoddedandsubsequentlystoppedwritingsongs326

AsithappenedHuangTingjiandidnotstopwritingcithoughinhisown

accountofthisexchangetheChanmasterisevenmoreexplicitinhiswarning

opiningthatrebirthintheHellofSlitTonguesawaitsthosewhouseoffensive

language327Notablythemasterisdecidedlyunconcernedwithshianditiseasyto

imagineZenmonksinJapanharboringasimilarprejudiceagainstthecievenasthey

pursuedshicompositionassiduouslyHadthecibeenasartisticallyprominentin

theeighthcenturyasitwasbythetwelfthitmighteasilyhavefoundquick

popularityamongNaraandHeianaristocratswhoatthetimewerethetastemakers

inthesmallworldofJapanesekanshibunandmuchenamoredwithpalace-styleshi

whosethematicsimilaritiestociweresubstantial328Andinsofarasmotifssuchas

clandestineromancesabandonmentandunrequitedloveemergewith

extraordinaryprominenceinvernacularJapaneseproseandpoetryoftheHeianera

itisquiteconceivablethatmalearistocratsofthetimemighthavebeenmore

326QuotedinEganldquoTheProblemoftheReputeofTzrsquourdquopp202withminororthographicchanges327Ibid328SeeKang-iSunChangTheEvolutionofChineseTrsquozuPoetryFromLateTrsquoangtoNorthernSung(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1980)p18citedinLinldquoTheFormationofaDistinctGenericIdentityforTrsquozurdquop16

193

amenabletostereotypicalcithemesthantheirmonasticcountrymenweretobe

fourcenturieslater

194

Conclusion

Gozan Literature in Retrospect

1 KanshibunandtheKokugaku国学LegacyInmodernformulationsofJapaneseliteraturetheGozancorpusoccupiesa

uniquepositiononethatisunquestionablycentraltothehistoryofJapanese

kanshibun漢詩文ndashpoetryandprosecomposedinthetrans-nationaltrans-

linguisticmediumofldquoliterarySiniticrdquondashandyetforthatveryreasonperipheralto

thecanonasawholeToasignificantdegreethisstateofaffairsistheresultofthe

monolingualandphonocentricimperativesthatbegantoinformtheconstructionof

aldquonativerdquoJapaneseliterarycanonintheeighteenthcenturyScholarsassociated

withthekokugaku国学orldquonativestudiesrdquomovementsoughttorecoverthe

indigenouslinguisticandculturalsensibilitiesofearlyJapanTheireffortswere

motivatednotsimplybyphilologicalcuriositythoughmanywereindeedgifted

philologistsbutbyanabidingdesiretodevelopanideologicalalternativetothe

Neo-ConfucianismascendantinTokugawa-eraintellectuallifeThoughcoloredby

ananti-Chineseandanti-BuddhistoutlookthatGozanliteratiwouldundoubtedly

havefoundbizarreanddistastefulthemovementwasextremelyproductive

kokugakuscholarsundertookrigoroushermeneuticalexaminationsofJapanese

textsthathadnotpreviouslyreceivedsuchattentionthemostculturally

consequentialofwhichwouldturnouttobethelittleknownmythohistorical

195

chronicleKojiki古事記(ARecordofAncientMatters712)Equallysignificanttothe

fieldofliterarystudiesweretheirreconsiderationsoffamousvernacularworksof

poetryandprosefictionsuchasIsemonogatari伊勢物語(TalesofIse9thc)Genji

monogatari源氏物語(TheTaleofGenjic1010)Manrsquoyōshū万葉集(Collectionof

MyriadLeaves759)andKokinwakashū古今和歌集(CollectionofJapanesePoems

AncientandModern905)Theseinvestigationslaidthegroundworkforsubstantial

advancesinlinguisticsandlexicography329AndacenturybeforeEnglishliterature

hadearnedaplaceintheBritishacademyalongsidetheGreekandLatinclassicsthe

effortsofkokugakuscholarshelpedestablishtheformalstudyofvernacular

JapaneseliteratureasanacademicenterpriseonparwiththestudyoftheChinese

classicswhichuntilthenhadbeentheonlyldquoclassicsrdquorecognizedassuchinJapan330

Bythelatenineteenthcenturythenativistimpetusbehindkokugakuhad

beenaugmentedbyaburgeoningnationalismasJapansoughttodefineitsplacein

329SeeSusanBurnsBeforetheNationKokugakuandtheImaginingofCommunityinEarlyModernJapan(DurhamDukeUnivPress2003)passimThisisnottosaythatkokugakuwasexclusivelyorevenprimarilyaphilologicalorldquotextualrdquomovementonlythatitsideologicalgoalsnecessitatedtheinterpretationoftextsandthatthisimperativeledtovariouscriticaladvances330Terminologicallyspeakingwordsoftentranslatedasldquoclassicsrdquo(tenseki典籍tenpun典墳)referredmostoftentoChinesetextsSimilarlywordssuchassaigaku才学ldquolearningrdquoreferrednotjusttoknowledgeingeneralbuttoknowledgeoftheChineseclassicsinparticularForexamplethepoetandloverAriwaranoNarihira在原業平(825-80)whoseadventuresarerecountedinIsemonogatariisdescribedinthehistoryNihonsandaijitsuroku日本三代實録asldquoratherbereftofsaigakubutexcellentatcomposingwakardquo略無才學善作倭歌WhiletheprecisemeaningofthislineisthesubjectofongoingdebatethetraditionalviewfirstputforthbykokugakuscholarshasbeenthatthecompilersofSandaijitsurokuwereappraisingNarihirainrelativetermsasbeingunremarkableinChineselearningbutdistinguishedinwakacompositionMeijiacademicsfromthelate1880sonwardwouldbegintofreelyapplythetermkoten古典ldquoclassicsrdquotovernacularJapaneseworks

196

theWestphalianworldorderEuropeanphonocentrismjibednicelywiththe

longstandinganti-logographicbentofkokugakuwhichhadfromitsinception

praisedJapanesekana(andSiddhamscript)whiledisparagingChinese

characters331AndEuropeannotionsofanessentialorganicrelationbetweena

peopletheirspokenlanguageandtheliteraturewroughtfromthatlanguagewere

easytoreconcilewiththeethnocentricclaimsofkokugakuscholarswhowereoften

atpainstoemphasizethealterityofallthingsChineseWhenKadanoAzumamaro

荷田春満(1669-1736)afoundingfigureinthekokugakumovementreferredto

Manrsquoyōshūasldquotheessenceofoutnationaltemperamentrdquo(国風の純粋)hewas

positingthepersistenceinJapaneseliteratureofwhatHippolyteTaine(1828-93)

wouldlateridentifyastheldquoinnateandhereditarydispositionsrdquothatbelongtoa

particularpeopleandaremanifestintheirliterature332Tainewasoneofseveral

WesterntheoristswhoseworkwouldbeenthusiasticallyreceivedbyMeiji-era

scholarsinJapanbothbecauseitansweredcontemporarypedagogicaland

ideologicalneedsandbecauseitdovetailednicelywithlongestablishednativist

convictionsInasimilarveinthereverenceshowntofolksongsbythepoetand

philosopherJohannGottfriedHerder(1744-1803)alignedneatlyinbothitsmotives

331SeeReganEMurphyldquoEsotericBuddhistTheoriesofLanguageinearlyKokugakuTheSōshakuoftheManrsquoyōdaishokirdquoJapaneseJournalofReligiousStudies361(2009)pp65-91332QuotedinWmTheodoredeBaryedSourcesofJapaneseTradition(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1958)pp513HVanLauntransHippolyteTaineHistoryofEnglishLiterature(LondonChattoandWindus1878)p10ThesedispositionscomprisewhatTainefamouslytermsldquolaracerdquothemeaningofwhichasexplainedbyhistorianNathalieRichardsisnotsomuchaldquodeacuteterminismebiologiquerdquobutaldquoformedrsquoespritcollectiverdquoSeeRichardsHippolyteTaineHistoriePsychologieLitteacuterature(ParisClassiquesGarnier2013)p145

197

anditscriticalnomenclaturewithkokugakuscholarsrsquovenerationofsimilarmediain

JapanHerderbelievedthatlanguagewasafoundationalevensacredconstituent

ofapeoplersquosidentityandhisnotionofthesprachgeist(spiritoflanguage)foundan

easyhomeamongMeiji-eratheoristslongaccustomedtotherevivifiedand

repurposednotionofkotodama言霊(thespiritofwords)whichhadbecomea

centralconceptinlateTokugawakokugakudiscourse

Theeventualresultoftheseinteractionswastheformationofanew

academicandideologicalventureknownaskokubungaku国文学orldquonational

literaturerdquowhichbythe1890shadbecomethedominantcriticalparadigm

governingthestudyofpremodernJapanesetextsThoughheirtomuchofthe

intellectuallegacyofkokugakukokubungakuassimilatedEuropeanideasabout

literaryformandhistorythattookthenation-stateasthepreeminentexpressionof

culturalandpoliticaldevelopmentThisimpartedtothedisciplinecertain

ideologicalobjectivesandformalinterestsnotsharedbyitspredecessorWhereas

kokugakuhadplacedparticularemphasisonwakapoetrykokubungaku

emphasizedJapaneseprosefictionwhichsharedmanyattributeswiththe

novelisticwritingthathadwonsuchesteemintheWestAndwhereaskokugaku

hadsoughttouncoveranauthenticprelapsarianYamatoidiomunsulliedby

continentalinfluenceskokubungakuendeavoredtopresentJapaneseliteratureas

theuniquelyidentifiableproductofatranshistoricalculturemore-or-less

coterminouswiththetraditionalgeopoliticalboundariesoftheJapaneseimperium

Inprinciplekokubungakuthushadthepotentialtobequitecapaciousasany

writtenartifactofarchipelaganoriginmightconceivablybeconstruedasfalling

198

withintheboundariesofldquoJapaneserdquoliteratureYetwhileitscanonwasindeed

largerthanthatofkokugakumainlybecauseitdidnotexcludeTokugawa-period

workskokubungakutoostruggledtoaccommodateJapanesekanshibunand

continuedtoprivilegevernaculargenresasthequintessenceofJapaneseliterary

expression

FortheleadinglightsofMeijikokubungakukanshibunwasitwouldseem

stilltooldquoChineserdquoAsearlyas1890thepioneeringkokubungakuscholarHaga

Yaichi芳賀矢一(1867-1927)haddefinedacircumlocutoryldquogracerdquo(yūbi優美)as

theessenceofJapaneseliteraryaestheticsincontrasttotheldquostrengthrdquo(yūsō勇壮)

ofChineseliteratureandtheldquoprecisionrdquo(seichi精緻)ofWesternliterature333

NearlytwentyyearslaterHagawouldarguestronglyfortheincorporationof

kanshibunintoacademictreatmentsofJapanrsquosnationalliterature334butbythenthe

dyehadlargelybeencastInpartkanshibunliteraturewasexcludedbyaesthetic

fiatitslanguagetostatetheobviousaspiredtoartisticeffectsdifferentfromthose

ofwakaormonogataritomostspecialistsofnationalliteratureevenwhenitwas

gooditwasnotreallyJapaneseFurtherpushingkanshibuntothemarginswas

kokubungakursquosformalfocusonthenovelAlthoughkanbunfictionwasnot333HagaYaichiandTachibanaSensaburōedsKokubungakutokuhoninHagaYaichisenshūhenshūiinkaiedHagaYaichisenshūvol2(TokyoKokugakuin1983)pp192-93AsimilarviewwaspropoundedbyMasaokaShikithoughinexplicitrelationtolanguagesheheldWesternlanguagestobeprecise(緻密)andgiventometiculousdescription(叙事詳細)Chinesetobeboldandmagnificent(雄渾雄大)andJapanesetobegracefulandfine(優美繊柔)SeeMatsuiToshihikoldquoMasaokaShikishūrdquoinNihonkindaibungakutaikeivol16(TokyoKadokawaShoten1972)p132334MatthewFraleighPluckingChrysanthemumsNarushimaRyūhokuandSiniticLiteraryTraditionsinModernJapan(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2016)pp6-7

199

unknownitwasvastlyoutweighedinquantityandqualitybyvernacularfictionIn

lightofboththeformidablelinguisticchallengesandlongstandingscholastic

prejudicesagainstfictionitselfitisprobablysafetosaythatthesmallminorityof

JapaneseBuddhistorConfucianliteratiwhopossessedsufficienttechnical

competenceinliterarySinitictocomposefictionalstoriesmarkedbycomplex

characterizationandpsychologicaldepthhadlittleinterestinactuallydoingso

WhileoutstandingJapanesekanshipoetsdidoccasionallyproduceworkssufficient

tomeetwithapprobationinChinandashZekkaiChūshinandAraiHakuseki(1657-1725)

arefamousexamplesndashthereistomyknowledgenoworkofliterarySinitic(or

vernacularChinese)fictionbyaJapaneseauthorthatiscomparableinqualityto

notableworksoffictionbyChineseauthorsortonotablevernacularJapanese

monogatari335

Thethornyissueoforiginalityposedyetanotherproblempremodern

JapanesehistoricalandphilosophicalwritingwasasdeeplysteepedinBuddhism

andConfucianismasEuropeanhistoryandphilosophywasinPlatonismand

AbrahamictheologyButwhilerepublicanRomeandtheancientGreekpoleis

bulkedlargeintheEuropeanimaginationtheywerelongextinctandbore

essentiallynorelationtothepolitiescontrollingItalyandthePeloponnesusinearly

335AsnotedinChapterFourZekkaiexchangedpoemswiththefoundingemperoroftheMingDynastyZhuYuanzhangForHakusekimattersunfoldedmoreserendipitouslyAcollectionofhispoemsseemstohavebeenbroughttotheRyūkyūKingdomandthensubsequentlytoChinawhereaHanlinacademyscholarZhengRenyue鄭任鑰appraisedithighlyandwrotealaudatoryprefaceSeeBurtonWatsonJapaneseLiteratureinChinese(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1976)v2pp13-14andYoshikawaKōjirōHōchōfushiRongozakkiAraiHakusekiitsuji(TokyoShinchosha1971)pp81-193

200

moderntimesBycontrastChinesedynastiesincludingeventheMongolYuan

(1280-1368)andManchuQing(1644-1912)purportedtoupholdidealsofroyal

paramountcyandculturalexcellencethatinprincipleextendedasfarbackasthe

ZhouDynasty(1046-256BC)QingrulerspartookextensivelyofChinesehigh

cultureadoptingBeijingastheircapitalcityandretainingthebasicbureaucratic

machineryoftheirvanquishedMingpredecessorsItwasanapproachthat

contrastsmarkedlywiththatoftheroughlycontemporaneousOttomanrulersof

GreeceandithelpedfosterthesensethatldquoChinardquoasapoliticalandculturalentity

wascharacterizedbyanextraordinarydegreeofcontinuitycertainlyfarhigher

thanthatwhichcharacterizedthevariousearlymodernEuropeanstateswhose

landswereoncehometotheMediterraneancivilizationsofantiquityThissenseof

anldquoeternalrdquoChinalongnotedinEuropeanwritingsonAsiawasalsoverymucha

partofthepremodernandearly-modernJapaneseimaginationInthisconnection

itisillustrativetocontrasttherelationshipthatearly-modernEuropeanpowers

enjoyedwiththefruitsofGreco-RomanculturewithJapanrsquosrelationshiptothe

ChineseculturallegacyWhereastheformerwaslargelycuratorialandrarelyif

evermarkedbychauvinismonthepartofEuropeansthelatterwascomplicated

fromtheoutsetby6thand7th-centuryJapaneserulersrsquodesireforpoliticalparity

withtheSuiandTangcourtsEventheopenhostilitydisplayedtwelvecenturies

laterbyjingoistickokugakupartisansfoundasympatheticdomesticaudiencein

partbecauseQingChinaremainedageopoliticalcompetitortoJapan

FinallythehistoricallegacyofGozanwritersmustbeunderstoodin

referencenotonlytoJapaneseattitudestowardsChinaandtheChineselanguage

201

butalsototheebbingfortunesofinstitutionalBuddhismduringtheTokugawaera

(1600-1868)FormallyspeakingBuddhismwasanldquoestablishedrdquoreligionatleast

insofarastheTokugawashogunatedeterminedtoextirpateChristianityinthe

wakeoftheShimabaraRebellion(1637-38)legislatedtheuseoftemplesascenters

ofcompulsoryreligiousregistrationOntheintellectualfronthoweverthefaith

wasincreasinglyonthedefensiveasNeo-Confucianandkokugakupolemicistsndash

ideologicallyalignedinthisparticularinstancendashattackedbothitstenetsandits

institutionalstructure336Asearlyas1666thedaimyoofOkayamadomainIkeda

Mitsumasaorderedthat598Buddhisttemplesbeabolishedandthatreligious

registrationattemples(tera-uke)bediscontinuedinfavorofregistrationatShinto

shrines(shinshoku-uke)337Similarpolicieswerecarriedoutbyotherdaimyo

sometimesundertheaegisofpromotingShintoandalwayswithaneyetowards

strengtheningdomainalfinancesbyreturningtemplelandstothetaxrollsBythe

endoftheTokugawaperiodactsofviolenceagainsttempleshadoccurredin

multipledomainsandfurtherdespoliationofBuddhistpropertyfollowedinthe

yearsaftertheshogunatersquosdissolution338TheMeijireformersfortheirpartdid

notactuallyseekthewholesaleeradicationofBuddhismndashtheinfamousslogan

haibutsukishaku癈佛毀釋ldquoAbolishtheBuddhaandDestroyShakyamunirdquowasnot

officialpolicyYettheyleftlittledoubtthatBuddhismwasatbesttobeseenasan

unessentialelementintheculturallifeofthenewnationandatworstasan

336SeeMartinCollcuttldquoBuddhismTheThreatofEradicationrdquoinMariusBJansenandGilbertRozmanedsJapaninTransitionFromTokugawatoMeiji(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1986)pp143-167337Ibidp146338Ibidp146

202

unwelcomeadulteranttoShintofromwhichitwastoberigorouslyseparated339

ThiscleavingofBuddhismfromShintoshinbutsubunri神佛分離wasofficialpolicy

anditbroughttoanendalmostamillenniumofinstitutionalreligioussyncretism340

Morethanthisithelpedinstantiateinthereligiousrealmthesamepursuitofpurity

andnationalessencethatsooftenpropelledkokubungakudiscourse

AsaresultoftheseprocessestheGozancorpuswasmultiplyalienatedfrom

themodernunderstandingofJapaneseliteratureitslanguage(oratleastits

orthographyndashmoreonthisbelow)wasChineseitsdominantgenreswereshi

poetryandnon-fictionalexpositoryproseanditseclecticsubjectmatteraimed

mostlyateliteaudienceswasheldtoreflectvaluesthatwerefundamentallyalien

andpossiblyevenanathematotheindigenousJapaneseVolksgeistFully

integratingtheworksofleadingGozanliteratiintotheJapanesecanonwasthus

ideologicallyfraughtinawaythatforexampletheintegrationintotheEnglish

canonofWilliamofOccamrsquostheologicalandscientificwritingswhichareinLatin

wasnotThebroadexclusionofGozanliteratureandotherliterarySiniticwritings

meantthatanimmensevolumeofshipoetryalongwithanimposingbodyof

scholarshipinareassuchasstatutorylawandpoliticalphilosophywasassigneda

moremarginalpositionthanithadinfactoccupiedhistorically341Evenmore

339Ibidpp150-51340Ibidpp151341ThecentralityofkanbuntextstopremodernJapaneseeducationisdetailedextensivelyinHaruoShiraneldquoCurriculumandCompetingCanonsrdquoinShiraneandTomikoYodaedsInventingtheClassics(StanfordStanfordUnivPress2000)pp220-249InsomecaseskanbuntextsconstitutedtheentiretyofacurriculumandoccupiedthebulkofextracurricularreadingTheAshikagagakkōaninfluentialinstitutionofcollegiateeducationforsamuraimaintainedacurriculumcomprised

203

perniciouslybyfosteringtheimpressionthatpremodernandearly-modernJapan

producedhighlyoriginalvernacularpoetsandprosewritersbutnotjuristsand

philosophersthemonolingualcharacterofthekokubungakucanonabetted

essentialistandanti-rationalistclaimsaccordingtowhichJapanunlikeChinaand

theWestwasacultureofaffectiveimmediacynotdiscursivereason

Whilesuchclaimsprovedremarkablydurablecontinuingeventodaytohold

securepurchaseuponthenationalistimaginationitwouldbemisleadingtoimply

thatideologicalfactorsaloneexplaintherelegationofkanshibuntotheperipheryof

theJapanesecanontheydonotNolessgermaneisthesimplefactthatachieving

masteryofliterarySiniticwashardcomparativelyspeakingforJapanesewriters

Evenwithextensiveformaltrainingitisnomeanfeattowriteartfullyinamedium

developedtotranscribealanguagedrasticallydifferentfromthatwhichonespeaks

AndevenifweassumeasiscommoninmuchcurrentscholarshiponJapanese

kanshibunthateducatedwritershadsothoroughlyinternalizedthekundoku訓読

methodsthroughwhichliterarySiniticscriptwasrealizedinJapaneseastomakeits

useldquosecondnaturerdquoitmuststillberememberedthatasaproductivemedium

literarySiniticisnotanalternativeorthographyfortheJapaneselanguageinits

entiretyRatheritisanalternativeorthographyforkundokubun訓読文itselfwhich

isbutoneveryparticularregisterofJapaneseItisofcoursetheoreticallypossible

ofbothBuddhistandsecularChinesetextswiththelatterassuminganincreasinglydominantpositioninthe15thcenturyAsShiraneobserves76percentoftheuniversityrsquosbooktitleswereworksofChineseliteraturephilosophyanddivination16percentwereBuddhisttextsand7percentwereJapanesetextsthatmoreoftenthannotwerewrittenwhollyorpartlyinkanbunegWakanrōeishūAzumakagamiandGoseibaishikimoku

204

thataJapanesewriterrsquosinnermonologuemightbeinsomethingquitecloseto

kundokubuninwhichcasehecouldeasilyputhisthoughtstopaperusingliterary

SiniticwhathecouldnotdowithliterarySinitichoweveristranscribethespoken

languageofanyeraofJapanesehistory342

Therelevanceofthisfacttotheskillofkanshibunwritersortheliterary

valueoftheirworksisdifficulttoassessdisinterestedlyasanysuchassessmentwill

appeartoimplyeithersupportfororresistancetothekokubungakuvalorizationof

vernacularlanguageTraditionallyofcoursethemostcommonassumptionamong

criticshasbeenthatalthoughJapanesekanshipoetsmightpossessestimable

technicalproficiencytheircompositionswillgenerallylacktheartisticpanacheand

ldquoauthenticityrdquoofvernacularJapanesepoemsOnceagaintheproblemwithsucha

conclusionisnotthatitisdemonstrablyfalsebutthatitspremiseonlyinvites

furtherquestionsIfoneprizesspontaneityabovecraftorbelievesthatan

ldquoauthenticrdquopoeticvoicenecessarilyemploysthepoetrsquosspokenlanguagethen

kanshiwillfallshortbydefinitionYetinthecontextofpremodernJapanese

literatureonemaywellaskwhythelineshouldbedrawnatkanshiawakapoetof

thenineteenthcenturymightchoosetocomposeinthelanguageoftheninthwhich

isgrammaticallyneartomodernJapaneseinmanyrespectsbutisnonethelessa

verylongwayfromvernacularSuchcompositionsmoreovermayinvolveasmuch

mentationandcraftasthetypicalkanshiparticularlyforwakapoetswhoarepartial

tothecomplexregimeofwordplaysandrhetoricaldevicesdevelopedoverthe

courseoftheHeianperiod(794-1185)Itisalsoworthrememberingthatdebates342TheseandrelatedpointsaredevelopedmorefullyintheappendedessayldquoKanshibunKundokuandtheJapaneseLanguagerdquo

205

regardingtheartisticmeritofversescomposedspontaneouslyasopposedtothose

carefullyworkedandreworkedoverlongerperiodsoftimehadbeencommonplace

forcenturiesinbothChineseshiandJapanesewakacriticism343Andwhilesome

post-Heianwakapoetsdidaspiretoamoredirectunembellishedstylethefact

remainsthatagreatmanypremodernJapanesepoetsgrantedasecureplaceinthe

kokugakuandkokubungakucanonsweremastersofcraftsticklersforconvention

andeverywherereliantuponanimmensebodyofacquiredtextualknowledge

Henceifunusualartisticqualityorldquoauthenticityrdquoaretheparamountcriteriafor

admissionintothecanonitbecomesdifficulttojustifyconsigningkanshitothe

marginsunlessoneispreparedtodothesametomanymajorwakapoetsofthe

conservativeNijōschoolforexample

Suchanapproachtoclassicalliteraturewouldofcourseresultina

dramaticallysmallerandartisticallyimpoverishedcanonNijōwakaareproperly

canonicalnotbecausetheyappearbrilliantwhenderacinatedfromtheirhistorical

context(theyusuallydonot)butbecausetheywerevaluedhighlybygenerationsof

poetsschooledtoappreciatetheparticularqualitiesoftraditionalcourtlyverse

Thefactthatsuchpoetrygenerallyfailstosatisfymodernaestheticsensibilities

oughtnotbematerialtoitscanonicityespeciallysincethecanonisnotprimarily

envisionedbymodernreadersasprescriptiveandldquowriterlyrdquoinnatureGozan

kanshitooisworthyofstudyandappreciationbecauseitconstitutestheverybestof

343SeeStephenOwenTheEndoftheChineseMiddleAgesEssaysinMid-TangLiteraryCulture(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1996)pp107-129EsperanzaRamirez-ChristensenMurmuredConversationsATreatiseonPoetryandBuddhismbythePoet-MonkShinkei(StanfordStanfordUnivPress2008)pp36-3953-5568-60

206

anesteemedgenrethatwaspracticedcontinuouslyinJapanforovertencenturies

ifitisnotagenrethatanswersadequatelytomodernneedsthecontemporarypoet

mayfreelyabandonitbutforthecritictodothesamewouldbetolettheaesthetic

preferencesofthelasthundredyearsguidethecriticalevaluationofthelast

thousand

Suchconsiderationsnotwithstandingworksofliteraturethatseemingly

transcendtheaestheticandideologicalvaluesthatgovernedtheirproductionare

rightlydeservingofspecialattentionTheseareworksthatlaterreadersmay

approachontheirowntermsandwhichareaestheticallyrewardingevenwhenread

withminimalknowledgeofthesemioticsysteminwhichtheirvarioussymbolsand

motifsoriginallyencodedmeaningInsofarasthepoetryandproseofGozanwriters

rarelysatisfiesthiscriterionthemodernstudentofGozanliteraturemuststillface

thequestionofwhythisimposingcorpusisworthyofintensivestudyOneanswer

wouldreturnusimmediatelytotheissueofcanonformationinthelonguedureacuteeof

JapaneseliteraryhistoryGozanliteratureappearsofminorimportancenotbecause

ofitslowintrinsicqualitybutbecauseitwasexcludedfromearly-modernand

moderncanonsdespitepossessingimpressivethematicbreadthandconceptual

richnessItsometimeshappensinthehistoryofliteraturethattextscanbe

extremelyimportantwithoutbeingparticularlyldquogoodrdquo(earlyMeijiexperimentsin

approximatingthestyleofEuropeanfictionmightbeadducedasonesuchexample)

inthebestGozankanshiwefindtheconverseworksthatwerequitegoodbythe

standardsoftheshigenrendashinthebestcasesevenearningtheesteemofcriticsin

Chinandashbutwhichwerenotenormouslyimportanttothesubsequenttrajectoryof

207

Japaneseletters344EventhishoweverprobablyunderstatesthecaseforGozan

literatureforifitappearstodaytohavebeenlittlemorethanacul-de-sacin

Japaneseliteraryhistoryitbearsemphasizingthatduringthefourteenthand

fifteenthcenturiesleadingGozanliteratiwereinfactveryimportantfigureswho

helpedshapetheelitecultureofthateraandtheirwritingsyieldinsightsinto

medievalJapanesepoeticshermeneuticsandpoliticalthoughtunavailable

anywhereelseTheprincipalsubjectoftheforegoingstudyChūganEngetsu

illustratesthiswithparticularclarityEvenifoneerrsonthesideoftraditional

criticsandremainsskepticaloftheartisticmeritofawrittenmediumsofar

removedfromthespokenvernacularinthematteroforiginalityatleasttherecan

benodoubtthatChūganwasamongthemostoriginalthinkersinallofJapanese

history

SomeGozanwritingsmoreoverdidinfluencedevelopmentsbeyondthe

medievalperiodForinstanceincontradistinctiontoliteratifromhereditary

scholarfamiliesGozanliteratieagerlyembracedSongNeo-Confucianismandwere

thefirsttoproduceannotatedJapaneseeditionsofsuchfoundationalworksasZhu

344HerethereadermightaskwhethertheldquostandardsoftheshigenrerdquowhichhistoricallyspeakingderivedentirelyfromChinesemodelsconstituteanappropriatecriterionforevaluatingJapaneseshiIbelievetheydoandthatmostGozanwriterswouldhavesaidthesame(theidiosyncraticBanriShūku(1428-1502)mightbeoneexception)ItwasnotuntiltheTokugawaperiodthatJapanesekanshipoetsinordertobettertreatthequotidianaspectsofEdosocietybegantowidelyembracerhetoricthatdeviatedmarkedlyfromChinesepoeticnormsOnBanrirsquospoetryseeDavidPollackZenPoemsoftheFiveMountains(AARStudiesinReligionno37NewYorkTheCrossroadPublishingCo1985)p146ForatreatmentofQing-DynastyChineseviewsofldquoJapanizedrdquo(和習)Tokugawa-erakanshiseeGuoYing(HanshiyuhexicongldquoDongyingshixuanrdquodaoRibendeshigezijue(XiamenXiamenDaxuechubanshe2013)pp202-24andpassim

208

XirsquosCommentsontheFourBooksinSectionsandSentences(Sishuzhangjujizhu四書

章句集注)345Gozanscholarshipwouldappearintheworkofphilosophers

FujiwaraSeika(1561-1619)HayashiRazan(1583-1657)andYamazakiAnsai

(1619-82)andisthereforeimmediatelyrelevanttothestudyofNeo-Confucian

thoughtduringtheearlyTokugawaeraFinallyitshouldnotbeforgottenthatfew

Japaneseliterarymovementswhethermodernorpremodernhaverangedsofreely

acrosssovastanepistemeBuddhismConfucianismDaoismandcorrelative

cosmologyformtheintellectualmatrixoftheGozanwriterwhoseprincipalgenres

includedexpositoryessays(ron論)religiouscommentaries(sho疏)sermonsor

disquisitions(setsu説)inscriptions(mei銘)poeticrhapsodies(fu賦)ldquoclassicalrdquo

Chinesepoetry(shi詩)devotionalverses(ge偈)andinthecaseofChūganroyal

memorials(hyō表)Itisacorpusthatgenerouslyrewardscriticalinquirymaking

uniquecontributionstothestudyofintertextualityandphilosophicalsyncretism

withinaspecificallypremoderntransnationalcontext

345Shishokunten四書訓点byGiyōHōshū岐陽方秀(1361-1424)istheseminalworkinthisareabutseveralothernotableGozanscholarslecturedonNeo-Confuciantopicsafactdemonstratedbythemanysurvivingshōmotsu(altshōmono抄物)whichrecordthecontentoftheselecturesSeeYamagishiTokuheiedNihonkotenbungakutaikeivol89ldquoGozanbungakushūEdokanshishūrdquo(TokyoIwanamiShoten1966)pp14-21andAishinImaedaldquoTheZenSectsrdquoinKazuoKasaharaedPaulMcCarthyandGaynorSekimoritransAHistoryofJapaneseReligion(TokyoKosei2002)pp227-54

209

Appendix

Kanshibun Kundoku and the Japanese Language

Theanalysisofkanbun漢文proseandkanshi漢詩poetryleadsquicklyto

conceptualandterminologicaldifficultiessurroundinglanguageandorthography

Sincethe1990sthesedifficultieshavemotivatedseveralnotablechangesinthe

nomenclatureusedbyAnglophonescholarsofEastAsianliteratureswhereitwas

oncecommontoseekanbunrenderedsimplyasldquoChineserdquoandkanshiasldquopoetryin

ChineserdquophraseologiesthatdonotusethewordldquoChineserdquosuchasldquoLiterarySiniticrdquo

ldquoSino-JapaneserdquoldquoSiniticpoetryrdquoandthelikearenowprevalent346Eventheonce

ubiquitoustermldquoChinesecharacterrdquohasbeenreplacedinrecentscholarshipbythe

neologismldquoSinographrdquoandforreasonsthatwillbeaddressedbelowtheJapanese

termskanbunandkanshiarethemselvesoftenavoidedThesechangesreflect

greaterrecognitionoftwofundamentalpointsThefirstisthatthetrans-regional

reachandtrans-culturalimpactofldquoSiniticrdquowritingmakesitusefultodevelopa

nomenclaturethatdoesnotcalltomindaculturalorgeopoliticalconstructas

specificasphraseologiesinvolvingldquoChinardquoorldquoChineserdquomightHeretheskeptical

346ThephraseldquoliterarySiniticrdquoseemstohavebeenpopularizedfirstbyVictorHMairseeldquoBuddhismandtheRiseoftheWrittenVernacularinEastAsiaTheMakingofNationalLanguagesrdquoTheJournalofAsianStudies533(Aug1994)pp707-751ldquoSino-JapaneserdquoisthepreferredtranslationofkanbunforJohnTimothyWixtedseeldquoKanbunHistoriesofJapaneseLiteratureandJapanologistsrdquoinSino-JapaneseStudies102(April1998)pp23-31ldquoSiniticpoetryrdquoisusedbyMatthewFraleighandmanyothercurrentscholarstorenderkanshiseeFraleighPluckingChrysanthemumsNarushimaRyūhokuandSiniticLiteraryTraditionsinModern

Japan(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2016)p20

210

readerwillnodoubtopinethattheshiftismerelycosmeticsincethemodern

EnglishtermChinaalongwiththeJapaneseShinaPersianCīnīSanskritCīnaand

LatinSina(fromwhichisderivedtherootSino-)areallthoughttohavearisenfrom

thesamesourcenamelytheancientstateofQin秦orconceivablythestateofJing

荊347NonethelessitisdifficulttodenythatldquoSinographrdquoandsimilarneologismsdo

notsuggestmodern-daylinguisticorpolitico-culturalreferentssoreadilyTheir

relativeopacityinthisregardmakesthemwellsuitedtoapplicationinmore

specializedacademiccontextswherethemildinconvenienceofnewvocabulary

maybepreferabletotheconnotativebaggageentailedbymorecommonterms

Thesecondfundamentalpointisthatcaremustbetakentoavoidconflating

orthographywithlanguageAsamodeofinscriptionkanbunwassothoroughly

adaptedtotheJapaneselanguageviathedevelopmentofkundoku訓読that

Japanesewritersofkanbunproseandkanshipoetryneedneverhaveconceivedof

themselvesaswritinginalanguagethatwasanythingotherthanldquoJapaneserdquono

matterhowcloselythetextstheyproducedhappenedultimatelytoconformto

orthodoxChineseusageAndtheldquodomesticityrdquoofkanbunemergeswitheven

greaterclarityoutsidetherealmofhighliteratureTocountlesspremodern

governmentofficialsmerchantsandliteratewarriorskanbunbroadlyconceived

347EndymionPWilkinsonChineseHistoryAManual(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2000)p753SeealsoJoshuaAFogelldquoNewThoughtsonanOldControversyShinaasaToponymforChinardquoSino-PlatonicPapers29(Aug2012)SuZhongxiang positedthenameofthestateofJingastheoriginofthetermZhina支那whichwasfirstusedbyIndianmonksandcenturieslatergainedcurrencyinearly-modernJapanSeeldquoLunlsquoZhinarsquoyicideqiyuanyuJingdelishihewenhuardquoamp$13Lishiyanjiu134(April1979)pp34-48citedinFogelp13

211

wassimplythemostnaturalmediumofrecordforawidevarietyofordinary

workadaypurposesWhetherthedocumentstheyproducedusedSinographsin

accordancewiththesemanticandsyntacticnormsoflanguagessuchasOldChinese

(c600BCndash0AD)MiddleChinese(c0ndash800AD)ortheearlyandmiddlestages

ofMandarin(800ndash1600AD)orwhethertheywouldhavebeenintelligibleatallto

adenizenofthecontinentwasentirelyimmaterialtotheirutilityinJapan

Inthisconnectionitisimportanttorememberthatthewordldquokanbunrdquoisa

superordinatetermthatcanbeappliedtoanextremelywidespectrumoftextsIn

modernJapanesenomenclatureoneendofthisspectrumisoccupiedbywhatare

sometimescalledjunkanbun純漢文orldquopurekanbunrdquotextstheseareentirely

logographicandadherecloselytoconventionsofusagetypicalofwhatiscalled

wenyanwen文言文inmodernChinaandldquoliteraryChineserdquoorldquoclassicalChineserdquoin

theWestThisisthekindofwritingthatpredominatesthroughoutsuchworksas

Nihonshoki日本書紀(c720)Honchōmonzui本朝文粋(mid11thc)andmost

Japaneseanthologiesofshi詩poetryTherestofthespectrumisoccupiedbytexts

thatuseChinesecharactersinwaysthatdepartinvaryingdegreesfromthenorms

ofliteraryChineseSuchtextsaresometimesassignedtocategoriessetexplicitly

againstjunkanbunsuchaswashūkanbun和習漢文(ldquoJapanizedkanbunrdquo)orhentai

kanbun変体漢文(ldquodeviantkanbunrdquo)Alternativelythewritingstylemaybe

describedinreferencetoatextualcategoryofwhichitischaracteristiceg

kirokutaikanbun記録体漢文(ldquodocument-stylekanbunrdquo)whichfromapurely

linguisticperspectiveissynonymouswithldquoJapanizedrdquoorldquodeviantrdquokanbunandis

212

simplyanalternativetermonemightencounterinthefieldofJapanesediplomatics

(komonjogaku古文書学)FinallyperhapsbecauseJapanrsquosoldestextant

mythohistoricalworkKojiki古事記(710)haslongreceivedspecialvenerationits

scriptisoftendescribedasldquokanbunthatbendstherulesrdquo(hensokunokanbun変則

の漢文)amorerespectfulphraseologythanldquohentaikanbunrdquo

Worksemployinganytypeofkanbunmayofcoursebeenunciatedorldquoread

outrdquoinliteraryJapaneseviatheapplicationofkundokurulesSignificantlyfor

presentpurposesalthoughkundokuisoftenunderstoodprimarilyasamethodof

translationalreadingitcouldalsoserveasasetofinstructionsmdashaldquoprogramrdquoof

sortsmdashforcomposinginkanbunwithoutanydirectknowledgeoftheChinese

languageassuchMoreinterestingstillisthefactthatthekanbuntextresulting

fromsuchaprocedureneednotbeldquodeviantrdquoorldquoJapanizedrdquoatallToreiteratea

pointraisedearlieraJapaneseauthorwithprofoundexpertiseintheconventionsof

kundokuyetentirelyignorantofanyChinesedialectcouldintheorywriteatextin

kanbunthatisindistinguishablefromliteraryChinesetextswrittenbyChinese

authorsThepowerofkundokuisthustwo-folditenablesessentiallyanyliterary

ChinesetexttobereadasifitwereencodingmeaninginJapanesealbeitinarather

specializedregisterofJapanese(moreonthisbelow)anditenablesanauthor

speakingorthinkinginthatregistertowriteldquoJapaneserdquousingSinographsina

mannerfullyconsistentwithChineselinguisticnorms

ItisforthisreasonthatDavidLuriehascautionedagainstinvokingtheterms

ldquoJapaneserdquoandldquoChineserdquotodistinguishbetweensaythelanguageofKojikiandthat

ofNihonshokibothofwhicharewrittenentirelyinSinographsForwhileitistrue

213

thatthelatteradheresmorecloselytoliteraryChinesenormsandcanberead

smoothlyasChinesebothtextsareequallyrealizablethroughkundokuandthus

equallyreadableasJapanese348EvenaChineseworksuchastheeclecticHuainanzi

淮南子animportantsourceforthecompilersofNihonshokicouldbeapprehended

asaJapanesetextbyareaderhighlyskilledinkundokuyetsomehowunawareof

Huainanzirsquoscontinentalprovenance

Kundokuisindeedanastonishingachievementinlinguistictechnology

utterlywithoutparallelinWesternlanguagesandmoreextensivelydevelopedthan

similarsystemsknowntohaveexistedinKoreaandVietnam349Moreoverin

specificallylinguistic(asopposedtoculturalorldquoliteraryrdquo)termstheexistenceof

kundokuundeniablyunderminesthecommoncomparisonofkanbuninJapanto

LatininEuropeasLuriehasobservedwhileanearlymodernEnglishwritermight

beextremelyproficientinLatintherewasnosystematicsetofstructuralandlexical

equivalencesallowinghimtomentallyprocesswrittenLatinasEnglishYetforthe

purposesofthisstudyandforthestudyofJapanesekanshibunmoregenerallyI

believecautionisinorderwhenoptingfornomenclaturesthatinattemptingto

redressthesimplisticsuppositionsofearlierscholarshipeschewreferenceto

348LurieRealmsofLiteracyEarlyJapanandtheHistoryofWriting(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2011)p180349MethodsanalogoustokundokuareknowntohaveemergedontheKoreanPeninsulasometimepriortotheiremergenceinJapananditislikelythateacutemigreacutescholarsfromPaekcheplayedaninstrumentalroleindevelopingandpopularizingthesemethodsonthearchipelagoJapanesekundokuisuniquenotbecauseitwastheearliestsuchsystembutbecauseithasbeenincontinuousattesteduseforwelloveramillenniumanditscomplexarrayofrulesandconventionsarewelldocumentedEventodayitremainstheprincipalvehiclethroughwhichstudentsinmodernJapanbeginlearningliteraryChinese

214

ldquoChineserdquo(orldquokanbunrdquo)altogetherMypurposeisnottorejectattractiveneologistic

alternativessuchasldquoliterarySiniticrdquowhichhappenstobeanexcellentparaphrase

ofldquojunkanbunrdquoandwhichIusefrequentlythroughoutthisstudyHoweverinthe

remainderofthisessayIwillattempttohighlightsomepotentialshortcomingsof

thenewterminologyandtoarguebrieflyfortheongoingutilityoftheever

capacioussuperordinatetermldquokanbunrdquoinWestern-languageJapanological

scholarshipIwillalsoofferabriefdefensewithinspecificparametersoftheold

practiceofdescribingJapaneseworksofliterarySiniticasldquoChineserdquo

2 Between Style and Language Kundokubun and Literary Sinitic

ldquoPeople[inearlyJapan]oftendidnotreallyknowwhatlanguagetheywerewritinginChineseorJapaneseandweareofteninnobetterpositiontomakeajudgmentonthequestionwhenwestudysomeofthedocumentstheyproducedrdquo

RAMiller1967350

ldquoFromthevantagepointofscriptbothBaiJuyirsquosandMichizanersquospoemscanbecharacterizedasldquoChineserdquobutreadaloudby[MiddleCaptain]TadanobutheyarejustasequallyldquoJapaneserdquo

BrianSteininger2017351

350TheJapaneseLanguage(ChicagoUnivofChicagoPress1967)p131351ChineseLiteraryFormsinHeianJapanPoeticsandPractice(CambridgeHarvardUniversityAsiaCenter2017)p8

215

ThecourtscholarandstatesmanSugawaranoMichizane菅原道真(845-

903)wasamongthefinestshipoetsofHeianJapanThedegreetowhichhiswritten

worksmaybeviewedaslinguisticallyJapaneseoratleastnotasexclusively

Chinesedependsuponthedegreetowhichlogographicscriptcanbeunderstoodto

representtheJapaneselanguageSincekundokuclearlyliesatthecruxofthematter

itwillproveusefultoexpanduponthepointsbroachedaboveandinvestigateits

propertiesmorecloselyTobeginitisimportanttorecognizethatthekundoku

registerisnoticeablydifferentfromthatofvernacularJapaneseproseandpoetryof

anytimeperiodadmittingmanyphraseologiesfoundnowhereelseintheJapanese

language352Thekundokuregisterevenincludessomephraseologiesthatstrictly

speakingareungrammaticalbythestandardsofvernacularJapanese353Whilea

352ItmightbeobjectedthatourcurrentunderstandingoftheprecisekundokurulestaughtindifferenttimeperiodsoratparticulartemplesoracademiesistooincompletetopositsuchawholesaledisjunctionbetweenkundokuandvernacularJapaneseItistruethatthekundokumethodswidelytaughttodaygenerallyrepresentconventionscurrentinthenineteenthcenturyandthatthetechniquesofagreatmanypremodernschoolsofkundokuhavebeenlosttohistorySomesurelyhewednearertovernaculardictionthanothersbutaswillbeshownbelowanytruekundokusystemndashonethatpermitsboththereadingandcompositionoflogographiclocutionsndashwillrunupagainstchallengesthatmakedeparturesfromvernacularJapaneseusageessentiallyinevitableAtbottomthisisbecausevernacularJapanesecannotbefullyencodedlogographicallyatleastsolongastheonlylogographsatyourdisposalareldquoSinographsrdquo353Anexampleistheenunciationofthepossessiveparticlenousedtoglossthecharacter之insentencessuchas仕王之人ldquoapersonwhoservesthekingrdquoThismaybereadviakundokuasldquoŌnitsukaurunohitordquodespitethefactthattheparticlenoisnotusedinvernacularJapanesetosubordinatenounstoverbssuchrelativeclausesareformedbydirectlymodifyingthesubordinatenounwiththeverbinaspecificconjugationcalledtherentaikei連体形HeretheJapaneseverbtsukau(tsukafu)whichisthekundokuglossfor仕isalreadyinitsrentaikeiformtsukauru(tsukafuru)makingnosemanticallysuperfluousandindeedgrammaticallyldquowrongrdquoThoughtheviolationdoesnotcompromiseintelligibilitytheeffectisperhapsakintosayinginEnglishsomethingalongthelinesofldquoapersonwhodoesservesthekingrdquo

216

fullaccountingofthesefeatureswouldnecessitatetoolengthyadigressionclose

examinationofoneexampleshouldhelpclarifyboththepowerandthelimitations

ofkundokuasaninterlingualmediumAsamethodoftranslationalreading

kundokuiseasilyappliedtoalogographiclocutionsuchasthis王為臣之所尊ldquothe

kingisesteemedbyhisministerrdquoWhiledifferentkundokutraditionscanbe

expectedtoproducedifferentrenderingstwobroadapproachesmaybeidentified

namelythatofmetaphraseandthatofparaphraseTheformerseekstopreservea

senseofalterityandtomaintainmaximumlinguisticfidelitytothesourcetext

theseprioritiesleadtoaJapaneserenditionsuchasŌshinnotōtomutokorotonasu

王臣の尊む所と為すThelatterbycontrastmightresultinthesomewhatmore

liberalŌwashinnitōtomaru王は臣に尊まるThissentenceuseseveryday

JapanesegrammarandbetraysnoconnectiontologographicwritingorldquoChineserdquo

savepossiblyforthetermsldquokingrdquoandldquoministerrdquowhichdoappearfrequentlyinthe

ChineseclassicsBothoftheseapproachesareinfacttaughtinmodernkanbun

textbooksasequallyvalidstandardwaysofhandlingtheliteraryChineseldquopassiverdquo

constructionX為Y(之)所VwhichmeansldquoXisV-edbyYrdquo354Yetitisapparent

howdramaticallythetworenditionsdifferThemetaphraseattemptstoaccountfor

asmanylexicalelementsintheoriginalsentenceaspossibleandconsequentlyit

354TechnicallythisstructureshouldprobablynotbelabeledldquopassiverdquoasitsimplymeansldquoXisthatwhichYV-srdquoTheword所constituteswhathistoricallinguistEdwinPulleyblanktermsaldquorelativepronounrdquoitsfunctionistotransformtheverborverbphraseitprecedesintoanounphraseeg買=ldquotobuyrdquo所買=ldquothatwhichonebuysrdquoorldquothatwhichisboughtrdquoForpedagogicalpurposeshoweverthisconstructionisoftenpresentedinbothEnglish-languageandJapanese-languagetextbooksofliteraryChineseasoneofseveralgrammaticalpatternsexpressingthepassivevoice

217

departsfromvernacularJapaneseusageparticularlyinitscharacteristic(though

notungrammatical)useoftokorotorenderthespecialpronoun所355Likea

smudgeonaphotographoramicrophoneboominamoviescenethepresenceof

lexicalelementsredolentofthekundokuregisterisalinguisticpunctumreminding

thereaderthattheotherwiseJapaneselocutionldquotōtomutokorotonasurdquois

stylisticallyconnectedtotheworldofkanbun

BycontrastthesecondreadingconstitutesavernacularJapaneseparaphrase

completewithpostpositionalparticles(wani)notpresentanywhereintheoriginal

alongwithaJapaneseverbconjugationthatexpressesthepassivevoiceChineseof

courseisanuninflectedlanguageandhasnoverbconjugationswhatsoever

Consideredtogetherthesetworenderingsof王為臣之所尊revealthedifficultyin

acceptingtheviewthatkundokucaneverbequiteasldquoinvisiblerdquoassomescholars

haveimpliedeitheronemustoptforametaphrasethatinFriedrich

Schleiermacherrsquosterminologywillgenerateatleastamildsenseofldquoalienationrdquoin

thetargetlanguageoronemustoptforaparaphraseandtherebyldquonaturalizerdquothe

355Like所inEarlyChinesethebasicsenseoftheJapanesewordtokoroisldquoplacerdquoorldquolocationrdquoItadmitsawiderangeofextendedusesincludingdesignatingaldquopointintimerdquooraldquopartrdquoofsomething(egomoshirokarikerutokoro=ldquothepartIfounddelightfulrdquo)BythemedievalperiodusesderivingfromtheliterarySinitic所constructionareseeninworksofJapaneseprosethatseekspecificallytoreplicatetheformalauthoritativeregisterofliterarySiniticHenceinthefirstchapterofHeikemonogatariwehaveminkannoureurutokorooshirazarishikaba=ldquobecause(rulerslikeZhaoGaoofQinandWangMangofHan)wereignorantofthepeoplersquosdistresshelliprdquoTheuseoftokorotomakerelativeclausessuchastsukurutokoronoteraldquothetemplesthatwerebuiltrdquostemsdirectlyfromkundokupracticessomethingveryneartothiswasalmostcertainlyhowtheliterarySiniticphrase所造之寺whichappearsinBook25ofNihonshoki(Taika188)wasenunciatedSuchrelativeclausesarefoundoccasionallyinvernacularproseegkorosutokoronotorildquothebirdsthathekilledrdquo(Tsurezuregusa162)butarefarlesscommonthanalternatives

218

sourcetext356ThefirstapproachmakeskundokuvisiblebyusingJapanesewordsin

distinctiveorunusualwayswhileinthelatterkundokubecomesvisibleduringits

applicationtothesourcetextbecauseoftheinterpolationofwordsorgrammatical

elementsnotpresentthere

Significantlythissameslippageisalsoseenwhenkundokuisused

productivelyasameanstofacilitatelogographicwritingSupposethataJapanese

writerseekstorepresenttheJapanesesentencemukowashūtonihomeraretari

(ldquothegroomwaspraisedbyhisfather-in-lawrdquo)entirelylogographicallywhichisto

sayinldquogoodrdquokanbunthatupholdsliteraryChinesenormsHowmighthedoit

Therearemanyoptionsandthishappenstobequiteaneasysentencetohandle

butanyrepresentationourwriterchooseswillinevitablyendupelidingsome

elementsofJapanesegrammarSinographsareafterallclosedmorphemesthat

cannotbedeclinedorconjugatedorotherwisealteredanditisimpossibleto

modifythemwithothercharacterstoeffectivelyindicateallJapaneseinflectional

endingsEventhesimplestJapanesesentencewilltypicallyinvolvechoicesoftense

andmodalitythatmusteitherbeleftunexpressedinkanbunormustbe

approximatedimperfectlybyadverbialauxiliariesManyofthemostcommon

Japaneseinflectingsuffixessuchaskiritsunurashimeriandnumerousothers

havenoconventionalkanbunequivalentsmeaningthatthevastbulkofJapanese

356OntheldquoinvisibilityrdquoofkundokuseeSemizuYukinoldquoInvisibleTranslationReadingChineseTextsinAncientJapanrdquoinTranslatingOtherspp283-295

219

locutionsthatarenotalreadyinthekundokuregistercannotbefullyencodedin

kanbunatall357

AdditionallytherearealsoawiderangeofJapaneselocutionsthatcanbe

encodedinkanbunbutonlywiththeinclusionoflexicalelementsthatareeither

awkwardornonsensicalinliterarySiniticForinstanceletusimaginealocution

suchasldquoLordTokihirahasnowboardedtheboatrdquoAsentencewiththismeaning

couldconceivablyappearinaJapanesehistoricaldocumentasTokihira-donowa

funeninorashimetamaiowannuandbewritteninkanbunas時平殿令乘給船畢

ManyelementshereareunusualinliterarySiniticandthecharacters令～給which

mayappearinavarietyofpositionsandrendertheJapanesehonorificconstruction

shimetamaumakenosensewhatsoever358Andwecouldgofurtherstillsuppose

357ThisproblemmayofcoursebesolvedifonedepartsfromliterarySiniticandallowsdesemanticizedcharacterstobemixedinaswiththeso-calledsenmyō-gaki宣命書きorldquoproclamationstylerdquoofwritingusedduringtheNaraandearlyHeianperiodsInthisstylethelocutionmukowashūtonihomeraretarimightbewritten婿者舅仁褒良礼多利wherethedesemanticizedcharactersaremadegraphicallysmallerndashacommontechniqueinsenmyō-gakindashandfunctionlikeokuriganainmodernJapaneseIndeedthisapproachdemonstratesthatanessentiallymodernmixofgraphicallydistinctlogographicandphonographicscriptorderedaccordingtoJapanesesyntaxwashituponquiteearly358Inmedievalandearly-moderndocumentssomeattestedexamplesofldquodeviantrdquokanbuncomestrikinglyclosetovernacularChineseeg見了返給mi-owaritekaeshitamauldquo(he)returneditafterlookingitoverrdquoHere給isstillconstruedasthehonorificsuffixtamauYetthesentencecanbereadinmodernMandarinwith給pronouncedasgei(areadingnotusedinclassicalChinese)andinterpretedtomeansomethinglikeldquo(he)lookedatitandgaveitbackrdquoTheexampleistakenfromKarikomeHitoshi苅米一志Nihon-shiomanabutamenokomonjokokirokukundokuhō日本史を学ぶための古文書古記録訓読法(TokyoYoshikawaKōbunkan2016)p73VocabularyitemsdrawnfromvernacularChinesesuchasjinmo甚麼(ldquowhatrdquo)andshashi這些(ldquothistheserdquo)doappearinZenwritingsanditseemspossiblethatcertainidiosyncraticusagesobservedinldquodeviantrdquokanbunwereadaptedfromorinspiredbyvernacularChinese

220

thetextweretosayTokihira-donowaeumajikarikeruonnaomotometamaikemuldquoIt

wouldseemLordTokihirapursuedaladywhowasimpossibletowinrdquoSucha

sentencemayofcoursebetranslatedintokanbunwhetherldquopurerdquoorldquodeviantrdquobut

itcannotbewritteninkanbun

Returningfinallytothesomewhateasierchallengeposedinitiallyour

hypotheticalwritermightverywellchoosetorepresentthesentencemukowashūto

nihomerarekerias婿為舅之所褒whichhappenstosharetheexactsamestructure

astheearlierexample王為臣之所尊forwhichweadvancedtwopossiblekundoku

renderingsNotethelackofanyexplicitmarkerindicatingthepasttenseThisisin

factentirelynormallocutionsinliterarySinitictypicallyrelyuponcontextandthe

readerrsquoscommonsenseforthedeterminationoftensewhichmeansthatanyother

representationourwriterchooseseg婿褒於舅婿被舅褒etcwillbeunableto

provideametaphrasetheJapaneseinflectionalendingkeri359

Thepointoftheforegoingissimplytosaythatifwewishtoavoida

nomenclaturethatoveremphasizesthealterityofkanbunorthatimpliestoofacilea

dichotomybetweenwhatisnativeandwhatisforeignwemustalsorecognizethat

asamediumofinscriptionkanbunbyitselfcanonlyeverrepresentaspecific

registeroftheJapaneselanguageandthattheaccuracyofsucharepresentationwill

oftencomeattheexpenseoffidelitytoliterarySiniticnormsSowhatisthe

359Theverbalprefix被whichmayindicatethepassivevoiceinmodernMandarinbutisgenerallynotusedassuchinorthodoxliterarySiniticbecameacommonplaceindicatoroftheJapanesepassiveconjugation~ruraruinldquoJapanizedrdquokanbunwritingsofthemedievalandearly-modernperiodsSincethisconjugationmayalsobeusedasanhonorific被wasusedinthissenseaswellwiththecommonhonorificverbnasarufrequentlyseenas被成or被為inhistoricaldocuments

221

current-dayscholartodoMyprovisionalansweristwofoldFirstretaintheterm

kanbunanditsrelatives(kanshikanshibun)whilerecognizingthatlike

innumerableothertermstocapturetheattentionofculturalandliterarytheorists

(ldquonationrdquoldquosignrdquoldquotextrdquoetc)thesedenotesomethingmorecomplexthanhas

traditionallybeenappreciatedUsefullykanbunandkanshimaystillbeunderstood

toencodemeaninginJapanesendashbearinginmindthelitanyoflimitationsoutlined

abovendashyetthetermsthemselvesmakenoclaimonwhetheranindividualauthorof

apurelylogographicworkthoughtofhimselfaswritinginJapaneseorinChinese

ThephrasesldquoLiterarySiniticrdquoandldquoSiniticpoetryrdquoareofcourseusefulinthisway

toobuttheyaresuitedexclusivelytologographicworksintelligiblethroughoutthe

Sinosphereandarequiteinapplicabletowritingsinldquodeviantrdquokanbun

AdmittedlytheJapanesetermscomeatapriceThecentraldownsidetoa

termsuchaskanbunisthatitparticipatesinexorablyinthefamousdyadicrelation

ofldquowa-kanrdquo和漢mostfrequentlyandovertlybybeingpairedwiththetermwabun

和文ldquoJapaneseproserdquoInmodernusagethewa-kandyadtendstoimplyan

ontologyinwhichculturalandlinguisticphenomenafromanyeraareyokedtoan

ostensiblytranshistoricalJapanesenationalidentitywaisldquoJapaneserdquoinalltheways

salienttothemodernprojectofunitinglanguagecultureandethnicityunderthe

rubricofnationhood360Itneedhardlybesaidthatsuchaviewencourages

kan(bun)tobeconceivedofassomethingculturallyandlinguisticallynon-Japanese

anarrowandanachronisticconceptionthatisbeliedpartlybytheinterlingual

360AdetailedanalysisoftheseissuesisgiveninJasonWebbldquoBeyondWa-KanNarratingKanshiReceptionandSociolectsofPoetryrdquoinProceedingsfortheAssociationofJapaneseLiteraryStudies5(Summer2004)pp245-259

222

propertiesofkundokuandunderminedcompletelybytheenormouswelterof

historicaldocumentsthatwhilewritteninkanbunareonlyunderstandableas

JapaneselinguisticartifactsStillitisimportantthatadeconstructionofthe

metaphysicsinformingmodernnationhoodnotleadtotheequallymisguidednotion

thatpremodernJapaneseliteratipossessednosenseofldquoJapanrdquoasasingular

geopoliticalentityorofldquoJapaneserdquoasameaningfulculturalandlinguisticcategory

Evidenceofaconsciousnessthatabsentaconvenientadjectivalformoftheword

ldquocountryrdquocanmostreasonablybecalledldquonationalrdquoisidentifiableamong

archipelaganelitesforasfarbackasthetextualrecordextends361Thisinitself

doesnotconstituteareasontoapproveofthetermskanbunandkanshiitisnoted

onlytorejectthepositionthatmereparticipationinmoderndiscoursesconcerning

nationalidentityandnationalliteraturemustfatallycompromisethem

Somescholarshaveavoidedthetermkanbunbecauseitsliteralmeaning

ldquoHan(Chinese)writingrdquoseemstoeffacetheinterlingualcharacteroflogographic

writinginJapanThisisafairpointthoughsomeoftheproposedalternativessuch

361ItisinterestingtonoteinthisconnectionthatthetermldquointernationalrdquoiswidelyusedincurrentscholarshiptodescribeintercoursebetweenpremodernEastAsianpolitiesItsWestphalianringnotwithstandingsuchadescriptionisnotaltogetherinaccurateforanimaginedcommunityinthesenseofBenedictAndersonneednotbeheldtoexistamongageneralpopulaceforsomethingquitesimilartobepresentamongthesmallcadreofindividualsinvolvedindomesticadministrationdiplomacyandoverseastradeWithrespecttolanguageinparticularakeenawarenessofthelinguisticdifferencesbetweenwhatwasspokenonthearchipelagoandwhatcouldbesetdowninorthodoxliterarySiniticispossiblysuggestedbyŌnoYasumarorsquosfamousprefacetoKojikiIbelievethatitisthoughLurieconteststhisinterpretationForhisargumentsseeRealmsofLiteracypp247-50andtheextensivediscussionofYasumarorsquosprefaceinLurieldquoTheOriginsofWritinginEarlyJapanFromthe1sttothe8thCenturyCErdquo(PhDDissertationColumbiaUniversity2001)pp300-10

223

asdescribingproseorpoetryasldquoChinese-stylerdquo362seemtopresenttheirown

problemsHerethephraseldquoChinesestylerdquoisreallynolessvaguethantheldquokanrdquoin

kanbunorkanshiandthehighlyelastictermldquostylerdquobegsadditionalquestionsFor

instancepracticalkanbundocumentsthoughsetexclusivelyinSinographsmayuse

mostlyJapanesevocabularyandshowlittletonoawarenessofChineseliterarystyle

ConverselysomeJapaneseproseworksoftheMeijiperiodwerecomposedina

registerveryneartokundokubuncompletewithvocabularydrawndirectlyfrom

theChineseclassics363ArebothldquoChinesestylerdquoalbeitindifferentwaysOrdoes

onlyone(orperhapsneither)qualifyassuchAgainmypurposeisnottorejectout

ofhandthephraseldquoChinesestylerdquowhichisusefulinasmuchasitclearlyindicates

someconnectiontotheChineseliterarytraditionwithoutplacingtheworkit

describesexclusivelywithinthattraditionThispointleadstothethorniest

questionofallnamelywhetherworksbyJapaneseauthorsthatdocomportwith

literaryChinesenormscaneverbelegitimatelytermedldquoChineserdquo

ThequestionhaspracticalaswellastheoreticalimplicationsInthesummer

of2000theLibraryofCongressadoptedanewclassificationschemeforkanshibun

materialsmovingfromascript-basedSinocentricsystemtoonebasedsquarelyon

362FraleighnotesthatsomescholarshaveusedthephraseldquoChinese-stylepoetryrdquotodenoteshicomposedbynon-ChineseauthorsincontradistinctiontoldquoChinesepoetryrdquowhichisreservedforshicomposedbyChineseauthorsSeePluckingChrysanthemumsp20363ForexampleNiwaJunrsquoichirōrsquosKaryūshunwa花柳春話(1877)aJapanesetranslationofEdwardBulwer-LyttonrsquosErnestMaltraverscleavessocloselytothekundokuregisterthatitslanguageissaidtobeldquokanbunkuzushirdquo漢文崩しastylemeanttoreplicatethekundokurenderingofliterarySiniticForanexaminationofthistextseeIndraLevySirensoftheWesternShoreTheWesternesqueFemmeFataleTranslationandVernacularStyleinModernJapaneseLiterature(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2006)pp29-31

224

nationalprovenancePriortothatdatesuchmaterialshadbeenshelvedaccording

toChinesedynasticchronologyandinterfiledwithworksbyChineseandKorean

authorstoWesternbibliographerstheseworkswereunifiedbythefactthatthey

wereallwritteninclassicalChinese364Thechangebearssignificantlyuponour

earlierdiscussionofterminologyforbyshelvingcollectionsofshipoetryby

JapaneseauthorsalongsidecollectionsofwakafromthesameperiodofJapanese

historythenewarrangementstronglyimpliesthatbothareequallyapartof

ldquoJapaneseliteraturerdquoanditatleastleavesopenthepossibilitythattheformermay

evenbeviewedaslinguisticallyJapaneseThenewapproachseemstomean

improvementovertheoldthoughitdoesunavoidablyreinforcethenationasthe

preeminentframeworkfororganizingliteraryscholarshipsomethingthatmaybe

especiallymisleadingwhendealingwithworksinliterarySiniticIndeeditisquite

conceivablethatprominentGozanliteratisuchasZekkaiChūshin絶海中津(1336-

1405)orRyūzanTokken龍山徳見(1284-1358)mightwellhavepreferredtheir

workstoappearwiththoseoftheircontemporarieswhetherJapaneseChineseor

KoreanwhoalsowroteinliterarySinitic365Allwereheirtoaculturallegacywhose

fountainheadwasChinabutwhosescopewaspan-Asianandallwouldhaveviewed

themselvesasoperatingwithinabroadlyConfucianintellectualepistemethatby

364OnthisseeFraleighPluckingChrysanthemumspp7-8365ZekkaiissometimesregardedasthegreatestshipoetinJapanesehistoryhehadthehonorofexchangingpoemswiththefirstemperoroftheMingDynastywhowascuriousaboutJapanandsummonedZekkaiforanaudiencein1376RyūzanemigratedtoChinain1301whenhewasseventeenandbecamewellestablishedintheChancommunityhedidnotreturntoJapanforalmost50years

225

theTangDynastywasbeingreferencedwithcharacteristicpithandsolemnityas

ldquoThisCulturerdquo(CsiwenJshibunKsimun斯文)

Therelevanceofthistotheproblemathandissimplythatweshouldbeopen

tothepossibilitythatatleastinsomecasestheEnglishphraseldquoinChineserdquomight

comeclosesttoconveyinghowapremodernJapanesewriterofliterarySinitic

actuallyconceivedofhisownenterpriseIndeedeventoadedicatedshipoetofthe

TokugawaperiodwhohadalmostsurelyneverleftJapanandmightneverhave

studiedspokenChinesetheapplicationtoonersquospoetryoftheepithetldquoJapanizedrdquo

washū和習和臭wasascathingindictment366Tobesuretheselfimageof

premodernkanshibunwriterslargelyirrecoverableanyhowprovidesnolinguistic

reasonatalltousethewordldquoChineserdquoinreferencetotheirworksAfteralla

languageinSaussureantermsissimplyasystemofrulesthroughwhichverbal

meaning-makingisaccomplishedandaswehavealreadyseenkundokuisasystem

thatallowsatleastapartialtransmutationofChineseintoJapaneseandviceversa

ThismeansthatalocutionwritteninliterarySiniticmustqualifyasaparoleinboth

languagessimultaneouslyrenderingthetermldquoChineserdquoincompletebyitselfYet

masteryofliterarySiniticasamodeofinscriptionnecessarilyimpliesmasteryofthe

rulesndashsyntacticsemanticandpragmaticndashofthelanguageofliteraryChinese

HereitisimportanttonotethatalthoughliteraryChineseunlikeMiddleChineseor

Mandarinisaconventionalizedwrittenlanguagewithnouniquephonologyitis

rootedinthespokenvernacularofWarringStatesChinaandcertainlyqualifiesasa

366FraleighPluckingChrysanthemumsp8

226

ldquolanguagerdquo367TothisextentaJapaneseauthorcapableofproducingalogographic

textconsistentwiththenormsofliteraryChineseevenifhedoessoentirelyby

renderingkundokubunintokanbunmustnecessarilyknowtheliteraryChinese

languageItisinthissenseofknowingtherulesthatitisdefensibletoclaimthat

themostimportantculturalachievementinearlyJapanwasindeedldquothemasteryof

theChineselanguagerdquo368

367MichaelFullerAnIntroductiontoLiteraryChinese(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter1999)p1368EdwinCranstonldquoAsukaandNaraCultureLiteracyLiteratureandMusicrdquoinTheCambridgeHistoryofJapanvol1(CambridgeUKCambridgeUnivPress1993)p453TheaccuracyofthestatementcouldofcoursebeimprovedbyspecifyingldquoliteraryrdquoChinese

227

BibliographyAkatsukaKiyoshi赤塚忠Zenshakukanbuntaikei全釈漢文大系vol16ldquoSōshirdquo荘子(TokyoShueisha1974)ArbuckleGaryldquoInevitableTreasonDongZhongshursquosTheoryofHistoricalCyclesandEarlyAttemptstoInvalidatetheHanMandaterdquoJournaloftheAmericanOrientalSociety1154(1995)pp585-97AshikagaEnjutsu足利衍述KamakuraMuromachijidainojukyō鎌倉室町時代の儒教(TokyoNihonKotenZenshūKankōkai1932)BattenBruceGatewaytoJapan(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress2006)BerryMaryElizabethTheCultureofCivilWarinKyoto(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1994)BolPeterKldquoThisCultureofOursrdquoIntellectualTransitionsinTrsquoangandSungChina(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1992)BorgenRobertSugawaranoMichizaneandtheEarlyHeianCourt(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress1994)BrittanSimonPoetrySymbolandAllegory(CharlottesvilleUnivofVirginiaPress2003)BurnsSusanBeforetheNationKokugakuandtheImaginingofCommunityinEarlyModernJapan(DurhamDukeUnivPress2003)CaiZong-QildquoRecent-StyleShiPoetryPentasyllabicRegulatedVerserdquoinZong-QiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetry(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2008)pp161-77CailloisRogerMeyerBarashtransManPlayandGames(UrbanaUnivofIllinoisPress2001)ChangKang-iSunTheEvolutionofChineseTrsquozuPoetryFromLateTrsquoangtoNorthernSung(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1980)ChenShuifeng陳水逢Ribenwenmingkaihuashiluumle日本文明開化史略(TaipeiTaiwanshangwuyinshuguan1993)

228

ChenZhuhui陳竺慧ldquoNomuraKōennolsquogashirsquotoShindainoshidansonoeibutsushiotegakarinirdquo野村篁園の「雅詞」と清代の詞壇その詠物詞を手がかりにWasedaDaigakudaigakuinbungakukenkyūkakiyō62(Mar2017)pp203-215CollcuttMartinldquoBuddhismTheThreatofEradicationrdquoinMariusBJansenandGilbertRozmanedsJapaninTransitionFromTokugawatoMeiji(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1986)pp143-167mdashmdashmdashFiveMountainsTheRinzaiZenMonasticInstitutioninMedievalJapan(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1981)CranstonEdwinldquoAsukaandNaraCultureLiteracyLiteratureandMusicrdquoinTheCambridgeHistoryofJapanvol1(CambridgeUKCambridgeUnivPress1993)CsikszentmihalyiMarkReadingsinHanChineseThought(IndianapolisHackett2006)mdashmdashmdashandPhillipJIvanhoeedsReligiousandPhilosophicalAspectsoftheLaozi(NewYorkSUNYSeriesinChinesePhilosophyandCulture1999)deBaryWmTheodoreedSourcesofJapaneseTradition(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1958)DumoulinHeinrichZenBuddhismAHistoryvol2(BloomingtonWorldWisdom1994)EganRonaldCldquoTheProblemoftheReputeofTzrsquouDuringtheNorthernSungrdquoinYuedVoicesoftheSongLyricpp191-225mdashmdashmdashldquoShiPoetryAncientandRecentStylesrdquoinCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetrypp308-25FelburRafalldquoEssaysofSengzhaordquoinThreeShortTreatisesbyVasubandhuSengzhaoandZongmi(MoragaBDKAmerica2017)pp47-135FraleighMatthewPluckingChrysanthemumsNarushimaRyūhokuandSiniticLiteraryTraditionsinModernJapan(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2016)FullerMichaelAnIntroductiontoLiteraryChinese(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter1999)GobleAndrewEdmundKenmuGo-DaigorsquosRevolution(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1996)

229

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KamimuraKankō上村觀光Gozanbungakuzenshū五山文學全集vol2(TokyoGozanBungakuZenshūKankōkai1936)mdashmdashmdashGozanbungakushōshi五山文學小史(TokyoShōkabō1906)KandaKiichirō神田喜一郎NihonniokeruChūgokubungaku日本における中国文学vol1(TokyoNigensha1965)KarataniKōjinKanoAyakoandJosephMurphytransldquoOnthePowertoConstructrdquoinKarataniKōjinOriginsofModernJapaneseLiterature(DurhamDukeUnivPress1993)pp136-72KarikomeHitoshi苅米一志Nihon-shiomanabutamenokomonjokokirokukundokuhō日本史を学ぶための古文書古記録訓読法(TokyoYoshikawaKōbunkan2016)KasamatsuHitoshietaledsNihonshisōtaikei日本思想大系vol22ldquoChūseiseijishakaishisōrdquo中世政治社会思想pt2(TokyoIwanamiShoten1981)KawaguchiHisao川口久雄Heianchōnokanbungaku平安朝の漢文学(TokyoYoshikawaKōbunkan1981)KitamuraSawakichi北村澤吉Gozanbungakushikō五山文学史稿(TokyoFūzanbō1941)KondōHaruo近藤春雄Haku-shimonjūtokokubungakushingafushinchūginnokenkyū白氏文集と国文学新楽府秦中吟の研究(TokyoMeijishoin1990)KurozumiMakotoDavidLurietransldquoKangakuWritingandInstitutionalAuthorityrdquoinHaruoShiraneedInventingtheClassicsModernityNationalIdentityandJapaneseLiterature(StanfordStanfordUnivPress2000)pp201-19LaFleurWilliamRTheKarmaofWords(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1983)LevyIndraSirensoftheWesternShoreTheWesternesqueFemmeFataleTranslationandVernacularStyleinModernJapaneseLiterature(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2006)LianXindaldquoLongSongLyrics(Manci)rdquoinZong-qiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetry(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2008)pp262-85LiaoMeiyun廖美雲Yuan-Baixinyuefuyanjiu元白新樂府研究(TaipeiTaiwanxueshengshuju1989)

231

LiebenthalWalterChaoLunTheTreatisesofSeng-chao(HongKongHongKongUnivPress1968)LinShuen-fuldquoTheFormationofaDistinctGenericIdentityforTzrsquourdquoinPaulineYuedVoicesoftheSongLyricinChina(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1994)pp3-29LiuPeipei劉佩佩ldquolsquoShuihuzhuanrsquolimayanjiujiqizaiHuayuwenjiaoxuezhongdeyiyirdquo《水滸傳》詈罵語研究及其在華語文教學中的意義(MAThesisNationalChengchiUniversity2011)LoeweMichaelDongZhongshuAlsquoConfucianrsquoHeritageandtheChunqiuFanlu(BostonBrill2011)mdashmdashmdashDivinationMythologyandMonarchyinHanChina(NewYorkCambridgeUnivPress1994)mdashmdashmdashldquoImperialSovereigntyDongZhongshursquosContributionandHisPredecessorsrdquoinSRSchramedFoundationsandLimitsofStatePowerinChina(LondonSchoolofOrientalandAfricanStudiesUnivofLondon1987)pp33-57LurieDavidBarnettldquoTheOriginsofWritinginEarlyJapanFromthe1sttothe8thCenturyCErdquo(PhDDissertationColumbiaUniversity2001)mdashmdashmdashRealmsofLiteracyEarlyJapanandtheHistoryofWriting(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2011)MairVictorHldquoBuddhismandtheRiseoftheWrittenVernacularinEastAsiaTheMakingofNationalLanguagesrdquoTheJournalofAsianStudies533(Aug1994)pp707-51mdashmdashmdashWanderingontheWayEarlyTaoistTalesandParablesofChuangTzu(NewYorkBantamBooks1994)MajorJohnSetaledsTheHuainanziAGuidetotheTheoryandPracticeofGovernmentinEarlyHanChina(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2010)MaruyamaMasaoMikisoHanetransStudiesintheIntellectualHistoryofTokugawaJapan(TokyoTheUnivofTokyoPress1974)MatsuiToshihiko松井利彦ldquoMasaokaShikishūrdquo正岡子規集inItōSei伊藤整edNihonkindaibungakutaikei日本近代文学大系vol16(TokyoKadokawaShoten1972)

232

MatsuoHatsuko松尾肇子ldquoGozanZenrinniokerushinojuyōrdquo五山禅林における詞の受容Fengxu風絮13(Dec2016)pp60-82McCulloughHelenCraigBrocadebyNightKokinWakashūandtheCourtStyleinJapaneseClassicalPoetry(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1985)McGannJeromeTheTextualCondition(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1991)McRaeJohnRTheNorthernSchoolandtheFormationofEarlyChrsquoanBuddhism(KurodaInstituteStudiesinEastAsianBuddhismno3HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress1986)MurphyReganEldquoEsotericBuddhistTheoriesofLanguageinearlyKokugakuTheSōshakuoftheManrsquoyōdaishokirdquoJapaneseJournalofReligiousStudies361(2009)pp65-91NakajimaChiaki中島千秋Shinshakukanbuntaikei新釈漢文大系vol80ldquoMonzenfuhenrdquo文選賦篇pt2(TokyoMeijiShoin1977)NienhauserJrWilliamHetaledsTheGrandScribersquosRecordsvol1(BloomingtonIndianaUnivPress1994)NogawaHiroyuki野川博之ldquoGozanni-ryūgakusōnotenshiseisakuRyūzanChūgannoMokurengerdquo五山二留學僧の塡詞製作 龍山中巖の木蘭花Chūgokubungakukenkyū中国文学研究25(1999)pp96-109mdashmdashmdashldquoChūganEngetsunoSōshishōkai中巖圓月の宋詞紹介Chūgokubungakukenkyū中国文学研究26(1999)pp71-84OwenStephenTheEndoftheChineseMiddleAgesEssaysinMid-TangLiteraryCulture(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1996)mdashmdashmdashTraditionalChinesePoetryandPoetics(TaipeiSouthernMaterialsCenter1985)mdashmdashmdashReadingsinChineseLiteraryThought(CambridgeHarvard-YenchingInstitute1992)mdashmdashmdashThePoetryofMengChiaoandHanYu(NewHavenYaleUnivPress1975)PlaksAndrewArchetypeandAllegoryintheDreamoftheRedChamber(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1976)PollackDavidZenPoemsoftheFiveMountains(AARStudiesinReligionno37NewYorkTheCrossroadPublishingCo1985)

233

PulleyblankEdwinGLexiconofReconstructedPronunciationinEarlyMiddleChineseLateMiddleChineseandEarlyMandarin(VancouverUnivofBritishColumbiaPress1991)Ramirez-ChristensenEsperanzaMurmuredConversationsATreatiseonPoetryandBuddhismbythePoet-MonkShinkei(StanfordStanfordUnivPress2008)RenBantang任半塘Tangshengshi唐聲詩(ShanghaiXinhuaShudian1982)SameiMajiaBellldquoCiPoetryShortSongLyrics(Xiaoling)rdquoinZong-qiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetrypp245-48SchirokauerConradABriefHistoryofChineseandJapaneseCivilizations(SanDiegoHarcourtBraceJovanovich1989)SchoferJonathanWldquoVirtuesinXunzirsquosThoughtrdquoinTCKlineandPhilipJIvanhoeedsVirtueNatureandMoralAgencyintheXunzi(IndianapolisHackett2000)pp69-88SemizuYukinoldquoInvisibleTranslationReadingChineseTextsinAncientJapanrdquoinTheoHermansTranslatingOthers(ManchesterStJeromePublishing2006)SharfRobertHComingtoTermswithChineseBuddhismAReadingoftheTreasureStoreTreatise(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress2002)ShihVincentYu-chungTheLiteraryMindandtheCarvingofDragonsAStudyofThoughtandPatterninChineseLiterature(HongKongTheChineseUniversityPress1983)ShimizuShigeru清水茂etaledsShinNihonkotenbungakutaikei新日本古典文学大系vol65ldquoNihonshishiGozandōshiwardquo日本詩史五山堂史話(TokyoIwanamiShoten1991)ShiraneHaruoldquoCurriculumandCompetingCanonsrdquoinShiraneandTomikoYodaedsInventingtheClassics(StanfordStanfordUnivPress2000)pp220-249SlingerlandEdwardAnalects(IndianapolisHackett2003)SmithRichardJFathomingtheCosmosandOrderingtheWorldTheYijing(I-ChingorClassicofChanges)andItsEvolutioninChina(CharlottesvilleUnivofVirginiaPress2008)SteinengerBrianChineseLiteraryFormsinHeianJapanPoeticsandPractice(CambridgeHarvardUniversityAsiaCenter2017)

234

SuZhongxiangldquoLunlsquoZhinarsquoyicideqiyuanyuJingdelishihewenhuardquoamp$13Lishiyanjiu134(April1979)pp34-48SunRongcheng孫容成ldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquo中巌円月の思想と文学(PhDDissBeijingForeignStudiesUniversity2012)TamakakeHiroyuki玉懸博之Nihonchūseishisōshikenkyū日本中世思想史研究(TokyoPerikansha1998)TamamuraTakeji玉村竹二Gozanbungakushinshū五山文學新集vol4(TokyoTōkyōDaigakuShuppankai1969)TillmanHoytClevelandUtilitarianConfucianismChrsquoenLiangrsquosChallengetoChuHsi(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1982)TzvetanTodorovIntroductiontoPoetics(MinneapolisUnivofMinnesotaPress1997)UenoTakeshi上野武ldquoWajinnokigentoGonoTaihakudensetsurdquo倭人の起源と呉の太伯伝説inKishiToshio岸俊男MoriKōichi森浩一andŌbayashiTaryō大林太良edsNihonnokodai日本の古代vol1ldquoWajintōjōrdquo倭人登場(TokyoChūōKōron1985)UryMarianldquoGenkōShakushoJapanrsquosFirstComprehensiveHistoryofBuddhismAPartialTranslationwithIntroductionandNotesrdquo(PhDdissUniversityofCaliforniaBerkeley1970)VanNordenBryanWMengziWithSelectionsfromTraditionalCommentaries(IndianapolisHackett2008)WangShumin王叔岷Zhuangzijiaoquan莊子校詮vol1(TaibeiZhongyangYanjiuyuanLishiYuyanYanjiusuo1988)WangZhongyao王仲堯ZhongguoFojiaoyuZhouyi中國佛教與周易(TaipeiDazhan2003)WatsonBurtonJapaneseLiteratureinChinesevol1(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1976)WebbJasonPldquoBeyondWa-KanNarratingKanshiReceptionandSociolectsofPoetryrdquoinProceedingsfortheAssociationofJapaneseLiteraryStudies5(Summer2004)pp245-59

235

WechslerHowardJldquoTheConfucianTeacherWangTrsquoung(584-617)OneThousandYearsofControversyrdquoTrsquooungPaoLXIII(1977)pp225-272WeiShaosheng衛紹生Liuyanshitiyanjiu (BeijingSocialSciencesAcademicPress2010)WilkinsonEndymionPChineseHistoryAManual(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2000)WixtedJohnTimothyldquoKanbunHistoriesofJapaneseLiteratureandJapanologistsrdquoinSino-JapaneseStudies102(April1998)pp23-31WongKwok-yiuldquoBetweenPoliticsandMetaphysicsOntheChangingReceptionofWangTrsquoungintheTrsquoang-SungIntellectualTransitionsrdquoMonumentaSericavol55(2007)pp61-97HagaYaichi芳賀矢一andTachibanaSensaburō立花銑三郎edsKokubungakutokuhon國文學讀本inHagaYaichisenshūhenshūiinkaiedHagaYaichisenshū芳賀矢一選集vol2(TokyoKokugakuinDaigaku1983) YajimaGenryō矢島玄亮Nihonkokukenzaishomokurokushūshōtokenkyū日本国見在書目録 集証と研究(TokyoKyūkoShoin1984)YamagishiTokuhei山岸徳平edNKBTv89ldquoGozanbungakushūEdokanshishūrdquo五山文学集江戸漢詩集(TokyoIwanamiShoten1966)YoshikawaKōjirō吉川幸次郎HōchōfushiRongozakkiAraiHakusekiitsuji鳳鳥不至論語雑記新井白石逸事(TokyoShinchosha1971)YuPaulineRldquoMetaphorandChinesePoetryrdquoChineseLiteratureEssaysArticlesReviews(CLEAR)32(Jul1981)pp205-224mdashmdashmdashldquoAllegoryAllegoresisandtheClassicofPoetryrdquoHarvardJournalofAsiaticStudies432(Dec1983)pp377-412YueTianlei岳天雷ldquoZhuXilunlsquoquanrsquordquo朱熹論「權」Zhongguowenhuayanjiusuoxuebao中國文化研究所學報No56(Jan2013)pp169-85ZhangPei張沛Zhongshuojiaozhu中説校注(BeijingZhonghuaShuju2013)

1

Abstract

ChineseLettersandIntellectualLifeinMedievalJapanThePoetryandPolitical

PhilosophyofChūganEngetsu

by

BrendanArkellMorley

DoctorofPhilosophyinJapanese

UniversityofCaliforniaBerkeley

ProfessorHMackHortonChair

Thisdissertationexploresthewritingsofthefourteenth-centurypoetand

intellectualChūganEngetsu中巌円月aleadingfigureintheliterarymovementknowntohistoryasGozan(ldquoFiveMountainsrdquo)literatureIntermsofmodern

disciplinarydivisionsGozanliteraturestraddlestheintersticesofseveraldistinct

areasofstudyincludingclassicalChinesepoetryandpoeticsChinesephilosophy

andintellectualhistoryBuddhologyandthebroadertraditionofldquoSiniticrdquopoetry

andprose(kanshibun)inJapan

Amongthecentralcontentionsofthisdissertationarethefollowing(1)thatChūgan

wasthemostoriginalConfucianthinkerinpre-TokugawaJapanesehistorythe

significanceofhiscontributionsmatchedonlybythoseofearly-modernfiguressuch

asOgyūSoraiand(2)thatkanshiandkanbunwerecreativemedianotmerelydisplaysoferuditionorscholasticmimicryChūganrsquosexpositorywriting

demonstratesthattheenormousmultiplicityoftermsandconceptsanimatingthe

ChinesephilosophicaltraditionwereverymuchalivetopremodernJapanese

intellectualsandthattheyweresubjecttothoughtfulreinterpretationand

applicationtospecificallyJapanesesociohistoricalphenomenaNolessintrepidin

therealmofpoetryChūgancandidlyaddressedthemessuchasillnesswarand

povertyandexperimentedwithunusualSiniticformssuchashexasyllabic

quatrainsandthevernacularldquosonglyricrdquoorci詞whichthoughpopularinChinawasveryseldomseeninJapan

ThethematicandstylisticbreadthofChūganrsquosoeuvrerevealsthecatholicityof

GozanliterarycultureandsuggestsdirectionsforfurtherresearchintoJapanese

intellectualhistoryandSiniticpoetryduringthemedievalera

i

TableofContents

BiographicalIntroduction 11 PoliticalSuasioninaTimeofCrisisTheMemorialsofChūgan

EngetsuandYoshidaSadafusa 122 FiguringMoralKingshipConstantNormsandExpedient

PoliciesinChūganrsquosChūseishi 623 AnEssayontheKunandthePeng 鯤鵬論Hermeneutics

CosmologyandtheFiguralReadingofFictionalCharacters 904 PoemsofRemembrancePoemsofSocialEngagement 1305 NewDirectionsinFormCiPoetryandHexasyllabicShi 1706 GozanLiteratureinRetrospectKanshibunandtheLegacy

ofKokugaku 194AppendixKanshibunKundokuandtheJapaneseLanguage 209Bibliography 227

1

Biographical Introduction

ChūganEngetsu中巌円月(1300-75)wasaJapanesemonkoftheRinzai臨済

sectofZenBuddhismHeemergedasanearlyleaderintheliteraryandintellectual

movementknowntodayasGozanbungaku五山文学ldquoFiveMountainsLiteraturerdquo

aftertheso-calledldquoFiveMountainsandTenTemplesrdquo五山十刹systemofranking

andorganizingZenmonasticestablishmentsBornintheeasterncityofKamakura

totheTsuchiya土屋familyanoffshootoftheonce-powerfulTaira平hischildhood

appearstohavebeenadifficultonemarkedbyillnessandfamilialupheavalHis

briefautobiographicalchronicle(jirekifu自歴譜)recordsthatasaninfanthewas

takenbyawetnursetoMusashiProvinceafterhisfatherwassentintoexilefor

unspecifiedreasons1Attheageofeighthewasentrustedbyhisgrandmotherto

thetempleJufukuji寿福寺inKamakurawherehebeganhistraininginthe

priesthoodasachildacolyte(僧童)Thetextdoesnotspecifywhatthisearliest

periodofinstructionwaslikebutthreeyearslaterheevidentlybegantoreceivea

formalseculareducationunderthesupervisionofapriestnamedDōkei道恵The

curriculumincludedTheClassicofFilialPiety(孝経)andAnalects(論語)both

standardworksinEastAsianeducationandalsoTheNineChaptersonthe

MathematicalArt(Jiuzhangsuanshu九章算術)aworkwhoseinfluenceonEast

1ChuganrsquosautobiographicalchroniclemaybefoundinTamamuraTakeji玉村竹二Gozanbungakushinshū五山文學新集(TokyoTōkyōDaigakuShuppankai1969)vol4pp611-32

2

AsianmathematicswascomparabletothatofEuclidrsquosElementsintheWest2Atthe

ageof13hetookthetonsureandmovedtotheSanbōin三寶院inKyotowherehe

studiedesotericBuddhism(mikkyō密教)whichincludedmeditationontheMatrix-

storeandDiamondRealmMandalas(Taizōkaimandara胎蔵界曼荼羅Kongōkai

mandara金剛界曼荼羅)3

ShortlythereafterheshiftedhisinteresttoZenwhichhadestablisheditself

asadistinctsectoverthecourseofthepreviouscenturyTiesbetweentheJapanese

andChineseZenestablishmentswerestrongandin1318Chūganlikemany

promisingmonksbeforeandafterattemptedtotraveltoChinaAtthetimehewas

residingatEngakuji円覚寺amajorZentempleinKamakurafoundedbythe

expatriatemonkWuxueZuyuan無學祖元(JMugakuSogen)in12824Chūgan

madethelengthyjourneyfromKamakuratothesouthernportcityofHakataand

althoughheapparentlyfoundashipthatwasheadingforhispreferreddestination

ofJiangnanforreasonsunspecifiedhewasrefusedpassagebytheshiprsquoscaptain5

Thedelaywouldprovefortuitoushoweverasitwouldlateraffordhimthe

2TheJiuzhangsuanshu(Jkyūshōsanjutsu)islistedintheNihonkenzaishomokuroku日本見在書目録abibliographicsourcefromtheearlyHeianperiodHistorianofmathematicsFujiwaraMatsusaburo(1881-1946)onceobservedthatChūganrsquosreferencestotheJiuzhangsuanshuoffertheonlydirectevidencethattheworkwasstillstudiedinJapanduringthemedievaleraThepaucityofsuchreferencesnotwithstandingifamathematicallyinclinedyouthatatempleinKamakurahadaccesstotheworkandateachertoteachittohimthenitseemslikelythatboththetextitselfandmathematicseducationmoregenerallywerereasonablyprevalentinmajorBuddhistmonasticcenters3Jirekifu(hereafterJRF)Shōwa1(1312)Shōwa2(1313)4WuxuehadbeenanadvisortothemostpowerfulmilitaryleaderinJapanHōjōTokimune北条時宗(1251-84)duringtheMongolinvasionsof1274and1281andhisinfluenceupontheearlyGozansystemwassubstantial5JRFp614Bunpo2(1318)Gozanbungakushinshūvol4p614

3

opportunitytoassociatecloselywithKokanShiren虎関師錬(1278-1345)whowas

inseclusioninKyotocompletingGenkōshakusho元亨釈書(1322)anexhaustive

historyofBuddhisminJapan6ChūganwasamongtheonlyvisitorsKokanaccepted

andtheirmeetingsaregenerallythoughttohavebeenamajorinfluenceonthe

youngChūganrsquosintellectualdevelopment7

ChūganwasfinallyabletotraveltoChinain1324sixyearsafterhisfirst

attemptHevisitedseveralimportantChantemplesandwastheonlyJapanese

monktoreceivethesealofenlightenment(CyinkeJinka印可)fromDongyang

Dehui東陽徳輝(flearly14thc)aLinjimasterinthelineofDahuiZonggao大慧宗

杲(1089-1163)8DongyangappointedChūgantothepostofsecretary(記室)atthe

templeDazhishouShengchansi大智寿聖禅寺anunusualachievementforaforeign

monk9AfternearlyeightyearsabroadChūganreturnedtoJapanduringthe

summerof1332residingtemporarilyatKenkōji顯孝寺inHakatabefore

accompanyinghispatronŌtomoSadamune大友貞宗(d1334)toKyotothe

followingyearOpinionatedandheadstrongbyhisownaccounthewasintensely

activepoliticallysubmittingtwoessaysandamemorialtoEmperorGo-Daigoin

1333Go-Daigohadformedacoalitionofwarriorleadersandrebelledagainstthe

6MarianUryldquoGenkōShakushoJapanrsquosFirstComprehensiveHistoryofBuddhismAPartialTranslationwithIntroductionandNotesrdquo(PhDdissUniversityofCaliforniaBerkeley1970)7InoguchiAtsushi猪口篤志ldquoNihonkanshirdquo日本漢詩inShinshakukanbuntaikei新釈漢文大系(TokyoMeijiShoin1972)vol45p84UryPoemsoftheFiveMountains(1977)p638SeeHeinrichDumoulinZenBuddhismAHistory(BloomingtonWorldWisdom1994)vol2p182n889IriyaYoshitaka入矢義高edGozanbungakushū五山文学集(1990)p235

4

KamakurashogunateandChūganwasdeeplyconcernedaboutboththeimmediate

directionofGo-Daigorsquosrevolutionandthelong-termprospectsforanincreasingly

militarizedJapan

In1334ChūganreturnedtoKamakurafollowingthesuddendeathof

SadamunewhohadbeenanallyofGo-Daigoandwasinstrumentalinfacilitating

ChūganrsquosaccesstothethroneTheŌtomofamilywouldcontinuetoprovide

financialbackingtoChūganevenashisviewsontherevolutionsouredIn1339

threeyearsafterGo-DaigorsquosnascentregimecollapsedSadamunersquosheirUjiyasu氏泰

backedconstructionofthetempleKichijōji吉祥寺locatedonafamilydemesnein

theprovinceofKōzuke上野andaskedChūgantoassumeitsheadshipThough

Chūganrsquosinvolvementinpoliticsseemstohavediminishedinthe1340she

regainedaccesstothehighestechelonsofsocietywhenKichijōjiwasnamedan

ImperiallyVowedTemple(goganji御願寺)in1352Forthenexttwodecadeshe

traveledalmostconstantlymovingnearlyeveryyearbetweenKyushuKyoto

KōzukeProvinceandthecityofKamakuraThesejourneyswerelengthyandnot

alwayswelcomebuthehadbecomebythistimeanldquoeminentmonkrdquo(kōsō高僧)

andwasextendednumerousinvitationstoresideatthemostinfluentialtemplesof

thedayincludingManjuji萬壽寺inBungoProvinceManjujiinKyotoTōjiji等持寺

Kenninji建仁寺andKamakurarsquosKenchōji建長寺thehighestrankedtempleinthe

KamakuraGozan

Throughouthislifeandevenduringtimeswhenhisprofessionalfortunes

werelookingdownChūganremainedaprominentpoetandintellectualIn1341

5

hefamouslyearnedtheireofculturalnativistsbywritingAHistoryofJapan(Nihon

sho日本書)sadlynolongerextantinwhichheclaimedthattheJapaneseimperial

familywasdescendednotfromgodsbutfromimmigrantcontinentalnobility

UndoubtedlyhissinglegreatestworkisthephilosophicaltreatiseChūseishi中正子

(1334)whichisamongthemostimportantJapaneseintellectualworksofpre-

TokugawatimesItiscomprisedoftenchaptersthateachaddressdistincttopics

includingConfucianethicseffectivegovernanceandthelegitimateuseofmilitary

forceanumerologicalexpositionofthelunarandsolarcalendarsthebirthand

deathoflivingbeingsandtheThreeLearningsofZen(sangaku三学)iethe

precepts(kai戒)meditation(jō定)andthewisdomgleanedfromstudying

Buddhistteachings(e慧)Thechapterongovernanceandtheuseofforceis

translatedinChapterTwoofthepresentstudy

WhileothernotablefiguresintheGozanmilieuinparticularGidōShūshin義

堂周信(1325-88)andZekkaiChūshin絶海中津(1334-1405)eclipseChūganin

fametodaysuchwasnotalwaysthecaseForinstancethenotedNeo-Confucian

scholarFujiwaraSeika藤原惺窩(1561-1619)declaredthatwhenitcametosheer

breadthoflearning(gakushiki学識)ChūganrankedfirstamongallGozanliterati10

Thisassessmentisnotoutofstepwiththelaudatoryviewsexpressedbysomeof

ChūganrsquoscontemporariesincludingtheLinji(Rinzai)masterZhuxianFanxian竺仙

10SeeInoguchip48

6

梵僊(1292-1348)aredoubtablescholarofNeo-Confucianisminhisownright11

ZhuxianwhohadcometoJapanatthebehestofŌtomoSadamunejudgedChūgan

tobelearnedinboththeinnerandouterclassics(ieBuddhistandnon-Buddhist

texts)andnotedthathisexpertiseextendedtotheldquomanymastersandhundred

schoolsrdquo(zhuzibaijia諸子百家)ofearlyChinesethoughtastronomygeography

andyin-yangtheory12AndwhileitisprobablytruethatChūganwasknownbyhis

contemporariesmoreforhisexpositorywritingthanforhispoetrythecreativity

andiconoclasmcharacterizinghisphilosophicaloeuvrearepresentinequal

measureinhisverseHetreatedsubjectssuchasillnessdeathandpovertywith

strikingcandorandspecificity(seeChapterFour)andheisoneofonlytwo

medievalJapanesepoetsknowntohavecomposedci詞avernacularformthatwas

practicedavidlyinSongandYuanChinabutwhichisalmostentirelyabsentfrom

thetraditionofSiniticpoetryinJapan(seeChapterFive)

ThepoeticvoicethatemergesfromChūganrsquosnon-occasionaldeclarative

versesisaconflictedoneattimessupremelyconfidentandmorallyrighteousandat

timesbesiegedbypessimismandselfdoubtChūganwastheonlyearlyGozan

figuretoopineatlengthaboutmoralandpoliticalproblemsanditishispoemson

thesetopicsthatmostdistinguishhimfromhiscontemporariesMuchofhisself

imageseemstohavebeenshapedbythebeliefthathealonefullyunderstoodthe

predicamentfacingJapaninthewakeofthefailedKenmuRestorationChūganrsquos

11SeeAshikagaEnjutsu足利衍述KamakuraMuromachijidainojukyō鎌倉室町時代の儒教(TokyoNihonKotenZenshūKankōkai1932)pp211and25512如中巌者学通内外乃至諸子百家天文地理陰陽之説Ashikagap255

7

poetryofsocialengagementwillbeexaminedinChapterFourbutanappreciation

ofhissensibilitiesmaybequicklygleanedfrompoemssuchasthis

藤陰雜興

UndertheShadeofWisteriaVariousInspirationsNo10邪靡堆國三千歳 InthecountryofYamataithreethousandyearsold帝册姫宗百代傳 Theimperialcharterhasbeentransmittedforahundred

generationsthroughthescionofJi海畔紅桑花片落 Bytheseashorearedcopperleafpetalfalls鴈奴驚火呌荒田 Asentinelgoosestartledattheblazesoundsthealarmover

fallowfields13

ChūganbelievedtheJapaneseimperiallinetoberelatedtotheJiclanroyal

progenitorsoftheZhouDynastyandheevenpositedeuhemeristicallythatthe

indigenousldquoShintordquodeityKunitokotachinoMikoto國常立尊wasinfactavery

mortaldescendantofTaibo太伯legendaryfounderofthestateofWu呉Thetwo

coupletsofthisshortpoemaredifficulttointegratewithoutresortingtosymbolism

theimageofacopperleafblossomontheseashoreisexceptionallyuncommonbut

itdoesoccurinaverylongpoembytheDaoistpoetCaoTang曹唐(c797-866)and

isjuxtaposedtheretoanimageofgreatbutlongdeadChineseemperors14The

13Smallandeasilyalarmedaldquosentinelgooserdquo(鴈奴)issonamedbecauseitsfunctionwithintheflockistocalloutandwarnofdangerCopperleaf(Jenokigusa)petalsarebrightred14ThepoemisldquoAPoemonWanderingImmortalsinNinety-EightCoupletsrdquo(小游仙詩九十八首QTSjuan6411)andtherelevantlinereadsldquoWhereindeatharetheFirstQinEmperorandHanWudiBytheseashoreredcopperleafblossomsopenastheywillrdquo秦皇漢武死何處海畔紅桑花自開

8

connectionisspeculativebutpromisingasthepoliticalpositionsChūganarticulates

inhisprosemakeitplausibletoidentifythesentinelgooseasChūganhimself

whosewarningsabouttheimpendingbreakdownofJapanrsquosimperialinstitutionfall

ondeafearsMoreoftenthannoteventhislevelofsymbolismwasavoidedinfavor

ofastillmoredirectstylethatleftnodoubtastoChūganrsquosstanceonmatters

擬古

InImitationofOld

浩浩劫末風 OrsquoerthewasteblowsthewindoftheLastDays塵土飛蓬蓬 Dustanddirtflyinachaoticroar天上日色薄 Highintheskythesunshinespale人間是非隆 Intheworldofmenbothrightandwrongflourish螻蟻逐臭穢 Molecricketsandantschaseafterputridfilth凰鳳棲梧桐 Whilephoenixesroostintheirparasoltrees獨有方外士 Butalonethereisamanwhostandsapartfromothers俛仰白雲中 Helooksuphelooksdownathomeinhiswhitecloudabode

Thoughknownmoreforsocialengagementthanforself-reflectionChūgan

couldbeascriticalofhimselfashewasofthewiderworldInseveralversesfrom

the1340sandlaterhereproveshimselfandhintsattheongoingenmityhereceived

fromsomeofhiscontemporariesThisenmitystemmedprimarilyfromhishugely

controversialdecisiontoswitchsectarianaffiliationsin1339WhenKichiōjiwas

builtChūganpubliclyabandonedtheSōtōlineofhisinitialmasterDongmingHuiri

東明惠日(JTōmeiErsquonichi1272-1340)infavoroftheRinzailineofDongyang

Dehui東陽德輝(fl1330s)alesserknownfigurewithwhomhehadstudiedbriefly

whileinChinaDespitethedoctrinallydiversebroadlyecumenicalcharacterof

medievalJapanesereligionsectarianloyaltieswerestrongandcompetitioncould

9

beintenseanalogousperhapsatthemilderendtothecompetitionbetween

businessfirmsinthesameindustryandattheextremeendtothatbetweenmilitary

housesThemoveprovokedbitterattacksfromformerfriendsandcolleagues(and

evenanallegedknifeattack)andwouldaffectChūganrsquospersonalandprofessional

lifefordecadesthereafter

藤陰雜興

UndertheShadeofWisteriaVariousInspirations No6 閒花野草亦朝人 Evenflowerssproutingincrevicesandgrassesgrowingonthe

moorspayobeisancetomen余獨何心忌混塵 SowhydoIalonedetestthispollutedworld小子更休勤學我 Disciplesyoumustceaseatoncealleffortstotakeafterme誤來四十六年身 Someonewhohasspentinerrortheforty-sixyearsofhislifeNo7臨危獨念故交顧 IntimesofdangerIreminiscealoneoffriendsfrombygonedays何処世途非履氷 Whereinthisworldisthereapaththatisnrsquotliketreadingonice只得胸中無我愛 Icanonlyresolvetoexpungefrommyheartthesensethatthe

selfisprecious不干身外有人憎 Andstandunperturbedbytheillwillofothers

TheresentmentbredbyChūganrsquostransgressionseemstohavebeen

surprisinglytenaciousInthewinterof1362asChūganwasabouttobegin

meditationwithacolytesatKenninjioneormoreunknownassailantsshottwo

10

arrowsathimbothofwhichfortunatelymissed15Whiledetailssurroundingthe

incidentarescantmodernscholarsgenerallyascribethisapparentassassination

attempttohisdecisiontoabandonDongmingrsquoslineagenearlytwenty-fiveyears

earlier

Chūganperseveredandin1370hewasaskedtotakeupresidenceatKyotorsquos

Nanzenji南禅寺thehighestrankingtempleintheKyotoGozanOwingperhapsto

hisagehefoundtheassignmentuncongenialandldquofirmlydeclineditrefusingto

moverdquo堅辭不起andchoseinsteadtoremainatthenearbyRyūkōji龍興寺16As

lateas1373hewasaskedbyHosokawaYoriyuki細川頼之thentheshogunal

deputy(kanrei管領)andoneofthemostpowerfulmeninJapanforassistance

rebuildingTenryūji天龍寺afteritwaspartlydestroyedinafireChūganagain

refusedthistimeexplicitlyonaccountofageHecontinuedwritingwellintothe

nextyearcomposingtwocommemorativefuneraryaddresses(祭)forfellowZen

monksMuganSoō夢巖祖應(d1374)andJōzanSozen定山祖禅(1298-1374)17

Thatwinterheisreportedtohavedevelopedaldquoslightailmentrdquo微恙Whetherthe

descriptionwasgenuineormeioticChūgandiedearlythefollowingyearhis

recordedageseventy-sixbytheJapanesecountAccordingtoasupplementary

accountinhisJirekifuwhenhebecamedeliriousanddeathwasclearlyathandthe

attendantpriestsaskedtheirmasterforafinalpoemChūganmusteredwhat15JRFKōan2(1362)NotethatbeginningwiththefirstyearofRyakuō暦応ChūgandateshischronicleaccordingtotheregnaldesignationsoftheNorthernDynasty16JRFŌan3(1370)17JRFŌan6-8(1373-75)ThesearenolongerextantandwereapparentlydictatedbyChūganbutwrittendownbysomeoneelse(seenote18below)

11

strengthhecouldandrepliedthathehadalreadysaidtoomanybalefulthings

throughouthislifeandthattherewasnopointinsayinganythingmoreAfterthus

refusingtherequesthediedpeacefullyatnoonthatsameday18

18Chūganrsquosfinalcommentsaretranscribedas吾平生口禍不少今尚何言去去presumablyspokenaloudassomethinglikeWareheizeikuchinowazawaisukunakarazuimanaonaniokaiwanSaresare(ldquoOverthecourseofmylifemymouthhasgottenmeintotroublemorethanafewtimeswhatmoreistheretosaynowBeoffrdquo)ThiswasrecordedbyadiscipleKenDōshi inChūganrsquosautobiographicalchronicleInashortpostscripttothetextheinformsthereaderthatbecauseChūganhadstoppedwritingat68yearsofagehe(KenDōshi)hadtakenituponhimselftosupplyadditionalinformationregardingthelastyearsofhismasterrsquoslifePresumablyitwasheorotherattendantpriestswhoactuallytranscribedthefuneraryaddressesChūgancomposedforMuganandJōzanThenameKenDōshiisprobablyaninvertedabbreviationofanamecomprisedoffourcharactersThiswasstandardpracticethenameChūganEngetsu中巌円月forinstanceisoftengivenas月中巌

12

Chapter One

Political Suasion in a Time of Crisis The Memorials of Chūgan Engetsu and Yoshida Sadafusa

國者天下之利用也人主者天下之利勢也 Thestateisthemostefficaciousinstrumentintheworldandtoberulerofmenisthemostefficaciouspowerintheworld19 Xunzi

IntheearlyfourteenthcenturyJapaneseintellectualsandaristocrats(the

formernotalwaysasubsetofthelatter)begandevotingsubstantialattentionto

questionsthatuntilthenhadfiguredonlyminimallyinJapanesepoliticaldiscourse

suchaswhetherornotthelegitimacyandperpetualcontinuityoftheimperial

institutionwasguaranteedbyitspurportedlydivineoriginsunderwhat

circumstancesrecoursetoarmswasmorallyacceptableandtowhatextent

conceptsoflegitimatesovereigntydrawnfromtheChinesepoliticaltraditionmight

(ormightnot)usefullyinformgovernanceinJapan20ChūganEngetsuwasamong

thebrightestlightsofthemedievalintellectualmilieuandhiscontributionsto

questionssuchasthesearebothhighlyoriginalandextensiveindeedintermsof

genericandthematicbreadthChūganrsquoswritingisunrivalledbyanyothermedieval

19EricLHuttonXunzi(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress2014)p9920SeeAndrewEdmundGobleKenmuGo-DaigorsquosRevolution(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1996)pp20-29andTamakakeHiroyukiNihonchūseishisōshikenkyū(TokyoPerikansha1998)passim

13

JapanesefigurerangingfreelyacrosspoliticalandnaturalphilosophyBuddhist

doctrineandmultiplestylesofChinesepoetryThischapterwillexaminehisviews

onsocietyandstatecraftduringthetumultuousyearsoftheKenmuRestoration

(1333-36)awatershedmomentofinstitutionalruptureandintellectualcreativity

AsnotedintheintroductionChūganrsquosabilitiesearnedhimthepatronageofthe

powerfulprovincialleaderŌtomoSadamuneanduponreturningtoJapanin1332

fromaneight-yearsojourninChinahequicklybecameanactivepartisanin

EmperorGo-DaigorsquosstruggleforanewnationalorderHedrewuponavariedmix

ofChinesetextsbearingupontheestablishmentmaintenanceandbreakdownof

politicalauthorityinanefforttoinfluenceGo-DaigorsquospoliciesThata33year-old

prelatewithnoaristocraticheritagewouldhavesuchanopportunityinthefirst

placeisindicativeofboththenewfoundstatusofZenandthepossibilitiesofferedby

theuniquecircumstancesofthe1330sThoughturbulenttheyearsprecedingand

immediatelyfollowingtheKenmuRestorationwerehighlyproductiveintellectually

notonlyforChūganbutalsoforfellowZenluminaryMusōSoseki夢窓疎石(1275-

1351)21theearlytheoristofShinto(andTendaipriest)Jihen慈遍(flmid14thc)22

21SeeforinstanceMusōrsquosreflectionsonGo-DaigorsquosriseandfallasrecordedinMusōKokushigoroku夢窓国師語録(Taishōdaizōkyōvol80pp463c24-464b21)AtranslationoftherelevantsectionmaybefoundinWmTheodoredeBaryetaledsSourcesofJapaneseTradition(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1958)pp265-5822JihenwasoneofseveralearlymedievalfiguresinvolvedinarticulatingShintothroughtheconceptsandnomenclatureofesotericBuddhismHisprimaryworksincludeKujihongigengi旧事本紀玄義(TheProfoundMeaningoftheSendaikujihongi1332)andToyoashiharajinpūwaki豊葦原神風和記(HarmoniousRecordoftheDivineWaysofJapan1340)ThesehaveyettobetranslatedintoEnglishJihenrsquosthoughtistreatedinsomedetailinTamakakeNihonchūseishisōshikenkyūpp200-227

14

andthenativistscholarandproponentofIseShintoKitabatakeChikafusa北畠親房

(1293-1354)ChikafusarsquoslengthyandinfluentialtreatiseonJapaneseimperial

successionJinnōshōtōki神皇正統記(1343)treatssomeofthesameconcernsthat

Chūganaddressesalbeitfromwithinasubstantiallydifferentconceptualand

ideologicalframework

Thewritingsexaminedinthischapterwereallcomposedduringthe

formativemonthsofGo-Daigorsquosrestorationgovernmentfromtheautumnof1333

tothespringof1334andwereeithersubmitteddirectlytotheemperororwritten

withhiminmindastheimpliedreaderTheypermitanedifyingglimpseinto

Chūganrsquosrhetoricalstyleandpoliticalorientationwhichwaseclecticbut

thoroughlyldquoConfucianrdquoinoneimportantsensenamelyinhisconvictionthatthe

existenceofanautonomousmilitaryeliteconstitutedagrossdistortionoftheideal

socialorderToChūganthemilitarywasndashorshouldproperlybendashnothingmore

thananarmofroyalauthoritytobeemployedattheexclusivediscretionofthe

sovereignandheascribedmanyoftheillsofhisdaytoJapanrsquosdeviationfromthis

idealFittinglyfortheagehewasalsocommittedtothepositionthatcertain

historicalmomentsaresofraughtastobenegotiableonlythroughradicalaction

thatldquorevolutionizesrdquoortransforms(革)existingsociopoliticalarrangements

ChūganrsquosviewsonrevolutionwouldcometodifferfromGo-Daigorsquosasthe

Kenmuregimetookshapebutinbroadmeasuretheywerenicelyconsonantwith

theemperorrsquosgrandpoliticalambitionsandbeliefsaboutsovereigntyThroughout

1333atleastChūganseemstohavethoroughlyembracedGo-DaigorsquoscauseIn

Decemberofthatyearhesubmittedtotheemperoramemorial(JhyōCbiao表)

15

alongwithtwoshortessaysinwhichheoutlinedthecrisisfacingJapanand

presentedhisideasforreformThefirstpiecetobeconsideredbelowisanessay

entitledGenmin原民ldquoEstablishingtheFundamentsofthePeoplerdquowhichtreatsthe

idealsocialorderandthedangersrampantmilitarizationposestoit23Stylistically

thepiecewasheavilyinfluencedbythewritingsofHanYu韓愈(768-824)authorof

thesimilarlytitledYuandao原道oneofthemostinfluentialcriticalessaysin

Chineseliteraryhistory24HanYuwasamongtheearliestchampionsoftheclassical

guwen古文(Jkobun)styleinlieuofthepianliwen駢儷文(Jbenreibun)styleof

rhymedparallelproseCriticsofpianliwenarguedthatithadbecomevacuousand

overwroughtandtheysoughtinitsplaceamediumshornofornamentationand

easiertounderstandThelinguisticclaritythatcharacterizedtheguwenstylewas

lessanenduntoitselfthananaestheticmanifestationoftheideologydrivingthe

wholeofthefugu復古orldquoreturntoantiquityrdquomovementandtoHanYuandother

guwenauthorsclassicisminlanguagecomprisedanimportantelementinabroader

culturaltraditionalismonethatprovidedanaptvehiclefortheConfucianrevival

theysoughttobringaboutinthepoliticalsphere25ByChūganrsquosdaythedebate

overtherelativemeritsofpianliwenandguwenwasanoldoneandtheliterary

23Thewordgen原inthetitleisaverb(usuallyreadmotozukuortazunuinJapanese)whichisusedinthesenseoforiginatingorbasingoneselfinsomethingorinvestigatingsomethingdowntoitsoriginsThemeaningofthephrase原民thussubsumestheideasofldquobasingoneselforonersquospoliciesinthepeoplerdquoldquomakingthepeoplefundamentalrdquoandalsoofldquogettingtothebottomrdquoofhowmin民asasocialconceptistobeunderstood24SeePeterKBolldquoThisCultureofOursrdquoIntellectualTransitionsinTrsquoangandSungChina(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1992)pp128-31BolrendersthetitleoftheessayldquoFindingtheSourceforTaordquo25Ibidpp22-23

16

historyoftheTangFiveDynastiesandSongperiodswasrepletewithfine

practitionersofbothstylesTheSongerawitnessedtheeventualacceptanceof

guwenproseforuseonthejinshi進士examinationsadevelopmentindicativeofthe

esteemthestylehadgainedintheeyesofleadingscholar-officials26Andwhileits

importancetotheworldofJapanesekanbunwascomparativelyminorevidence

suggeststhattheguwen-pianliwendebatewasknowntoJapaneseliteratifromat

leastthemid-Heianperiod27GenerallyspeakingmedievalJapanesewritersdrew

stylisticinspirationfromasubstantiallylargerandmorediversebodyofChinese

textsthantheirHeianpredecessorshadworkssuchasWenxuanwhichhadso

heavilyinfluencedHeiankanbunnowexistedalongsideZizhitongjian資治通鑑

(ComprehensiveMirrorinAidofGovernance1084)XinTangshu新唐書(New

HistoryoftheTang1060)andmanyothertextsreflectiveofSong-eraaestheticand

intellectualdevelopmentsChūganprobablyusedtheguwenstylemoreadroitly

thananyofhiscontemporarieshismodelsinexpositoryproseappeartohavebeen

drawnpredominantlyfromtheTangandearlySongwithHanYursquoswritingexerting

particularstylisticinfluenceEvenChūganrsquoshighappraisaloftheSongpolymath

OuyangXiu歐陽修(1007-72)authorofXinTangshuhasbeenascribedbyone

pioneeringscholarofGozanliteraturetoOuyangrsquosnoteddevotiontoHanYu28

ThatChūganwouldsoadmireandultimatelyimitateHanYursquosrhetoric

bespeakshiswillingnesstoseparateformfromideologicalcontentandreflectsthe26DieterKuhnTheAgeofConfucianRule(CambridgeMABelknapPressofHarvardUnivPress2009)p13027KawaguchiHisaoHeianchōnokanbungaku(TokyoYoshikawaKōbunkan1981)pp129-3628KitamuraSawakichiGozanbungakushikō(TokyoFūzanbō1941)p219

17

comparativelyliberalapproachtoChinesehighculturetakenbythemedievalZen

establishmentEverybitthenativistintellectualHanYuwasacontumeliouscritic

ofBuddhismandastaunchsupporterofConfucianorthodoxypositionshe

articulatedpithily(andwithnosmallmeasureofvitriol)inYuandaoChūgantoo

wasanavidproponentofConfucianismitmightevenbesuggestedthathiswide-

rangingphilosophicaloeuvreisbroadlyunifiedbythepursuitofaConfucian-

Buddhistsynthesis29oratleastthatsuchapursuitguidedhismostnotableworks30

ButwhereHanYuemployedguwentoindictBuddhismasanadulteranttoChinese

cultureChūganusedittoaffirmBuddhismrsquosvaluetostateandsocietyinJapan

Inasmuchasmodernistexpositorywritingtendstoproceedfromtheassumption

thatlanguageisorshouldbeatransparentvalue-neutralmediumforconveying

ideasChūganrsquosadoptionofHanYursquoslucidlanguagetomakepro-Buddhist

argumentsisinacertainsensequitemodernToChūganBuddhismnolessthan

Confucianismwasbeneficialinpartbecauseofitssalubriouseffectsuponmorality

ButBuddhismalsoaddresseditselftophenomenathatlayoutsideConfucianismrsquos

traditionalpurviewandinmedievalJapantheconceptofkarmaanditscorollaries

providedbyfarthemostcomprehensiveandinfluentialepistemicbasisfor

understandingthehumancondition31Asismadeclearintheveryshortpiece

29ThisargumentseemstohavebeenmadefirstbyAshikagaEnjutsuseehisKamakuraMuromachijidainojukyō(TokyoNihonKotenZenshūKankōkai1932)pp21125530InoueMasamichiHonpōchūseimadeniokeruMōshijuyōshinokenkyū(TokyoKazamaShobō1972)pp261-6231BuddhismrsquosroleasthepreeminentparadigmshapingthemedievalepistemeistreatedinWilliamRLaFleurTheKarmaofWords(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1983)

18

Gensō原僧acompanionessaysubmittedtoEmperorGo-DaigoalongsideGenmin

Chūgandoesbelievethatwhenfarmersormerchantsabandontheirlivelihoodsand

nominallybecomemonkstheeffectisdetrimentalnotonlytothepriesthoodbut

alsotonationaleconomicwelfare32StillsomeknowledgeofBuddhistprinciples

amongthepopulaceisheldtobringbenefitstostateandsocietyassubstantialas

thosebroughtbyknowledgeoftheFourBooksreliableweightsandmeasuresand

anadequatemilitaryallofwhichhecitesapprovinglyatthebeginningofGenmin

ThemainthesisofGenministhatexcessivemilitarizationandaburgeoning

interestinmartialpursuitsacrossallsegmentsofsocietyisthekeysociopolitical

crisisconfrontingJapaninthe1330sThoughhewilllaterlaymuchoftheblamefor

thisphenomenonuponGo-Daigohimselfherehesimplyrecommendsthatthefour

Confucianldquoclassesrdquoandmembersoftheclergybeguidedbacktotheirpropersocial

rolesandthatonlypersonswithaspecificgovernmentmandatetobeararmsbe

permittedtodosoArdentlyopposedtobothpopularmilitancyandtheexistenceof

anautonomouswarrioreliteChūganasksrhetoricallywhetherthecountryeven

hasaldquomilitaryrdquoatallwhichtohimdenotesabranchofgovernmentthatprovides

forthenationaldefensebutisalwaysandeverywheresubordinatetothethrone

ChūganwilldevelopthislineofcritiquefurtherinhismemorialtoGo-Daigoandhe

willadvanceitwithgreaterconceptualsophisticationinhisfamousphilosophical

treatiseChūseishi中正子(TheMasterofBalanceandRectitude1334)whereitis

repurposedtocriticizetheemperordirectlyInsofarasGenminwasintended

simplytoprovideGo-DaigowithasuccinctoverviewofJapanrsquosproblemsasChūgan

32Atranslationofthisessayisgivenintheappendixtothischapter

19

sawthemitisofsomewhatlessconceptualandrhetoricalinterestthaneither

ChūseishiorthememorialNonethelessitsclarityandrelativesimplicitymakeita

usefulintroductiontothosetextsandanidealpointfromwhichtoapproach

ChūganrsquosworldviewduringtheinitialmonthsofGo-Daigorsquosrestorationgovernment

EstablishingtheFundamentsofthePeople33 Acrossthewideworldpeopleattendtotheirbasicdutiesandperfecttheir

craftsandtheircountriesbecomeprosperousandstrongFarmerssowcropsandplant

vegetablesandfruitingtreesArtisansmanagetheirestablishmentsandproduce

variouswaresMerchantsfacilitatethedistributionofgoodsfromwheretheyare

plentifultowheretheyarescarceOfficialsdraftgovernmentregulationsThe

credibilityoftheImperialsealandthereliabilityofweightsandmeasureshelpprevent

fraudanddeceptionTheteachingsculledfromtheBookofSongstheBookofHistory

theClassicofRitesandtheClassicofMusicservetoreformcrueltyandgreedArms

andfortificationsservetoforestallinvasionandplunderThusitisthatifthemasses

pursuetheirlivelihoodsandsupportthoseabovethemtherewillbenoinstancesof

peopleresortingtounprincipledmeanstokeepthemselvesfedandthecountrywillbe

prosperousandstrongThisishowthingsoughttobe

33ThetranslationisbasedonthetextfoundinTamamuraTakejirsquosGozanbungakushinshū(TokyoTokyoDaigakuShuppankai1970)p393AlsoconsultedwasKamimuraKankōrsquosGozanbungakuzenshū(TokyoGozanBungakuZenshūKankōkai1936)vol2pp104-5TamamurarsquoseditionofChūganrsquosworksisthemostcompletecurrentlyavailableitsprincipalsourcelikeKamimurarsquosisthe1764woodblockeditionofthecollectaneaofChūganrsquosworksTōkaiichiōshū東海一漚集(ABubbleontheEasternSea)ThiseditionwascollatedandpreparedforpublicationbythepriestDaigeSōdatsu大解宗脱(1706-62)attheHarimaDaizōinmonasteryandwhileitisgenerallyregardedasthevulgate(rufubon流布本)itomitsmuchandTamamurahasthereforesupplementeditwithadditionalmanuscriptcopiesofTōkaiichiōshūhousedatthetempleHōjōji法常寺andtheHistoriographicalInstituteattheUniversityofTokyo

20

Buddhismwasintroduced(toChina)intheHaneraandeversinceithasenabled

peopletogainaprofoundunderstandingoftheprinciplesgoverningnaturefatelife

anddeathandithasalsoilluminatedthekarmicrootsofgoodandillfortuneThusthe

peoplelovedgoodnessandtrustedtheywouldberewardedtheyeschewedwhatwas

notgoodandavoidedcalamitySomethingthatbenefitsthecountrywithoutharming

thepeoplecanonlyenhancetheprosperityandstrengthoftheformerLookingatour

owncountrytodayamongthepeopletherearenonewhodonotdonarmorandtake

upweaponsThecommonersarenegligentinattendingtotheirproperlivelihoodsand

theyattackandroboneanotherinthepursuitofgainAndastothosewhocuttheir

hairandenterthepriesthoodtheytooviewithoneanotherthroughforceofarmsand

abandontheirpropercallingOfallthedisastersthatmaybefallacountrynone

surpassesthisThepurposeofamilitaryistosuppressdisturbancestheverycharacter

forldquomilitaryrdquo(武)iscomposedofldquostoprdquo(止)andldquoweaponrdquo(戈)Yetthedisturbances

wefacetodaycannotbesuppressedCanwesaythatourcountryevenhasamilitary

OnesidehasstoutshieldsandsharpspearsbutsodoestheothersideHardnessis

pittedagainsthardnessandsharpnessagainstsharpnesswithbothsideshaving

comparablestrengthSincethestrengthofbothsidesisequaleachremainsunchecked

ThesearethefactsTheDiscoursesofZhourelatethefollowing

ldquoThekingsofoldglorifiedvirtueandwerenotquicktoflaunttheirmilitary

powerFlauntingmilitarypowerleadstoitsirresponsibleuseandifmilitarypowerisusedirresponsiblythenroyalauthoritywillnotberespectedrdquo34

34TheldquoDiscoursesofZhourdquo(周語)comprisethefirstsectionoftheGuoyu國語ThepassageuponwhichChugandrawsreadsasfollows穆王將征犬戎祭公謀父諫曰 「不可先王耀德不觀兵夫兵戢而時動動則威觀則玩玩則無震 ldquoKingMuwasabouttoattacktheQuanrongtribebutMoufuDukeofZhairemonstratedwithhimsayinglsquoThekingsofoldglorifiedvirtueandwerenotquicktoflaunttheirmilitarypowerIfmilitarypowerisheldbackanddeployedonlyattheappropriatetimesthen(royalauthority)willbefearedifmilitarypowerisflauntedthenitwillbeusedirresponsiblyandifitisusedirresponsiblynonewillrespect(royalauthority)rsquordquo

21

Sincethisisalreadythecase(inJapan)whatshouldbedoneItwouldbebest

foryourmajestytodecreethatanyonewhoisnotasoldieroftheimperialgovernment

shallbepunishedforbearingarmsandthatofficialsfarmersartisansmerchantsas

wellasmembersoftheclergymustdevotethemselvestotheperfectionoftheir

respectivecallingsIfthisisdoneitwillstrengthenandenrichthecountryandthereis

perhapshopeafterall

淳世之民各務本修業故國富且強矣所以農者播禾穀種菜果工者營棟宇造器皿賈者通其有無土者布其政令符璽秤斛之信以防其欺負詩書禮樂之教以正其狠戾甲兵干城之威以禁其侵奪然而百姓各修其業而奉其上則國無有徒為苟食者故富強也宜矣漢氏以降加以佛法使民精通性命死生之理且知禍福因果之道然而百姓好善賴慶忌不善而避殃故有利于國無害于民是以國益富且強矣今觀國朝民無不衣甲手兵者百姓皆怠其業互相侵奪以為利也若夫出家斷髮者亦以堅甲利兵相誇而廢其本業也禍亂之大莫之過焉武也者戡定禍亂也其為文也止戈也然今有如斯禍亂而不能勘定者可言國有武乎 彼亦堅甲利兵也以堅敵堅以利敵利其勢均矣勢均則不可制止也宜矣周語有之先王耀德不觀兵夫兵觀則翫翫則無震既然今宜奈之何 宜當 敕差有司如非官軍者衣甲手兵則誅之使彼士農工賈及釋氏之流各務本修業則富強之國其庶幾乎

Thepoliticalorderofthefourteenthcenturyandbeyondwoulddevelopin

preciselythedirectionChūganfearedandforreasonsthatseeminretrospectfar

beyondthereachofcourtpolicyAmodernreaderparticularlyoneinsensitiveto

thestylisticconventionsgoverningworksofcounselsubmitteddirectlytothe

thronecouldbeforgivenforseeinginChūganrsquosrecommendationsanaiumlveand

simplisticfaithinthepowerofimperiallegislationYettheKamakurashogunate

oncethepreeminentpowerinthecountryhadbeeneffectivelydestroyedsix

monthsbeforeGenminwaswrittenandintermsofmilitaryresourcesandthe

abilitytoprojectpowerGo-DaigorsquosincipientregimenowstoodunrivalledAnd

whiledevelopmentalnarrativesofmedievalJapanesehistorytendtopositan

22

inexorableriseofthewarriorsandconcomitantinevitabilityofautonomouswarrior

governmentthereisverylittleevidencethatfightingmenofthefourteenthcentury

sawtheircollectivepositionasdependentuponthecontinuedexistenceofa

shogunate35MoreoverwhileChūganrsquosagewascertainlyoneofchangeand

tribulationitwasnotyetoneofendemicviolenceandirreparablefragmentation

evenifcertainsociopoliticaltrendssuggestedtokeenobserversthatsuchafatewas

drawingnearHencetoanintellectualwhowasdisinclinedtosupportwarrior

governmentanddeeplyconcernedwiththespreadofsoldieryamongthepopulace

thethroneofferedthebestandmostlogicalhopeforstemmingthesetrendsand

restoringthepropersocialorderTheimperialcourtwasafterallthemost

enduringlocusofauthorityonthearchipelagoprovidingsociallegibilitythrough

officesranksandthedisseminationofhighcultureeventotheveryinstitutions

mostresponsibleforerodingitsmilitarymightandmaterialprerogativesviz

shogunalgovernmentsandinfluentialwarriorhouses

Chūganexpandsuponthecrisisofmilitarismandtheroleofthecourtin

addressingitinhismemorialtoGo-Daigoatextthatexpoundsthesamebasic

worldviewasGenminthoughfarmorestridentlyItisbothunusuallylengthyand

inplacesexceptionallybluntbythestandardsofextantJapanesememorialswhich

datepredominantlyfromtheHeianperiodandtendneithertoutilizetheguwen

stylenortreatsociopoliticalissuesasseriousasthosetakenupbyChūganThese

andotheraspectsoftheworkwillbeanalyzedindetailbelowitisworth

emphasizingattheoutsethoweverthatChūganrsquosmemorialconstitutesarareand

35GobleKenmuppxvi136266-67

23

valuableexampleofagenrethatwhileesteemedintheChinesetraditionandlong

practicedbyJapanesearistocratshasreceivedminimalattentioninstudiesof

JapanesekanshibunMoreoveritillustratesthewaysinwhichtheChinese

historicalexperiencecouldbemarshaledforpoliticalsuasionduringatransitional

momentinJapanesehistoryonewhoseepochalsignificancewasdifficultto

appreciateinreferencetothedomesticrecordalone

OnthistheeleventhdayoftheeleventhmonthIEngetsuTransmitteroftheDharmadohumblyandrespectfullyofferthismemorial36

Yourmajestyitismyhumblecontentionthatamongkingstherearethosewho

succeedahumanpredecessorcontinuehislineandkeepthingsunchangedandthere

arethosewhoreceiveHeavenrsquosmandateadaptskillfullytotheexigenciesofthe

moment(通變)andbringaboutrevolution(革)Examplesoftheformerincludethe

rulerswhocontinuedtheirlinesduringtheXiaYinandZhoudynastiesExamplesof

thelatterincludeTangwhodeposedJieandKingWuwhovanquishedZhou37Thus

doesYijingsayldquoTherevolutionsofTangandWuwereinaccordancewithHeavenand

inresponsetothepeoplerdquo38ButwhysimplystopatTangandWuGaozuandShizuof

HanTaizongofTangandTaizuofSongwereallmenofthissortAsWenZhongzi

opinedldquoifoneadaptsskillfullytochangingcircumstancestherealmwillbefreeofbad

36ThedatecorrespondstoDecember191333intheJuliancalendarThetextmaybefoundinGozanbungakushinshūvol4pp380-81andGozanbungakutaikeivol2pp86-8737ChengTang成湯wasthefirstruleroftheYin(Shang)DynastyanddeposedJie桀thelastruleroftheXiaWu武wasthefirstruleroftheZhouDynastyanddeposedZhou紂thelastruleroftheShang38湯武革命順乎天而應於人ThisfamouslinefromYijingisstilloftencitedindictionariesandencyclopediasasthelocusclassicusforthetermgemingkakumei革命ldquorevolutionrdquo

24

lawsbutifonecleavesstubbornlytofixednormsthentherealmwillbebereftof

beneficentteachingsrdquo39

Intheirperfectionoftransformativeteachings(教化)andregulativenorms(法度)theThreeDynasties(XiaShangandZhou)weresurpassedbynoneYetafterthe

regulationshadbeenineffectforalongperiodoftimetheybecamecorruptedonceit

wasunderstoodtheregulationshadindeedbecomecorruptedtheywerereformed(革)

Thisisthemeansbywhich(thereformers)adaptedtocircumstanceThusitwasthat

whentheregulationsoftheXiabecamecorruptedTangofYinreformedthemand

whentheregulationsoftheYinbecamecorruptedWuofZhoureformedthemAfter

theZhouhadfallenintodeclineitsregulationsslippedintoextremecorruptionandit

wasthenthatWeiYangenteredthestateofQinandreformeditsregulations40One

yearafterthereformswereenactedthenumberofpeopleinthecapitaldecryingthe

newlawsreachedintothethousandsandtheprinceevenviolatedthemWeiYang

opinedthatthereasontheregulationswerenotbeingsuccessfullyimplementedwas

thattheprincehimselfdidnotabidebythemAstherulerrsquosheirtheprincecouldnot

bepunishedbuthischiefadviserwaspunishedcorporallyandhistutorwastattooed41

AlmostovernightallthepeopleofQinsubmittedtothenewlawsTenyearslater

nonedaredtoevenpickupvaluablesdroppedontheroadsandthemountainswere

freeofbanditsThepeoplewerebraveinfightingwarsthatwereinthepublicinterest

(公)butreticenttoindulgeprivate(私)quarrelsThosewhohadoncecalledthenew

lawsunsuitablenowthoughtthemmostexpedientYetafterQinunifiedtherealmit

39通其變天下無弊法執其方天下無善教WenZhongzi文中子istheposthumousnameofthephilosopherWangTong王通(584-617)anditisalsothetitleoftheworkWenzhongzialternativelyknownasZhongshuo中説(DiscoursesontheMean)whichrecordshisresponsestoquestionsaskedbydisciplesThequotecomesfromthefourthchapterldquoZhouGongrdquo周公WangTongrsquosimportancetoChūganisdiscussedbelow 40WeiYang衛鞅(390-338BCE)betterknownasShangYang商鞅wasthearchitectofnumerousimportantreformsinthestateofQinAlongwithShenBuhaiandHanFeizihecontributedsignificantlytothedevelopmentofwhatwouldcometobeknownaslegalism41Theadviserwaspunishedbyhavinghisnosecutoff

25

lostsightoftheneedtomakeperiodicchangestoitslawstheevilsthatresultedwere

extremeandviolenceandcrueltyprevailed

HencetheQinlastedjusttwogenerationsbeforebeingdestroyedTheHan

thenassumedsuzeraintybutforoverseventyyearstheyfoundthatdespitetheir

effortstobringthesituationundercontrolnomethodseemedviableWhenlawswere

promulgatedwickednessonlygrewwhendecreeswereissuedfraudanddeceit

followedAlasitcouldnothavebeenotherwiseTheremnantsoftheQinwerea

peoplewhosecustomswereheartlessandperversewhichiswhytheyresisted(the

impositionoflawsbytheHan)ItwasforthisreasonthanDongZhongshusaidthe

followinginhisrescript

ldquoIfoneusesboilingwatertocalmboilingwaterthewaterwillonlyfrothandbubblemoreandwhenazitherhasfallenirreparablyoutoftuneonehasnochoicebuttoremovethestringsandreplacethemonlythenwillitbemadeplayableWhenagovernmenthasutterlylostitsauthoritythereisnochoicebuttotransformitonlythenmayorderbereestablishedrdquo42

DongZhongshursquoswordsarerightonthemarkItismycontentionifImaybeso

boldthatYourMajestyhasinheritedhisperspicacity(明)fromWenofZhouand

receivedhisvirtue(德)fromJimmu43Youhaverevivedthekinglywayandabolished

militaryhegemony(覇)44Youbringcomforttothefarthestcornersoftherealmand

42如以湯止湯湯愈甚琴瑟不調甚者必解而更張之乃可鼓也為政而不行甚者必變而更化之乃可理也ThequoteisfromDongZhongshursquosfirstrescript(ce册)SeeHanshu562504-05 43VirtueisthemostcommonEnglishtranslationof德butitfailstosufficientlyconveythesenseofsuasivetransformativepowerinherentinthetermArthurWaleyhasusedldquopowerrdquotorender德whichisquiteaccurateifthepowerinquestionisunderstoodtoarisefrommoralexcellenceThoughldquovirtuerdquowillbeusedhereforclaritysomethinglikeldquomoralcharismardquomightbemoreappropriateparticularlywhenappliedtoarulerSeeJonathanWSchoferldquoVirtuesinXunzirsquosThoughtrdquoinTCKlineandPhilipJIvanhoeedsVirtueNatureandMoralAgencyintheXunzi(IndianapolisHackett2000)pp69-88JohnSMayoretaledsandtransTheHuainanzi(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2010)pp872-7344TheconceptofhegemonyandthefigureofthehegemonaretreatedfurtherbelowChūganusesthetermtopejorativelycharacterizewarriorpoweringeneralandtheKamakurashogunateinparticular

26

embracetherudestofyourpeopleAllthedenizensofthislandrightlypayyouhumble

obeisanceWhobutanenlightenedsagaciousrulerndashonewhohasreceivedHeavenrsquos

mandatendashcouldaccomplishsuchathingSadlytherealmistodaybesetbytheevilsof

theKantōsuzerainswhosepolityhasstoodforoverahundredyearsThepeoplehave

graduallysunkintovicebecomingavariciousandwaywardintheirhabitsThisiswhy

lawsuitsfillthecourtsfrommorningtonightWorsestillthenumberofthosewho

wouldconspireinrebellionhasgrownlargeInotherwordsthingsherearenowas

theywereinChinawhentheHansucceededtheQinitisatimewhenordermaybe

restoredonlythroughrevolutionIhavenoknowledgeregardingtheearliestbeginning

ofHeavenandEarthButifyourmajestyweretoabolishmilitaryhegemonyandrevive

thewayofthekingwouldthisnotbethebeginningofanachievementndashhereinour

timendashthatwouldringoutfortenthousandgenerationsHowcanweaffordnotto

reformthebanefulscourgeofoutmodedways45

AlasIambutalonemustardweedinamountainforestandIwillultimately

decaytonothingalongsidethegrassesandthetreesIamnotboundbyworldly

interestsandonemaywonderwhyIhaveofferedthesewordscourtingtrouble

throughmyimpertinenceInpointoffactIdosoonlyforthebenefitoftherealm(天下)notformyself(身)TrulyIdosoforposteritynottobaskinthegloryofa

momentrsquosfameItismyhumblecontentionthatifyourmajestywilltaketoheartthe

greatwordsofDongZhongshuandWangTongandacceptthesincerityofmycounsel

thentherealmwillprosperformyriadagestocomeImyselfhavenoauthoritytoact

soIhavecomposedtwoessaysGenminandGensōforyourmajestyrsquosperusalIfyou

findanyoftheideasespousedthereintobeofusepleaseissuearoyaledict

commandingyourofficialstoseethattheyareputintoeffectTheforegoingisoffered

mosthumblywithutmostreverenceandtrepidation45陛下除覇興王不乃萬世鴻業之始固在斯時乎舊法之弊不可革耶Ifthereferentof覇istakenspecificallytobetheKamakuraregimewhichwasdestroyedapproximatelysixmonthsearlierthefirstpartmightberenderedldquodoesnotyourmajestyrsquosabolitionofmilitaryhegemonyandrevivalofthewayofthekingconstitutethebeginningofanachievementndashhereinourtimendashthatwillringoutfortenthousandgenerationsrdquo

27

上 建武天子表 十一月日傳法臣僧圓月謹昧死上書 皇帝陛下竊以王者受禪於人者襲其統而沿之得命於天者通其變而革之受禪於人者如夏后殷周之克繼者也得命於天者湯放桀武王伐紂之類皆是也故易曰湯武革命順乎天而應於人豈止湯武而已漢高祖世祖唐太宗宋太祖皆其人也文中子曰通其變天下無幣法執其方天下無善教教化法度之成三代莫之踰者然久則其法又弊法弊則革之所以通其變也所以夏法弊則殷湯革之殷法弊則周武革之周之衰時法之弊甚時衞鞅入秦變其法行之期年國都言新法之不便者以千數於是太子犯法鞅言法之不行自上犯之太子君嗣也不可施刑輒刑其傳黥其師明日秦人皆趍令行之十年秦國道不拾遺山無盜賊民勇於公戰怯於私鬪然後其初言不便者來言令便也然而秦得天下之後弗能知複變其法之理故弊甚極至暴酷是以二世而亡 漢繼秦之後七十餘歲雖欲理之無可奈何 法出而奸生令下而詐起則無它以秦之遺民習俗薄惡民人抵冒也是故董仲舒對策曰如以湯止湯湯愈甚琴瑟不調甚者必解而更張之乃可鼓也為政而不行甚者必變而更化之乃可理也仲舒之言至矣哉恭惟陛下明繼周文德承神武興王除覇柔遠包荒高田之下厚地之上莫不賓順非聰明睿知得命於天者孰能與於此哉然今天下為關東所伯百數十歲之弊積焉斯民漸漬惡俗貪饕 故自朝至暮獄訟滿庭又沙上偶語者亦多矣乃與漢繼秦之時偶相同也更化則可理之時也天地之初臣不得而知之陛下除覇興王不乃萬世鴻業之始固在斯時乎舊法之弊可不革耶 臣是山林一芥宜當與草木共朽也實為天下不為身也實為萬世不為一時名望之榮也伏望陛下感董生王通之至言而收臣懇誠則天下萬世之幸矣臣不自揆輒撰原民原僧二篇以塵睿覧如有可采敕有司施行之謹奉書以聞某誠惶誠恐

Chūgandesignatesthispieceahyō表(Cbiao)aparticulartypeofmemorial

understoodtoconveyopinionsandpolicyviewsunlikethemoreexplicitly

admonitorysō奏(zou)46AshedoesinGenminChūgandetailsthemalaiseafflicting

46Anextendeddiscussionofthehistoryandliteraryqualitiesofroyalmemorialsmaybefoundinchapters22and23ofWenxindiaolong文心雕龍aseminalworkofliterarytheorybytheLiang-erascholarLiuXie劉 (465-522AD)Thebiaoistreatedinchapter22

28

contemporaryJapanesesocietyplacingtheonussquarelyupontherecentlytoppled

Kamakuraregimeandbuttressinghispositionwithexamplesdrawnfromthe

ChineseexperienceGo-Daigorsquosrevolutionarymomentiscastinthemostelevated

termsimaginablewithinthegrandsweepofEastAsianhistorylikenedtothe

epochaltransitionsfromtheShangDynastytotheZhouandtheQintotheHan

Suchrhetoricimmediatelysuggeststhattherecentupheavalsbesettingboththe

shogunateaninstitutionwithnocloseanalogueinChinaandtheJapanesecourt

whichinformandfunctionhadcometodifferdramaticallyfromChinarsquosmight

nonethelessbeunderstoodinbroadlyldquoChineserdquotermsauguringthefallofone

nationalorderandtheriseofanotherInasmuchasthisreadingflattersEmperor

Go-DaigoandunderscoresthegravityofhishistoricalsituationitservesChūganrsquos

purposewell

AnevenmoreaccurateiflessdramaticapplicationoftheChinesehistorical

experiencetofourteenthcenturyJapanissuggestedbyChūganrsquosuseoftheterm

ldquohegemonrdquo(覇)incontradistinctiontoldquokingrdquo(王)Asnotedabovetheprimary

referentsfortheformeraretheKamakuraregimeandthemodelofindependent

warriorgovernanceitrepresentedThehegemonsofclassicalConfucian

historiographyrefertorulersinpre-imperialChinawhowhilepoliticallyand

militarilysuccessfuldidnotconformtothemoralidealsofrulershipespousedby

theru儒classicists47Thehegemonsarementionedinnumerouscanonicaltexts

47SeeHuttonXunzippxxiv-xxvTheusualtranslationforruinEnglishisldquoConfucianrdquothoughinthetreatmentofearlytextsthisissometimesreplacedbytermssuchasldquoclassicistrdquoldquoclassicalstudiesscholarrdquoorsimplyleftuntranslatedTheruwereexpertsinZhouperiodritualandversedinthetextsandtraditions

29

includingLunyuMengziandespeciallyXunziwhichdevotesanentirechapterto

clarifyingthedifferencebetweenthemandtruekingsForthephilosopherXunzi荀

子(XunKuang荀況313-238BC)thehegemonwasbetterthanatyrantkingbut

stillfarfromidealMengzi孟子(MengKe孟軻372-289BC)perhapsthemost

influentialruthinkerbesidesConfuciushimselfemphasizedtheirrelianceonbrute

power(力)overmoralcapacityorldquovirtuerdquo(徳)andappraisedtheminthefollowing

terms

OnewhousespowerasasubstituteforbenevolenceisaHegemonandaHegemonneedstohavealargestateOnewhousesvirtuetoeffectbenevolenceisaKingandaKingdoesnotdepend(forhissuccess)onthesizeofhisstate48以力假仁者霸霸必有大國以德行仁者王王不待大

BythetimeoftextssuchasMengziandXunzithehegemonwasan

establishedfigureofrule-by-mightandalthoughtheyarosealmosttwothousand

yearsbeforetheKamakurashogunatetheirdevelopmentduringtheZhouerais

similarenoughtothatofwarriorpowerinJapantosustainacomparisonthatisnot

onlyrhetoricallyeffectivebutlogicallycompellingaswellAsexplainedbyEdward

SlingerlandthehegemonwasapositionfirstrecognizedbytheZhoukingsin681

BCwhenDukeHuanofQiwasgiventhisappointmentinordertoleadtheChinese

defenseagainstbarbarianinvasionwhiletheyweretheoreticallyregentsofthe

Zhoumonarchthehegemonsinfactruledindependentlyandthepostitself

associatedwithConfuciusSeeMarkCsikszentmihalyiReadingsinHanChineseThought(IndianapolisHackett2006)p18448Mengzi2A3

30

representedanimportanterosionofZhouroyalauthority49AsChūganwaswell

awaresomethingquitesimilarmightbesaidabouttheshogunateaninstitution

nominallycaptainedbyamilitarydictatorbearingthetitleSei-itaishōgun征夷大将

軍ldquoGeneralissimooftheExpeditionaryForceAgainsttheBarbariansrdquoa

commissionoriginallygrantedintheNaraandearlyHeianperiodstocommanders

leadingJapaneseforcesagainstunassimilatedpeoplesinnorthernHonshuFor

ChūgantheKamakurashogunatewasnotlikeadynastythathadlostthelegitimate

righttogovernratheritwasakintothepolitiesofZhou-erahegemonsmorally

illegitimateinthiscapacityfromthebeginningMoreoveritisclearthattheterm

ldquohegemonrdquo(orldquohegemonyrdquo)asusedinthememorialwouldapplyinprincipletoany

systemofrulebyautonomouswarriorsuzerainsandthatChgūanrsquosdiscussionof

Go-Daigorsquoscentralaccomplishmentndashrevivingthekinglywayandabolishing

militaryhegemonyndashwasintendedbothasacelebrationoftheemperorrsquos

achievementsandasaprescriptionforthestateofaffairshehopedwouldobtainin

perpetuityundertheneworder

AnothernotableandinthecontextofJapanesethoughtfairlyunusual

featureofthememorialistheprominenceChūganaccordstotheWesternHan

thinkerDongZhongshu董仲舒(179-104BC)Asadvisertotheillustrious

EmperorWu武(r141-87BC)DongadvancedavisionofConfucianismthat

quicklybecameacentralpillarofHanpoliticaltheoryandstatecraftAttheheartof

hissyncreticphilosophywasanactiveHeavenwhoselawsgovernnotonlythe

naturalworldbuthumanaffairsaswellalongwithanabidingbeliefinthedynamic49EdwardSlingerlandAnalects(IndianapolisHackett2003)p239

31

interrelatednessofseeminglydisparatesocialandnaturalphenomena50Notunlike

DongChūganhopedtoshapethedecisionsofamatureandvigoroussovereignwho

waswillingtoembracecoercioninordertoremakethepoliticallandscapeTheaim

ofhismemorialtoGo-Daigowastoofferintellectualjustificationforrevolutionan

endtowhichYijingstudiesandDongrsquosperspectiveonhistoricalchangewasnicely

suitedInparticularDonghadarguedthatsovereignswhoaccededuringperiods

whentheworldiswellgoverneddonotalterthewayoftheirforebearsbutthose

whocometopowerduringtimesofdisorderdo51TheHanaccordingtoDong

ldquosucceededaftergreatdisorderrdquo(漢繼大亂之後)anditisthereforerightand

properthattheyshouldaltersomeofthenormsthathadprevailedduringtheZhou

justastheZhouadynastyalsobornofdisorderhaddoneamillenniumbefore52

AlthoughChūgandoesnotexplicitlyapplyDongrsquostheoryofhistorical

cyclicalitytoJapanitseemsclearthatinmattersofthemeanddictionhewas

stronglyinspiredbythefamoustriptychofldquoresponsesrdquo(對策)inwhichDong

50SeeMichaelLoeweDivinationMythologyandMonarchyinHanChina(NewYorkCambridgeUnivPress1994)pp134-41andldquoImperialSovereigntyDongZhongshursquosContributionandHisPredecessorsrdquoinSRSchramedFoundationsandLimitsofStatePowerinChina(LondonSchoolofOrientalandAfricanStudiesUnivofLondon1987)pp33-5751SeeGaryArbuckleldquoInevitableTreasonDongZhongshursquosTheoryofHistoricalCyclesandEarlyAttemptstoInvalidatetheHanMandaterdquoJournaloftheAmericanOrientalSociety1154(1995)pp585-9752Ibidpp591-92DongeffectivelyignorestheQinseeminglyregardingitinArbucklersquoswordsasanldquohistoricalmiscarriagerdquoThepeacefulsuccessionswerefromYaotoShunShuntoYuandYutohissonconstruedinthisschemaasthefirstformalruleroftheXiathedynastiestosucceedbyconquestweretheShangZhouandHan

32

outlinedhiscyclicaltheorytoEmperorWu53Thequestionsandresponsesare

preservedinHanshu漢書(TheHistoryoftheHan)afoundationaltextlongstudied

byJapaneseintellectualsandonetowhichChūganwouldundoubtedlyhavehad

ampleaccesslongbeforehisjourneytoChinaOtherworksbyDongZhongshualso

seemtohavebeenknowninJapansinceatleastthelateninthcenturyasonetext

attributedtohimismentionedinthebibliographicresourceNihonkokugenzaisho

mokuroku日本国見在書目録acatalogueofChinesetextsheldinJapan54Overall

howeverDongdoesnotappeartohaveenjoyedparticularprominenceinJapanese

politicalthoughtthisdespitewidespreadinterestamongJapaneseliteratiinboth

theinterpretationofomensandtheSpringandAutumnAnnalsaworkcentralto

Dongrsquosscholarshipandpolicypositions55InnoothertextofwhichIhave

knowledgedoesDongZhongshufeaturemorecentrallythanhedoesinChūganrsquos

53AnanalysisofthesetextsisgiveninMichaelLoeweDongZhongshuAlsquoConfucianrsquoHeritageandtheChunqiuFanlu(BostonBrill2011)pp83-10154Compiledca891byFujiwaranoSukeyo藤原佐世theworklists1579separateChineseworksthattotalalmost17000fasciclesCuriouslythemostfamoustracttraditionallyascribedtoDongChunqiufanlu春秋繁露(LuxuriantDewofTheSpringandAutumnAnnals)isnotamongthemtheoneworkbearinghisnameistitledChunqiuzaiyiDongZhongshuzhan春秋灾異董仲舒占whichIhavenotfoundelsewhereAtentativetranslationmightbePrognosticationsofDongZhongshuConcerningDisastersandAnomaliesAppearinginTheSpringandAutumnAnnals55InJapanTheSpringandAutumnAnnals(Chunqiu春秋)andtheZuoCommentary(Zuozhuan左傳)hadbeenaformalpartofthestateuniversitycurriculumsinceitsinceptioneachmentionedexplicitlyassuchintheRegulationsoftheYōrōEra(養老令718)Themid-ninthcenturylegaltextRyōnoshūge令集解acompilationofexpansionsandexplanatoryglossesontheYōrōregulationsnotesthattheGongyang公羊andGuliang穀梁commentarieshadalsobecomederigueurNihonkokugenzaishomokurokulistsnolessthan33separateworksonChunqiuanditscommentaries

33

memorialandinfewotherperiodsofJapanesehistorycouldhisthoughthavebeen

morereadilyapplied

WhiletheworkofDongZhongshuwasquiteclearlyknowninJapanevenif

seldomstudiedindepthWangTonghasleftalmostnotracewhatsoeverinthe

worldofJapanesekanshibunoutsideofChūganrsquoswritingWenzhongziisabsent

altogetherfromNihonkokugenzaishomokurokuandacomputersearchofthevast

bodyofofficialdocumentsandcourtierdiariesdigitizedinrecentyearsrevealsnot

asingleexplicitmentionofitexceptinChūganrsquosmemorial56Theonlyother

referencetoWenzhongziofwhichIamawareoccursinthediaryoftheinimitable

EmperorHanazono花園(1297-1348r1308-18)whoafterperusingitinthe

summerof1324assessedWangTongasbeingonparwithXunziandYangXiong57

56DongZhongshudoesnotfaredramaticallybetterinthisregardthanWangTongbuthisChunqiufanluwhilenotlistedinNihonkokugenzaishomokurokuisquotedonceinMinkeiki民経記thediaryofthehigh-rankingofficialKadenokōjiTsunemitsu勘解由小路経光(1212-74)andalsoinaspecialreport(kanjin勘申)submittedbyFujiwaranoAtsumitsu藤原敦光(1063-1144)toEmperorSutoku崇徳in1135apparentlyinresponsetothelatterrsquosquestionsregardingportentsoffamineandsicknessThisreportwasincludedinthemid-twelfthcenturyHonchōzokumonzui本朝続文粹athoroughlyannotatedversionofitmaybefoundinYamagishietaledsKodaiseijishakaishisō(TokyoIwanamishoten2001)pp169-84TheHistoriographicalInstituteattheUniversityofTokyomaintainsasearchabledatabasethatincludesthedocumentcollectionsHeianibunKamakuraibunandDaiNihonkomonjoalongwithdigitizedversionsofdozensofdiariesandrecordsfromtheNaraHeianandKamakuraperiodsSeehttpwwwaphiu-tokyoacjpshipsshipscontroller57Hanazonotennōshinki花園天皇宸記Shōchū1412SeeAndrewEGobleldquoSocialChangeKnowledgeandHistoryHanazonorsquosAdmonitionstotheCrownPrincerdquoHarvardJournalofAsiaticStudies551(1995)p103ItisofinteresttonotethatcomparisonsofWangTongwithMengziXunziandYangXiongbecamecommoninChinaduringtheNorthernSongwhenWenzhongzibegantoappearonthecivilserviceexaminationsOnthisseeWongKwok-yiuldquoBetweenPoliticsandMetaphysicsOntheChangingReceptionofWangTrsquoungintheTrsquoang-SungIntellectualTransitionsrdquoMonumentaSericavol55(2007)pp61-97

34

LikeDongZhongshuWangTongsoughttounitemultiplestrandsofclassical

ChinesethoughtunderanessentiallyConfucianphilosophicalrubricandhedrew

heavilyonZhongyong中庸(TheDoctrineoftheMean)YijingChunqiuandthework

ofDongZhongshuhimselfYetWangattemptedsomethingthataWesternHan

figurelikeDongcouldnothaveintegratingintohissystemnotonlythoseparticular

textsandmodesofdiscourseidentifiedprincipallywithConfucianismandDaoism

butalsothoseassociatedwithBuddhismWenzhongziquotesdirectlyfromthe

AvatamsakaSutra(CHuayanjingJKegonkyō華厳經)andtheverychapteron

whichChūgandrawsinhismemorialcontainsanexchangebetweenWangandone

ofhisdisciplesinwhichWangidentifiedtheBuddha佛asasage聖人58The

unificationofConfucianismDaoismandBuddhismcollectivelystyledtheldquoThree

Creedsrdquo(CSanjiaoJSankyō三教)intherealmsofaestheticsmetaphysicsethics

andstatecraftwouldbecomearecurringtropeinmedievalJapanesethoughtandit

isquitelikelythatWenzhongziwasasignalworktoayoungChūganseekinga

holisticunderstandingofthevicissitudesofhisage59

MorethanthisChūganmayhaveseenhimselfasanintellectualheirtoWang

TongandaspiredtocontinuehislegacyinJapanChgūanrsquosphilosophicalmagnum

opusaportionofwhichwillbeconsideredbelowistheaforementionedChūseishi

58SeeZhangPeiZhongshuojiaozhu(BeijingZhonghuaShuju2013)pp11and114ThecontextseemstosuggestthatthebuddhainquestionisthehistoricalBuddhabuttheidentificationmightbeinterpretedassimplybeingbetweenabuddhaandasage59NotinfrequentlyConfucianismwasreplacedinthemedievalJapaneseversionoftheldquoThreeCreedsrdquobyrecentlydevelopednotionsofShintotheformulationofwhichowedmuchtoesotericBuddhismmountainasceticism(Shugendō修験道)andoldertraditionsofkamiworshipthathadnotpreviouslybeensystematized

35

中正子whichwascomposedseveralmonthsafterGenminandthememorialtoGo-

DaigoTheworktakesitstitlefromapseudonymousfictionalcharacterwho

representsChūganrsquosownviewsindialogicexchangesNotonlyisthename

ChūseishildquoTheMasterofBalanceandRectituderdquoimmediatelysuggestiveofWang

TongrsquosposthumousmonikerWenzhongzi文中子ldquoTheMasterofCultureand

BalancerdquoChūganrsquosworkisalsostructuredinpreciselythemannerofWenzhongzi

andcoverssimilarmaterialIntheopeningchapterofChūseishitheMasterof

BalanceandRectitudeevenopinesthatWangTongwasldquoremarkablysimilarrdquoto

Confucius60ItisprobablynotunreasonabletoassumethatChūganwhowas34at

thetimeandinthebeginningofhismostcreativeandexperimentalperiodhoped

thathetoomightsomedaybeaccordedcomparableapprobation

ANoteonGenreandStyleChūganrsquosMemorialintheContextofMedieval

JapaneseKanbun

GiventhesingularcircumstancesconfrontingJapaneseelitesand

intellectualsinthe1330sitisperhapsnotsurprisingthatintermsofcontent

60王氏後夫子千載而生然甚俏焉SeeIriyaYoshitakaedldquoChūseishirdquoinIchikawaHakugenetaledsChūseiZenkenoshisō(TokyoIwanamishoten1972)pp128and172ChūganseemstohavemeantthisasagenuinecomplimentoratleastasaneutraldescriptionofWangTongrsquosapproachtoscholarshipWangTongwashoweverinfamousforhisovertemulationofConfuciusinseeminglyeveryaspectofhislifestylesomethingforwhichhewascriticizedbylaterscholarsparticularlythoseassociatedwiththeDaoxuemovementSeeHowardJWechslerldquoTheConfucianTeacherWangTrsquoung(584-617)OneThousandYearsofControversyrdquoTrsquooungPaoLXIII(1977)pp225-272andHoytClevelandTillmanUtilitarianConfucianismChrsquoenLiangrsquosChallengetoChuHsi(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1982)pp106-7

36

ChūganrsquosmemorialstandswellapartfrommostextantJapaneseexamplesofthe

genreOver40hyōbyJapaneseauthorsarepreservedintheinfluentialeleventh-

centurykanshibunanthologyHonchōmonzui本朝文粹(TheLiteraryEssenceofOur

Court)anddozensmoremaybefoundinprivatecollectionssuchasKankebunsō管

家文草 andToshibunshū whichrecordthewritingsofnotedliterati

SugawaranoMichizane菅原道真(845-903)andMiyakonoYoshika都良香(c838-

79)respectivelyAllofthesememorialsarebyaristocratsandthevastbulkare

formaldeclinations(jici辭)ofofficialappointmentsSuchdeclinationsfrequently

offeredmoreasdemonstrationsofhumilitythanasearnestrefusalsrepresenta

majortraditionalfunctionofthehyō61AlthoughMichizanedidcomposesomevery

briefhyōthataddressedissuesofgovernmentpolicyndashinoneherequeststhatan

additionalprofessorofliterature(monjōhakase文章博士)beappointedatthe

universityndashnonespeaktofundamentalpoliticalreformorbearuponthetotalityof

statesocietyandkingshipinJapanWereonetosearchfortextsbyJapanese

authorssimilarinbothintentandcontenttoChūganrsquosmemorialthelikeliest

candidateswouldnotbeHeian-erahyōbutratherworksofpoliticalcounseloffered

bycontemporariessuchasYoshidaSadafusa吉田定房(1274-1338)Amemberof

thehighnobility(kugyō公卿)Sadafusawasamongthemosteducatedmenofhis

generationandservedasroyalvizierandtutorintheChineseclassicstoEmperor

61SometimesappointeeswouldoffernotonebutthreedeclinationsfollowingtheexampleofDukeWenofJin(c771-476BC)whothricerefusedanofferofenfeoffment(册)beforeeventuallyacceptingitThispracticewasapparentlyfollowedfaithfullybysomeJapaneseofficialsasmemorialsofdeclinationlabeledldquofirstrdquoldquosecondrdquoandldquothirdrdquoarenotuncommoninHonchōmonzui

37

Go-DaigoIn1324hedraftedaten-pointldquokotogaki-stylerdquomemorial(sōjō奏狀)

analyzedindetailbelowinwhichhewarnedGo-Daigoagainstchallengingthe

bakufumilitarily62Thepieceisthoughtfulandlearnedexemplifyingwellthe

traditionofChineselearningwithinthearistocracyandillustratingtheimportance

oftheChinesehistoricallegacytopoliticalsuasioninJapanOlderanaloguesmight

alsobesoughtinkanmon(勘文)agenrewithouttheliterarypatinaofthehyōbut

usedfrequentlybyJapanesearistocratstoofferopinionsandrecommendationson

mattersofcourtpolicy

Altogetherthehyōseemstohavebeenagenrefarmorecommonly

composedbyHeian-period(794-1185)courtiersthanbymedievalliteratiand

predominantlyforpurposesotherthanremonstrationorpolicyproposalToa

muchgreaterextentthanotheresteemedChineseliteraryforms(egshi詩ron

(lun)論sho(shu)書san(zan)贊andfu賦)memorialsandperhapsthehyōmost

especiallyseemtohaveremainedinJapananichegenretiedcloselytoa

continentalcultureofofficialdomoneinwhicheducatedministerspliedtheir

serviceswithinasingularstatistauthoritystructureatwhoseapexstoodtheoffice

andpersonaoftheemperorThismodelofgovernancemetwithrespectable

successinJapanduringtheNara(710-94)andearlyHeianerasandwasinavery

62SeeKasamatsuHiroshietaledsChūseiseijishakaishisōvol2(TokyoIwanamiShoten1981)pp149-154Intheso-calledkotogaki事書きorkajōgaki箇条書きformateachentrybeginshitotsuhellipnokoto一 hellip 事ldquoItemIntheMatterofhelliprdquoorinlegalpreamblesldquoItemWhereashelliprdquoForexamplethefirstentryinSadafusarsquosmemorialopenswiththecaption一王者以仁勝暴事whichmightbereadaloudinJapaneseasHitotsuōwajinwomottebōnikatsukotoldquoItemThataKingOvercomesViolencewithBenevolencerdquoNotallJapanesememorialsbearingthesōzhuangdesignationarestructuredlikethis

38

basicsensethemodeltowhichChūganandGo-DaigoweremostattractedButby

thetimeChūganwaswritingsuchapolityhadlongsincebeentransformedbyboth

auniquelyJapaneseapparatusofstatistauthorityndashthebakufu幕府orldquoshogunaterdquo

ndashandnumeroussourcesofmorelocalizedldquolordlyrdquoauthoritysuchaswealthy

familiesandreligiousinstitutions63DuringtheMuromachiperiod(1338-1573)

eventheshogunatecouldmakenopretensetoanythingresemblingabsolute

nationalsuzeraintyandfunctionedinsteadasaninterdependentpart(albeitavery

powerfulone)inwhathasbeentermedaldquosystemoflordlycorporationsrdquo64Thisis

nottosaythateducatedaristocraticministersceaseddischargingthefunctionsof

theirHeianpredecessorstheycertainlydidnotButthecourtwasnolongeratthe

centeroftextualproductionanditsrelativeretreatfromleadershipinthisarea

roughlytracksthetrajectoryofitsfortunesasaninstitutionwhichexceptingthe

briefrevivalincourtauthoritybetween1321and1336declinedmarkedlyoverthe

courseoftheKamakuraperiodandfellstillfurtherinthecenturiesthatfollowed65

ThroughouttheMuromachiperiodhighlytrainedBuddhistscholar-priests

grewnotonlytooutnumberaristocraticministersandmembersofthehereditary

hakase博士scholarfamiliesbutalsotooutpacethemintheproductionofpoetry

63UseofthetermslordlyandstatistfollowMaryElizabethBerryTheCultureofCivilWarinKyoto(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1994)64Ibidpxxvii65SeeGCameronHurstIIIldquoTheKōbuPolityCourt-BakufuRelationsinKamakuraJapanrdquoinJefferyPMassedCourtandBakufuinJapanEssaysinKamakuraHistory(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1982)pp3-28GermanetoGo-DaigorsquospoliticalorientationwastheKamakurashogunatersquosroleineffectivelysplittingtheimperialfamilyintotworivallineseachdependingforincomeontheirowndiminishedportfoliosofestates

39

andexpositoryproseinChinese66WorkintheseareasbyfigureslikeChūgan

ZekkaiChūshinMusōSosekiGidōShūshin義堂周信(1325-88)Hanazonoand

manyothersreachedheightsofartistryandintellectualsophisticationunexcelledby

eventhegreatestofHeianliteratiOnamoremundanelevelkanbunremainedthe

mediumofchoiceinawidevarietyofpracticalcontextsandthecharacteristic

socialtrendsoftheagemostnotablythedecentralizationofauthorityand

expansionofthecommercialeconomymotivatedanimpressiveefflorescenceof

familyprecepts(kakun家訓)privatestatutorycodesforthemanagementoffamily

properties(egthemasterfulMunakatakotogakijōjō宗像事書条々of1312)along

withagalaxyoflegalrecordscontractsbillsofsaleandotherdocumenttypesseen

eitherlessfrequentlyornotatallinearlierepochs

Moreoverinasmuchastheliterarykanshibuntraditionduringthemedieval

erawasshapedlessbyaristocratsthanbymembersoftheclergysomeofwhom

hadspentextendedperiodsoftimeinChinaandwereproficientinbothldquoclassicalrdquo

ChineseandtheSongvernacularthereisprobablymorestylisticdiversityin

literarykanshibunofthistimethaninthatoftheHeianperiodTheprosestyleof

Chūganrsquosmemorialnolessthanitsboldsubjectmatterdistinguishesitfromits

HeianpredecessorsAsalreadynotedChūganpreferredtowriteinadirectguwen-

inspiredstylealthoughsomeofMichizanersquoshyōarerelativelystraightforwardthey

allfarbrieferthanChūganrsquosandtheexamplesofthegenreinHonchōmonzuitend

toexemplifythehighlywroughtpianwenstyleofparallelproseBycontrast

66KurozumiMakotoDavidLurietransldquoKangakuWritingandInstitutionalAuthorityrdquoinHaruoShiraneedInventingtheClassicsModernityNationalIdentityandJapaneseLiterature(StanfordStanfordUnivPress2000)p210

40

Chūganrsquosmemorialisnotonlydirectbutseemsalmostcolloquialinplacesasinthe

portioncitedabovewherehetellsGo-Daigothatrestoringthekinglywayinthisera

would(ordid)constituteaparticularlygrandachievementInthisexamplethe

phraseldquoespeciallyinthistimerdquo固在斯時isinsertedintotherhetoricalquestionina

waythatsuggeststheurgencyofaspokenutterance

陛下除覇興王不乃萬世鴻業之始固在斯時乎舊法之弊可不革耶 IfyourmajestyabolishesmilitaryhegemonyandrevivesthewayofthekingwouldthisnotbethebeginningofanachievementndashhereinourtimendashthatwouldringoutforathousandgenerationsHowcanweaffordnottoreformthebanefulscourgeofouroutmodedways67

TodayChūganrsquosmemorialstandsasasingularexampleofpolitical

argumentationinmedievalJapanandtestifiesimplicitlytotheopportunitiesfor

bothsocialadvancementandideologicalexperimentationpresentedbyGo-Daigorsquos

ambitionsArtisticallyitillustratestheconventionsofagenrethatwaspracticed

almostexclusivelybymembersofthearistocracyandwhichseemstohavebecome

lesscommoninthemedievalerathanithadbeeninHeiantimeswhentheimperial

courtwasatitsculturalapogeeWhileupholdingcertainconventionscommonto

67ReadaccordingtoJapanesekundokuconventionsthephrase固在斯時isseeminglyquitesimple(makotonikonotokiniari)butinreadingtheentirelocutionthesituationiscomplicatedbytheneedtoadjusttheconjugationof在(ari)whenrenderingthenegativestructure不乃hellip乎whichwouldresultinsomethinglikeHeikahaonozokiōookosuwasunawachibanseikōgyōnohajimemakotonikonotokiniarankaJapanesereadersuntrainedinldquoChineserdquoassuchreliedlargelyuponkundokurulestoconstruekanbuntextsdespitetheoftenstiltedqualityofsuchrenderingsmostwereaurallycomprehensibletothosefamiliarwiththeconventionsForanextendedinvestigationofkundokuandrelatedmattersseetheappendixattheendofthisstudy

41

earlierJapanesememorialsitalsodemonstrateseconomyofdictionandclarityof

expressionstylisticsensibilitiesthatareperhapsbettersuitedtoprovidingactual

policyadvicethantheellipticalflourishesfrequentlyfoundinHeian-eraparallel

proseSignificantlynosimilarmemorialsbyotherJapanesefiguresintheGozan

milieusurviveTherenownedChineseeacutemigreacutemonkMingjiChujun(MinkiSoshun

明極楚俊1262-1336)didofferacongratulatoryhyōtoGo-Daigouponhisre-

acquisitionofpowerin1333butthiswasacelebratorypiecenotintendedto

advanceaprogramofreform68ThatChūganwasseeminglytheonlyGozanfigure

tohavecomposedsuchalengthyandideologicallyinsistentmemorialspeaksto

bothhisownpoliticalconvictionsunusuallystrongbythestandardsofhiseraand

totheuniquecircumstancesofthe1330sYetwhileChūganrsquosmemorialundeniably

evincestheidiosyncrasiesofbothitsauthoranditshistoricalmomentidiosyncrasy

isonlylegibleinreferencetowhatiscustomaryWhateverpowersofperlocution

thememorialmightbeseentopossessariseprincipallyfromcitationsand

rhetoricalconventionsthatsituateitsquarelywithinanesteemedgenericlineage

embracingcountlesstextsofsimilarimportwrittenbyprincipledcouncilorsboth

ChineseandJapaneseinagespast

68SeeSunRongchengldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquo(PhDDissBeijingForeignStudiesUniversity2012)p98ThisisnottosaythatMingjihadnopoliticalagendaitisknownthathegavelectureswhichGo-Daigoattendedinwhichheadvocatedformilitarypreparedness(ifnotmilitancy)amongtheBuddhistmonasticcommunityAsSunnotesGo-DaigomayhavewelcomedthematerialsupportthatarmedmonksfriendlytohiscausecouldprovidebuttheideadoesrepresentanideologicaldifferencebetweenMingjiandChūganwhoopposedsoldieryamongmonks

42

ViolenceVirtueandRoyalLegitimacyTheMemorialofYoshidaSadafusa

AnillustrativecomplementtothesuasivestrategiesemployedinChūganrsquos

hyōwhichprovidedrealadviceonmattersofpolicybutwasnotremonstrativeor

criticalofGo-Daigoisprovidedbytheaforementionedmemorial(sōjō)ofYoshida

SadafusaWrittenin1324inoppositiontoGo-Daigorsquosplantomovemilitarily

againsttheshogunatethistextsoughtnottoflattertheemperorrsquoshistorical

positionbuttorelativizeitTraditionallythesō(奏Czou)wasanadmonitory

genrethatwasemployedoccasionallybyNaraandHeian-periodofficialsbutfor

purposestypicallyunrelatedtoremonstrationItshistoryinChinareachesbackat

leastamillenniumbeforeitsappearanceinJapanaccordingtoLiuXieldquothezoursquos

functioninaccusationandimpeachmentistoclarifythelawandridthestateof

evilhellipsinceitisitspurposetoexposeevilanimpeachmentmemorialcannothelp

butbesevereandharshrdquo(若乃按劾之奏所以明憲清國 hellip 術在糾惡勢必深

峭)69

TheevilsthatSadafusawishedtoexposewereprincipallythosethatresult

frommisguidedmilitaryadventuresHisviewsonJapanesekingshipandthe

responsibilitiesofsovereigntywereheavilyinfluencedbytheChinesephilosophical

andhistoriographicaltraditionwhichtohimofferedbothhistoricaldataand

69SeeVincentYu-chungShihTheLiteraryMindandtheCarvingofDragonsAStudyofThoughtandPatterninChineseLiterature(HongKongTheChineseUniversityPress1983)pp256-57ItisworthnotingherethatgenericterminologyisnotalwaysappliedrigidlyandshouldnotbetakenasdeterminativeofcontentinHeianJapanworksdesignatedsōjōareapttobeelegantlywordedpetitionsforcourtpromotionnotstridentmemorialsofimpeachmentInthisregardSadafusarsquossōjōissomewhatuniqueandcloserinspirittoLiuXiersquosnotionofthezou

43

philosophicalfirstprinciplesthatwereapplicabletocontemporaryJapanTwo

worksinparticularMengziandShijiloomespeciallylargeThisofcourseis

somethinghehasincommonwithChūganAltogetherhismemorialoffersa

valuableglimpseintopoliticalsuasionwithintheroyalcircleandillustrateshowat

leastoneeducatedministerunderstoodboththestrategicandtheethical

implicationsofmakingwarwiththeshogunate70

ThoughitwouldseemthatdisagreementspersistregardingYourMajestyrsquos

intentiontofoundanewstateIsubmitthatthewillofHeavenremainsunknownand

themostopportunemomentforactionisimpossibletoascertainRetracingthehistory

ofbothChinaandJapanIshallanswerYourMajestyrsquosrequestforcounselwithmyown

humbleobservationsThereislittletogainandmuchtoloseandsoIventureto

presentmyearnestsuggestionsdaringtoincurtherefromthefullmeasureofYour

Majestyrsquosdispleasure

国家草創事叡念雖似有議天命未知時機難測和漢両朝先蹤今就 勅命粗愚管小益多損試献数箇之鯁議敢犯十分之逆鱗矣1 ThataKingOvercomesViolencewithHumanity

70ThetranslationthatfollowsisbaseduponthetextinKasamatsuetaledsChūseiseijishakaishisōpt2(Nihonshisōtaikei22TokyoIwanamiShoten1981)pp148-54KasamatsuandSatōShinrsquoichihaveprovidedhelpfulannotationswhichhavebeenreproducedhereadditionalnoteshavebeenappendedtotermsorpassagesthatpresentparticularinterpretivechallengesThetextisalsoincludedinZokugunshoruijū(seeldquoJōshūbōzōnikki淨修坊雜日記rdquoZGSRJ92531pt2)butnoauthorisspecifiedItwasnotuntil1940thatscholarsMatsumotoShūji松本周二andMurataMasashi村田正志identifiedtheworkasSadafusarsquosaconclusionthatremainswidelyacceptedtodayOnthisseeSatōShinrsquoichirsquosexplanatoryintroductiontotheworkinCSSSpt2391-92

44

Inthewayoftheaccomplishedperson(shijin至人)itishumanity(jin仁)thatcomes

firstInmanifestinghumanityconcretelythemostfundamentalthingistonotkillThis

iswhatismeantinMengzibythenotionthattherealmmaybepacifiedbybeing

unified71ThefirstemperorofQinmobilizedallthepeoplewithinhisbordersandset

themupontheSixKingdomsTakingadvantageoftheunrestinShandonghewas

ultimatelyabletoconsumethewholeofChinaAndyethisregimeperishedintwo

generationsCaoCaoofWeiSimaYiofJinLiuYuofLiuSongXiaoDaochengof

SouthernQiXiaoYanofLiangYangJianofSuindashallofthesemenfoundeddynastiesbut

theirdescendantswouldnotbeperformingtheancestralsacrificesforlongThisis

becausetheyreliedonforceofarmstosolidifytheirpositionandmadetyrannyand

violencetheirfoundationGaozuofHanGuangwuofLatterHanandTaizongofTang

allfollowedthewayoftheFormerKingsandpossessedheartsofhumanityandloveAs

thestatestheyestablishedeachenduredforcenturiescantherebeanydoubtthat

Menciuswasright

一王者以仁勝暴事 至人之道只仁為先仁之為躰不殺為基孟子所謂天下定于一是也秦始皇駈境内之民当六国之役乗于山東之擾乱暫雖呑海内二世兮滅魏曹操晉司馬懿宋劉裕齊蕭道成梁蕭衍隨楊堅皆雖為草創之主子孫永不血食是皆以兵革為固以暴虐為基之故也漢高祖後漢光武唐太宗皆遵先王之道抱仁愛之心社稷各數百年孟子之言豈徒然乎

ThisfirstarticleimplicitlypresentsGo-Daigowithachoicebeamartialruler

whosesuccesswillbeshortlivedorbeavirtuousrulerwhosepolitywillendurefor

71ThereferenceistoMengzi1A7ldquoMengzihadanaudiencewithKingXiangofLiangWhenMengzilefthesaidtosomeotherslsquoWhenIlookedupathimhedidnotseemlikearulerofpeopleWhenIapproachedhimIdidnotseeanythingawe-inspiringinhimHesimplyblurtedoutlsquoHowcantheworldbepacifiedrsquoIrespondedlsquoItcanbepacifiedbybeingunifiedrsquoThekingaskedlsquoWhocanunifyitrsquoIrepliedlsquoOnewhodoesnothaveatasteforkillingpeoplecanunifyithelliprsquordquoSeeVanNordenMengziWithSelectionsfromTraditionalCommentariesp7

45

generationsNoteworthyistheprideofplacegiventoMenciusathinkerwhois

typicallyassociatedwiththeviewthatpoliticallegitimacyiscontingentuponthe

moralfitnessoftherulerthatSadafusaforegroundsMenciusinthefirstarticleof

hismemorialimpliesunmistakablythatheseesGo-Daigorsquosruleandprobably

Japanesekingshipingeneralassubjecttothesameforcesthatbearuponkingship

elsewhereEventheMengzientryhecitespresentsarulerthatwhilenottyrannical

isnotparticularlyprescienteitherSadafusaiscertainlyromanticizingthelegacies

ofHanGaozuHanGuangwuandTangTaizongbutsuchwasstandardpracticein

tractsofpoliticalsuasion

2 ThattheManpowerofthePopulaceMustNotbeWastedTheQinemperorbuiltlavishlyonMountLiandtheSuiemperordebauchedin

Jiangdu72Thesealoneexemplifyarroganceanddissolutionhowmuchmoredotheir

militaryadventures

一不費民力役事 秦皇營驪山之侈隨帝專江都之遊尚是驕逸之甚也何況於軍旅之事乎

3 ThatUndertakingsWhichImperilPeoplersquosLivesMustBeTreatedSolemnly

72ThereferencesaretotheenormousmausoleumQinShihuanghadconstructedforhimselffamoustodayforthe1974discoveryofanarmyofterracottastatuesinterredonitsgroundsandtoaluxuriousdetachedpalacebuiltatYangzhoubyEmperorYangofSui

46

Akingisthemotherandfatheroftheentirepopulacehemakesthewholeoftherealm

hishouseandthepeoplehischildrenHowcouldalovingfatherpossiblywishtosend

hisowninnocentprogenytodieuponthetipsofspearsHowmanypeoplewillbesent

totheirdeathsbeforeorderisreturnedtotherealmOhhowIgrievetothinkofit

一重人死命事 王者萬民之父母也以天下為家以民庶為子使無罪之子孫死鋒鏑之下豈慈父之意乎天下草昧之間萬民役死幾多乎嗟呼哀哉

IntheseshortarticlesSadafusacitestwowell-knownexamplesofwasteand

immoralityinordertomakethepointthateventhesebadactspaleincomparison

tomisguidedmilitaryventuresHethenoffersanemotionallychargedexhortation

thataltogetherbypassestheldquostrategicrdquoquestionofwhetherornotwaragainst

Kamakuramightactuallysucceedandinsteadpointstothehumancostofwaging

suchawar

4 ThatldquoHeavenlyomensarenotasgoodasadvantagesofterrainandadvantagesofterrainarenotasgoodasharmonywiththepeoplerdquo73ThesearewordsthatMenciuswroteInrecenttimestheorderoftherealmissuch

thatofahundredpartsninetyarecontrolledbywarriorhouses(武家)Intermsof

martialcouragethepeopleinourShandongareeachworthathousandmenhow

couldthedelicatebabiesoftheKinaibepittedagainstthosemightyKanto

barbarians74Theutterimpossibilityofthisneedsnofurthercomment

73Mengzi2B1TranslationgiveninVanNordenMengziWithSelectionsfromTraditionalCommentariesp5074ldquoOurShandongrdquoisasomewhatspeculativetranslationbasedontheassumptionthatSadafusaisusingShandong(ldquoEastoftheMountainsrdquo山東)whichbecametheterritorialbaseoftheQinempirefollowingitsconquestofQiasananaloguefor

47

一天時不如地利々々不如人和事 孟子書有此言矣頃年天下之躰百分兮九十者武家之有也戰士勇山東之民一兮當千豈以皇畿近州之嬰兒對東關蛮夷之勇健乎此事之不可亦叵言矣

5 ConcerningtheYellowEmperorrsquosPunitiveExpeditionChiyouwouldnotobeyimperialcommandssotheYellowEmperormountedan

expeditionagainsthim75TodaycanthewarriorsoftheKantobecountedonnotto

contraveneHeavenlyprinciple(Noofcoursenot)Thisisthefirstreasonforthe

impossibility(ofmountingasimilarexpeditionagainsttheKamakuraBakufu)

一皇帝征伐事 蚩尤不用帝命故征伐之今時關東之武士無逆天理之志歟其不可一也

InthisarticleandinthethreethatfollowSadafusaappealstoexamples

fromChinesehistorytocharacterizeGo-DaigorsquostenuouspositionHedoessorather

terselypresumablybecausehismessageisentirelycleartoGo-DaigoTheissuein

ArticleFiveseemstobethatwhiletheYellowEmperorneededtoenlisttheaidof

theldquofeudallordsrdquo(諸侯)ndashandsuccessfullydidsondashinordertoeffecthissubjugation

ofChiyouGo-Daigocouldnotcountonreceivingsimilarsupportfromeastern

easternJapanwhichbySadafusarsquostimewasalreadylongrenownedforthestrengthofitsfightingmen75Chiyou蚩尤ldquoTheWounderrdquowasapowerfullocalleaderwhowouldnotsubmittothenascentpoliticalorderledbytheYellowEmperorSadafusaislikelydrawingupontheinformationatthebeginningoftheFiveEmperors(五帝紀)sectionofShiji

ldquoChiyoufomentedrebellionandwouldnotobeyimperialcommandsThustheYellowEmperorproceededtocalluptroopsfromamongthefeudallordsanddidbattlewithChiyouinthewildsofZhulueventuallycapturingandkillinghimrdquo(Shiji13)

48

warriorswerehetochallengeKamakuraThatiseventhoughthereexistinthe

historicalrecordexamplesofsuccessful(andmorallyjustifiable)actsofmilitary

conquestpresentcircumstanceswillnotpermitGo-Daigotoenjoysimilarresults

6 ConcerningShunrsquosPacificationofTheSanMiaoTheMiaopeopleswouldnotsubmitandsoShunconqueredthemHoweverhis

conquestwasunsuccessfulHenceheputintoeffectthePlanofYufosteringculture

andvirtueandtherebygettingtheMiaotoyieldthisiswhatldquodancingunderfeathered

bannersonthepalacestepsrdquorefersto76Thisisthesecondreasonfortheimpossibility

(ofchallengingtheBakufu)

一舜服其三苗事 苗民不服故舜征之而無成功遂用禹之謀修文德服苗民舞于羽於兩階是也其不可二也

7 ConcerningChengDeposingJieDragonsdescendedintotheXiacourtandghostsweptonthefrontier77(Jie)

imprisonedTangatXiataiand(Tang)drovethepeopleawayfromvice78ChengTang

76ldquoTheemperorthenspreadwidecultureandvirtueandtheydancedunderfeatheredbannersonthepalacestepsrdquo帝乃誕敷文德舞于羽于兩階 (ShujingldquoDaYuMordquo大禹謨)Thetermsldquoculturerdquo文andldquovirtuerdquo德arevastlymorecomplexthaneitherofthesetranslationsconveyforpresentpurposesitisnotunreasonabletothinkof文德asacompoundusedbySadafusatomeansomethinglikeldquocivilvirtuerdquoiethesortofvirtueassociatedwithgovernancethroughmoralprobitynotthroughforceInasectionofChūseishitobeconsideredinthenextchapterChūgansets文德explicitlyoppositeofldquomilitarystrategyrdquo武略withtheformerconstitutingaguidingprincipleofgoodgovernmentandthelatteramereexpedient77ThisarticledrawsuponShijiandpossiblyShujing書經andwhileitsgeneralthrustisclearsomelinesaredifficulttoparseThefirstclauseintheopeninglinereferstotheappearanceofamaleandfemaledragonduringthetimeofEmperorKongjiaadissoluteandincompetentsovereignwhosereignasdescribedinShiji

49

receivedtheMandatefromHeavenandbanishedJietoMingtiaoandinthiswaywas

abletobuttresshisvirtue79AtpresentsignsportendingtheKantōrsquosfallhaveyetto

appearandwehaveyettohearofwidespreadanxietyandsufferingamongthe

populaceHowcouldYourMajestyrsquosdelicatesubjectsbemadereadytostrikeata

powerstillfavoredbyfortuneThisisthethirdreason(thatchallengingtheshogunate

isimpossible)

一湯取桀事

marksthebeginningoftheendfortheXiaDynastyKongjiareportedlyldquodelightedinfollowingghostsandspiritsandengaginginlicentiousanddisorderlyactionsrdquo(好方鬼神事淫亂)hewasunabletocareforthedragonsandlostthesupportoftheHuanlong豢龍(ldquoDragonRaisingrdquo)ClanSeeWilliamHNienhauserJretaledsTheGrandScribersquosRecordsvol1(BloomingtonIndianaUnivPress1994)p37UnfortunatelyIhavenotbeenabletolocatethereferenceforSadafusarsquosmentionofghostsweepingonthefrontierandSatoandKasamatsuoffernoexplanatorygloss78囚湯於夏臺驅民於無罪AlthoughparallelismwouldseemtosuggestthattheimpliedsubjectofthesecondsentenceisalsoJiesuchaninterpretationisdifficulttojustifyonhistoricalgroundsThoughthespecificlocution驅民於無罪seemstobeuniquetothismemorialSadafusawasprobablyrememberingtheldquoDeclarationofTangrdquo(湯誓)aspeechinShujingwhosecontentissummarizedintheShijisectionuponwhichhedrawsinthisandthefollowingarticleTangaccusesJieofhavingcommittedmanycrimesandtriestopersuadeaskepticalpeoplethathisoverthrowoftheXiaisthusjustifiableSadafusarsquosclaimthatthepeoplewereldquodrivenrdquotoastateofldquoinnocencerdquoisprobablybestunderstoodtomeanthattheywereimpelledtosupportTanginhisquestforaneworderThephrase無罪mightplausiblybeconstruedasmeaningtheonewhoiswithoutoffenseieTangThisdoesallowasomewhatstrongercasetobemadefortakingJieastheimpliedsubjectwhothroughhistyranny(inadvertently)ldquodroverdquothepeopletowardTang79成湯受命於天放桀於鳴條而有輔德SatoandKasamatsuconstrue而ascontrastiveandthusreadthephrase而有輔德asmeaningsomethinglikeldquobuthepossessedbuttressingvirtuerdquo(theirkundokuglossreadsしかるに輔德あり)Byitselfthephrase有輔德couldmeanldquotohavethemeansofbuttressingonersquosvirtuerdquoorldquotohavethatwhichbuttressesonersquosvirtuerdquo(ineithercaseanabbreviationof有所輔德)orldquotohavelsquobuttressingvirtuersquordquotaking輔德asacompoundobjectof有SatoandKasamatsursquosrenditionactuallymakesSadafusarsquosrebukeofGo-DaigoevensharperunlikeTangwhohadthemandatefromHeavenandthesupportofthepeopleGo-Daigopossessesnocomparableldquobuttressingvirtuerdquoforhiscause

50

龍降于夏庭鬼泣于國境囚湯於夏台駈民於無罪成湯受命於天放桀於鳴条而有輔德今時關東之妖孼未見萬民之愁苦未聞豈以微弱之王民伺天縱之武運哉其不可三也 8 ConcerningKingWuDeposingZhow80HemadetheMarquisofJiuintodriedstripsofmeatandtheMarquisofEinto

mincemeathedebauchedinapoolfilledwithwineandhungmeatinsuchabundanceit

resembledtreesinaforestHewasespeciallypreferentialtowardshisconsortDaJiand

enjoyedlongnightsofmusicandmerrimentHeinstitutedcruelpenallawsincluding

immolationinthefirepit(paoluohōraku )81ButtherewasKingWenaleader

whohadreceivedtheMandateandwhohadpentuphisgrievanceswhileinternedat

Youli82NextcamethesagaciousrulerKingWuwhosworehisoathofcommandat

80FollowingconventionthenameofthelasttyrantkingoftheShangDynastyZhou紂willberomanizedwithalsquowrsquoinsteadoftheotherwiseexpectedlsquoursquotodistinguishitfromZhou周81AbronzepillarwaslaidacrossafirepitandthecondemnedweremadetowalkacrossituntiltheyfellintothefireSeeTheGrandScribersquosRecordsvol1p50n111TheactsSadafusamentionsaredescribedinShiji3105-106百姓怨望而諸侯有畔者於是紂乃重刑辟有炮格之法hellip九侯有好女入之紂九侯女不喜淫肘怒殺之而醢九侯鄂侯爭之彊辨之疾并脯鄂侯ldquoThefamiliesofthehundredcognomenswerefilledwithresentmentandhatredandamongthefeudallordstherewerethosewhowereagainsthimZhowthenincreasedtheseverityofhispunishmentsandhadamethodofroastingpeopleonarackhellipTheMarquisofJiuhadafitdaughterwhoheputinZhowrsquosserviceTheMarquisofJiursquosdaughterwasnotinterestedindebaucheryZhowbecameangryandkilledherHemadetheMarquisofJiuintomincemeatTheMarquisofEremonstratedstronglyandarguedforcefullysoZhowalsohadhimmadeintodriedmeatstripsrdquo(TheGrandScribersquosRecordsvol1p50)82FearingthesupportKingWenwasreceivingfromthefeudallordsZhowimprisonedhiminanareacalledYoulilocatedinmodernHenanInanattempttosecuretheirmasterrsquosfreedomKingWenrsquosvassalscollectedvarioustreasures(andattractivewomen)topresenttoZhowwhowassoimpressedwiththegiftsthathepardonedWenKingWenthenknownsimplyasLordoftheWest西伯becameoneofthemostrespectedleadersofhisdayandevenconvincedZhowtoabolishimmolationIntimemostoftheotherfeudallordsswitchedtheirallegiancefromZhowtoWenwhosesonKingWu武woulddealthefinalblowtoZhowandbring

51

Mengjin83ButinourpresentMandate-alteringyearnosignsportendingtheKantorsquos

demisehaveappearedafactwhichIhavealreadystatedabove84Thisisthefourth

reason(thattheshogunateshouldnotbechallenged)85

一武王放肘事 脯九侯醢鄂侯瀝酒池掛肉林嬖愛妲己成長夜之樂以苛酷之刑法修炮烙之命爰有文王受命之君績憂於牖里繼以武王聖明之主發蹤於孟津革命之今時關東無妖其議聞上其不可四也 9 ConcerningtheHistoricalVicissitudesofOurImperialCourtInChinathefortunesofthethronehavetimeandagainbeensubjecttodeclineand

resurgenceThisislikelyduesimplytothefactthatdifferentfamilieskeepappearing

(toclaimpower)Inourcountrykings(setsuri刹利)comefromjustonelineasaresult

eventhoughthethronemaygrowweakerwitheachpassingdaynoresurgencecanbe

expectedThisissomethingthatYourMajestymustsurelyperceive86Particularlyafter

theHōgenera(1156-58)theMinamotoandTairafamilieseachmonopolizedpowerand

theauthorityofthethronegraduallydeclinedDuringtheGenryakuerathecaptainof

theRightPalaceGuardsLordYoritomopacifiedtherealmandswallowedupterritories

theShangDynastytoanendKingWenisthusoftenconsideredthehonoraryfounderofthesucceedingZhou周Dynasty83發蹤於孟津Mengjin盟津(alt孟津)waswhereKingWugatheredanarmyproclaimedhimselfheirtoWenandmadeaspeechbeforetheassembledlords84革命之今時關東無妖其儀聞上ThenotionofaldquoMandate-alteringrdquoyearreferstothekōshiorkinoe-ne甲子yearthefirstinthesexagenarycyclewhichinthiscasecorrespondstothefirstyearofShōchūor132485AfterproclaiminghimselfheirandannouncinghiswillingnesstodeposeZhowtheassembledlordsallsaidldquoZhowcanbechastisedrdquoButWustillrefusedtolaunchhiscampaignwaitingtwomoreyearstodosobywhichtimeZhowrsquosrulehadbecomeevenworseSadafusarsquospointseemstobethatevenKingWuwaitedfortheopportunitytostrikeattackingZhowonlywhenvictorywascertain86是聖徳之所觀見也Here聖徳meanssomethinglikeldquosagely(intellectual)capacityrdquosimilarinusageandmeaningto叡念whichSadafusauseselsewhereInessenceheissayingldquoyourownintelligenceshouldtellyouthataresurgenceofimperialpowerisunrealisticrdquo

52

largeandsmallAftertheShōkyūera(1219-21)LordYoshitokitooksolecontrolofthe

reinsofgovernment

Theabilitytoremoveasovereign(三通)orhisheir(儲貳)andtodemoteor

promotegrandministers(高槐)andsupremegenerals(大樹)areallthingsthatarise

frommilitarypowerAtpresentifYourMajestyrsquosambitionsarenotinaccordancewith

thepatternofthetimescantherebeanydoubtofaswiftandresoundingdefeatThe

imperiallinewillbenearlywipedoutTheverysafetyofthecourtitselfisnowatstake

howcanYourMajestynotreflectonthis

一本朝時運興衰事 異朝紹運之躰頗多中興蓋是異姓更出故而已本朝刹利天祚一種故陵遲日甚中興無期是聖德之所觀見也就中保元之後源平遞專國權皇威漸損元曆年中右大將賴朝卿平定天下并吞國邦承久之後義時朝臣專持國柄通三儲貳之廢立高槐大樹之黜陟事皆出自武威今時草創之 叡念若不叶時機者怱有敗北之憂歟天嗣殆盡此乎本朝安否在于此時豈不迴 聖慮哉

DepartingfromthethrustofpreviousarticlesSadafusamakesnoappeal

heretoConfucianmoralityortofamousrulersofChineseantiquityAmongthe

notablefeaturesofthisarticleisitsunusualnomenclatureofkingshipSadafusa

firstusesthesomewhatunusualwordsetsuriatermthatrefersspecificallytothe

KshatriyacastefromwhichIndianmonarchsaredrawntodescribeJapaneserulers

InasmuchasJapaneselexicalitemsofIndicorigintendtocarryBuddhistovertones

thetermmaybeseentoinscribeJapanesekingshipwithinapoliticalcosmology

differentfromthatwhichunderpinsdomesticnotionsofimperialdivinitySetsuriis

followedbyanothercomparativelyexoticwordofsimilarimporttsūsan通三(C

tongsan)whichoccursinHanshuItrefersliterallytothethreefundamental

activitiesofsoundrulendashselectingmenoftalentharmonizingwiththewillofthe

53

peopleandadaptingtotheexigenciesofthetimesbyakindofmetonymic

extensionitalsodenotesthesovereignhimselfAgaintheimplicationseemstobe

thatGo-DaigoinparticularandJapanesesovereignsmoregenerallyoccupyafully

historical(andhistoricizable)realminwhichgoodjudgmentanddecisionmaking

matter

10 ThattheHolyFortunesofRetiredSovereignsandthePowerofWarriorHousesMustEachRuntheirCourseAfterEmperorKōninassumedpowertheroyallinewasagainunified87Andalthough

EmperorHeizeiEmperorSagaandEmperorJunnawerebrothersruleoftherealm

eventuallyreturnedtothedescendantsofEmperorNinmeiThesonsoftheTenryaku

Emperor(EmperorMurakami)ReizeiandEnrsquoyūeachpracticedabdicationinfavorofa

non-linealdescendantbutintimetherealmreturnedonceagaintoEnrsquoyūrsquosline88From

thenuntilnowroyallinesspawnedfrombrothershaveoccasionallyemergedbut

ultimatelyeverythinghasstayedwithinthesamefamily89Thisischaracteristicofthe

87AfterthedeathofEmperorTenchi(r668-72)asuccessiondisputearoseinvolvinghissonPrinceŌtomoandhisyoungerbrotherPrinceŌamaPrinceŌamawasvictoriousandtookthethroneasEmperorTenmu(r673-86)severalofthesovereignswhoreignedduringtheeighthcenturywerehislinealdescendantsEmperorKōnin(r770-81)wasagrandsonofTenchiandallthesovereignswhofollowedhimwerehis(andhenceTenchirsquos)linealdescendantsTraditionalcommentatorsincludingKitabatakeChikafusahaveseenKōninrsquosascensionasareturntothecorrectlineofsuccession88ldquoAbdicationinfavorofanon-linealdescendantrdquorendersyūjō揖譲HereSadafusahighlightsthefactthatReizeiabdicatedinfavorofhisbrotherEnrsquoyūwhointurnabdicatedinfavorofhisnephewKazanYūjōiscloseinmeaningtozenjō禅譲aconceptinearlyChinesepoliticalthoughtdescribingatransferofruleinwhichthekingyieldsthethronevoluntarilytothemostvirtuouspersonintherealm 89或舅姨或兄弟之皇統時々雖出始終遂入于一家HereSadafusamentionsnotonlyroyallinesissuingfrombrothers( )butfromaffinalrelatives(kyūi )aswellThebasicsenseof iseitheramaternaluncleoronersquoswifersquosbrother indicateseitheramaternalauntoronersquoswifersquossisterandthecompound referstounclesandauntsonthemotherrsquossideSatoandKasamatsuoffernoglossonthisbutiftakenliterallyaroyallineissuingfromaffinalrelativeswouldseemtoimplya

54

JapanesecourtaloneAsregardstheaugustlineageestablishedbytheKangenEmperor

(Go-Saga)itwashisdecisiontoestablish(thelineof)EmperorKameyamaasthe

orthodoxlinethisissomethingunderstoodthroughouttherealm90EvenifEmperor

Go-Fukakusarsquoslineshouldunexpectedlyholdswayforthreeorfourreignsintheend

rulewillreturnassuredlytoYourMajestyrsquosimperialline91Thisisnodoubtbecausethe

EarthcannothavetwosovereignsanymorethanHeavencanhavetwosuns92

violationoftheprincipleofpatrilinealdescentThecomplexityofroyalfiliationandgeneralacceptanceofendogamywithintheextendedroyalfamilymakesmanythingspossiblebutatpresentitisuncleartomewhichsovereignsSadafusamighthaveinmindorifthenotionofaldquoroyallineagerdquo皇統issuingfromldquoaffinalrelativesrdquo(assumingthisiswhatismeantby舅姨)iseventenableandIhavethusavoidedthematterinthetranslationpendingmoreinformation90KameyamaandGo-FukakusawerescionsofGo-SagaandfullbrothersChikafusatooreportsthatGo-SagaintendedtohaveKameyamarsquoslineinheritthethrone91後深草院不慮雖及三四代始終定歸當代之皇胤歟Rhetoricalquestionsarecommoninhortatorywritingheretheimpliedanswerisaffirmativeyes(rule)willassuredlyreturntoyourroyallineThetermtōdai當代mayindicateeitherthepresentageorthecurrentheadofafamilysynonymousinthelattersensewithtōshu當主Whicheverisemphasizedintranslationthegistisunchanged(sinceGo-Daigocurrentlyoccupiesthethrone)IhavetakenthefirstclauseasconditionalbecausedoingsoreconcilesitnicelywiththenextsentenceHoweveritmightalsobetakenasadeclarativestatementaboutpasthistorywhichwouldbemoreinkeepingwiththeprecedingcommentsSadafusamadeaboutJapanesesovereignsInthisreadingtheclausemightbeconstruedasareferencetothefactthatpriortoGo-Daigorsquosaccessionthreeoutoffoursovereigns(FushimiGo-FushimiandHanazono)weresonsorgrandsonsofGo-FukakusaThisreadingdoeshoweverchangethesenseofthesentencethatfollows(seebelow)92蓋天無二日地無二主之故也Thesignificanceofthisdependsonwhetherweunderstandthepreviouslinetomeanthatrulewilleventuallyreturntothelegitimateline(iethatofKameyamaandthusGo-Daigo)orthatrulealreadyhasreturnedtothatlineTheformerworkswellif後深草院不慮雖及三四代istakenasaconditionalclausewhilethelatterisbetterifthatclauseistakenasastatementoffactldquoThough(thelineof)Go-Fukakusaunexpectedlyenjoyedarunofthreeorfourreigns(rule)hasnowdefinitivelyreturnedtoYourMajestyrsquoslinerdquoThisseemsastraightforwardreadingbutitbearsupontheinterpretationofthenextsentenceInsayingthatrulehasdefinitivelyreturnedtothelegitimatelineldquobecauseEarthcannomorehavetwosovereignsthanHeavencanhavetwosunsrdquoSadafusamightbeclaimingthattheBunpōCompromiseandthepracticeofalternatingruleisoroughttobeathingofthepastWhilesuchamessagewouldbecongenialtoGo-DaigorsquosambitionsitseemsoutofstepwiththeconservativetackSadafusatakes

55

MoreovertheDaoistswarnagainstthreesuccessivegenerationsholdingthe

positionofgeneral93TheKantōhascommandedthemilitarymightoftherealmfor

sevenoreightgenerationsalreadybutjustasitwaxesmustitnotalsowaneMakeno

useofarmsnowandinsteadwaitpatientlyfortheopportunemomentThisaboveall

istheessentialpointIwishtoconvey

一仙洞聖運武家權威可有其期事 光仁馭俗之後 皇胤既一統平城嵯峨淳和皆三人雖履皇位天下歸于仁明之余裔 天曆皇胤冷泉円融各兩三代遞雖有揖譲之義天下歸円融自尒以降或舅姨或兄弟之皇統時時雖出始終遂入于一家是本朝之故實而已寛元之聖統以亀山院為正統之条天下知之而後深草院不慮雖及三四代始終定歸當代之皇胤歟蓋天無二日地無二主之故也兼又三世之將道家所肆也關東天下兵馬元帥之權既七八代定有日月盈蝕之期歟不用兵革暫俟時運是大義而已

Theprecedingarticlesareclearenoughingeneraltermsthoughtherearesurely

omissions(漏脱)andambiguities(依違)Theseviews(意見)werewrittenand

everywhereelseHenceadifferentreadingalsobasedontheassumptionthattheclause後深草院不慮雖及三四代expressesahistoricalfactmightunderstandSadafusarsquosmessagetobethatrulehasrightfullyreturnedtothelegitimatelineandnowitistheheadofthatlinenotGo-FukakusarsquoswhoreignsunchallengedatthecenterofthepoliticalcosmosldquoyoursquorealreadyinchargeYourMajestydonrsquotgolookingforawaryoudonrsquotneedrdquo93三世之將道家所肆SatoandKasamatsusuggestthisderivesfromapassageinHouHanshuthatisidenticalinmeaning三世為將到家所忌ThenotionitselfisrelatedinmanyclassicalChinesesourcesthebiographyofWangJian王翦inShijiascribesthetaboototheaccumulatedldquoinauspiciousnessrdquo(不祥)thatresultsfrommultiplegenerationsbeinginvolvedinkillingldquohellipSomeonesaidlsquoWangLi(WangJianrsquosgrandson)isafamousgeneralofQinLeadingtroopsofmightyQintoattackthenewlycreatedZhaoheiscertaintotakethemrsquoAstrangersaidlsquoNotsoThosewhoserveasgeneralsforthethirdgenerationarecertaintogodownindefeatWhyaretheycertaintogodownBecausetheykilledandattackedmanyandtheirdescendantswillsuffertheevilfortunethatcomesfromthisrsquohellip或曰「王離秦之名將也今將彊秦之兵攻新造之趙舉之必矣」客曰「不然夫為將三世者必敗必敗者何也必其所殺伐多矣其後受其不祥今王離已三世將矣」(Shiji7313TranslationgiveninTheGrandScribersquosRecordsvol1p50)

56

submittedlastyearonthetwenty-firstdayofthesixthmonthThatdocumentwaskept

insidethepalaceIhaveheardarumortotheeffectthattheretiredsovereigntookit

forhimselfSurelyitwillsurfaceagainsomedayWhileitiscertainthatsomesentences

havebeenaddedandotherssubtractedandthatthingssaidinthebeginning(ofthe

firstdocument)mightnowbeattheend(ofthisone)thereisnodiscrepancy(between

thetwopieces)asconcernstheirbasicthrustHavingwrittenallthisdowncarelesslyin

travelerrsquoslodgingsIamchagrinedatwhatothersmightthink94

以前條々大概取意定有漏脱依違歟此意見去年六月廿一日狀也件狀者在禁中御調度之內仙洞被取置之由風聞定有出現之期歟文章增減首尾錯亂雖為勿論粗肝要旨趣者更不可有相違者也旅宿楚忽馳筆之間外見旁有憚矣

ThelastarticleofSadafusarsquosmemorialconcludeswitharatherlengthy

meditationontherecenthistoryoftheimperiumandtheshogunateThelessonis

bynowafamiliaroneeverythingthatwaxesmustalsowaneandpatienceis

everywherepreferabletoimpulsivenessWherepreviousarticlesappealedto

moralitythisoneappealstotwopolitico-cosmologicalideasinanefforttostayGo-

DaigorsquoshandThefirstisthatJapaneseimperialruledespiteoccasionaldeviations

alwaysreturnstothesolerightfullinendashsuchisthedefiningfeatureoftheJapanese

imperiumSadafusaexhibitsnoneoftheskepticismthatsomeothercontemporary

94ThisadmissionbySadafusathatthepresenttextisinfactacopyapparentlyfrommemoryofanearlierdocumentthathenolongerpossessesmightbeseentocompromiseitshistoricalveracityThecounterpointtothisconcernisthatifthisdocumentreallywassignificantlydifferentthananoriginalwhichwasstillextantandpossiblyinthepossessionoftheretiredsovereignthentherewouldbenopointinassertingasimilitudethatcouldbeeasilydisprovenLikewiseifSadafusaisdissemblingandhadforsomereasondestroyedtheoriginalorknewofitsdestructiontherewouldbenopointinevenbroachingitsexistenceitwouldbeeasiertosimplypassthisoneofftoposterityastheauthenticoriginal

57

thinkersmostnotablyEmperorHanazonohadexpressedconcerningtheperpetual

continuityoftheimperialfamilyIfsuchapositionseemsnaiumlveitshouldbe

rememberedthatSadafusarsquosobjectivewasentirelyperlocutionaryhesoughtto

dissuadeGo-Daigofromchallengingtheshogunatemilitarilyandmayhave

emphasizedthevauntedcontinuityoftheJapaneseroyalfamilyinordertoconvince

Go-Daigothathislinethelegitimatelinewouldultimatelywinoutregardless

makingbloodshedinthepresententirelyunnecessaryThesecondmajorconceptis

thatmilitarypoweritselfisinherentlypollutingSadafusacitestheldquoDaoistrdquobelief

thatwhentherankofgeneral(將)isheldbythesamefamilyforthreeormore

generationstheresultismisfortuneanddefeatafactthatsuggeststheKantois

overdueforafallTheoverallargumentseemstobethatimperialpowerwillonce

againriseandwarriorpowerwillinevitablyrecedeTotheextentthatsuch

processeseventhosewithanalmostldquokarmicrdquoinevitabilityareshapedbyhuman

decisionmakingSadafusaissurelywellawarethatarmedconflictmightplaya

pivotalroleinbringingaboutpoliticalchangeButheisalsoadamantthroughout

thatunderpresentcircumstanceswarwiththeshogunatewouldbeadisasterfor

boththecourtandthepopulaceatlargeandthuscounselsGo-Daigotowaituntil

conditionsaremorefavorable

IntheendGo-Daigowouldnotbedeniedandinearly1331Sadafusa

steadfastinhisownconvictionswouldbetraytheemperorrsquosplottotheshogunate

ItispossiblethatSadafusahaddecidedthatloyaltytothesystemndashincludingeven

theshogunatendashmustoutweighpersonalloyaltytotheemperoralternativelyhe

maysimplyhavewantednopartofwhathefeltwasarashanddestructivecauseIn

58

oneofthemorestrikingturnaboutsinthehistoryofJapanesecourtpoliticsa

victoriousGo-DaigowouldnotonlyforgiveSadafusabutin1333wouldreinstate

himasamajorfigureinhisnewregime95Nosubsequentwritingsattesttowhat

Sadafusathenalmost60thoughtawaitedtherealmunderGo-Daigorsquosuncontested

ruleYetamongthoseclosetotheemperortheprevailingmoodin1333seemsto

havebeenoneofconfidenceandtheinitialstepsGo-Daigotooktowards

consolidatinghispowerweremarkedmostlybyconciliationnotretributionTo

Chūgancertainly1333wasayearofpossibilitiesGo-Daigorsquosrevolutionhadfor

themomentsucceededspectacularlyforaConfucianmonarchistlikeChūganand

probablyforSadafusatooanimperialrestorationpromisedopportunitiesforsocial

andinstitutionalreformundreamtofjustadecadebeforeThechallengesinplacing

thenascentpolityonafirmfootingwouldproveimmensehoweverandthings

wouldnotturnoutastherestorationistshadhopedLessthanayearlatera

frustratedChūganwouldholdGo-Daigoresponsibleformismanaginghisown

revolutionHearticulatedhiscriticismsinafictionalizeddialoguemodeledonthose

inMengziitistothisworkwhichisaworldapartfromroyalmemorialsandunlike

anythingknownpreviouslyinJapanesekanshibunthatwenowturn

95SeeGobleKenmup139

59

AppendixEstablishingtheFundamentsofMonkhood

AlongwithGenminChūgansubmittedtoGo-DaigoacompanionessaytitledGensō

原僧(EstablishingtheFundamentsofMonkhood)Thepieceaddressestheproblems

thatarisewhenboundariesbetweenmonksandlaypersonsbecomeblurredandit

offersadefenseoftheBuddhistpracticeoftonsuringandshavingwhichhadlong

beentheobjectofcriticismbycertainorthodoxConfucianswhovieweditasa

desecrationofthenaturalbodyItalsotakesuptheoldissueofmembersofthefour

traditionalclassesabandoningtheirvocationsforthepriesthoodamatterof

concerntobothecclesiasticalauthoritiesandgovernmentpolicymakers

EstablishingtheFundamentsofMonkhood96

Istheconceptofshukke(出家)simplysynonymouswiththecuttingofones

hairNoofcoursenotShukkeinvolvesleavingbehindonesabodeinthisdefiled

worldrenouncingworldlysentimentsandembracingthe(Buddhist)WayThe

Confucians(儒)saythatonemustneverdareinjureanypartofthebodydotheynot97

YetBuddhistteachingstipulatesthatonemustbetonsuredandshavenistherereally

nogoodreasonforthisIfweimagineasituationwhereamonkrsquosouterappearance

werethesameasthatofthelaitythenordinarypeoplewouldbeunabletodistinguish

themonksandpaythemtheappropriaterespectFortheirpartmonkswholookedno

96TextinGozanbungakushinshūpp394-5Gozanbungakuzenshūvol2pp105-697Deliberatelyharmingthebodycouldbeconstruedasaviolationofonersquosfilialobligationssincethebodywasagiftfromonersquosparentstakentotheextremethisviewwasthebasisforproscriptionsagainstshavingandcuttingthehair

60

differentfromthelaitywouldbeabletoconcealthemselvesamongthegeneral

populationandactwithoutshameinwayscontrarytotheirvowsHenceweBuddhists

moveabouttheworldtonsuredandshavenWhenordinarypeopleseeamonkwith

thatestimablyroundhead(圓顱之士)theyareinspiredwithasenseofrespectand

themonkthankstohisdifferentappearancecannotconcealhimselfinthecrowdand

hethereforedaresnotactinwayscontrarytohisvowsWhenmonksdonotactagainst

theirvowsthewayofBuddhismflourishesandwhenordinarypeopleharborfeelings

ofrespectforthemonkstheirownfortunesbrighten

TheteachingsoftheBuddha(釋氏之教)mostdefinitelypossessarationale(由)

Yettodaytherearethosewhotakereligiousorders(出家)butdonotfullybase

themselvesinthisrationaletheysimplychopofftheirhairandcallthemselvesmonks

Thefourclassesofofficialsfarmersartisansandmerchantshaveallseensomeoftheir

numbercastasidetheirrightfuloccupationsandlackinganyunderstandingofwhyone

becomesamonkmakevacuousclaimstohavetakenordersSuchunscrupuloushead-

shaverscanbefoundineveryhouseholdTheseimpostorsarenotonlymiscreantsin

theeyesoftheConfucians98theyareawickedlotdoingnefariousharmtotheBuddhist

LawaswellTheresultofthistrendistheinabilitytodistinguishmonksfromlaypersons

andmoreoverthediminutionofofficialsfarmersartisansandmerchantsanda

correspondingincreaseinthenumberofidlepersonswhichissurelydamagingtothe

state(國家)

出家也者斷髮云乎哉出離俗塵之家疎于世情親于道情之稱也儒不云乎身體髮膚不敢毀傷然則佛之教剃髪除鬚其無由乎 曰若使爾形質同彼在俗之人則俗不知所以擇而敬之僧亦以爾形質不與俗異故藏身於俗中以行非法之事而無所羞也是以吾佛教剃除鬚髮表而出之是故俗見彼圓顱之士殊生恭敬之心僧以爾形質異諸人而不可藏身故不敢行非法之事僧不行非法之事則其道愈隆焉俗生恭敬之心則其福愈昌焉釋氏之教固有由也今稱出家者不本其由而止斷髮而已士農工賈之民皆廢其業不知所以為僧偷空名於出家縱意斷髮者戸有諸非唯為儒者罪人而已抑又為弊佛法之魔族也僧亦斷髮俗亦斷髮何異之有 且夫士農工賈之民漸少而徒爾不用之人愈多亦為國家之害矣

98Presumablybecausetheyabandontheirpropersocialroles

61

UnlikeGenminGensōmakesnoexplicitpolicyrecommendationsbutsimplypoints

outaproblemAlthoughtheConfucianopponentsoftonsuringcomeoffas

shortsightedChūganrsquosharshestcriticismisnotdirectedatthembutatthe

opportunistswhotrytojointhepriesthoodsimplybyshavingtheirheadsand

proclaimingthemselvesmonksItisacritiquecouchedintermsthatareultimately

quiteConfucianthetonsureisdefendedbyreferencetoitspositiveeffectsuponthe

moralityofmonksanditsabilitytoengenderaldquosenseofreverencerdquo(恭敬之心)

amongthepopulaceinturnthephenomenonoffaithlesspersonsnominallyjoining

theclergyiscriticizedbyreferencetoitseconomiccoststothecountryasawhole

Chūganishowevercarefulnottoimpugnthevalueofpriestsorthepriesthoodas

suchandhislanguagealwaysmakesclearthattheobjectsofhiscriticismarethose

wholdquofailtobasethemselvesintherationalerdquo(不本其由)forshavingtheheadthose

wholdquodonotunderstandwhyonebecomesamonkrdquo(不知所以為僧)andthosewho

ldquounscrupulouslychopofftheirhairrdquo(縱意斷髮)Inotherwordsampleroomisleft

forpersonsofsincerereligiousinclinationtoenterthepriesthoodlegitimately

62

Chapter Two Figuring Moral Kingship Constant Norms and Expedient Policies in Chūganrsquos Chūseishi

ChūganrsquosmemorialalongwiththeessaysGenminandGensōwerecomposed

inlate1333followingthedestructionoftheKamakurashogunateandthe

triumphalreturnofGo-DaigotoKyotoAtthispointtheinstitutionaloutlinesofGo-

Daigorsquosnewregimehadyettobefullyarticulatedandmanagingthemultiplicityof

conflictinginterestsandoverlappingclaimswasalreadyprovingdifficult

particularlyasconcernedthedispositionoflandrights99Chūganrsquosforegroundingof

theconceptoftsūhen通變(Ctongbian)ldquoskillfuladaptiontotheexigenciesofthe

momentrdquocouldnothavebeenmoreappositeForhispartGo-Daigoseemstohave

embodiedtheprinciplewellremainingflexibleandwillingtocompromisewhen

particularpolicieswerenotworkingasexpectedThoughChūganwasnotoneof

Go-DaigorsquosclosestadvisorshispresenceattheprominentKyototempleNanzenji

affordedhimaclose-upviewofthingsasthenascentordertookshapeHoweverin

Januaryof1334ŌtomoSadamuneChūganrsquosprincipalpatrondiedunexpectedly

ChūganleftKyotoalmostimmediatelyandtookupresidenceatEngakujiin

KamakuraHerehewouldwritewhatistodayhisbestknownworkTheMasterof

99SeeGobleKenmupp145-172andpassim

63

BalanceandRectitude(Chūseishi中正子)aneclectictreatisecomprisedoften

chaptersthatcovertopicsrangingfromConfucianethicstohorologyandBuddhist

doctrineOfparticularinteresttothepresentdiscussionisthesecondchapter

ldquoKeikenrdquo經權orldquoTheConstantandtheExpedientrdquoThechapterbeginswiththe

MasterofBalanceandRectitudeadramatizationofChūganhimselftravelingtothe

fictionalldquoLandofMobrdquo(Ukanokuni烏何之國)andinstructingitsbenightedruler

EnduringMulberry(Hōsōshi包桑氏)ontheimportanceofdistinguishingbetween

establishednormsofmorality(JkeiCjing經)andexpedientpoliciesorstratagems

(JkenCquan權)100Theepisodeismeantasasimpleallegoryforthesituationat

Go-DaigorsquoscourtasChūganperceiveditwithEnduringMulberryrepresentingGo-

DaigoonthewholetheldquoKeikenrdquochapterismoretheoreticalthanGenminGensōor

thememorialandunlikethosetextsitmakesgreateruseofallusionandlessof

directcitationItalsoprovidesthefirstinklingthatChūganwasnolongersanguine

abouttheprospectsforGo-Daigorsquosregime

TheConstantandtheExpedient101

TheMasterofBalanceandRectitudewenttotheLandofMobItsruler

EnduringMulberrywelcomedhimandinquiredthuslyldquoDisturbancesoftherealmcan

onlybestoppedbyforceofarmsHenceIhavebeenfondofarmssinceIwasyoung

100ThenameldquoLandofMobrdquowasintendedbyChūganasapunontheChinesetermwuhe烏合whichhasthesamepronunciationas烏何itdenotesliterallyamurderofcrowsandisusedmetaphoricallytodescribeanunrulymoborrabbleThenameEnduringMulberryderivesfromYijingandwillbeanalyzedbelow 101ThetranslationisbasedonIriyaYoshitakarsquosannotatededitionofChūseishiinIchikawaHakugenetaledsChūseiZenkenoshisō(TokyoIwanamishoten1972)pp123-70

64

andthepeopleofmycountryarefondofthemtooBysevenyearsofagemypeople

areabletowieldswordsandbyagetenthankstothisskilltheycanbesentintobattle

WhenitcomestomilitarymattersIcansaysimplythatIhavepouredmywholeheart

intothem102Andyetourbanditsandrobbershavenotyetbeenchasedawayandin

everycornerarmscannotbelaiddownWhyisthissordquo

TheMasterofBalanceandRectituderespondedsayingldquoDoesYourMajesty

knowaboutthewayoftheconstantandthewayoftheexpedientThekingreplied

ldquoNoIdonotbutIwouldliketohearwhatyouhavetosayrdquoTheMasterofBalanceand

RectitudethenrespondedasfollowsldquoThewayoftheconstantandtheexpedient(經權之道)isthekeytogoverningacountryTheconstant(經)referstothatwhichis

enduring(常)itiswhatcannotbealteredTheexpedientisnotfixedanditcannotlast

forlongThewayoftheconstantmustnotbeheldjealouslybutmustbemade

manifesttoallthepeopleoftherealmBytheexpedientismeantthatwhichruns

countertotheconstantbutinsodoingcompletestheWaySomethingthat

contravenestheconstantbutdoesnotcompletetheWaycannotbetheexpedient

Theconstantiscivilvirtue(文德)theexpedientismilitarystratagems(武略)

Theinceptionofmilitarystratagemswasnottheultimateintent(意)ofthesagesthe

sagesonlyputthemintoeffectbecausetheycouldnotbutdootherwiseSomething

thatisputintoeffectbutneverdiscontinuedcannotbethewayofmilitary

stratagems103If(militarystratagems)areputintoeffectandthendiscontinuedthe

orderrevertsbacktothatofcivilvirtueThisispreciselythemeritoftheexpedient

Whenthewayofcivilvirtueandconstantnorms(經常)isspreadwidelythroughoutthe

realmandmeasuressuchasmilitarystratagemsandotherexpedienciesarenot

undertakenthentheorderofYaoandShunwillobtainautomaticallyIwilltryto

explainthisfurtherIbeseechYourHighnesstolistencarefullyrdquo

102ThissentencedirectlyparallelsKingHuirsquoscommenttoMengzithatwithrespectto(thegovernanceof)hiscountryhehasldquopouredhiswholeheartintoitrdquo梁惠王曰寡人之於國也盡心焉耳矣(Mengzi1A31)103Inotherwordslegitimateldquomilitarystratagemsrdquo武略areemployedwhennecessarybutdiscontinuedthereafter

65

ThekingrepliedldquoYouhavemyfullattentionrdquo

TheMasterofBalanceandRectitudecontinuedldquoBroadlyspeakinghuman

beingsarebornintothisworldfundamentallydifferentfromthebirdsandbeaststhey

havenottalonsandteethwithwhichtocatchthethingstheywantnorhavethey

feathersandfurwithwhichtowardoffthecoldOfnecessitytheymustrelyonother

thingstonourishtheirlifeTheyformcommunitiesandpursuetheirlivelihoodsbut

whentheirpursuitscannotbesatisfiedamindsetofcompetitivestrifewillbegintoset

inThesagesofoldintheirloftyperspicacityactedbymeansofthecivilvirtuesof

humaneness(仁)love(愛)propriety(禮)anddeference(譲)Themassesresponded

tothemweretransformedandsubmittedtotheminsubmittingtothemthemasses

flockedtogether(群)andcalledthemlsquorulersrsquo(君)Therulerstooktheaforementioned

civilvirtuesandappliedthemuniversallytothewholeoftherealmthepeopleofthe

realmgravitated(往)tothemandcalledtheserulerslsquokingsrsquo(王)Thekingswerethose

whodevotedthemselvestothecultivationofcivilvirtueandeffulgentlytransformed

(旺化)thecommonpeople104

HencethatwhichisenduringandunalterableisthewayoftheconstantIfthe

kingsweretofallintolaxityandlosewhatisenduringthenthepeoplewouldalso

becomelaxandceaseholdingtowhatisrightIfthedegreeoftheirlaxityweresmall

theywouldbepunishedwithwhipsandcanesiflargetheywouldbebroughttoheel

104InthesesentencesChūgansuggestsetymologicalconnectionsbetweenwordsbasedonhomophoniesldquorulerrdquo君(CjunJkun)isimpliedtobecognatewithldquoflockrdquo群(qungun)andldquokingrdquo王(wangō)isimpliedtobecognatewithbothldquotogotowardsrdquo往(wangō)andldquoradiantrdquo旺(wangō)Theetymologicalassociationofldquorulerrdquo君withldquoflockrdquo群occursinBaihutong白虎通(ComprehensiveDiscussionsintheWhiteTigerHallc97AD)andtheseminalsecond-centurydictionaryShuowenjiezi説文解字glossesldquokingrdquo王asldquohetowhomtherealmreturnsrdquo(王天下所歸往也)Theadditionalassociationof王with旺doesnotseemtobetraditionalandmaysimplybeadisplayofverbaldexteritybyChūgan旺isnotonlyhomophonouswith王butalsosynonymous(andhomophonous)withthecomparativelyrarecharacter暀(wangō)whosegraphicstructureobviouslyresembles往

66

bypunitivemilitaryaction105Thisisthewayofexpedientmeasures(權謀之道)Hence

itisdesirablethatthewayoftheconstantbeelevatedandthewayoftheexpedientbe

heldinabeyanceThewaythatoughttobeelevatedis(whatis)implementedduring

timesofpoliticalstabilitythewaythatoughttobeheldinabeyanceis(whatis)putinto

effectduringtimesofdisorder

NowthepoliticalorderofYaoandShuncannotalwaysobtainandasaresult

thewayoftheexpedientcannotalwaysbeheldinabeyanceThusitisthat

punishmentsmaycometobecarriedoutandforceofarmsmayrisetothefore

Disorderissuppressedbyforceofarmsinordertocompletethewayofconstantnorms

assuchmilitarypowerismaintainedinorderthatitinspireaweandtrepidationBut

displayingittotherealmovertlyisunacceptableInthewordsofMasterZuoldquoIf

(militarypower)isdisplayedovertlyitwillbeusedirresponsiblyandifitisused

irresponsiblyitwillloseitsawesomenessrdquo106NowYourMajestyfailstopracticethe

wayofculture(文道)andblithelydispatchestroopsoutamongstthepeopleofyour

countryndashpeoplewhofortheirpartfeelnoparticularsenseofaweandtrepidation

Thisisthereasonthebanditsandrobbershavenotbeenchasedawayandwhythefour

cornersremainunsettledAndifthingsremainlikethisyouwilllosenotonlytheway

oftheconstantbutthewayoftheexpedientaswell

Losingthewayoftheexpedientyouspeakofhavingldquopouredyourwholeheart

intomilitarymattersrdquoWithduehumilityImustconfessthatItrulypityyourmajesty

Ingeneralifonewishestoseethewayofconstantnormsputintoeffectthroughout

thewholerealmoneoughtnotbesecretiveaboutitifonedoesnotwishtosee

expedientmeasuresexercisedovertlyonecannotbutbesecretiveaboutthem

Nowadaysthosewhocultivatethecivilvirtuesarefewandthosewhotalkabout

militarymattersaremanyTheonestalkingaboutmilitarymattersmeetwithsuccessin105大則甲兵之威征之Theideaseemstobethatiflaxityorresistancetogovernmentcontrolwerewidespreadthroughoutanentirecommunitysoldierswouldbedispatchedtoforcethepopulationbackintocompliance106左氏之語曰示則翫々則無威IhavenotbeenabletolocatethisquoteinZuozhuanorinanyothertextbutitsbasicthrustisidenticaltothequotefromGuoyuthatappearedinGenmin

67

theworldwhiletheonescultivatingcivilvirtuesfindthemselvesinstraightenedestate

Ifhighrankingcourtiersstateofficialsandcommonfolksuchasfarmersandmerchants

allengageinmartialpursuitsnonewillbesatisfieduntiltheyhavewonallfor

themselves(不奪不厭)andthecountrywillbeimperiled107 Touseanexamplesupposewehaveahouseholdinwhichallthechildrenand

servantsarethoroughlyinstructedintheconstantvirtuesofbenevolenceand

righteousnessShouldoneofthechildrenorservantsactdisobedientlythetaskof

censuringthemormetingoutcorporalpunishmentmaybedelegatedtoastewardof

theeldestsonthiswillinstillaweandtrepidationinthemandreflectsthewayof

expedientstrategiesButifthechildrenandservantsallwieldwhipsandcanes

themselvesandresistcensureorpunishmentwhatsenseofaweandtrepidationwould

theyhaveInthissituationtothink(happily)tooneselfldquomyhouseisaccomplishedin

martialpursuitsrdquowouldbeapathtocompletedisorderYourMajestyitwouldbemost

fittingifyouweretotakethisillustrationofgoverningahouseholdextrapolatefromit

andunderstanditsrelevancetoindividualprovincesandindeedtotheentirerealmrdquo

ThekingwasgreatlypleasedandofferedlavishgiftsTheMasterofBalanceand

Rectitudewouldnotacceptthemandtookhisleave

中正子適烏何之國其君包桑氏為迎而問曰夫天下之動非武不止是以寡人自幼好武國中之民亦好武民生而七歳能舞劍十歳者可以出征是寡人之於武可言盡心焉耳矣然國之盜賊未去四邊甲兵未休何如 對曰大王且知夫經權之道乎 王曰未也願聞其説對曰經權之道治國之大端也經常也不可變者也權者非常也不可長者也經之道不可秘吝也示諸天下之民可也權也者反經而合其道者也反而不合則非權也

經者文德也權者武略也武略之設非聖人意聖人不獲已而作焉作而不止非武略之道也作而止則歸文德是則權之功也文德經常之道誕敷天下而武略權謀之備不行於國則堯舜之治可以坐致吾嘗論之大王請聽之王曰寡人之望也

107ThislineriffsonceagainonthefamousopeningchapterofMengziwhichrecordsMengzirsquoscounseltoKingHuiofLiangMengziopinesthatifthekingprizesprofitoradvantage(利)overrighteousness(義)hispeoplewilldothesameandldquononewillbesatisfieduntiltheyhavewonallforthemselvesrdquoSeeMengzi1A1

68

凡人生天地之間實與禽獸相異無爪牙以供嗜好無羽毛以禦寒暑必假它物以養其生於是聚而有求求之不足爭心將作古之聖人卓然而行以仁愛禮讓之文德眾心感之化而附之附而成群謂之君君以斯文德普施天下天下之人歸而往之謂之王王者專修文德旺化諸人者也是以為常而不可變者經之道也王者之心苟怠而失常則民心亦怠而不守常繇是小則鞭扑之刑行之大則甲兵之威征之是則權謀之道也是故經之道欲舉權之道欲措可舉之道治世而施可措之道亂世而為夫堯舜之治不能常有所以權之道不能措之由是刑罰行焉甲兵興焉然而戡定禍亂以合經常之道故甲兵之具以有威懲也然而示諸天下則不可也左氏之語曰示則翫々則無威是也

今王不修文道而翫兵於國中之民々無以威懲之心故盜賊不去四邊不安宜也如是則不惟無經之道而已兼失權之道也權之道失之而謂於武盡心焉耳矣月也竊為大王惜之凡經常之道欲普行之天下不可秘也權謀之事不欲普示諸天下不可不秘今則修文者寡講武者眾講武者達修文者窮卿大夫士庶民農工賈客皆為武者不奪不厭而國危矣假令有一家者以仁義之經普教諸兒及臧獲其兒若臧獲或有悖者委其長子可用者叱之鞭之而威懲之則權謀之道也若其諸兒及臧獲咸手鞭而叱則抗鞭何威懲之有 而自以為吾家能武則大亂之道也大王以治家之喩推而知之於國且天下則可也大王喜厚幣遣之中正子不受而去

IntermsofcontenttheldquoKeikenrdquochaptercoversfamiliargroundChūgan

defendstheuseofforcewhencircumstancesrequireitbutemphasizesthesocially

corrosiveeffectsofexcessivemilitarizationItdepartsfrombothGenminandthe

memorialhoweverinitsexplicitinvocationofthebun-bu文武(Cwen-wu)binary

whichisitselfpositedasaspecialcaseofthemoregeneralkei-ken經權(jing-quan)

relationItalsodiffersinfromthosetextsinmoreadamantlyemphasizingthe

subordinationofthemartialtothecivilTheadjustmentmayseemaminoronebut

itisthefirstofseveralindicationsinChūseishithatby1334Chūganhadmisgivings

aboutthedirectionGo-DaigorsquosrevolutionwastakingTheviewespousedinldquoKeikenrdquo

thatthemartialaspectofkingshipshouldnotbeopenlydisplayedmighteasilybe

readasanargumentdirectedagainstanynumberofactionstakenbyGo-Daigonot

leastofwhichwashisdecisiontostylehisseventhregnaleraldquoKenmurdquo建武or

69

ldquoBuildingtheMilitaryrdquoWhilethecharactermu武hadappearedoccasionallyinthe

posthumousimperialtitles(shigō諡号tsuigō追号)ofJapaneserulersitsusebya

reigningJapanesesovereignindesignatinganewregnalerawasunprecedented108

NotcoincidentallyldquoKenmurdquo(CJianwu)wasalsothenameforthefirstregnaleraof

EmperorGuangwu光武thefirstsovereignoftheLaterHandynastyAsAndrew

GoblehasobservedGo-Daigowouldcertainlyhavefoundtheparallelswithhisown

situationcompellingthefoundingoftheLaterHanbymembersoftheFormerHan

rulinghouseconstitutedtheonlyexampleinChinesehistoryofthereacquisitionof

nationalhegemonybyadynastythathadbeenpreviouslyoverthrown109InJapan

whilethenominalsupremacyoftheimperialfamilyhadremainedunquestioned

theroughly100yearsbetweentheJōkyūWarof1221andGo-Daigorsquosrevolution

mightwellbecastasaninterregnumofsortsalbeitonecharacterizednotbythe

destructionoftheimperialinstitutionassuchbutbyitsincreasingsubordinationto

anautonomousmilitarygovernment110Go-Daigowouldrescuethethronefrom

thispredicamentandhewoulddosonotbyananachronisticturntoanidealized

imperialpastinwhichanidentifiableldquowarriorclassrdquoplayednoessentialpartbutby

embracingwarriorsandactivelyintegratingthemintohisnewnationalpolity111

TothisextentitmightbearguedthatwhileGo-Daigoisoftencast

(inaccurately)asabackward-lookingquixoticsovereignunawarethatthetideof

108WhilemostposthumoustitleswereselectedretrospectivelyGo-Daigotruetohispersonalityexplicitlyrequestedhisappellationinhisroyalwill(go-ishō御遺詔)109GobleKenmup176110TheJōkyūWarwasabriefinternecinedisturbanceprecipitatedbytherebellionoftheretiredemperorGo-Toba後鳥羽(r1183-98)againsttheKamakuraregime111GobleKenmupp264-70andpassim

70

historyfavoredwarriorhegemonyhewasprobablymoreatpeacewitharmedmen

andtheirintereststhanChūganwasYetcareisinorderwheninterpretingthe

positionsChūganespousesregardingwarriorsandmilitaryaffairsHispatron

ŌtomoSadamunewasasupporterofGo-Daigoandapowerfulwarriorleader

holdingthepostofshugo(militaryconstable)forthesouthernprovinceofBungo

HewasalsoamongthefewmenofhisstationtoformallytakeZenpreceptsdoing

soundertheChineseeacutemigreacutemonkQingchuoZhengcheng清拙正澄1274-1339and

hissonUjiyasu氏泰(1321-62)eventuallybecameaZenmonk112Manywarrior

familiesoftenattheurgingoftheHōjō北条thepreeminentwarriorhouseinthe

realmthroughoutmostoftheKamakuraperiodcameinvaryingdegreesto

patronizeZenTypicallytheysupportedthenewfaithbyfinancingtemple

constructionfundingthetravelsofJapanesemonksandhostingmonksfromChina

ItisthusdifficulttobelievethatChūganrsquosconcernsovertheroleofmilitarymenor

martialsymbolisminGo-Daigorsquosregimewasmotivatedbyanyspecialprejudice

againstwarriorsassuchNorisitlikelythatChūganwassimplyquixoticinhisown

rightofferingadvicegroundedinthehopelesspremisethatthenewpolitycould

ignoreoutrighttheinterestsofinnumerableindividualsandfamiliesconnectedin

somewaytosourcesofwarriorpowerwhetherthroughappointmentstojitō

(estatesteward)orshugopostsorbyhavingbeengokenin(retainers)ofthe

recentlyvanquishedKamakurashogunateInsteadtheldquoKeikenrdquochapteris

probablybestunderstoodasanattempttoofferaconceptuallycompelling

112MartinCollcuttFiveMountainsTheRinzaiZenMonasticInstitutioninMedievalJapan(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1981)p82

71

argumentforalessmilitarizedsociopoliticalordertoasovereignwhoserecent

successeshaveunderscoredtohimtheextraordinarypoliticalusefulnessof

preciselythoseindividualsandfamilies

ThefactthatldquoKeikenrdquoismoreinsistentthanGenminconveyingasenseof

crisiswithoutthecountervailingoptimismregardingroyalleadershipclearlyseems

toreflectalossoffaithinGo-Daigorsquosenterprise113Yetotherthanthechoiceof

Kenmuforthenameoftheregimersquosinauguralerandashtobesureaseriousmatterndashit

isdifficulttoidentifyspecificpoliciesundertakenbyGo-DaigobetweenDecemberof

1333andthespringof1334thatseemlikelytohavegivenChūganadrasticchange

ofheart114OnepossibilityisthatwiththedeathofSadamunewhohadbeena

supporterofGo-DaigoChūganwassimplymoreabletoexpresscriticismsthathe

hadwithheldearlieroutofconcernforSadamunersquosinterests(andbyextensionhis

own)Genericconventionstoomightbeadducedtoexplainatleastsomeofthe

differenceintonebetweenldquoKeikenrdquoandGenminwhileldquoKeikenrdquowasclearlywritten

withGo-Daigoinminditwasnotdeliveredtohiminthemannerofaformal

memorialChūganwasthusfreertoexercisehisownstylisticdiscretionchoosing

WangTongrsquosWenzhongziashisoverarchingtemplateforChūseishiandpatterning

thehypotheticalremonstrationwithEnduringMulberryintheldquoKeikenrdquochapter

directlyafterMengzirsquoswiseyetpointedcounseltoKingHuiofLiang

113SunldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquop100114RegnaleraswerechangedfrequentlyinpremodernJapantheirbinomialdesignationswerecarefullychosenforspecificpurposesbyaselectcadreofcourtscholarstypicallyonthebasisofportentologicalinvestigationsintonaturalorsocietalphenomenaBetween930and1336therewere36emperorsand124regnalerasmeaningmostemperorspresidedoverthreetofourGo-Daigorsquosreigncomprisedeight

72

InsofarasthefictionalEnduringMulberrycomesoffaswoefullymisguided

oratleastassomeonewhodoesnotappeartohaveldquoinheritedtheperspicacityof

KingWenofZhourdquothechapterseeminglydoesnofavorstoGo-Daigorsquosimage

Chūganrsquosuseofthefamily(家)asamicrocosmoflargersociopoliticalconstructs

suchastheprovince(國)orthewholeoftherealm(天下)wasentirelytraditional

butasacriticismoftheKenmupolityitcarriedparticularforceMultipleofGo-

DaigorsquossonswerepersonallyinvolvedinwarfareandthreeofthemMoriyoshi

TakayoshiandthecrownprinceTsuneyoshiwouldallmeetviolentendsoverthe

1330sastheKenmuregimefellapart115Itwashighlyunusualformembersofthe

imperialfamilytoreceivesubstantialmilitarytraininganddownrightshockingthat

theyshouldindefeatbekilledbytheiropponentsasopposedtosimplybeing

apprehendedandexiled116ItisdifficulttoknowwhetherChūganintended

specificallytocriticizethewayGo-Daigowasleadingtheroyalfamilybuttherecan

belittledoubtthathetookexceptiontowhatheperceivedastheemperorrsquos

fondnessforallthingsmartialNonethelessthechapterasawholedoesstilloffer

hopeforthefutureanditultimatelypositionsEnduringMulberryandhenceGo-

Daigoinamorepositivelightthanmightbeapparentatfirstglance

ThisismostevidentinthenameldquoEnduringMulberryrdquo(Hōsō包桑)itself

whichisadeftreferencetoYijingandnotatallunflatteringThetermhōsō(C

baosang)appearsinthetwelfthchapterldquoPirdquo否orldquoStandstillrdquowhereitdenotes

rapidlygrowingmulberryshootsTherelevantpassagereadsasfollows

115GobleKenmupp269-70116Ibid

73

NineinthefifthplacemeansStandstillisgivingwayGoodfortuneforthe

greatmanldquoWhatifitshouldfailwhatifitshouldfailrdquoInthiswayhetiesittoaclusterofmulberryshoots117

九五休否大人吉其亡其亡繋于苞桑

TheCommentaryontheAppendedPhrases(Xicizhuan繋辭傳)expatiatesonthe

enigmaticpassagethusly

TheMastersaysldquoDangerariseswhenamanfeelssecureinhispositionDestructionthreatenswhenamanseekstopreservehisworldlyestateConfusiondevelopswhenamanhasputeverythinginorderThereforethesuperiormandoesnotforgetdangerinhissecuritynorruinwhenheiswellestablishednorconfusionwhenhisaffairsareinorderInthiswayhegainspersonalsafetyandisabletoprotecttheempirerdquo118TherelevanceoftheforegoingtoGo-Daigorsquospositioniscleartheemperorisina

positionofstrengthbutmuststillnegotiatehisfortuitouscircumstanceswithskill

lesthelosewhathehasgainedThereisevidencehereandelsewherethatChūgan

thoughtthenewregimewasrushingaheadwithoutsufficientdiscretionandquite

beyondhisspecificconcernsovertherecrudescenceofwarriorpowerwantedGo-

DaigotobemorecautiousanddeliberateThephraseldquowhatifitshouldfailwhatif

itshouldfailrdquo(其亡其亡)referstotheconcernthattheldquosuperiormanrdquo(君子)has

forthefragilityofhisenterprisewhosecontinuedsuccessiscontingentuponhis

ongoingcareandvigilanceThemulberryshootsfigurevigorandendurancehence

117RichardWilhelmCaryFBaynestransTheIChingorBookofChanges(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1977)p55Thephraseldquonineinthefifthplacerdquoreferstoaparticulararrangementofyarrowstalksresultingfromacomplexdivinatoryprocedureoutlinedonpp721-23118Ibid55

74

thegreatmanrsquosuseofthemtoserveasbothanchorandguide(astheshootsgrow)

forhisendeavorChūganrsquospointseemstobethattheKenmurevolutionneedsa

moralanchorifitistobesuccessfulneedlesstosaythatanchorcannotsimplybe

martialpreeminencewhichisonlyanexpedient(ken)tothereestablishmentofa

well-orderedcivilsocietyInthefifthchapterofChūseishildquoExplicatingRevolutionrdquo

(ldquoKakukairdquo革解)whichtreatsthe49thchapterofYjingldquoGerdquo革orldquoRevolutionrdquoThe

MasterofBalanceandRectitudeopinesthatthepathofreformcannotbetread

recklessly(改革之道不可疾行也)FrustratinglyperhapsChūganoffersno

specificproposalsbeyondthatofdeemphasizingthemartialexpedientand

emphasizingthecivilconstantYetheprobablyfeltthatthisalonewouldbe

sufficienttobringaboutotherpositivechangesFurtherhealsoseemstohavefelt

itinappropriatetoreferencespecificactorsinthecurrentpoliticaldramabyname

neitherhismemorialnorChūseishimakesanyexplicitmentioncriticalorotherwise

ofthemajorpowerplayersintheKenmupolitysavethesovereignhimself119

AltogetherldquoKeikenrdquodoesnotrepresentawholesalerejectionofanyofthe

basicpointsadvancedinGenminthoughitdoesgomuchfurtherthanthatpiece

doesinimplicatingnotjustmilitarismintheabstractbuttherulerhimselfinthe

119InadditiontoriskingoffensegreaterspecificitymaynothavebeenthoughtnecessarysinceChūseishiwasprobablywrittenlessforposteritythanforGo-DaigoandarelativelysmallaudienceofcontemporaryelitesandintellectualsAsimilarsituationisobservableinJinnōshōtōkiwhichdespiteanotherwiselengthyandinformativedescriptionofGo-DaigorsquosreignhaslittleofacriticalorinterpretivenaturetosayaboutitssignaleventsChikafusamakesnoremarkaboutthecontroversialenthronementofEmperorKōgonwhoselegitimacyGo-DaigowouldlaterdenynordoeshecommentonGo-DaigorsquosexiletotheOkiIslandsafterhisinitialplotagainsttheKamakurashogunatewasbroughttolightSeeVarleyAChronicleofGodsandSovereignsp35

75

countryrsquostroublesYetdespitethisanddespitethemildlysatiricalparodicquality

ofEnduringMulberryrsquosboaststhechaptershouldprobablynotbereadasan

insultingportraitofGo-DaigonotonlydoesthenameEnduringMulberrycarry

unambiguouslypositiveconnotationsofgrowthandfortitudebuttheentire

exchangeishighlyreminiscentofthememorableexchangesinMengzibetween

MenciusandKingHuiKingHuimayappearlessthansagaciousintheseepisodes

butwhateverhismisstepshedemonstrateshisintellectualmaturitybysolicitingor

atleasttoleratingMengzirsquosadviceonmattersofstatecraftInthisconnectionit

shouldalsobenotedthatthereislittlereasontobelievethatanyJapanesesovereign

leastofallGo-Daigowouldhavetakenparticularumbrageatthenotionthathisrule

mightbeusefullyunderstoodandcritiquedthroughtheconceptsnomenclature

andsuasivestrategiesoftheChineseintellectualtraditionorthatbeingaldquogoodrdquo

sovereignentailedfaithfulconformitytoasuiteofethicalbeliefsandnormative

behaviorsdrawnprincipallyfromthattraditionItisalsoworthnotingthatMengzi

aworktraditionallyassociatedwiththeviewthatroyallegitimacyiscontingent

uponarevocableldquoMandateofHeavenrdquo(CtianmingJtenmei天命)appearstohave

hadafarmoreextensiveimpactonthemedievalJapaneseintellectuallandscape

thanissometimesassumedMengzifeaturesmorecentrallyinChūseishithanother

MastersrsquoTextssuchasXunziLaoziorZhuangzianditloomslargerthanany

ldquoclassicrdquosavepossiblyYijingMoreoverwhileMengziwasprobablymoreimportant

toChūganrsquosthoughtthantothatofanyotherfigureintheGozanmilieuhewasnot

76

theonlyfourteenth-centuryscholartovaluetheworkhighlyasbothEmperor

HanazonoandYoshidaSadafusadrewfreelyuponitaswell120

AlthoughMengziclearlyinspiredthestyleandstructureoftheldquoKeikenrdquo

chapteritwasprobablynottheprimaryinspirationforthatchapterrsquoscoreconcept

namelythedyadicrelationbetweenestablishedmoralnormsandexpedientpolicies

andtheimportanceofeachtogoodgovernanceTheexplicitjuxtapositionofkei

(jing)andken(quan)isoldoccurringasearlyasthesecondcenturyBCGongyang

commentaryontheSpringandAutumnAnnalswhichinitsdescriptionofthe

politicalfigureJiZhong祭仲(743-682BC)definesquanassomethingthatgoes

againstjingbutindoingsoultimatelyresultsingood121InMengziasimilar

relationispropoundedbrieflywhenMengziopinesthatalthoughritualpropriety

(禮)dictatesthatmenandwomenshouldnottouchoneanotherrsquoshandswhen120SeeInoueHonpōchūseimadeniokeruMōshijuyōshinokenkyūp252SunldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquop101TheimportanceofMengzitopre-TokugawaJapanesethoughtseemsuniformlyunderappreciatedSunobservesthatJapanesescholarstendtofocusprimarilyontheunderstandablylargeroleMengziplayedindiscussionsofrulershiplegitimacyandrevolutionbutpaycomparativelylessattentiontotheotherphilosophicalusestowhichtheworkcouldbeputThisisparticularlyunfortunateinChūganrsquoscaseashismostsustainedengagementwithMencianthoughtoccursinthesecondandseventhchaptersofChūseishiwhichconcernnotrevolutionbutthevirtuesofhumanitybenevolenceandrighteousness( )andhumannaturerespectively TothiswemightalsoaddthatinAnglophoneandChinesescholarshiptheproblemcanbequitetheoppositeasitisoftenassumedthatMengzirsquosviewsonlegitimaterulewereinherentlyanathematotheideologyofeternaldivinekingshiptheoreticallyinformingsovereigntyinJapanSeeforinstanceChenShuifengRibenwenmingkaihuashiluumle(TaipeiTaiwanshangwuyinshuguan1993)pp63-64ConradSchirokauerABriefHistoryofChineseandJapaneseCivilizations(SanDiegoHarcourtBraceJovanovich1989)p144InemphasizingthispointbyitselftheauthorsriskimplyingthatMengziwasgenerallyrejectedbyJapaneseintellectualswhichitwasnotandthatJapaneseintellectualswereeverywherebeholdentoaldquonativistrdquoroyalorthodoxywhichtheywerenot121權者何權者反於經然後有善者也(GongyangzhuanldquoHuanGongrdquo桓公 11)

77

exchangingobjectsitwouldbeexpedient(quan)tograbyoursister-in-lawrsquoshandif

sheweredrowning122Herequanissetoppositetoldquoritesrdquoorldquoritualproprietyrdquobut

thebasicideaisthesameanestablishedmoralnormisviolatedbecauseexigent

circumstancesaresuchthatupholdingthenormwoulddomoreharmthangood

Thisconceptionofquanleadsultimatelytothearchetypaljing-quanbinaryofHan

Confucianisminwhichquanisconstruedasanydiscretionaryactionthatldquoin

violatingjingcompletestheWayrdquo(反經合道)123Althoughlaterthinkerssuchas

ChengYi程頤(1033-1107)andZhuXi朱子(1130-1200)woulddevelopthejing-

quandyadinnewdirectionsChūganrsquosusageoftheideainChūseishiaccordsmost

closelywiththatseeninHantextsandbearslittletraceoftheCheng-Zhuthought

withwhichhelikemostotherGozanliteratiwasotherwisequitewell

acquainted124

Itisnoteworthythatcontrarytotheusualrelationshipfoundtoobtain

betweenpre-TokugawaJapanesekanbuntextsandtheirChineseanaloguesthe

ldquoKeikenrdquochapteroffersamuchlongerandmoredetailedexpiationonthejing-quan

relationthananyoftheworkstypicallycitedforcomparisonthissuggestseither122嫂溺不援是豺狼也男女授受不親禮也嫂溺授之以手者權也(Mengzi4A17)ldquoIfyoursister-in-lawisdrowningbutyoulendnoaidyouarenothingbutabeastThatmenandwomenwhengivingandreceivingthingsshouldnottouchoneanotherisamatterofritualproprietythatwhenyoursister-in-lawisdrowningyouhelpherbyextendingyourhandisamatterofexpediencerdquo123SeeYueTianleildquoZhuXilunlsquoquanrsquordquoZhongguowenhuayanjiusuoxuebaoNo56(Jan2013)p1 124SpecificallyChengYiconcludedthatldquoquanarenothingbutjingrdquo(權即是經)ndashamovethatwouldseemtoundothedynamictensionthatChūganseesasessentialtothejing-quanbinaryZhuXiarguedinanevolutionaryveinthatldquojingaresimplyquanthathavebeenfullyestablishedwhilequanareasyetun-establishedjingrdquo(經是已定之權權是未定之經)whichseemstoadumbratequitemodernideasabouttheformationandhistoricalcontingencyofsocialnorms

78

thattherelevantChinesesourcetexthasyettobeidentifiedorthatChūgan

independentlychosetopursueanunusuallydetailedelaborationoftheidea125

Eitherwayhemusthavethoughtitausefulconceptualframeinwhichto

communicatehispointtocontemporaryreadersandtoGo-Daigoinparticular

Inherentintheconceptofquanasldquoexpediencyrdquoorldquodiscretionrdquoispreciselythesort

offlexibilitythatanyrulerinGo-Daigorsquospositionwouldfindcongenialpossiblytoa

faultSuchflexibilityismostnecessaryduringtimesofsocialrupturewhich

presentchallengesthatdemandunconventionalresponsesAsChūgansaysthe

orderofYaoandShuncannotalwaysobtainSincesuchapointcouldwellhave

beenmadewithoutframingitentirelyintermsofjingandquanitisreasonableto

assumethatGo-Daigowasalreadyquitefamiliarwiththejing-quandyadSuchan

assumptionisallthemoreplausibleinlightofGo-Daigorsquosunusuallyextensive

knowledgeofChinesetextswhichasearlyas1317wasappraisedveryhighlyby

HanazonohimselfamongthemostlearnedsovereignsinJapanesehistory126Texts

inwhichGo-DaigoisknowntohavebeenversedincludeShiji史記(Recordsofthe

125SunRongchengnotesthatwhilethepairingofjingandquanisitselfextremelycommonheisnotawareofanyotherworkeitherChineseorJapaneseinwhichtheyareexplicitlyassociatedwithwenbunandwubuastheyareinldquoKeikenrdquoJingandquandooccurtogetherintheldquoViscountofWeirdquo魏相chapterofWangTongrsquosWenzhongziatextwhoseimportancetoChūganhasalreadybeennotedbutthedyadisnotdevelopedindetailitisglossedbytheSong-eracommentatorRuanYi阮逸(flmid11thc)byreferencetotheGongyangcommentarySeeSunldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquop100andIriyaChūseiZenkenoshisōp403126GobleKenmup11LestthereaderthinkHanazonowassimplyflatteringthefutureoccupantofthethroneitshouldbeemphasizedthathewasoftheJimyōinbranchoftheimperialfamilyrivaltoGo-DaigorsquosDaikakujilineandanoutspokenscholarunafraidtovoiceopinionsatoddswithimperialorthodoxy(seenote141below)HanazonosetgreatstorebythestudyofChinesehistoryandliteratureandhewouldnothavegoneoutofhiswaytodeemGo-DaigorsquosknowledgeofChinesetextsexceptionalhaditbeenmerelyaverage

79

GrandHistorian)Hanshu(HistoryoftheHan)andHouHanshu後漢書(Historyofthe

LaterHan)Zhongyong(DoctrineoftheMean)andLunyu論語(Analects)Shangshu

尚書(TheBookofHistory)YijingandLiji禮記(TheRecordofRites)Zuozhuanand

Laozi老子(knownfrequentlyasDaodejing)Difan帝範(ModelsforanEmperor)

andHuainanzi (MastersofHuainan)Go-Daigoalsosponsoredacademic

discussionsofworkslesscommonlyreadinJapansuchasYangXiongrsquos (53BC

ndash18AD)Taixuanjing太玄經orldquoClassicofGreatMysteryrdquo127

OfparticularrelevancetothepresentinquiryisHuainanziwhichcontains

numerouspassagestreatingthemoralandpoliticalsignificanceofquanWhileIam

notawareofanycurrenttreatmentofChūseishithatexploresthematicorrhetorical

parallelswithHuainanzithelatterseemsafarmorelikelytouchstonefortheviews

articulatedintheldquoKeikenrdquochapterthandoestheGongyangcommentarythe

responsesofDongZhongshuorWenzhongziAltogetherHuainanziprobably

offeredmoreintellectualjustificationforradicalpoliticalactionthananyothertext

Go-DaigoisknowntohavestudiedafactnotlikelytohavebeenlostonChūgan

Theconceptofquanasanexpedientstrategyfeaturesparticularlyprominentlyin

chapterthirteenldquoFanlunrdquo氾論orldquoBoundlessDiscoursesrdquowhosecentralthemeis

thesagerulerrsquosadaptabilitytocircumstanceAsSarahQueenandJohnMajor

observeldquoFanlunrdquoprovidesthemostcomprehensivediscussionofchangeinthe

entireHuainanziitisoneoftheworkrsquosmostovertlypoliticalchaptersemphasizing

boththehistoricalcontingencyoflawsandritesandthenecessityofadaptingonersquos

127GobleKenmupp2127-28

80

policiestosuittheneedsoftheage128Quanprovidesthekeytosuccessinan

inherentlyproteanworldthoughitisnotsomethingjustanyrulercangrasp

ExpediencyissomethingsagesaloneperceiveThusthosewho[first]disobey[ritualnorms]butultimatelyaccordwiththemaresaidtounderstandexpediency(Huainanzi1311)129權者聖人之所獨見也故忤而後合者謂之知權 IndaysofoldtheDocumentsofZhouhadasayingthatreadldquo[Sometimes]oneelevateswordsanddenigratespracticalities[sometimes]onedenigrateswordsandelevatespracticalitiesElevatingwordsisthenormdenigratingwordsistheexpedientrdquoThisisthetechniqueforsurvivinginthefaceofdestructionButonlyasageiscapableofunderstandingexpediency(1311)130 昔者周書有言曰「上言者下用也下言者上用也上言者常也下言者權也」此存亡之術也唯聖人為能知權

Itisimportanttonotethattheusageofthetermldquosagerdquo(聖)inHuainanziis

somewhatlessrestrictivethanthatseeninprototypicallyldquoConfucianrdquoclassicaltexts

AsintheFiveClassicsthesagesofhighantiquityarecreditedwithcreatingthe

moralandinstitutionalunderpinningsofhumancivilizationHoweverHuainanzi

doesnotlocatethechiefefficacyofthesageinthepastmodernrulersnotonlycan

attainsagelywisdomtheymustdosoiftheyaretobringharmonytotheirpresent

disorderedage131AccordingtoAndrewMeyerthesageofHuainanziismuchcloser

tothatofDaodejing(Laozi)thantothatoftheConfucianclassicsheachieves

sagehoodnotonlythroughthestudyofclassicaltextsandthephenomenalworld

128JohnSMajoretaledsTheHuainanziAGuidetotheTheoryandPracticeofGovernmentinEarlyHanChina(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2010)pp483-89129Ibidp508130Ibidp506131Ibidp887

81

butalsothroughldquoaprogramofapophaticpersonalcultivationcenteredonpractices

ofcontemplativemeditationandyogicregimensrdquo132OnecaneasilyimagineGo-

Daigowhoseinterestinesotericreligiousritualswaslegend133findingmuchtolike

aboutthefigureofthesageinHuainanziMasterofhispoliticalcosmosthesage

regulatesritesandmusicbutheisnotregulatedbythem(聖人制禮樂而不制于禮

樂)134

IntheldquoKeikenrdquochapterChūganinvokesthefigureofthesageonlytosaythat

theldquoexpediencyrdquoofformulatingmilitarystratagemsisnothisultimateaimbut

rathersomethinghedoesbecausethereisnootherchoice(武略之設非聖人意

聖人不獲已而作焉)Suchapositionwouldseemtobesomewhatdifferentatleast

inemphasisfromthatarticulatedinHuainanziwhichisonthewholeagooddeal

morepositivethanldquoKeikenrdquoregardingtheuseofquanYetthehierarchical

relationshipChūganpositsbetweenkeijingandkenquanwiththelatterclearly

morallysubordinatetotheformerisvisibleinHuainanziaswell

ThewayoftheFiveThearchsandtheThreeKingsconstitutesthewarpandweftoftheworldandtherulesandstandardsoforderNowShangYangrsquosldquoOpeningandClosingrdquoShenzirsquosldquoThreeTestsrdquoHanFeizirsquosldquoSolitaryIndignationrdquoandZhangYiandSuQinrsquosldquoHorizontalandVertical[AllianceSystem]allwereselectiveexpedienciesonesliceofthearts[ofgovernance]Theyarenotthegreatrootoforderortheconstantnormofservicethatcanbeheardwidelyandtransmittedthroughtheages(2034)135

132Ibidpp887-88133SeeGobleKenmupp96-97134Huainanzi133135MajoretaledsHuainanzip833

82

五帝三王之道天下之綱紀治之儀錶也今商鞅之啓塞申子之三符韓非之孤憤張儀蘇秦之從衡皆掇取之權一切之術也非治之大本事之恒常可博聞而世傳者也

ForChūganthemostdesirablestateofaffairsisonewherekeijingare

promoted(舉)anddevicesclassifiableaskenquanareputaside(措)untildisorder

requirestheiruseThemethodsoflegalistreformerssuchasShangYangShen

BuhaiandHanFeiziareheldinHuainanzi2034toconstitutesuchdevicesthe

particularityandtemporarinessofwhichstandsincontrasttotheenduringquality

ofldquoconstantnormsrdquo(恒常)InhismemorialtoGo-DaigoChgūancitesShangYangrsquos

reformsapprovinglybutcriticizestheQinforholdingtoolongtothelegalistcourse

TherethepointwastoapplaudandjustifyGo-Daigorsquoswillingnesstoviolatethe

statusquoinordertorectifycurrentillsanobjectivefacilitatedbytheinvocationof

keymomentsinChinesehistoryatwhichradicalactionwaswarrantedInldquoKeikenrdquo

theintentisquitetheoppositeemphasisisplacedontheinherentlyspecificnature

ofldquoexpedientmeasuresrdquo(權謀)whicharelimitedinscopeanddurationandstand

incontrasttotheunchangingwayoftheconstant(常而不可變者經之道也)

whichinturnisidentifiedwithcivilvirtue

InallldquoKeikenrdquooffersalucidallegoricalrepresentationofJapanese

sociopoliticalconditionsin1334Itsthoughtfulapplicationoftwodyadicrelations

jing-quanandwen-wutoJapanesepoliticswashighlyoriginalanditsuseofa

dramatizeddialogicexchangebetweenrulerandministerpatternedcloselyafter

thoseinMengzialsoappearstobeuniqueamongpre-Tokugawaworksofpolitical

suasionThedistinctionChūgandrawsbetweenenduringnormsandtemporary

83

expedienciesisstraightforwardasishisbeliefalreadystatedforcefullyinGenmin

thatfartoomanypeoplehavebecomeinvestedinmartialpursuitsInutilizinga

vocabularyofgovernanceandkingshiplargerandmoreflexiblethanthatofthe

ConfucianclassicsChūganwasabletodescribetheeventsofhisageinwaysthat

werenovelyetentirelylegiblewithinChinesepoliticaldiscourseThoughhewasby

nomeanstheonlyJapanesefiguretoseekanunderstandingofJapaninostensibly

ldquoChineserdquotermsndashevencontemporaryarticulationsofShintooftendrewheavilyon

ChineseBuddhismandyin-yangtheoryndashfewofhiscompatriotscouldboast

comparableknowledgeofthebroadercorpusofHanpoliticalwritingandprobably

nonesharedhisfamiliaritywiththeSui-eratextWenzhongzi

ChūseishiwasChūganrsquoslastmajorcontributiontopoliticaltheoryduringthe

KenmuRestorationThenetworkofalliancesonwhichGo-Daigorsquospolitydepended

provedvulnerabletodisruptionandinmid1335anunexpected(andunexpectedly

successful)uprisingbyHōjōremnantsagainstthehouseofAshikagaineastern

JapansetinmotionaseriesofeventsthatwithintwoyearswouldseetheAshikaga

riserapidlytomartialpreeminenceandeffectivelydisplacetheimperialcourtasthe

fulcrumofnationalgovernance136ItisnotdifficulttoimagineChūganreactingwith

dismaytothepoliticalmutationsandmachinationsthatplayedoutoverthe

followingyearGo-DaigoandhiserstwhileallyAshikagaTakaujieachscroungingfor

supportamongdozensofregionallypowerfulfamilies(andamongdifferent

branchesofthesamefamilies)bloodybattlesmotivatedmorebypersonalor

136TheHōjōuprisingwasthemostimportanteventinwhatisknownastheNakasendaiDisturbance(中先代の乱)DetailsmaybefoundinGobleKenmupp244-61

84

familialgrievancesthanbypoliticalidealsandtheJimyōinlineoftheimperial

familythrowingitssupportbehindtheupstartTakaujidespiteknowingfullwell

thattheimperialinstitutionitselfwouldbelittlemorethanadependentjunior

partnerwithinanAshikaga-ledconfederacyBeforetheendof1336Go-Daigofled

thecityofKyotoforasecureredoubtintheYoshinomountainsofYamatoprovince

withtheJimyōinprinceYutahitoenthronedasEmperorKōmyōbyTakaujiJapan

nowhadnotjusttworivalimperiallinesbuttwoimperialcourtsandanew

shogunatewithmorepowerovertheprerogativesoftheKyotoaristocracythan

everbeforeItishardtoenvisionasituationmoreantitheticaltotheidealsofroyal

preeminencesoenergeticallyespousedinChūganrsquosmemorialUnfortunatelythe

textualrecorddoesnotpermitadetailedreconstructionofChūganrsquospost-Kenmu

politicalthoughtafactwhichgivestheinaccurateimpressionofaretreatfrom

publicintellectuallifeInfacttheseemingpaucityofexplicitlypoliticalmaterial

fromthisperiodstemsinlargepartfromthelossofwhatfromamodern

perspectivemighthavebeenChūganrsquosmostsignificantintellectualworkhadit

survivedTheworkinquestionishisinfamoushistoricaltreatiseNihonsho日本書

ARecordofJapanabriefglimpseatwhatisknownofwhichwillconcludethis

chapter

Writtenin1341Nihonshoseemstohavebeenintendedasalong-termstudy

ofJapanesehistoryandperhapsmorespecificallyasacounterpointtoKitabatake

ChikafusarsquosrecentlycompletedJinnōshōtōkiItsexistenceisonlyknowntoday

becauseitadvancedanunusualtheoryregardingtheoriginsofJapanrsquosroyalfamily

Accordingtothefifteenth-centuryGozanliteratusTōgenZuisen桃源瑞仙(1430-

85

89)ChūganproposedthattheprimordialJapanesedeityKunitokotachinomikoto

國常立尊wasinactualitya(human)descendantofPrinceWuTaibo呉太伯(alt泰

伯)ascionofKingTaiofZhouandthepurportedfounderofthestateofWu137The

notionthattheJapaneseimperialfamilywasultimatelydescendedfromWuTaibo

wasnotinitselfnewitappearsinseveralChinesesourcesincludingWeiluumle魏略

(ABriefHistoryoftheWeiDynastymid3rdcentury)Liangshu梁書(ARecordofthe

LiangDynasty635)andJinshu晋書(ARecordoftheJinDynasty648)anditis

explicitlymentionedndashandsummarilydismissedndashinJinnōshōtōki138Whatdoes

seemtohavebeenoriginalwasChūganrsquoslinkingofWuTaibowithKunitokotachia

deityofcentralimportancetothemedievalreligio-culturalmovementthatcameto

beknownasIseShintoBeginninginthelateKamakuraandearlyMuromachi

periodspriestsassociatedwithIsersquosOuterShrine(gekū外宮)whichtraditionally

veneratedagoddessoffoodstuffsandfecunditynamedToyouke豊受(incontrastto

theInnerShrinenaigū内宮whichveneratedAmaterasu)undertookeffortsto

137ItmightbenotedthatTōgenwasfrankinhisrejectionofthisidealdquoSayingsomethinglikelsquothedeitycalledKunitokotachinomikotoisadescendantofWuTaiborsquoisnonsenseChūganwasaredoubtablemanbut(thistheory)whileelegantwasnonsenserdquo國常立尊ト云ハ呉太伯ノ后裔ヂャナンドト云ハ合ワザル事ゾ中巌ホドノ人ヂャガウツクシウモ合ワザル事ヲセラレタゾSeeInoueHonpōchūseimadeniokeruMōshijuyōshinokenkyūp263SunldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquopp107-110138TheoriginofthenotionisunclearthoughtheChinesesourcesallreportthatitwastheWa倭themselveswhoclaimeddescentfromTaiboWeiluumlenolongersurvivesintactbutthepassagesconcerningtheWaarepreservedintheTang-eraworkHanyuan翰苑SeeSunldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquop158n321

86

articulateandevangelizeShintoinnewlycoherentterms139Inmattersofdoctrine

theInnerandOutershrinescouldofcoursebeseenascomplementarybutthey

wereadministeredbytwodistincthereditarypriestlyfamilies(theArakidaand

Watarairespectively)andthehistoricallyprivilegedpositionoftheInnerShrine

coupledwiththegrowingneedtosecurematerialsupportinaneraofdwindling

courtresourcesmadetherelationshipacompetitiveoneInordertoenhancetheir

positionvis-agrave-vistheArakidatheWataraipriestsproposedthattheirdeity

ToyoukewasinfactKunitokotachiwhoasoneoftheearlycreatordeitiesoccupied

aplaceinthepantheonostensiblyldquohigherrdquothanthatofAmaterasu

IseShintohadamajorinfluenceonelitesandintellectualsofthefourteenth

centurynotleastofwhomwasChikafusawhoseGengenshū元々集(Collectionof

theOriginofOrigins1337)explicatesthesignificanceofvariousshrinesanddeities

byreferencetotheteachingsofShintotheoristWataraiIeyuki渡来家行(1256-

1351)alongwithaccountsdrawnfromJapanesemythohistoricalchroniclesJinnō

shōtōkialsoreflectsIsedoctrineparticularlyinitsmemorableopeningpassage

whichhasbeenatouchstonepolemicfornativistwritersandideologuesdownto

thepresentdayldquoGreatJapanisthedivinecountryItwasfoundedbytheHeavenly

Ancestor(ieKunitokotachi)andistransmittedinperpetuitythroughthelineageof

theSunGoddess(Amaterasu)Thisissomethingtrueofourcountryalonethereis

nothingcomparableinotherlandsrdquo140ByidentifyingKunitokotachinomikoto

139SeeHagiwaraTatsuoldquoShintōtheWayoftheKamirdquoinKasaharaKazuoedAHistoryofJapaneseReligion(TokyoKōsei2001)pp299-314140大日本は神國なり天祖はじめて基をひらき日神ながく統を傳え給う我國のみ此事あり異朝には其たぐひなし

87

whosenameprobablymeantsomethinglikeldquoTheAugustDeityWhoPermanently

EstablishestheCountryrdquowithWuTaiboChūganseemstoofferabluntrepudiation

ofthisnewlyburgeoningJapaneseexceptionalism141Possiblyheintendedtodo

morethanthishistheorymightbereadasanattempttointerpretmythical

accountsofJapanrsquosfoundingeuhemeristicallythoughwithoutfurtherevidence

suchareadingmustremainspeculative142Thattheworkhasnotsurvivedisa

greatlosstocurrent-daystudentsofmedievalJapanesehistoryhistoriographyand

politicalthoughtthoughitisperhapsnotaltogethersurprisingEvidencesuggests

thatevenduringChūganrsquoslifetimetheworkmetwithnosmallmeasureof

disapprovalandwiththeemergenceofShintoasadoctrinallydistinct(and

distinctlyldquonativerdquo)faithtraditionitsviewsprobablyappearedincreasingly

141ItisofinteresttonotethatChūganwasnottheonlyprominentintellectualtorejectsuchexceptionalismEmperorHanazonoisnotedforhisbluntdismissalofthenotionthatdivinedescentautomaticallyensuredtheperpetualcontinuityoftheimperialinstitutionHisKaiTaishisho戒太子書(AdmonitionstotheCrownPrince1330)anessayonsovereigntyandgoodgovernmentthathecomposedforhisnephewPrinceTokihitoindicatesquiteclearlythatthenativistideologywithinwhoseframeworktheJapaneseimperialfamilywassupposedtoexistwasnotinitselfsomethingautomaticallychampionedbymembersoftheimperialfamilySeeGobleldquoSocialChangeKnowledgeandHistoryrdquop119142SeeUenoTakeshildquoWajinnokigentoGonoTaihakudensetsurdquoinMoriKōichiedNihonnokodaivol1ldquoWajintōjōrdquo(TokyoChūōKōron1985)p327UenoseesinthispossibilityaldquoConfucianrationalismrdquo(儒教的合理主義)thatissetoppositetobeliefindivineorsupernaturalforcesasagentsofhistoryWemightnotethatsuchaviewisalsoreminiscentofAraiHakusekirsquos(1657-1725)boldbutlinguisticallyproblematicargumentthattheJapanesewordforldquodeityrdquokami神simplydenotedthosewhoweresociallyldquoaboverdquo(kami上)ordinarypeopleWhilethewordsareentirelyhomophonousinModern(andMiddle)JapaneseinOldJapanesethesyllablemiinkami神wouldhavebeenpronounceddifferentlythanthemiinkami上

88

subversiveasthecenturiespassed143Theonlydirectevidenceconcerningthe

contemporaryreceptionoftheworkisprovidedbyGidōShūshinwhowasamong

ChūganrsquosforemostintellectualdisciplesandisregardedtodayasoneoftheldquoTwin

Pillarsrdquo(双璧)ofGozanliteraturealongsideZekkaiChūshinInashortaddress

deliveredinChūganrsquoshonorin1367GidōmakesdeftreferencetoNihonshoandthe

controversysurroundingit

He(Chūgan)assiduouslystudiedthecountryrsquoshistoryldquounderstandmeby

theSpringandAutumnAnnalscontemnmebytheSpringandAutumnAnnalsrdquoHisconductwasinkeepingwiththemonasticrulesinwalkinghewasastheMasterinrushinghewasastheMaster144

修國史兮知我春秋罪我春秋行清規也步亦夫子趨亦夫子

ThelineldquounderstandmebytheSpringandAutumnAnnalscontemnmebythe

SpringandAutumnAnnalsrdquoisadaptedfromapassageinMengzi

143Itisdifficulttodeterminewhetherthelossoftheworkwasactuallyduetointentionalsuppressionorsimplytothehistoricalvicissitudesbearinguponmanuscriptcopyingandre-copyingwithoutwhichverylittlefrombeforetheearlymodernerawouldbeexpectedtosurviveThegreatearlymodernNeo-ConfucianthinkerHayashiRazan林羅山(1583-1657)whosupportedChūganrsquostheoryreportedinhisJimmutennōron神武天皇論thattheimperialcourttookumbrageattheworkanddestroyeditChūganwashighlyactiveinpublicreligiouslifeforthenexttwodecadesandwhileheseemstohavesufferednopersecutionorofficialcensureforNihonshoitmaybethathedecideditwouldbebettertoabandontheprojectthantoriskalienatinginfluentialbackerswiththeresultthatfewifanycopiesoftheworkwereevermadeTōgenhimselfseemsnevertohavepossessedacopyoftheworknotinginhisShikishō史記抄(NotesonShiji)thatChūganrsquosworkldquocausedcontroversyandwasnevercirculatedrdquoTheJimmutennōronmaybefoundinNakagawaTarōldquoHayashiRazanrdquoinAbeYoshioetaledsShushigakutaikeivol13ldquoNihonnoShushigaku(2)rdquo(TokyoMeitoku1975)pp163-67withrelevantportionstranslatedindeBaryetaledsSourcesofJapaneseTraditionpp357-60144GZBTvol2p982

89

WhentheworldfellintodeclineandtheWaywasobscuredperniciousdoctrinesandviolentactsaroseagaintherewerecasesofministersmurderingtheirrulersandcasesofsonsmurderingtheirfathersConfuciuswasfrightenedatthisandsocomposedtheSpringandAutumnAnnalsAworkliketheSpringandAutumnAnnalsisthebusinessoftheSonofHeaven145ItwasforthisreasonthatConfuciussaidldquoThosewhounderstandmewillsurelydosobywayoftheSpringandAutumnAnnalsthosewhocontemnmewillsurelydosobywayoftheSpringandAutumnAnnalsrdquo世衰道微邪説暴行有作臣其君者有之子其父者有之孔子懼作春秋春秋天子之事也是故孔子曰知我者其惟春秋乎罪我者其惟春秋乎(Mengzi3B9)

GidōsuggeststhatChūganlikeConfuciushasbeenbothappreciatedandscorned

forwhathehaswrittenandheimplicitlyaccordsChūganrsquoshistoricaltreatisea

placeinJapanesepoliticalthoughtanalogoustothatoccupiedbytheSpringand

AutumnAnnalsinChinaThecomparisonofthetwotextsmightsimplyhavebeen

GidōrsquoswayofaccordinghismentortheloftiestpossiblepraiseYetitisbynomeans

inconceivablethatChūganhadintendedallalongtoadvanceNihonshoasaJapanese

SpringandAutumnAnnalsaworkmeantforanageofdivisionandldquopernicious

doctrinesrdquoandonethatmostlikelyofferedanessentiallyConfucianvisionof

JapaneseculturalandinstitutionalhistoryWhateverthecaseinhavinghiswork

comparedtosuchanesteemedclassicandhisconductlikeneddirectlytothe

MasterrsquosChūganseemsultimatelytohaveearnedboththeaccoladesandthe

opprobriumbefittinganoutspokenscholar-monkandfaithfuladmirerofthatmost

controversialofChineseConfucianistsWangTong

145Becauseitoffersmoraljudgmentsconcerningrulersandministerswhichistheprerogativeoftheemperoralone

90

Chapter Three An Essay on the Kun and the Peng Hermeneutics Cosmology and the Figural Reading of Fictional Characters 或問荘老中正子曰二子爰清爰静荘文甚奇其於教化不可SomeoneaskedaboutLaoziandZhuangziTheMasterofBalanceandRectituderepliedldquoThosetwomastersexemplifytranquilityandquiescenceZhuangzirsquosproseisparticularlywondrousthoughassuchitisentirelyunsuitableformoraleducationrdquo Chūseishi(1334)

物者也名言之迹也非言非默之理獨荘子能言而足盡其極而已 WhatwecallldquothingsrdquoarethetracesofwordsandnamestheyaretheprincipleofthatwhichisneitherspeechnorsilenceOnlyZhuangziwasabletousewordsinamannersufficienttoexhausttheirlimitsKonpōron(c1350)

WhenChūganleftKyotoinearly1334andbeganwritingChūseishimoral

suasionwasstillhisforemostconcernGo-Daigorsquosrevolutionwasongoingandas

suggestedbythestructureandcontentoftheldquoKeikenrdquochapterChūganstillsought

toinfluencetheemperorrsquosthinkingonmattersofpolicyEventhehistoricalwork

Nihonshopresentedtothecourtin1341hadamongitsostensibleobjectivesthe

repudiationoftheldquoofficialrdquonarrativeregardingdivineimperialdescentInso

openlychallengingnativistformulationsofJapanesehistoryandimplicitly

91

repudiatingtheviewsoffavoredintellectualssuchasKitabatakeChikafusaChūgan

wasalmostsurelyguidedbythehopethathisscholarshipwouldprovemeaningful

inthepublicdomainAswehaveseenhisinterventionwasunwelcomeand

unsuccessfulanditprobablyaddedtothepersonalandprofessionaldifficultieshe

facedthroughoutthe1340s146Ontheintellectualfronthoweveritwaslikely

duringthistimethatanembattledChūganbegantoventurebeyondtheConfucian

traditionproperandreconsidertextsthathehadoncedismissedForemostamong

thesewasZhuangzi

ThoughrecognizedbybothChineseandJapanesecontemporariesforhis

exceptionalacquaintancewithmultipleschoolsofChinesethoughtChūganrsquosearly

workshowsgreateraffinitywithbothclassicalConfucianismandtheldquoNeo-

ConfucianrdquoCheng-Zhuschoolthanwithanytextortraditionthatmightreasonably

belabeledDaoistAsChūgansawittheworkofConfucianthinkerssuchasMengzi

XunziandYangXiongsimplyhadgreaterrelevancetopracticallearningandpublic

policythanthatofLaoziorZhuangzi147Exactlywhatsparkedhismid-lifeinterest

inthelatterisunclearthoughinlightofthevicissitudesheenduredafterhismove

fromSōtōtoRinzaiZenoneistemptedtopositatraditionalindeedalmost

146AsnotedinthebiographicalintroductionthesinglemostsignificanteventinthisregardwasnotChūganrsquosauthorshipofNihonshobutratherhisdecisiontoswitchsectarianaffiliationsfromtheSōtōlineofDongmingHuiritotheRinzailineofDongyangDehui147ThissentimentthoughdiscernibleinseveralplacesisarticulatedmostdirectlyinthethirdchapterofChūseishildquoHōenrdquo方円ldquoThethreemastersMengziXunziandYangXiongareoftheutmostvaluetolearningAlthoughZhuangziiswithoutvalue(tolearning)(histhought)maybetakenasawarningtocheckonersquosdesiresrdquo孟荀揚之三子最有益於學者也惟荘無益然可以為窒欲之警也SeeIriyaYoshitakaetaledsNihonkotenshisōtaikeiv16ldquoChūseiZenkenoshisōrdquo(TokyoIwanamiShoten1972)pp134and173

92

stereotypicalturnfromtheparadigmaticallypublicrealmofConfucianismtothe

privateanodynerealmofphilosophicalDaoism148Whateverhismotivations

sometimeafter1340Chūganauthoredanextraordinaryessayonthesymbolic

significanceoftwofamouscharactersfromtheopeningchapterofZhuangzithe

giganticKun鯤fishandtheenormousPeng鵬birdThisldquoThesisontheKunand

thePengrdquo(Konpōron鯤鵬論)offersanallegoricalreadingthatintegratesBuddhism

yin-yangtheoryandnumerologyinamannerthatisconceptuallycompellingand

entirelywithoutprecedentintheJapaneseexegeticaltraditionItalsoinvites

productivequestionsregardingfigurationandfiguralreadingthepowerand

limitationsoflanguageandtheinterplayofaffectanddiscursiveintellect

Longbeforethepost-HeianemergenceofinstitutionalZenandthe

efflorescenceofChineseliterarystudiesitfosteredseveralclassicalcommentaries

onZhuangzihadenjoyedwidespreadfavoramongJapaneseliteratiincludingthose

byGuoXiang郭象(c252-312)SimaBiao司馬彪(c243-c306)andCheng

Xuanying成玄英(flmidseventhc)LinXiyirsquos林希逸(1193-1271)ZhuangziYan

Zhaikouyi莊子鬳齋口義mayalsohavebeenavailableinChūganrsquosdaythoughthe

firstJapanesescholartomakesubstantialuseofthisworkseemstohavebeena

slightlylaterGozanwriterIshōTokugan惟肖得巖(1360-1437)TheNihonkoku

kenzaishomokuroku日本國見在書目錄abibliographicresourcefromtheearly148ThisintellectualtrajectoryistraditionallyassociatedwithministersorliteratiwhofallfrompoliticalfavorInHeianJapanlearnedmenwhofoundtheirchancesforofficialprefermentdiminisheddoseemtohaveturnedfrequentlytoDaoismforsolacethefamousstatesmanandpoetSugawaranoMichizane菅原道真providesthehistoricalarchetypeOnthisseeRobertBorgenSugawaranoMichizaneandtheEarlyHeianCourt(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress1994)pp57and295

93

Heianperiodlists21ZhuangzititlesthenextantinJapanincludingGuoXiangrsquos

commentaryinthirtyfasciclesandSimaBiaorsquosintwentyfascicles149Newerworks

hadlikelybeenintroducedbyJapanesemonkswhotraveledtoChinaandKoreafor

religiouspurposesafterthecessationofofficialcourt-sponsoreddiplomatic

relationsintheninthcenturyStillothersmighthavebeenobtainedbyJapanese

religiousestablishmentsviaprivatetransactionswiththesizableexpatriate

communityofChinesemerchantsresidinginthesouthernportcityofHakata150

Finallythroughouthiseight-yearstayinChinaChūganwasanactiveparticipantin

thesalon-likeatmospherethatprevailedatsomeofthetempleshevisited

exchangingpoemsndashandstrugglingatleastinitiallytoconverseinvernacular

ChinesendashwithsuchcelebratedliteratiastheCentralAsianpoetandpainterSaDula

薩都刺(fl1320s)151Itisquitepossiblethatduringsuchinteractionshewas

exposedtonovelinterpretationsofZhuangzithoughtomyknowledgenospecific

attestationstothiseffectarefoundinhiswritingsItisalsoabundantlyclearthathe

wasdeeplyfamiliarwithmodesofinterpretationassociatedwithyin-yangtheory

andcorrelativecosmologyandwasalmostsurelywellacquaintedwiththepost-

HanBuddhistreceptionoftheprincipalworksofphilosophicalDaoismAmore

thoroughaccountingofthesepotentialinfluencesuponhisthoughtwillbegiven

149SeeYajimaGenryōNihonkokukenzaishomokurokushūshōtokenkyū(TokyoKyūkoShoin1984)pp122-4150ForahistoryofHakatacityanditsroleinbothofficialandprivatetradeseeBruceBattenGatewaytoJapan(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress2006)ContactswithprominentChinesemerchantscouldbehighlyprofitableforfledglingZentemplesinonefamouscaseawealthylocalnotableknownasXieGuoming謝國明fundedtheconstructionofJōtenji承天寺atemplethatremainsactivetothisday151KagekiHideoGozanshishinokenkyū(TokyoKasamaShoin1977)p224-25

94

belowitisenoughtonoteherethathewasworkingfromaknowledgebasethat

whileimpossibletoreconstructwithprecisionwascertainlyextensiveandpossibly

quiteup-to-date

Konpōronisbothaseriousworkofhermeneuticsandanexercisein

imaginativeallegoresisInordertocarrytheprojectoffChūganfirstneededto

performaground-clearingoperationinwhichliteralinterpretationsofZhuangzi

wererejectedandtheKunandthePengwereconstruedasbothallegoricaland

entirelyfictionalInthistheybecomepurposivecreationsofthesortknownin

medievalWesternhermeneuticsasallegoriainverbisthepurelyliterary

counterparttothetypeofallegorymostoftenassociatedwithscriptural

interpretationallegoriainfactiswhereineventsareheldtohavesymbolic

significanceyetalsotobefactuallytrue152Toalimiteddegreethishadbeen

standardpracticesinceatleastGuoXiangwhonotedinhiscommentarythathe

couldnotattesttotheexistenceofactualcreaturesfittingthedescriptionoftheKun

andthePengEvidentlycontenttoletthematterrestGuoXiangopinednofurther

afterthisdisclaimerHeprobablyfelttherewasnoneedingeneralthetraditional

commentariesarenotdedicatedtothedisclosureofanocculttextfromthereceived

Zhuangziandtheydonotforcefullyandsystematicallyattempttoprivilegelatent

overmanifestsenseInthefollowingpassagesChūgansetsthestageforhisown

symbolicinterpretationoftheKunandthePengbyrefutingthewayinwhich

credulousreadersingeneralandmisguidedNeo-Confuciansinparticularmighttry

toapprehendthem152SeeSimonBrittanPoetrySymbolandAllegory(CharlottesvilleUnivofVirginiaPress2003)p21

95

BeforeZhuangzitherewasnobodywhotalkedabouttheKunandthePengandnothingaboutthemisrecordedinancienttextssuchasShijingShujingYijingandChunqiuOnlyinZhuangziismentionmadeofthem153LatergenerationsmistakenlybelievedthattheKunandthePengwererealTheirfailuretoconsiderreason(道理)andtheirfruitlessclingingtowordsandtracesissurelyanextremecaseofnotthinking154 WhenIwasyoungIaskedthevariouslearnedmeninmyvillageaboutthisbuttoamanalltheycoulddowashemandhawWhenIreflectbackonitnowitseemsobviousthattheycouldnthopetohaveknownjustwhatkindoffish(theKunwas)orwhatkindofbird(thePengwas)Alltheycoulddowasstareatthesentences(文)comprisingZhuangzirsquosworkorhearexplanationsaboutparticularwrittencharacters(字)bylaterConfucians155Havingonlythetextitself(文字)theylostsightofthefactthatitssubstance(實)wasthestuffofpurefantasy156

莊子前無云鯤鵬之事如詩書易春秋之古書所不戴也惟莊子一言之後世以爲實有云鯤鵬之物其不考之道理徒拘於言迹且不思之甚也予幼年時問之之諸先生皆含糊而已今反復而思之固應不知夫果爲何等之魚耶何等之鳥耶特以覩其文於莊子之書又聞其字於後儒之言而已徒有文字而亡其實者兔角龜毛是類焉

Apparentlyfeelingitinsufficienttosimplyrejecttheassumptionofliteral

referentialityoutofhandChūgangoesontoargueinalmostpatronizinglyexplicit

termsthatabirdsuchasthePengisaphysicalimpossibilityWhilethisisbyfarthe

leastconceptuallyinterestingportionofhisessayappearingatfirsttobelittlemore

thanasimplisticfoilforthemorenuancedreadinghewilloffersubsequentlyits

153AswillbecomeclearlaterinhisessayChūganisnotsuggestingherethattheactualwordsldquokunrdquoandldquopengrdquodidnotexistpriortotheirappearanceinZhuangzionlythattheapplicationofthosedesignationstotwofantasticcreatureswasnovel154Theconnectionbetweenwords(言)traces(迹)andthings(物)isoffundamentalimportancetoChūganrsquosthesisandwillbeaddressedinmoredetailbelow155ldquoLaterConfuciansrdquorenderstheepithetkōju後儒(Chouru)whichappearsinbothChinaandJapanasabroadreferencetoConfucianscholarsofrecenttimesandduringtheSongeraandthereaftertoadherentsoftheCheng-Zhu程朱schoolinparticular156LiterallyldquohornsonarabbitorhaironaturtlerdquoacommoneuphemisminZenliteratureforsomethingthatdoesnrsquotexistinnature

96

forceandsimplicityrecallshisapproachtohomilyndashagenreinwhichChūganlike

otherGozanliteratiwasextremelyproficientInitslaboriousnessitisalsowryly

funny

ThenatureofabirdistoflyIftherewereabirdwhosewingsreallybeatthewindfor90000liandwerelikecloudssuspendedfromtheheavensthentheywouldcoverallthelandinChinawhenspreadTravelling(fromChina)inthefourdirectionsoneneednotevengo10000litotheeastbeforepassingthethreeKoreankingdomsandgoing(10000li)tothewesttakesonebeyondtheKunlunMountainsGoing(10000li)tothenorthtakesonebeyondthedesertand(10000li)tothesouthbringsonetotheedgeofmountainandsea157AllofthiswouldbeunderthePengrsquoswingsandforthoseaffecteditwouldbelikebeingunderneathanoverturnedbowlonewouldbeunabletoseethelightfromthesunorthemoonandtherewouldbenodifferencebetweendayandnightItwouldbeperpetuallydarkWhatrsquosmoretheforceofthewindandwaves(thatthePengwouldgenerate)wouldbesostrongthateveryboatwithinthefourseaswouldbequitebeyondsalvation158JustonebirdtakingtotheairwouldimperilthecountrynowimaginethesebirdsflyinginaflockthentherealmwouldbeinrealtroubleYetIhaveneverheardofsuchastrangeoccurrenceinanyepochTheChunqiucontainsveritablerecordsoftheagesandallofthemmentionnaturalcalamitiesandunusualeventsBut(aPeng-induceddisaster)issomethingthatisnotwrittendowninanyofthehistoriesClearlythenthestoryissimplyoneofZhuangzirsquosallegories(寓言)couchedinthemostfancifulandfar-fetchedlanguage

鳥之性以飛爲常且如九萬里搏風之翼若垂天雲者一展其翅亦縣神州之地四方不過萬餘里東及三韓西過昆崙北踰沙漠南際嶺海皆在翼下如覆盆中不見日月之照無晝夜之分永爲暗昧也且夫風濤之勢四海舟揖之利不可濟也一鳥一飛尚難爲國土況此鳥飛以群則國土奈之何未聞何代何時而有如斯之怪乎春秋歷世有實錄皆記災異然諸史所不戴也是乃莊子寓言荒唐開誕之語耳

157Thetermldquomountainandseardquorenders嶺海whichseeminglyreferstotheFiveRidgesofsouthernChina(Dayu大庾Qitian騎田Mengzhu萌渚Dupang都龐andYuecheng越城)andtheseaoffthecoastofwhatistodayGuangdongandGuangxiprovinces158Thephrase四海舟揖之利不可濟也seemstomeansomethinglikeldquoeventhebenefit(利)gainedfromthesupplications(揖)ofeveryboatinthefourseaswouldnotbeenoughtosavethemrdquo

97

HavingthusdeniedsimplereferentialinterpretationsofZhuangzirsquosPengonthe

basisofhistoryandcommonzoologicalsenseChūganturnstophilologyinrejecting

theoftencounteredassociationofthePengwithanotherlegendarybirdthefeng鳳

commonlyrenderedinEnglishasldquophoenixrdquo159Hearguesthatthiserroneous

identificationstemsfromconfusionwithyetanotherquasi-mythicalbirdtheso-

calledldquoblazingfirebirdrdquo(jiaoming焦明)ofSimaXiangrursquosfamousRhapsodyon

ShanglinImperialPark(Shanglinfu上林賦)Theblazingfirebirdwasexplainedby

thenotedfifth-centuryscholarPeiYinasabirdthatldquoresemblesthephoenixrdquo似鳳

thisglossseemstohavetakenrootveryearlyasitisalsogivenbythethird-century

lexicographerZhangYi160TomakemattersworseSimaXiangrursquosbiographyinHan

shucallsthisbirdnotjiaomingbutjiaopeng焦朋andChūganfocusesonsemantic

correspondencesbetweenthethreecharactersfeng鳳peng朋andpeng鵬as

centralfactorscontributingtothemisinterpretationofZhuangzirsquosallegoricalbird

Thecharacter鵬wasoriginallywritten朋(peng)andwassynonymouswiththecharacter鳳(feng)Thetraditionalexplanationforthisisthatwhenthefengbirdfliesflocksofotherbirdsfollowitenmassetherebyearningitthestyleldquopengrdquo鵬hellip161Zhuangziwasfondofallegoriesandsohesimplyborrowedthewordldquopengrdquo朋and

159HealsorejectsoutofhandthestillmoreexoticassociationofthePengwiththegolden-wingedgaruda(金翅鳥)ofBuddhistlore160ZhangYiisnotedforcompilingthedictionaryGuangya廣雅whichcontainsover17000charactersSomewhatunusuallyhisglossonthejiaopengassociatesitwiththewestasopposedtothesouthSeeTakahashiTadahikoShinshakukanbuntaikeiv80ldquoMonzenfuhenrdquopt2(TokyoMeijiShoin1977)p104161Thislineisanearquotefromthesecond-centurydictionaryShuowenjiezi説文解字Chūganaddsthatthetermldquopengrdquo isusedpredominantlyasignifierforapair(相偶)suggestingthatitisthesenseofbirdscomingtogetherorldquopairinguprdquothatisbehindtheuseofthegraph鵬todenotethebirdcalledldquofengrdquo

98

useditasthenameofagiantbirdItwaslaterConfucianswhoonthebasisofthebirdradicalinthecharacter鵬assumedthattherereallywassuchabird鵬本爲朋與鳳字同説者曰鳳飛則群鳥相從以萬數故爲鵬hellip 莊子好寓言故假朋字爲大鳥之名而已後儒從鳥成鵬以為實有斯鳥也

ThatChūganwouldmustersuchlengthysoberappealstophilologyand

recordedhistorytoadvancetheseeminglyobviouspointthatthereisnosuchthing

asthePengisconsistentwithhispenchantfordramaticandpolemicalarguments

ItisalsopossiblethatthehighculturalstatusaccordedtotheChineseclassicswould

foratleastsomemedievalJapanesereadershaveeffectivelyguaranteedthe

historicityofthestoriestheyrelatemakingsuchathoroughgoingrebuttalauseful

propadeutictothetypeofsymbolicreadingthatheintendedtooffer162The

foremostgoalofChūganrsquosreadingwastoelucidatetheprincipleofldquotransformationrdquo

(物化)anideaoffundamentalimportanceinbothBuddhistandDaoist

philosophicaldiscourseandonewhichChūganbelievedwasaptlyfiguredbythe

physicalmetamorphosisoftheKunintothePeng

162HereitmightbenotedthattheKunwasapparentlylesscontroversialItsnamewasconstruableasdenotingeitherasinglegiganticfishorsomewhatparadoxicallyminisculefisheggsndashabasicmeaningofthewordldquokunrdquoAswillbeseenbelowChūganbelievedthelattersensewasactuallythemoreimportantbutperhapsbecausegiganticseacreaturessuchaswhaleswereknowntoexistheofferednoexplicitcritiqueofthegargantuanproportionsascribedtotheKuninthestory

99

Hebeginshisinterpretation

byexplainingthesignificanceofthe

termNorthernDarkness(北冥)the

bodyofwaterinwhichtheKunis

heldtoresideAccordingtoChūgan

northisthedirectionwhereyang

energyliesdormantandwherethe

ldquoOneofHeavenrdquo(天一)bringswater

intobeingHerehedrawsexplicitly

ontheldquoYellowRiverChartrdquoorHetu(河圖)afamousdiagraminwhichasymmetric

arrangementofgroupsofdotsrepresentcorrespondencesbetweenthenatural

numbersfromonetotenthecardinaldirectionsandthefivephases(fig1)He

furtherexplainsthatthedirectionnorthisassociatedwiththedivinatorytrigram

kan(坎)whichshowsoneyanglinetrappedinbetweentwoyinlinesand

symbolizeswaterFinallyhenotesthatthecharacterming冥(Jmei)canbeusedto

denotetheseaandthatthecloselyrelatedhomophonouscharacter溟connotesa

particularlydarkseamaking北冥suggestiveofthatwhichisldquohiddendark

mysteriousandatrestrdquo(幽晦玄寘)ToChūganZhuangzirsquosNorthernDarkness

representsldquoaplacewherethemyriadthingsliedormantandconcealedrdquo(萬物潛藏

之地耳)

ThisinterpretationoftheNorthernDarknessbuttressedandperhapseven

helpedmotivatehisdecisiontofocusnotonthemanifestsenseoftheKunasa

Fig1

100

giganticfishbutratheronthemeaningofthewordldquokunrdquoasfisheggs(魚卵)which

maybeseentoembodythesamequalitiesoflatencyinchoatenessandhidden

potentialassociatedwiththekantrigramPhilologicallyspeakingthisreadingis

wellsupportedthegreatpre-QinlexicographicalworkErya爾雅definesldquokunrdquoas

roewhichisalsohowthewordappearsinGuoyu國語atextcompiledbetweenthe

fifthandfourthcenturiesBC163HistoricallyZhuangzischolarshiphasbeendivided

onthematterwithsomeearlyscholarssuchasWeiZhao韋昭(204-73)notingat

leastthatthetermldquokunrdquoproperlymeansroewhileothercommentatorsavoided

thiscomplicationaltogetherandadheredintheirinterpretationstothemanifest

qualitiesofZhuangzirsquosKuntheEasternJinscholarCuiZhuan崔譔forinstance

proposedthattheKunwasinfactawhale(鯨)164Chūganrsquosreadingwasprobably

motivatedlessbyageneralconcernforphilologicalrigorthanbytheneedto

establishthelogicalgroundworkforhissymbolicinterpretationofthepassageasa

wholeConstruingtheKuntobeawhaleorothersuchcreaturesapstheanecdote

ofthehumorandironicwitcharacteristicofsomuchofZhuangziandobviously

rulesoutfictionalallegoryasaninterpretivemodeBycontrastforegroundingthe

basicsenseofthewordldquokunrdquocreatesaratherstarkbutextremelyproductive

terminologicaldisjunctionbetweenthenameandthecharacterthatbearsitTothe

extentthatitplainlysubvertscategoricaljudgmentsconcerningsizendashkunaretiny

163SeeWangShuminZhuangzijiaoquanvol1pp4-5164IbidEnglishtranslationsofZhuangzialsofrequentlyunderstandtheKunsimplyasanenormousfish(HerbertGilesfamouslyrendereditLeviathan)withnoreferencetothefactthatthewordldquokunrdquomeantroeManymodernChineseandJapaneseeditionsdosoaswellapparentlywishingtoavoidaninterpretiveschemethatwouldrequiretoolongadetourintophilologyorsymbolism

101

buttheKunisenormousndashthisdisjunctionishighlyconsistentwithZhuangzian

rhetoricingeneralanditiswhatwilllaterallowChūgantoplacephilologyinthe

serviceofphilosophy

Aldquokunrdquoisaneggwhosebodyisamorphousandhasyettoassumethefullformofafish165ItlieslatentandconcealedandisextremelyminisculeYettheambitionitnurturesisvaststretchingforwhoknowshowmanythousandliAlthoughonemightsaythatitistinyandhiddenitnonethelessrepresentstheseedofadragon(iesomethingwiththepotentialforgreatness)鯤體渾渾然而未具魚體之卵也潛伏而微小之甚也然所養之志氣浩大不知其幾千里也雖云微潛亦龍種耳HereChūganunderstandsthephraseldquowhoknowshowmanythousandlirdquo不知其

幾千里whichinthetextostensiblydescribestheactualphysicalsizeoftheKunas

anentirelyfigurativeexpressionThedefiningcharacteristicofZhuangzirsquosKunis

thusitsimmensepotentialtheultimaterealizationofwhichisitstransformation

intothePengAndjustastheinitiallocationoftheKuninthecoldwaterofthe

NorthernDarknesscanbywayofYijingsymbolismbeunderstoodtoadumbrate

thecreaturersquoscentralqualitiesndashlatentyangenergyconcealedbutreadytoburst

forthndashsothedirectionintowhichthePengfliescanbeseenasamarkerofits

significanceasasymbolofnewlyliberatedradianceChūgannotesthatthesouthis

associatedwiththetrigramli(離)whichshowsoneyinlinebetweentwoyang

165ItisimpossibletoconveyinEnglishthedoubleentendrethatChūgancreateseverytimehewritesldquokunrdquo鯤whichbothdenotes(orconnotes)thegargantuancharacternamedKunandconverselyconnotes(ordenotes)thewordthatmeansroeThedescriptiongiveninthispassageismanifestlyaboutthewordbutthereaderismeanttoholdZhuangzirsquosKuninmindaswellasitssymbolicconnectiontoroeiswhatdrivesChūganrsquosentireinterpretation

102

linesandrepresentsfireandbyextensionbrightnessandclear-sightedness166He

observesfurtherthatfirehastheabilitytoldquotransformthingsrdquo(化物)andthat

accordingtotheelementalcorrespondencesintheHetudiagramitisbegottenby

theyinnumber2Waterasalreadynotedisbegottenbytheyangnumber1To

Chūganthiscorrelationbetweennumerologyandfive-phasestheoryisreflectedin

thephysicalformsoftheKunandthePengjustasthenumber1precedesthe

number2sotheKunwhichisunitary(單)andodd(奇)precedesthePengasits

ldquoelderbrotherrdquo(kun昆toaddtoanalreadymultilayeredwordplay)ThePengby

contrastiseven(偶)afactreflectedinthebilateralsymmetryofitswingswhich

formapair(peng朋)AndwhereasthebodyoftheKuniswholeand

undifferentiated(一合昆侖)asitlayssubmergedintheNorthernDarknessthe

Pengrsquostwowingsworkinunison(二張朋會)asitsoarsintothesouthernsky167

Thestrategyofexplicatingaparticularwordviareferencetoahomophonous

wordwrittenwithacognatecharacterfeaturesprominentlyinChūganrsquosessay168It

166CommentingontheirhexagrammaticformswhichsubsumethesymboliccontentofthetrigramsRichardWilhelm(translatedbyCaryFBanes)putsitevocativelyldquoWhileKanmeansthesoulshutwithinthebodyListandsfornatureinitsradiancerdquo(TheIChingp118)167ThesearedifficultlinestoparseandIsuspecttheremaybeawordplayatworkinvolving昆侖and朋會thatenrichesanotherwisesimpleparallelismInfullthelinesreadasfollows鯤體一合昆侖而伏于溟北鵬翼二張朋會而騫于天南InYijingthefirstdivinatoryjudgmentpertainingtothesecondhexagramndashwhichhappenstobepronouncedkun( )ndashsaysthatthesuperiorman(君子)willgainfriendsinthesouthorwestandlosethemifhegoesnorthoreast西南得朋東北喪朋SeeSuzuki(1974)pp100-1andWilhelmandBaynes(1976)p11168Recallalsothevariousphono-semanticlinksChūganemphasizedbetweenthecharacters君and群andbetween王往旺and暀intheldquoKeikenrdquochapterofChūseishi(seeChapterTwoofthepresentstudy)

103

driveshisfinalactofcorrelativereasoningwhichbeginswiththestraightforward

associationofnorthwiththecelestialstemren壬(Jnin)andsouthwiththe

celestialstembing丙(Jhei)Thereisnothingparticularlynovelaboutthissince

renandbingaretraditionallyassociatedwithwaterandfirerespectivelyandthe

HetuaswehaveseenassociatesthoseelementswithnorthandsouthButChūgan

proposesafurtherphoneticandsemanticconnectiontotheZhuangzistoryarguing

thatthenorthbeingrensymbolizesastateofpregnancy(CrenyunJninrsquoyō妊孕)

andthesouthbeingbingastateofbrightness(CbingyaoJheiyō炳曜)169Even

thesecompoundsseemcarefullychosenasthesecondcharacterineachcontains

radicalelementssuggestiveoftheKunandthePeng子(childprogeny)羽(wings)

隹(bird)Rhetoricallyspeakingthetermsalsoconcludethisportionoftheessay

nicelyaseachencapsulatesandrestateskeymotifsoftheZhuangzistorywherethe

KunispregnantwithpotentialhiddenintheNorthernDarknessthePengasits

transfigurationescapesthisdarknessandascendsintothelight170

Toreturntoanissuebroachedbrieflyabovesuchameticulousfigural

readingofaChinesetextbyaJapanesescholarwillnaturallyleadthegeneticcritic

(andtheintellectualhistorian)tooneintriguingquestionhowmuchofthisreading

wasoriginaltoChūganandhowmuchistraceabletoknownChinesesources

169ThesephoneticcorrelationsholdinbothLateOldChinesethelanguageofZhuangziandMiddleMandarin(PulleyblankrsquosEarlyMandarin)whichreferstothelanguageoftheZhongyuanyinyun中原音韻compiledcirca1300whichisalsoaroundthetimeChūganwasinChinaNotsurprisinglytheyalsoholdinJapanesesolongasoneusesthegorsquoon呉音readingldquoninrdquofor壬170AsawholethepassageinwhichtheseideasarearticulatedisdenseandsignificantlymoredifficultthantheportionstranslatedearlierAcompletetranslationisventuredintheappendixtothischapter

104

WhileIhaveyettodiscoveranythingdirectlyparallelingKonpōroninthe

commentarialtraditionitisclearthatinterpretationsoftheKunandthePengin

termsofyin-yangtheorydidexistInhisZhuangziYanZhaikouyi莊子鬳齋口義the

aforementionedLinXiyirejectedsuchreadingsonthegroundsthattheywere

overwroughtunfortunatelyhiscommentsareterseanddonotgiveasenseofhow

theinterpretationshehadinmindwereconstructedphilosophicallyor

rhetorically171Moregenerallyawell-establishedpoeticsofnatureinwhichfish

embodiedyinandbirdsembodiedyangwasseeminglycommonknowledgeandthe

juxtapositionofthetwoanimalsinliteraturepredatesevenZhuangzi172Moreover

theYijingsymbolisminformingChūganrsquosKonpōroniscloselyconsonantwithseveral

importanttrendsinSong-eraYijingexegesisTheintellectualcultureofthe

NorthernSongDynasty(960-1126)evincedextraordinaryfascinationwith

divinatorychartsanddiagramsandYijinginterpretationduringtheerareflecteda

resurgentinterestintheXiangshu象數(ldquoImagesandNumbersrdquo)andChenwei讖緯

(ldquoPrognosticardquo)traditionsthatfirstemergedduringtheHan173TheDaoistpriest

ChenTuan陳摶(d989)aneclecticandapparentlyquitepopularfigureconversant

171LinremarksldquoThenamesKunandPengaresimplyallegoricalSomehaveexplicatedthembymeansofyinandyangbutallsuchinterpretationsareforcedandintroduceunnecessarycomplexitiesrdquo(鯤鵬之名亦寓言耳或以陰陽論之皆是強生節目)SeeZhuangzikouyi(TaipeiHongdaowenhuashiye1971)pp2-3172SeeAkatsukaKiyoshiZenshakukanbuntaikeiv16ldquoSōshirdquo(TokyoShueisha1974)pp26-7ForanearlyexampleoftheliteraryjuxtapositionofbirdswithfishAkatsukacitesthepoemldquoHanLurdquo早麓(ldquoTheFoothillsofMountHanrdquo)fromShijing詩經(Maono239)whichcontainsacoupletthatreads鳶飛戾天魚躍于淵ldquoThekitetakesflightandreaches(戻=至)theheavensandthefishfrolicinthedeeprdquo173SeeRichardJSmithFathomingtheCosmosandOrderingtheWorldTheYijing(I-ChingorClassicofChanges)andItsEvolutioninChina(CharlottesvilleUnivofVirginiaPress2008)p114

105

withbothBuddhismandtheConfucianclassicstaughtXiangshuideaswidelyandis

oftencreditedwithpromulgatingtheHetuandLuoshudiagrams174Connections

betweenYijingandZhuangziwerealsodeepandlongstandingcenturiesearlierthe

famedscholarandexegeteWangBi王弼(226-49)haddrawnheavilyonLaoziand

ZhuangziindevelopinganapproachtoYijingstudiesthateventuallybecamethe

schoolofldquoMeaningsandPrinciplesrdquo(Yili義理)aninfluentialalternativetothe

XiangshuschoolNearertoChūganrsquosowntimethepoetYeMengde葉夢得(1077-

1148)evenopinedthattheessenceofYijingisentirelycontainedinZhuangziand

anotherDaoistclassicLiezi列子175BeginningintheSixDynastiesera(220-589)

BuddhistwriterstoomadefruitfuluseofLaoziandZhuangzifewmoreextensively

thanSengzhao僧肇(384-414)176Aswillbeseenbelowtheenigmaticopening

passageofKonpōroncloselyparallelsportionsofSengzhaorsquosfamouscollectionof

essaysZhaolun肇論DuringtheTangDynastytheBuddhistscholasticfootprintin

YijingstudiesgrewdramaticallywithnotablecontributionsmadebyHuayan華嚴

(Kegon)exegetessuchasLiTongxuan李通玄(635-730)whocreativelyinvoked

bothYijingitselfandtheldquoYijingapocryphardquo(易緯)inordertoexplicatecertain

aspectsofHuayanphilosophy177Lestthisaccountingofplausibleinfluencesupon

Chūganrsquosthoughtgrowunmanageablylongwemayconcludebynotingthatthe

eminentdualmasterofHuayanandChanGuifengZongmi圭峰宗密(780-841)

174Ibidp114-15TheLuoshu洛書wasadiagramsimilartotheHetubutusedadifferentarrangementofcorrespondences175Ibidp133176SeeWangZhongyaoZhongguoFojiaoyuZhouyi(TaipeiDazhan2003)p100177Ibidpp256-68

106

perhapsthemostfamousBuddhistthinkerofhiseradeftlyglossedvarious

doctrinalconceptsfundamentaltoMahayanaBuddhismbywayofreferenceto

YijingZhuangziandLaozi178

ThefoundationslaidbySixDynastiesandTangtheoristswouldcontinueto

inspiresyncreticallymindedwritersoftheSongandYuaneraswhichwere

characterizedbytheincreasinglywidespreadparticipationofostensiblyldquoConfucianrdquo

scholarsinChanBuddhismandtheparticipationofChanprelatesintheacademic

studyofldquoexteriorrdquo(ienon-Buddhist)classicaltextsHencelikeanywell-placed

BuddhistscholarofthefourteenthcenturyChūganwasheirtoalongandfertile

intellectualtraditionthatincludedelementsofIndicphilosophynotablyYogācāra

andMādhyamikaphilosophical(andevenalchemical)Daoism179numerologyyin-

yangtheoryandConfucianethicsItwasatraditionofimmensebreadththatcould

bemarshaledinsupportofanextraordinaryvarietyofinterpretiveapproachesnot

leastofwhichwasallegoresis

178Ibid343-67SeealsoPeterNGregoryAnInquiryintotheOriginofHumanityAnAnnotatedTranslationofTsung-mirsquosYuumlanjenlunwithaModernCommentary(KurodaInstituteClassicsinEastAsianBuddhismHonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress1995)passim179FamousalchemicaltextssuchastheHan-eraZhouyicantongqi周易參同契(TokenfortheAgreementoftheThreeAccordingtotheZhouChanges)attesttothelongstandingconnectionbetweenYijingscholarshipandalchemicalDaoismandChenTuanwasakeyfigureinthedevelopmentoftheSong-eraldquoinneralchemyrdquo(neidan内丹)traditionSeeSmithFathomingtheCosmos106-7and115

107

InterpretationandAuthorialGenius

IntheChinesecommentarialtraditionatypeofreadingthatcanjustifiably

betermedldquoallegoricalrdquowasencouragedbymultiplefactorsthemostbasicofwhich

wasthepersistenttendencyofcommentatorstomakeevenanostensiblysimple

textsuchasapoemfromShijingmeansomethingotherthanitsmanifestsense

TheapproachwaswellknowntoJapanesescholarsoftheNaraandHeianperiods

andiscommonlyassociatedinbothChinaandJapanwithConfucianmoral

imperativestodiscover(andultimatelyprivilege)politicalmessagesinclassical

proseandpoetryFromalinguisticstandpointallegoresiswasfurtherabettedbya

processofterminologicalsedimentationwherebycertaintermsofartgradually

accretedmanylayersofmeaningthroughcenturiesofuseinchangingconceptual

environmentsThewordswerethusstronglypalimpsesticanditwasrelatively

easyforphilologicallyinclinedcommentatorstobringtolightlatentmeaningsof

specificwordsandphrasesTheeffectwasthustomultiplythenumberofpossible

newldquotextsrdquondashunderstoodfollowingMcGannasldquolacednetworksoflinguisticand

bibliographiccodesrdquondashthatcouldbewroughtfromthewordsofanexistingwork180

Yetanothersignificantfactorwastheenduring(post-Han)influenceofwhathas

beencalledbyWesternscholarsldquocorrelativecosmologyrdquoamodeoftaxonomic

thinkingconducivetotheproliferationofconnectionsbetweenseeminglydisparate

180JeromeMcGannTheTextualCondition(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1991)p13

108

phenomena181NeedlesstosayKonpōronmakesextensiveuseofthisparadigm

forginggeographicelementalandnumericalrelationshipsbetweenvariouskey

wordsintheZhuangzipassageitexplicates

Whilesymbolicrepresentationandfiguralreadingwereintegraltothe

Chineseinterpretivetraditionquestionswereraisedseveraldecadesagoregarding

thespecificnatureofthesymbolsandfiguresthemselvesThetypeofallegory

commonlyencounteredinChineseliteraturehasbeenheldbymanyscholarsto

differfundamentallyfromthatwhichpredominatesintheliteraturesoftheWest

TheformerasanalyzedbyAndrewPlaksissynecdochicthingsmayrepresent

otherthingsbutasaruleboththevehicleandthetenorinanymetaphoric

substitutionareofthesameontologicalorderwhereWesternallegoryldquolooks

upwardrdquotowardsaprivilegedmetaphysicalplaneChineseallegoryldquolooks

outwardrdquo182QuiteunlikehisWesterncounterparttheChinesepoethasthusbeen

judgedtoinhabitanessentiallymonisticcosmosinwhichnoabsoluteseparation

waspositedbetweentheldquohumanrdquoandtheldquodivinerdquobetweenphenomenaand

noumenaTotheextentthatsuchadescriptionisaccuratefiguresandsymbolsin

ChineseliterarytextsnecessarilyworkmetonymicallythereisasPaulineYuputit

nomovementtowardsldquoatranscendentrealmthatisautonomousanddifferentin

kindfromthesensoryworldofthepoetandhisreaderssimplybecausesucha

181ThephraseldquocorrelativecosmologyrdquoisnotatranslationofatraditionaltermbutarelativelyrecentneologismThecomplexofideasitattemptstocaptureisdenotedinhistoricalsourcessuchasHanshu漢書(111AD)andWenxuan文選(ca530)byphrasessuchasldquothejunctureofHeavenandManrdquo天人之際182SeeAndrewPlaksArchetypeandAllegoryintheDreamoftheRedChamber(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1976)p180

109

realmwasnotheldtoexistrdquo183Thepoetmoreoverwasnotacreatorassuchbut

anorganizerorexcavatorofestablishedtropesandfiguresthatembodiedpre-

existingrelationships184Yuhasevenappliedthispositiontothesymbolismfound

inBuddhist-inspiredpoetrycitingthenon-dualismofformandemptiness

articulatedintheHeartSutraandnotingthatldquotheapparentdichotomybetweenthis

worldandanothersamsaraandnirvanatheillusoryandtherealcouldbe

explainedbyBuddhistdialecticianswithintheirsystemoflsquodoubletruthrsquoasmerely

conventionaltruthrdquo185TheresultpredictablyisthattheBuddhistpoetlikehis

ldquoConfucianrdquocounterpartisheldnottohavebeenalludingtoarealmthatwas

fundamentallyotherThepointiselegantandpowerfullygermanetoour

understandingofaworklikeKonpōronthoughitmightbehedgedwiththeobvious

provisothatthemetaphysicalperspectivesoftheHeartSutraandother

PrajntildeāpāramitāsutrasneednotbeautomaticallymappedontoeveryBuddhistpoet

oreverypoeticinvocationofldquoemptinessrdquo(空)Morefundamentallythebroad

metaphysicalcommitmenttoanon-dualorganismiccosmosamongEastAsian

intellectualsdidnotinitselfmeantheabsenceofdiscoursesoftranscendence

whichattheveryleastservedheuristicandrhetoricalpurposeseveniftheymight

beshownbyanextendedjourneyontheviaphilosophicatodifferfromsimilar

discoursesintheWest

183PaulineYuldquoMetaphorandChinesePoetryrdquoChineseLiteratureEssaysArticlesReviews(CLEAR)32(Jul1981)p220184Ibidpp220223andpassim185Ibidpp223-24

110

NonethelessevenasChūganrsquosallegoresisimpliesthepossibilityof

transcendencethemetaphysicsbehinditmaystillbelabelednon-dualisticallthat

theKunwillbecomeiscontainedgerminallywithinitndashanalmosttooobvious

implicationofthenameKun(ldquoRoerdquo)ndashandnowheredoesChūganrsquosdiscussion

dependexplicitlyonthepresumedexistenceofldquohigherrdquoorotherwise

incommensurableordersofrealityByandlargethenKonpōronmaybesaidto

lookldquooutwardrdquoinpreciselythewayscharacteristicofcorrelationistexegeses

revealingaunifiedsocio-cosmicordergovernedbynaturallawsandpre-existing

correspondencesThereishoweveronesignificantrespectinwhichChūganrsquos

accountoftheKunandthePengdoesdepartfrombothpurelyyin-yang

correlationistandConfucianistallegoricalreadingsWhileheholdstheoverarching

purposeofthestorytobethesymbolicillustrationoftheprincipleof

transformationhealsoholdstheKunandthePengthemselvestobeingeniousand

entirelyfictitiousliterarycreationsofthehistoricalZhuangzi

ItseemsMasterZhuangwasabletoperceivetheprocessofchangedrivingthetransformationofthingsandelucidatetheiressentialnature186Thisiswhyhelefthis

186ldquoEssentialnaturerdquorendersseishō精性(Cjingxing)精seemsanalogoustoitsuseintermssuchasseiki精氣(jingqi)ldquoessentialpneumardquoandseishin精神 (jingshen)ldquoquintessentialspiritrdquo(thesetranslationsfollowCsikszentmihalyiedReadingsinHanChineseThoughtandMajoretalTheHuainanzirespectively)SeishōisnotaparticularlycommoncompoundthoughitdoesoccurinBuddhisttextsandwithespeciallyhighfrequencyintheHeroicValorSutra(首楞嚴經)ItisreminiscentofotherBuddhisttermstreatingvarioustypesofldquonaturerdquosuchastaishō體性(tixing)whichhasalsobeentranslatedasldquoessentialnaturerdquo(seeSwansonFoundationsofTrsquoienTrsquoaiPhilosophyp77)ChūganseemstobelievethatseishōisdifficultbutnotimpossibletounderstandthroughlanguagepresumablyotherbaserformsofnaturearemorereadilyaccessibleAndalthoughhedoesnotofferanexplicitcounterparttoldquoessentialnaturerdquooneisremindedofthedistinctionbetweenldquooriginalnaturerdquo(本然之性)andldquophysicalnaturerdquo(氣質之性)madebyZhuXi

111

traceinathingthatwasnotathingwhichwassufficienttoenablehimtoleavetraceswherenonecouldotherwisebeleft187HewasalsoabletotakeaccountofthevastnumberofnamesandnormsanddiscerntheirmysteriousprinciplesThisisthereasonhegroundedhiswordsinanamelessnameanditispreciselyhowhewasabletosaythatwhichcouldnotbesaid

蓋夫荘生能觀物化之變而明其精性故遺迹於無物之物足能迹所不能迹之迹也又籌名數之量而分其玄理故立言於無名之名是能言所不能言之言也

ToChūganZhuangziwasamastersymbolistwhousedfictionalizedcreatures

whichistosaycreatureswhosenames(名)asdeployedwithinthetextdidnothave

directreferentsoutsideitinordertoldquosaywhatcouldnotbesaidrdquoFictionalityitself

wasfundamentaltothisendeavorsincetousenamesinamannerthatsimply

denotedwellknownreal-worldreferentswouldbetoremainentirelywithinthe

associationalparadigmtypicaloftraditionalConfucianallegoryByemploying

signifiersinawaythatwasatoncedenotativelynewndashpriortoZhuangzithewords

ldquokunrdquoandldquopengrdquohadnrsquotbeenusedinparadoxicalfashiontonameagargantuanfish

andacontinent-sizedbirdndashyetwhichsimultaneouslypreservedandplayeddeftly

uponthereferentsthetermsoriginallydidpossessZhuangziachievedsomething

bothstylisticallyandconceptuallynovel

OnthisaccountatleastChūganrsquosreadingoftheepisodecomesremarkably

closetoPaulineYursquosconceptionoftheprototypicalWesternallegorywhichldquocannot

betakenatfacevalueasaliteralrecordofactualeventsrdquobutisratherldquoasystemof

signswhoseverymeaningconsistsinassertingtheirfictivenessandtheirfunction

187Thenounphrase迹所不能迹之迹mayberenderedmoreliterallyasldquotoleave[astrace](迹)thesortoftracethatcannotbeleftastrace(所不能迹之迹)rdquoorldquotoleave[astrace]tracesinaplacewherenotracesmaybeleftrdquodependingonhowonechoosestoconstrue所不能迹

112

assignifiersforsomethingbeyondthetextrdquo188Thislastqualificationofcourse

returnsustotheissueofmetaphysicsandthequestionathandbecomeswhether

ornotortowhatextenttheprincipleoftransformationmightmeaningfullybe

construedaslyingldquobeyondrdquothetextAlongstandingproblemfacingexegetes

workingonthetextsofphilosophicalDaoismwasthefactthattheDaowasboth

immanentandtranscendentitwasapproachablevialanguageinitseffectsor

ldquofunctionsrdquo(CyongJyō用)butnotinitsundifferentiatedtotalityastatethat

precedesandbydefinitionprecludesldquonamesrdquoofanysortYetintheworkof

renownedLaozicommentatorLuXisheng陸希聲(fl9thc)namesldquoareaccorded

valueinananagogicwaytheyaretheyongofDaotheyrelyonitandpermitthe

searchforthelsquofoundationrsquo(CtiJtai體)rdquo189Tothisextentnamesarepartofa

metaphysicalorderthatdoesnotadmitofanontologicaldualityinthemannerof

AbrahamicorPlatonicthoughtbutwhichinmostformulationsisnonetheless

hierarchicalChūgantoopositsaclearhierarchybetweentheDaoandthe

phenomenalworldofwhichlanguageisoneparticularconstituentAsthe

conditionofpossibilityforbothsensoryexperienceanddiscursivereasontheDao

cannotbeentirelycapturedndashldquoexhaustedrdquo(盡)ndashbyanyordinarydevicelinguistic

orotherwise190Yetldquothingsrdquo(物)whicharespecificinstantiationsoftheDaoand

188PaulineRYuldquoAllegoryAllegoresisandtheClassicofPoetryrdquoHarvardJournalofAsiaticStudies432(Dec1983)pp377-412189RobinetldquoTheDiverseInterpretationsoftheLaozirdquop147190IntheinterestofcompletenessitmightbenotedthatChūgandoesnotcommentonthepossibilityofexperiencingtheDaothroughmysticalunion

113

thusgesturetowardsitareamenabletoverbalexplicationatleastbysomeoneas

skilledasZhuangzi

ThosewhocansaysaywhatcannotbesaidthoseabletoleavetracesleavetraceswherenotracesmaybeleftNowtheDaoistheprincipleofspontaneousorderItcannoteitherwithwordsorwithsilencebewillfullymadeintosomethingwithdeterminateexistenceorwillfullydenieddeterminateexistenceZhuangzisaidldquoifspeakingwereenoughthenonecouldspendalldayspeakingandtherebyexhaustivelydescribetheDaoifspeakingwereinsufficientthentospendalldayspeakingwouldyieldanexhaustivedescriptionofthingsrdquo191ThingsrefertothetracesofnamesandwordsTheyembodytheprincipleofneitherspeakingnorremainingsilentOnlyZhuangziwasabletospeakaboutthemandfullyprobetheirlimits能言者言其所不能言能迹者迹其所不能迹夫道也者自然之理也不可使言之與默強有之強無之耳荘子曰言而足則終日言而盡道言而不足則終日言而盡物物也者名言之迹也非言非黙之理獨荘子能言而足盡其極而已

ThesearethememorableopeninglinesofKonpōronTheyfeatureseveralof

themostpotentandpolysemoustermsoftheDaoistcommentarialtraditionshizen

自然(Cziran)ri理(li)u有(you)mu無(wu)andbutsu物(wu)while

unambiguouslyaffirmingofthepoweroflanguageandZhuangzirsquossingularuse

thereofThephraseldquoneitherspeakingnorremainingsilentrdquo(非言非黙)isseenin

Zhuangzi2510AsrenderedbyVictorMair(1994)thatpassageendswiththe

followingstatementaboutthenatureoftheDaoldquoTheWayisthedelimitationof

thingsNeitherwordsnorsilencearesatisfactoryforconveyingitWithoutwords

andwithoutsilenceourdeliberationsreachtheirutmostlimitsrdquo(道物之極言默不

191Zhuangzi2510

114

足以載非言非默議有所極)192Thereisevidentlysomedisagreementamong

scholarsoverwhethertointerpretthestatementldquotheWayisthedelimitationof

thingsrdquo道物之極asMairdoesorwhethertotake道asbeingparalleltothenoun

phrase物之極ieldquotheDaoandthelimitofthingsrdquobutinanyeventthemessageis

thatneitherspeakingnorremainingsilentndashbothofwhichareultimatelydiscursive

strategiesndashcandothejobChūganhoweverseemsnottoregarddefianceof

discursiveexplicationasanintrinsicpropertyofthingsbutratheraresultofhuman

limitationswhichZhuangziwasabletoovercomeInthetranslationaboveldquothe

principleofneitherspeakingnorremainingsilentrdquo(非言非默之理)wasconstrued

astheoperativeprincipleofthingsItisalsopossibletoconstruethatphraseasa

topiconwhichtheensuingsentenceisacommentieldquo(Withrespectto)the

principlethatisneitheroneofspeechnorofsilenceonlyZhuangziwasableto

speakaboutitandfullyprobeitslimitsrdquoIneithercasetheclaimisthatZhuangzi

stoodaloneinhisabilitytouselanguagetorevealsomethingaboutthehidden

orderinformingphenomenalrealityAcompleteunderstandingofthisorderor

ldquoprinciplerdquowouldseemtoaffordthemostcompletediscursiveknowledgeofthe

Daopossiblesincesuchanunderstandingwouldrepresentamoregeneralldquometardquo-

physicalgraspofphysical(andsocial)phenomena193

192VictorHMairWanderingontheWayEarlyTaoistTalesandParablesofChuangTzu(NewYorkBantamBooks1994)p267193InthisandsimilarcontextsldquoprinciplerdquoisanoccultthoughstillimmanentaspectoftheDaoAsRobinetexplainstheDaoldquoactsthroughanaturalorderwhichsomecallli andwhichisalsooneofitsaspectsrdquo(ldquoTheDiverseInterpretationsoftheLaozirdquop149)

115

AnotherconceptcentraltoChūganrsquosessayisthatoftheldquotracerdquo迹(JsekiC

ji)avestigialrelationthroughwhichthingsandwordsremaincommensurableThe

termisparticularlyredolentofBuddhistphilosophicaldiscoursewhereitdenotes

externalindicationsorempiricalevidenceastraightforwardextensionofitsbasic

meaningoftracksorfootprintsChūganholdsthings(物)tobetheldquotracesofnames

andwordsrdquo(物也者名言之迹也)Thisprovocativeformulationappearstoinvert

therelationshipthatmightordinarilybeexpectedtoobtainbetweenlanguageand

thingswhoseexistencewouldotherwiseseembothlogicallyandtemporallyprior

tothatofthenamesandwordsdevisedtoidentifythemUnfortunatelyhedoesnot

expandupontheclaimorreturntoitelsewhereintheessayabsentfurther

evidenceaconservativereadingofChūganrsquospositionwouldsimplybethatheholds

ldquothingsrdquotobetheoutwardlysensiblesideofadipartiteidiographicrelationwords

andthingsarecoevalinsofarasanygivenldquothingrdquoisnrsquotperceivedassuchuntilitis

identifiedandidentificationisnecessarilyalinguisticactThetracerelation

providesthekeylinkbetweenwordsandobservablephenomenathatenablesthe

formertoldquoexhaustrdquothelatterwithrespecttothePengpassageitisthislinkthat

ultimatelymakespossibleZhuangzirsquoselucidationoftheprincipleoftransformation

Chūganinscribesthisthesiswithinalargeandlongstandingdiscourseon

languageandepistemologythatatleastinpartfindsitsoriginintheworkofthe

aforementionedSengzhaoSengzhaowasaneclecticBuddhistthinkeranda

talentedrhetoricianandChūgandrawsexplicitlyonhisstyleofexpositioninthe

veryfirstlineofKonpōronAsrenderedabovethislineproclaimsldquothosewhocan

saysaywhatthatcannotbesaidthoseabletoleavetracesleavetraceswhereno

116

tracesmaybeleftrdquo(能言者言其所不能言能迹者迹其所不能迹)Theenigmatic

wordingcloselyparallelsapassagefromalettertraditionallyincludedamongthe

fouressayscomprisingZhaoluninwhichSengzhaorepliestoquestionsposedto

himbyaneducatedandpiousaspirant194TherelevantportionreadsldquoHenceone

whoisskilledatspeakingwordsseekstosaythatwhichcannotbesaidonewhois

skilledatleavingtracesinvestigateshowtoleavetraceswherenotracesmaybeleftrdquo

(是以善言言者求言所不能言善迹迹者尋迹所不能迹)195Yettheclose

similaritiesindictionbelieasubtledifferenceinphilosophicalfocuswhereas

Sengzhaorsquosdiscussionofnamesandthingssoughttohighlightthearbitraryand

contingentnatureofthesignifyingprocessitselfChūganrsquossoughttoposition

Zhuangziastheultimatemasteroflanguagesomeonendashindeedtheonlyonendashwho

wasabletoexhaustthemysteriesofthingsthroughwordsThegoalofKonpōron

wasthusnottodeconstructaspurioushomologybetweennamesandphenomenal

realitybuttoreconstructthepathbywhichZhuangzigotfromtheformertoan

otherwiseinscrutableaspectofthelattertransformationassuchisnotathingbut

194ForacompletetranslationseeRafalFelburldquoEssaysofSengzhaordquoinThreeShortTreatisesbyVasubandhuSengzhaoandZongmi(MoragaBDKAmerica2017)pp47-135WalterLiebenthalChaoLunTheTreatisesofSeng-chao(HongKongHongKongUnivPress1968)pp81-100195Thephrase迹所不能迹mightbetakenas迹之所不能迹apartitivestructureinwhichthefirst迹isanounthesecondisaverbandthewholethingmeanssomethinglikeldquotracesofthesortthatcannotbeleftastracesrdquosimilarinmeaning(thoughnotinsyntax)to所不能迹之迹aboveAlternativelyitmaybereadsimplyasaverbphraseinwhichthefirst迹isatransitiveverbldquotoleaveastracerdquotakingthenounphrase所不能迹ldquothatwhichcannotbeleftastracerdquoorperhapsldquotheplacewherenotracemaybeleftrdquoasitsdirectobjectThelatterresultsinthetranslationgivenaboveldquotoleavetraceswherenotracesmaybeleftrdquo

117

aprinciplethatactsthroughanduponthingsandonewhoseoperationmaybe

communicatedgivensufficientmasteryoflanguage

Thusfartheanalysisundertakeninthepresentstudyhasnotaddressed

whatissurelyamongthemostobviousandenduringproblemsofhermeneutics

namelythattheexegesisofanyparableplacestheformitselfinquestionif

somethingismeanttobeunderstoodandmayinfactbeexplainedwhyofferonlya

symbolicorellipticalillustrationofitIfZhuangzirsquospurposehadbeentoelucidate

theprincipleoftransformationasChūganclaimswhydidhenotdosodirectlyvia

thesortofcorrelativeexpositionChūganhimselfemploystoldquodecoderdquotheKunand

thePengChūganprovidesnoexplicitanswerstothesequestionsthoughhis

commentssuggestatleasttwointriguingpossibilities196Thefirstandperhaps

mostcompellingpointheraisesregardingZhuangzirsquosuseofsymbolismisthatit

simplymakeshisworkmoreenjoyablethanapurelyexpositorytextofsimilar

importwouldbeandthatthispropertyenablesaqualitativelydifferentkindof

readingexperienceoneinwhichdelightseemsbothanenduntoitselfandanaidto

theacquisitionofknowledge

hellipClearlythenitwassimplyoneofZhuangzirsquosallegoriescouchedinthemostfancifulandfar-fetchedlanguageStupidConfuciansadheredinvaintothetracesandfailedtoglimpsetherealprincipleAretheynotoffendersagainstZhuangziWhatcouldmatch

196ItisworthpausingheretoemphasizethatChūganwouldneverhaveentertainedthepossibilitythatZhuangzididnotofferapurelyexpositoryaccountbecausehewasnrsquotabletodosoAssuchthefactthatmuchofwhatconstitutesldquocorrelativecosmologyrdquopostdatesZhuangzibyseveralcenturiesisnotespeciallyrelevantthevariouscorrelationsandcorrespondencesChūganpurportstorevealinthePengpassageweretohimfundamentalaspectsofnatureandtherecanbelittledoubtthatChūganwouldhaveassumedasamatterofcoursethatthehistoricalZhuangziwasperfectlyawareofallofthem

118

transformingoneselfintoapersonwithoutanameridinguponthisbirdbefriendingZhuangziintheboundlesswildsandfollowinghimasheroamsuntotheendsoftheEarthIsthisnotdelightfulhellip 是乃莊子寓言荒唐開誕之語耳愚儒徒泥乎言迹而不見眞理不亦為莊子罪人耶何當吾化成無名人而乘是鳥拍莊子肩於壙埌之野從遊於八極之表不亦快哉 ChūganhadalreadycriticizedldquolaterConfuciansrdquo後儒forfailingtolookbeyondthe

manifestsenseofthetextandherehetreatswithevengreatercondescensionthose

ConfucianswhofailtoappreciatethepleasureofidentificatoryexperienceItis

unfortunatethathedoesnotdevelopthispointfurtherasitrepresentsan

uncommonlystrongaffirmationofthevalueofdelighttoeducationZhuangziit

wouldseemsurpassesotherworksofphilosophybecauseitencouragesthe

dynamicinterplayofbothcognitiveandaffectivefacultiesThatsaidperhaps

Chūgandidnrsquotbelaborthepointbecausetodosowouldhaveweakenedtheraison

drsquoetreofhisownprojectoneneedharbornoRomanticprejudicesagainstallegory

toconcedethatthehabitsofminddrivingafinelywroughtcorrelationist

allegoresisareratherdifferentfromthosethatpermitareaderthepaidicjoyof

ldquoridinguponthePengbirdrdquoandldquobefriendingZhuangziintheboundlesswildsrdquo197

197InthisconnectionitmightbeobservedthatthereareperRogerCailloisrsquodefinitionsofludus(controlledrule-boundplay)andpaidia(uncontrolledfantasy)stronglyludicelementstotheapplicationofyin-yangcorrelativethinkingtotextualinterpretationInformulatingareadingbasedonyin-yangtheoryalargeandwellestablishedbodyofconventionsactasrulesthatstructureanddelimittherangeofpermissibleinterpretationsasatisfyinginterpretationisonethatsuccessfullyconnectstogetherasmanyelementsaspossiblewithoutviolatingtheconventionsSeeMeyerBarashtrRogerCailloisManPlayandGames(UrbanaUnivofIllinoisPress2001)p13

119

AnadditionalpointofinterestisChūganrsquosassertionthatincreatingtheKun

andthePengasfictionalcharactersZhuangzildquogroundedhiswordsinanameless

namerdquo(立言無名之名)TheldquonamesrdquoreferencedhereareKunandPengandthe

locutionsuggestssomethingakintoastrategyofdefamiliarizationAswehaveseen

thewordsldquokunrdquoandldquopengrdquoalreadypossessedreferentswhosequalitieswere

differentfromandinthecaseofldquokunrdquoverynearlyoppositetothoseascribedtothe

fictionalKunfishandPengbirdTheconceptualconnotationsofbothtermsalong

withthenumerousassociationseachhadwiththeotherfirestheimaginationina

waythatChūganclearlybelievesisproductiveofgreaterunderstandingZhuangzirsquos

carefullycraftedsymbolismiseffectivebecauseitencouragesreaderstomake

conceptualleapsItisworthnotingthatsuchapositionisbroadlyconsistentwith

viewsofparableespousedinotherhermeneuticaltraditionsearlyChantheorists

associatedwiththeNorthernSchoolforinstancerejectedtheliteralreadingsof

importanttechnicaltermsinfavorofallegoricalglossesdesignedtosupport

doctrinalpositionsthatwereinmanywaysatvariancewiththoseofIndian

Buddhism198FurtherafieldofChūganThomasAquinasopinedthatspiritualtruths

areusefullyveiledinsymbolandmetaphorbecausedoingsoldquodoesnotlettheminds

ofthosetowhomtherevelationhasbeenmaderestinthemetaphorsbutraises

198SeeJohnRMcRaeTheNorthernSchoolandtheFormationofEarlyChrsquoanBuddhism(KurodaInstituteStudiesinEastAsianBuddhismno3HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress1986)p198-99AccordingtoMcRaewhilemetaphorwasutilizedbyallschoolsofBuddhismthedeviceplayedanespeciallylargeroleinNorthernSchoolChanwithmostofthemetaphorsfoundinNorthernSchooltextsaimedattransformingallofBuddhismintoldquoanallegoryforthepracticeoflsquocontemplationofthemindrsquordquo(JkanshinCguanxin觀心)

120

themtotheknowledgeoftruthsrdquo199Aquinasrsquohandlingoftheissuereflectsof

courseanapproachtoscripturalallegorythatisrootedinanontologydifferent

fromthatofBuddhismandDaoismStillexegetesineachtraditionsharedthebasic

needtodetermineorthodoxyconstrueparablesldquocorrectlyrdquoasserttheirpedagogical

valueandattempttoexplainhowwordsandworldlythingscouldfiguretruths

whosevalueastruthstranscendedanyparticularmanifestationorinstantiation

thereofintherealmofordinaryexperience

Toreturntoapointraisedatthebeginningofthisinquiryitisnotable

thoughnotespeciallysurprisingthatChūganrsquosacademicappreciationofZhuangzi

seemstohavearisenlaterinlifeafterhisinitialperiodofscholarlyproductivity

duringthe1330sTherecanbelittledoubtthatChūganviewedZhuangziasa

seriousworkofphilosophyatleastifbythatismeantaworkwhosechiefaimwas

theinvestigationandadvancementofhumanknowledgeThereisalsolittledoubt

thathewasdeeplyimpressedwithwhathetooktobethesingularintellectand

rhetoricalpanacheofthehistoricalZhuangziConvenientlytheparableoftheKun

andthePengisheldinKonpōrontodemonstratethatworldlylearningandliterary

skillofpreciselythesortprizedbytheGozanintelligentsiawasthekeytoachieving

uncommoninsightintoacomplexnaturalorder

AhMasterZhuangHeperceivedthetransformationsexhaustedtheessencesaccountedforthenormsprobedthemysteriestotheirutmostextentandroamedfreelyacrossthewideworldWondrouslyhedroveallofexistenceintothetipofhisbrushndashverilythemyriadthingshadnowheretorunHisinfluencereachedevenunto

199SummaTheologica11i9QuotedinBrittanPoetrySymbolandAllegoryp31

121

thingsthatlayhidinthedarkwithoutsubstancewithoutformandwithoutnames200AndyethewasstillabletowondrouslyseekthesethingsoutdrivethemonandmakeallofthemintohisownendowmentWithhisprosehemadethembeatandmadethemdanceandinthisheglimpsedtheirsublimity吁莊生觀化盡精籌數極玄逍遙乎六合之表冥驅萬物入己筆舌萬物固無攸逃焉其餘波遠及於幽冥無象無質無形無名之物猶能冥搜之旁驅之而皆為己資文章鼓之舞之以見其玅也

ItisonlyafterthisencomiasticdescriptionofZhuangzirsquosaccomplishmentwhich

comesquiteneartheendoftheessaythatChūganproceedstoofferhisown

analysisoftheparableoftheKunandthePengAssummarizedpreviouslyChūgan

readstheparablethroughamultitudeoflaw-likenaturalcorrelationsorldquonormsrdquo數

andtakesittofiguretransformationThroughouthisreadinghereturnsrepeatedly

tothetwintropesofconcealmentandrevelationChūganrsquosZhuangzimarshalshis

extensiveknowledgeandrhetoricalabilitiestoexposewhatishiddenHe

investigatesandldquodrivesrdquo驅thethingsoftheworldasonedrivesahorseultimately

ldquomakingthemallintohisownendowmentrdquo皆為己資Chūgancomescloseto

personifyingtheldquomyriadthingsrdquo萬物whenhesaysthattheyldquohadnowheretorunrdquo

無攸逃201ratherasanomotheticallyinclinednaturalistmightdoinspeakingof

NatureasldquosurrenderinghersecretsrdquoHebookendshisaccountwithyetmorepraise

200TheideaofaldquonamelessrdquothingseemsacuriousandpossiblycontradictorynotiongivenChūganrsquosearlierdefinitionofthingsastracesofwordsandnamesReasoningasbeforethatathingisonlyrecognizedassuchinandthroughlanguageitmightbesupposedthatwhatChūganhasinmindherearesimplyphenomenandashldquothingsrdquointhebroadestsensendashthatnoonehasyetperceivedandwhichthushaveyettobenamed201 isequivalentinmeaninghereto所andthephrase無攸逃wouldlikelyhavebeenreadnogarurutokoronashiinJapanese

122

forZhuangzirsquosredoubtablelinguisticskills(JhitsuzetsuCbishe筆舌)whichareto

himnotmerelydecorativebutthemeansforcommunicatingperceptualinsights

thatarenormallyineffable

OhtoperceivethetransformationswithoutdependingonessencesTotraversethenormsinawaythatdidnotdependonbeingmysterious(玄)WhoelsecouldgothisfarWhatrsquosmoreitwasbymeansofthemarveloussubtletywithwhichhedevelopedtheseinhiswritingthathewasabletoexhaustthemandprobetheirlimitsAuthorsoflateragescouldnotevenattempttomatchhim吁觀化不以精步數不以玄則孰能造於此哉加之以其筆舌鼓舞之玅盡之極之後世作者不能企而及也

ThesearetheclosingwordsofKonpōronChūganrsquosdecisiontobookendhis

allegoricalreadingoftheKunandthePengwithyetmorepraisefortheircreator

suggeststhathewishedhisownaccounttobeseennotasanactofcreationassuch

butsimplyofrevelationandthatwhatitrevealsisnotonlythetruemeaningofa

parablebutthematchlessauthorialgeniusbehinditAtthesametimeand

particularlywhentakeninconjunctionwithhisearliercelebrationofidentificatory

delightthemoveexposesameasureofanxietyovertheactofinterpretationitself

FromamodernperspectiveChūganrsquosreadingdemonstratesthewaysinwhichyin-

yangcorrelativecosmologydramaticallyamplifiesthehermeneuticpotentialofa

textallowingappropriatelyconditionedreaderstolinkvariouselementsofthe

storyworldtoaplethoraofphenomenaoutsideitTheparadigmaticsubstitutions

licensedbythisapproachareinprincipleboundedbyyin-yangtheoryYetin

movingfreelyacrossanenormousrangeofentitiesandideasthechainsof

associationcangrowlonganddependingontheconnectionsbeingproposedthey

123

canthreatentobreakawayfromthesyntagmaticexpectationsthatwouldordinarily

structurethereadingprocess

InKonpōronthefirstchainofassociationswiththeKunwereasfollows

NorthernDarknessnorthwaterthenumber1thefirstEarthlyBranch(ieldquoratrdquo

子)childbeginningtheanimalldquoratrdquo(鼠)water(again)lurkingconcealmentthe

BlackTortoise(玄武)202Somelinksinthischainareperfectlysyntagmaticgiven

theelementsoftheparablethenumberonewaternorthandchildarejoinedin

thestorybythefactthattheKunisasinglefishlivinginanorthernbodyofwater

anditsnameisalsoawordthatadmitsldquoroerdquoasaprincipalmeaningStillitisplain

thatthiskindofapproachmightleadtoevenmorebaroqueinterpolationsand

ChūganwasprobablywellawarethattherehadalreadybeencriticismslikeLin

Xiyirsquosoftheapplicationofyin-yangtheorytoZhuangziRecallthatLinrsquosopinionof

yin-yangcorrelationistreadingswasthattheyinsisteduponintroducingldquoknotsrdquo(強

生節目)LinhadreadilygrantedthatthenamesKunandPengwereallegoricalthe

problemitwouldseemwasthatcorrelationistallegoresestendedtostraytoofar

fromthemanifestsenseofthetextandindoingsotheycreatedcomplexitieswhere

noneneedexistLinrsquosbasicpointishardtorefuteaheavilywroughtworklike

Konpōronisimplicitlybasedontheseeminglyunprovableassumptionthatthe

parableitexplicateswasalwaysintentionallycomplexalwayspossessedofasurfeit

ofmeaningthatwasnotcreativelyimputedbytheexegetebutintendedallalongby

itsauthorandnotimmediatelyapparentattheldquosurfacerdquolevelofdenotationItisan202SeethetranslationinAppendix1attheendofthischapterAtpresentIhavenotbeenabletodeducethesymbolicsignificanceofsomeoftheseandtheythereforedidnotfeatureinmyanalysisofChūganrsquosaccount

124

assumptionthatinthiscaseinevitablyrevealsmoreaboutChūganthanitdoes

aboutZhuangziwholikemanyancientwritersisknownalmostexclusively

throughthewritingascribedtohimMoregenerallyitalsobespeaksthe

precariousnessoftheinterpreterrsquospositionforitishardtobebothafaithfulinsider

andanactivecreatorbothconduitandsourcethecloserinterpretationcomesto

resembleauthorshipthefurthertheinterpreterisestrangedfromhisobject

TothisextenttheeffusivepraiseofZhuangziinoculatesChūganand

perhapshisreaderstooagainstthepossibilitythatitistheyandnottheNeo-

Confucianswhoaretherealoffendersdistortingthetextbyimposingextraneous

materialuponitKonpōronmakesnoclaimtomysticalorotherwisenon-discursive

accesstoZhuangzi(ortoZhuangzi)yetintheverycomplexityofitsinterpretation

itclearlypurportstoofferaninsiderrsquostakeontheKunandthePengWhatmakes

suchapositioncredibleatleastwithintheinterpretiveframeworkChūgan

developsisaratherremarkablepropertyheimputestothehistoricalZhuangzi

whoaccordingtohimwascapableofldquoprobingthemysteriestotheirutmostextentrdquo

(極玄)yetalsoabletoldquotraversethenormswithoutbeingmysteriousrdquo(步數不以玄)

ThiscommentseemsmeantinparttodistinguishtheapproachtakenbyZhuangzi

fromthattakenbyLaoziwhowascloselyassociatedwiththeconceptofldquomysteryrdquo

(CxuanJgen玄)onaccountoftheprominencethatnotionenjoysinthefamous

openingchapterofLaozi(Daodejing)203Stillmoreimportantlythehistorical

203ThatChūgantooassociatedLaozifirstandforemostwithmysteryissuggestedbytheopeningcoupletofashortpanegyricverse(JsanCzan贊)hededicatedtotheoldmasterldquoInmysteryhisthoughtsdidrightlyrestamindcontentandself-possessedhelliprdquo玄宜思潭澹泊心甘(GBZS440)

125

Zhuangzirsquosabilitytodowhathedidwithoutbeingmysteriousiswhatenables

ZhuangzitobeinterpretableintheordinarydiscursivesenseItisboththemeans

toachievingauniquefusionofaestheticandintellectualexperienceandthe

conditionofpossibilityforinterpretationinthefirstplaceanditissomethingwe

aretoldthatnootherauthor(作者)oflateragescouldmatchItisapitythat

Chūgandidnottry

126

Appendix1ACompleteTranslationofChūganrsquosCorrelativeAccountoftheKunandthePeng

WithrespecttothetermldquoNorthernDarknessrdquonorthrepresentsconcealment

accordingtotheHetudiagramitisthedirectioninwhichyangenergyliessunkand

concealedTheoneofHeavenbegetswaterinthenorthOneisthebeginningof

numbersinthesexegenarysystemitisthechild andmayalsobeglossed( )as

ldquobeginningrdquo Itrsquosspirit( )isthatoftherat ananimalthatlurksconcealedin

poolsofwaterInform( )itbelongstotheBlackTortoise anditstrigramiskan

(TheAbysmalWater)204IntheldquoHongFanrdquochapterofTheBookofHistoryitis

writtenthatwateristhatwhichsoaksanddescendsandinsoakinganddescendingit

makessaltrdquoThisdescribestheseaMing isalsoanamefortheseawhichbased

uponitsblackcoloriscalledming andwhichinitsdarkobscurity()becomes

hai 205ZhuangziusedthetermNorthernDarknessinordertoputintowordsthat

whichisdarkprofoundpossessedofahiddenessenceandistheplacewherethe

myriadthingsliedormantandconcealedAfishisacreatureofthewaterwhorsquosnature

istobesubmergedkunisaneggwhosebodyisamorphousandhasyettoassumethe

fullformofafishItlieslatentandconcealedandisextremelyminisculeYetthe

ambitionitnurturesisvastldquostretchingforwhoknowshowmanythousandlirdquoAlthough

onemightsay(thatkun)istinyandhiddenitrepresentsnonethelesstheseedofa

dragonTheloftyflairofZhuangzirsquosstylecanbeglimpsedhere

Thesubstanceofthefengbirdistobeofbrilliantvariegatedcolorsandtosoar

intotheheavensHowmeetitisthatitfliestothesouthSouthisthedirectionof

patternedbrightness()anditstrigramisli (TheClingingFire)Libelongstofire

204TheBlackTortoiseisoneoftheldquoFourCelestialAnimalsrdquo(四神)orldquoFourSymbolsrdquo(四象)mythologicalcreatureseachassociatedwithaseasonadigram(爻)atrigram(卦)acardinaldirectionandalsowithaspecificsetofsevenoftheTwenty-EightMansions(二十八宿)inChineseastronomy205Heretwowordsthatdenotethesea(溟海)areexplainedascognatewithtwowordsthatsuggestdarknessandobscurity(冥晦)

127

andfirehastheabilitytotransformthingsThusthetext(ofZhuangzi)saysldquo(theKun)

transformsintoabirdrdquoIntheldquoHongFanrdquochapterofTheBookofHistoryfireisthat

whichblazesandascendsandinblazingandascendingitbecomesbitterrdquoBitteristhe

tasteofthatwhichisburnt(jiao) andthePengisalsotermedjiaopeng afact

duesimplytoSimaXiangrursquosrhapsody206InformitbelongstotheVermillionBird

ofthesouth

IntheHetudiagramtheTwoofEarthbegetsfireTwoisdivisible being

divisibleitiseven andcomprisedofapair (peng)Thenumberoneisunitary

beingunitaryitisodd andasingularindividualamongmany (kun)207Forthis

reasonthebodyoftheKunissingularlyconceived( )andconcealedinthedarksea

ofthenorthThePenghastwowingsthatspreadsymmetricallyanditsoarsintothe

heavensandgoessouthWithrespecttopositionvis-agrave-visthesunnorthisren it

representsastateofpregnancy whereeggs (kunrsquoer)liesubmergedWith

respecttopositionvis-agrave-visthesunsouthisbing itrepresentsastateofbrightness

(bingyao)whereflocksofbirds (pengyu)ascendintothesky

206Likethefengabirdknownasthejiaoming焦明hasalsobeenassociatedwithZhuangzirsquosPengitappearsinSimaXiangrursquosfamousrhapsodyontheimperialhuntingpark(上林賦)andisrenderedldquoblazingfirebirdrdquobyDavidKnechtgesThealternatetermjiaopeng焦朋appearsinSimaXiangrursquosbiographyinHanshuwhetherChūganissimplyconflatingthepoem(asitappearsinWenxuan)withthebiographyorwhetherhewasusinganeditionofWenxuan(oranothersourcealtogether)inwhichthebirdinthepoemwasrenderedjiaopenginsteadofjiaomingisunclearThispartofChūganrsquosessayissomewhatperplexingatleastinsofarashewaspreviouslyquiteadamantthatZhuangzirsquosPengisnotidenticaltothefengandhereheseemstobedrawingconnectionsbetweenfeng鳳jiaopeng焦朋andpeng鵬notingtheassociationeachhaswithfireTheVermillionBirdisoneoftheFourCelestialAnimalsandisassociatedwithsouthfireandyang207ldquoSingularindividualamongmanyrdquoisanadmittedlycumbersomerenderingof昆thatattemptstoconveyChūganrsquosunderstandingofthecharacterwhichseemstobebasedmainlyonthesenseitpossessesintermssuchaskunchong昆蟲ldquo(aswarmormultitudeof)insectsrdquoandkunqun昆羣ldquomultituderdquoThissenseisobviouslypresentinkun鯤whenconstruedasldquoroerdquoandwhatChūganseemstobeemphasizingintheconnectionbetweenunity單oddness奇andkun昆isthesenseofbeingsmallanddiscreteevenifpartofalargergroup

128

129

Appendix2

IntheHetudiagramlinkedblackandwhitedotsrepresentnaturalnumbersfrom1to10Even(yin)numbersarerepresentedwithblackdotswhileodd(yang)numbersarerepresentedwithwhitedotsAdjacentpairsofyinandyangnumberscorrespondwiththefiveelements1and6withwater2and7withfire3and8withwood4and9withmetaland5and10withearthThesepairsaresaidtobecomprisedofasmallerldquobegettingnumberrdquo(生數)andalargerldquocompletednumberrdquo(成數)thecommondifferencebetweenwhichisalwaysfive

130

Chapter Four

Poems of Remembrance Poems of Social Engagement 1 Chūgan Engetsu and Early Gozan Poetry An Historical and Stylistic Overview

PoetrywasthecentralliteraryendeavorwithintheGozanmonasteriesso

muchsothatthemoderncoinageldquoFiveMountainsLiteraturerdquo(Gozanbungaku五山

文学)ubiquitousinsurveysofmedievalJapaneseliteratureisfrequentlyusedasif

poetrywereitsonlyconstituentThoughsomewhatmisleadingthisconvention

suggeststhelongstandingappreciationforboththequantityandartisticqualityof

thepoetrycollectionsintheFiveMountainscorpusthesecollectionshavegenerally

beenheldbymodernandearlymodernscholarstorepresentthezenithofmedieval

JapanesekanshiFormallyspeakingthevehiclesofchoiceamongGozanpoetswere

thegātha(JgeCji偈)astrictlyreligioustypeofverseintendedtoencapsulateand

conveydoctrinalpositionsandtheshi詩whichinitsfive-andseven-syllable

varietieshadbeenpracticedassiduouslyinJapansinceatleasttheeighthcentury

LikeeverynotablecontributortoGozanliteratureChūganwasanaccomplished

poetthathewasarguablyanevenbetterexpositorandessayistisbutoneofthe

idiosyncrasiesdistinguishinghimfromhiscontemporariesAnothermorespecific

totherealmofpoetrywashiswillingnesstothematizethepoliticaltumultofthe

eraandtouseunorthodoxoratleasthighlyuncommonpoeticformsandsyllabic

metersAlthoughtheprincipalcollectionofChūganrsquosworkTōkaiichiōshū東海一漚

131

集isdominatedbyexpositoryproseitrsquosfirstfasciclecontainsthreefu賦(lengthier

metricallyunregulatedpoemsusuallytermedldquorhapsodiesrdquo)whilethenextfive

contain227shialargenumberrelativetootherGozancollectionsMostofthe

majorstylesofshiarerepresentedincludingfive-andseven-syllableldquorecent-stylerdquo

quatrains(JzekkuCjueju絶句)regulatedverses(risshiluumlshi律詩)ldquoancient-stylerdquo

versesofvaryinglengthandevenhexasyllabicquatrains208Stylisticallythe

collectionishighlyvariableandbespeaksnosinglepreponderantsourceof

influenceorinspirationwhilesomescholarshavenotedChūganrsquosfondnessforHigh

Tang(c713-66)poetryothershaveemphasizedtheinfluenceofSong(960-1279)

models209MoreoverthefactthatheplayedaseminalroleinpopularizingSantishi

三體詩(JSantaishi)ananthologyofmostlyMid-andLateTang(c827-907)verse

plainlysuggestsinterestinthosestylesaswellInthepoemstreatedbelowthe

mostsalientthematicconnectionsaretobefoundwiththeworkofpoet-scholars

suchasOuyangXiu歐陽修(1007-72)andFanChengda範成大(1126-93)who

wereespeciallynotedfortheirattentiontosocialillsandthevicissitudesofplebian

life

208So-calledldquorecent-stylepoetryrdquo近體詩(JkintaishiCjintishi)isgovernedbyprosodicandstructuralconstraintsstricterthanthosethathadgovernedearlyshipoetryafterthefullestablishmentofrecent-styleverseduringtheTangthelessrule-boundvarietycametobetermedldquoancient-stylepoetryrdquo古體詩(kotaishigutishi)Shipoetryinthesix-syllablemeter(六言詩)isvastlylesscommonthanpenta-andheptasyllabicvarietiesChūganappearstohavebeenthefirstGozanfiguretousetheformandsomegeneralremarksregardingbothitshistoricaldevelopmentanditsadaptationofrecent-styletonalconventionswillbegiveninthefollowingchapter209SeeKagekiHideoGozanshishinokenkyū(TokyoKasamaShoin1977)p219

132

AsaresultofthisartisticorientationChūganoccupiesasingularniche

withintheroughly250-yearhistoryofGozanpoetryThishistoryisoftenheldto

comprisetwobroadepochsthefirstcharacterizedbygrowthandcreativitybegins

aroundthetimeofChūganrsquosbirthin1300andpeaksneartheturnofthefifteenth

centurythesecondmarkedunsurprisinglybystagnationanddeclinebeginsinthe

midfifteenthcenturyandroughlytracksthegradualeconomiccollapseoftheGozan

establishmentitselfTheeacutemigreacutemonkYishanYining一山一寧(JIsshanIchinei

1247-1317)whoarrivedinJapanasaYuanemissaryin1299isoftenidentifiedas

theprogenitoroftheGozanliterarymovement210Otherseminalwritersinclude

YishanrsquosJapanesediscipleSessonYūbai雪村友梅(1290-1348)whowouldspend

twenty-twoyearsinChinaandbecomeoneofthefirstmajorGozanpoetsand

KokanShiren虎関師錬(1278-1346)whosegroundbreakingtreatiseGenkō

shakusho元亨釋書constitutestheearliestgeneralhistoryofJapaneseBuddhism

TomanyscholarswhatdistinguishesGozanliterature(andindeedGozanmonastic

life)ofthistimefromthatofthelatefourteenthcenturyandbeyondisitsexplicitly

religiouscharacterwritersofthiseraincludingevengiftedlyricistslikeSesson

wereZenpriestsfirstandforemostnotliteratiwhohappenedtoresideinZen

temples211

210ThissuggestionseemstohaveoriginatedwithKamimuraKankō上村觀光(1873-1926)thefirstmodernscholartostudyandcollateasignificantfractionoftheGozancorpusitremainswidelyacceptedtodaySeeKamimuraGozanbungakushōshi(TokyoShōkabō1906)pp3-4211HagaKōshirōldquoZenbungakutoGozanbungakurdquoinYamagishiTokuheiedsNihonkanbungakushironkō(TokyoIwanamiShoten1974)pp409-415

133

Theimpetusbehindtheshiftawayfromreligiouslifeandtowardssecular

avocationswasironicallytheincreasingsuccessoftheZensectitselfWhile

AshikagapatronagebroughtthemajorGozanmonasteriesunprecedentedwealth

andpoliticalprominenceitalsodrewthemostartisticallyandintellectuallygifted

prelatesawayfromreligiouspraxisandintoelitesocialcircles212Thepivotalfigure

inthistrajectoryisZekkaiChūshin絶海中津(1336-1405)whoalongwithGidō

Shūshin義堂周信(1325-88)helpedmaketheso-calledKitayama北山erandashnamed

forthelavishprivateestateoftheshogunAshikagaYoshimitsu足利義満(r1368-

94)ndashaheydayofmedievalhighculture213FlourishingagenerationafterChūgan

Zekkairepresentstomanymodernscholarsthetriumphofsecularaestheticsover

religiousconvictionhisliteraryrenownbespeakstheapogeeofGozanpoetrywhile

alsoauguringthedecadencetocome214WhereasChūganisrelativelywellknown

tointellectualhistoriansbutfiguresonlymodestlyinmostsurveysofGozanpoetry

ZekkaiisalmostuniversallyregardedasthegreatestshimasterintheGozanmilieu

ThisappraisalisdueinlargeparttotheunusualesteemhisworkearnedinChina

tellinglyheistheonlyJapanesepoetinhistorytohaveoneofhispoemshonored

212SeeCollcuttFiveMountainspp98-102213ThisestatecontainsthefamoustempleRokuonji鹿苑寺betterknowntodayasKinkakuji金閣寺ldquoTheTempleoftheGoldenPavilionrdquoYoshimitsuisalsofamous(orinfamous)foracquiescingtothehierarchicaldiplomaticdemandsoftheMingcourtinordertoreestablishtraderelationswithChinaThemoveearnedhimthetitleldquoKingofJapanrdquo(日本國王)inChinaandtheenduringdisfavorofJapanesenationalists214HagaldquoZenbungakutoGozanbungakurdquop409HeinrichDumoulinZenBuddhismAHistoryJapan(BloomingtonWorldWisdom2005)pp169-77

134

witharesponsorialversebyareigningChineseemperor215Andalthoughmodern

criticswouldgenerallyavoidevaluatingJapaneseliterarySiniticmediasolelyonthe

basisoftheirfidelitytoChinesenormstherecanbelittledoubtthatZekkairsquos

historicalreputationhasbeenpredicatedonjustsuchacriterionInhisNihonshi

shi日本詩史(AHistoryofJapaneseShiPoetry1771)theearly-modernpoetand

scholarEmuraHokkai江村北海spokeofZekkai(andGidōShūshin)intermsthatif

somewhatpolemicalarenonethelessentirelyrecognizableinmuchscholarship

today

ZekkaiandGidō(Shūshin)areoftenmentionedtogetherandheldupasrivalsIread(Zekkairsquos)ShōkenkōsometimeagoandIhavealsoread(Gidōrsquos)KūgeshūItisclearthattheyarethetwogreatbulwarksofZen216Ifwersquoretalkingaboutwhoadvancedfurtherinlearning(學殖)thenitwouldseemthatGidōsurpassesZekkaiButintermsofpoetictalent(詩才)GidōisnomatchforZekkaiZekkairsquospoemsnotonlyhavenoequalintheancientandmedievalperiodsbuteventhefamouspoetsofrecenttimeswouldinalllikelihoodcastofftheirarmorandfleeintothenightThereasonisthatalthoughtheworksoftheancient(ieNaraandHeian-era)courtgentlemenarenotwithoutbeautifullinesandarrestingcoupletstheyarealsofulloffaultsanditisveryraretofindversesthatarebeautifultheentirewaythroughAndwhileimpeccableversesmayoccasionallybefoundtheyarestillonlypoemsofourcountrywhichwhen

215SeeInoguchiAtsushiShinshakukanbuntaikeivol45ldquoNihonkanshirdquopt1(TokyoMeijiShoin1972)p96OnZekkairsquosaudiencewiththeHongwuEmperor(MingTaizu)seeMicahSpencerHechtldquoConventionsofUnconventionalityrdquo(PhDDissUnivofHawairsquoi2005)pp124-30InbriefZekkaiappearedbeforetheemperorin1376toanswerquestionsonBuddhistdoctrineEvidentlycuriousaboutZekkairsquoshomelandtheemperorpointedtoamapofJapanandaskedaboutthefamoussiteofKumanowhereaccordingtolegendtheancientdivinerXuFu徐福traveledinsearchoftheelixirofimmortalityZekkaicomposedapoemattheemperorrsquosrequestandtheemperorgenerouslyauthoredaresponsorialverseofhisownBothversesthematizeKumanoandXuFursquoslegendaryjourneytheyaretranslatedinHechtpp125-29216ldquoThetwogreatbulwarksofZenrdquorendersthephrase二禅の壁壘FromcontextitseemsthatEmuramustmeanZenliteratibutitisalsopossiblethathedidnotentertainasharpdistinctionbetweenspiritualadvancementontheonehandandexcellenceinlettersontheotherandtookthelattertobeindicativeoftheformer

135

comparedtothoseoftheChinesearevastlyinferiorEventhepoetsoftodaycanseeforthemselvesthattheseareafteralljustJapanesepoemsperenniallyblightedbyunorthodoxiesofdictionButinthecaseofZekkaithisisnotso217絶海義堂世多く並稱して以て敵手と為す余嘗て蕉堅藁を讀み又空華集を讀む二禅の壁壘を審かにす學殖を論ずれば則ち義堂絶海に勝るに似たり詩才の如きは則ち義堂絶海の敵に非ず絶海の詩 古昔中世敵手無きのみに非ざる也近時の諸名家と雖も恐らくは甲を棄てて宵に遁れん何となれば則ち古昔朝紳の詠言佳句警聯無きには非ず然れども疵病雜陳全篇佳なるもの甚だ稀なり偶佳作有るも亦唯我邦の詩のみ之れを華人の詩に較ぶれば殊に 我邦の詩なり往往俗習を免れ難し絶海の如きは則ち然らず

WhileChūganrsquospoetryismorevoluminousandthematicallyvariegatedthan

Zekkairsquosithasrarelywoncomparableacclaimfromearly-modernormodern

scholars218NonethelessChūganrsquospoeticoeuvremuchlikehiscorpusofprose

remainsamongthemostcompellinginthehistoryofmedievalkanshicomprising

notonlyworksoneremitismreligiouscontemplationandscenesofnaturendash

commonthemesamongZenpoetsndashbutalsostridentpoliticalworkstreatingthe

effectsofpovertywarfareandsocialdislocationWhilesuchtopoiarewellwithin

theambitoftraditionalChinesepoetrytheyareseldomencounteredinpremodern

kanshiandareevenrarerinwakaEvenbytheeclecticstandardsofGozan

literatureChūganrsquosldquopoliticalrdquopoetryisentirelyuniqueinbothquantityandlyrical

217ShimizuShigeruetaledsShinNihonkotenbungakutaikeiv65ldquoNihonshishiGozandōshiwardquo(TokyoIwanamiShoten1991)pp77 218ThefamousMeiji-TaishoerasinologistandpoetKuboTenzui久保天随(1875-1934)istomyknowledgetheonlyliteraryfigureofnotetofavorChūganrsquospoetryoverZekkairsquosSeeInoguchiShinshakukanbuntaikeiv45pt1p48EmuramakesnomentionofChūganinNihonshishi

136

intensityperhapsnotsurprisinglyitisthistypeofpoetrythatismostoften

selectedtorepresenthiminmodernanthologiesofJapaneseliterarySiniticverse

WhilemanyofChūganrsquosthematicinclinationsadhereinthemaintoartistic

precedentsthatinsomecasesdateasfarbackastheEasternHan(25-220)andJin

(265-420)dynastiesothersreflectthecomparativelyrecentinnovationsoftheSong

DynastyIngeneralpoetsoftheSongweredistinguishedfromtheirTangandSix-

Dynastiespredecessorsbytheirwillingnesstotreatawidevarietyoftopicsdrawn

fromordinarylife219OnesuchtopicwasillnessandphysicalinfirmitywhichSong

poetsbuildinguponprecedentssetbyHanYuandMengJiaowouldapproachwith

extraordinarycandor220UnusuallyforaJapanesepoetofhiseraChūgantoowould

poeticizeillnessdetailinginversethebodilyexperienceofbeingsickwithmalaria

whileontourinChinaAlthoughthepiecetitledsimplyldquoMalariardquoisnotinany

sensealdquopoliticalrdquopoemitslanguagestructureandrelativelyearlydatemakeitan

especiallyfineintroductiontoChūganrsquospoeticsensibilitieswhichinmanyways

remainedquitestableevenashematuredstylisticallyoverthe1330sTheworkis

theonlyofitskindinTōkaiichiōshūandtomyknowledgenosimilarworksare

foundelsewhereinthecorpusofGozanpoetryUsefullyitillustratesmultiple

rhetoricalfeaturescommontoallbutoneofthepoemstreatedintheremainderof

thischapter

219RonaldEganldquoShiPoetryAncientandRecentStylesrdquoinZong-qiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetry(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2008)p308220StephenOwenThePoetryofMengChiaoandHanYu(NewHavenYaleUnivPress1975)passimPoemno13ofMengJiaorsquosseriesldquoAutumnMeditationsFifteenPoemsrdquo秋懷十五首analyzedonpp179-81isparticularlystrikinginthisregard

137

瘧疾

Malaria三尸謀疾疫 TheThreeCorpsesplotmalaise二竪穴胸膈 TheTwoChildrenburrowinsidemychest221老夫盍誅之 ldquoThisolrsquowightletrsquosputhimtodeathrdquo222陰蟲放毒螫 Hiddenpestswithpoisonbarbs熏熇氣相蒸 Inthehotsmokeoffumigationmyqiisbrazedaway風雷勢 Windandthunderroarswithfrighteningforce天地成 Thewholeworldbecomesaboilerandhotplate223濈濈汗流腋 Sweatstreamsfrommyarmpits俄爾輙送寒 ThensuddenlyIhavethechills凛凛氷底溺 Likebeingdrownedatthebottomofanicyriver衾裯重繒絖 Silkenfabricspiledatopmyquiltandbedsheets當暑莫之 Whentheweatherrsquoshotnothingismoredetestable胡為須臾間 Howinthespaceofaninstant陰陽忽變易 Canyinandyangchangeplacessoabruptly咳嗽和噴嚏 Coughingandsneezing涕泗交津液 Tearsandsnotmixedwithotherfluids224221TheThreeCorpsesalsoknownastheThreeWorms(三蟲)andTheTwoChildrenrefertospiritsresidinginsidethebodythoughttocauseillness222Thephraseldquooldfellowrdquo老夫(ClaofuJrōfu)hastorefertoChūganthoughhewasonlyinhistwentiesatthetimeThetranslationabovetakes盍as蓋ldquooughttordquoandconstruesthelineasaninterjectioninthevoiceoftheTwoChildrenAlternativelyif老夫istakenasafirstpersonsubjectpronoun(anattestedusage)and盍isunderstoodasaninterrogativepronounessentiallyequivalentto何thenthelinemightberenderedldquoHowamItoeliminatethemrdquo(withthereferentof之nowbeingtheTwoChildren)223Theactualcharacterthatappearsinthefinalpositionofthislineisnot butthe

variantform whosetypesetversionsarenotrecognizedbyMicrosoftWord224Thetermshinrsquoeki津液(Cjinye)isageneralreferenceforbodilyfluidsintraditionalChinesemedicinebyitselfthecharacter津mayrefereithertosalivaorperspirationandsincethelatterwasmentionedalreadyinlineeight(albeitwithadifferentword汗)wemightimaginephlegmtobeintendedhereThepreviouscompoundteishi涕泗(Ctisi)ldquotearsandsnotrdquohasalonghistoryinpoetryappearinginworksbyRuanJiandDuFuamongothers

138

反仄不蹔安 TossingandturningIcannotgetcomfortableforlong何當定枕席 WhenwillIfinallybeabletoresteasy起臥偕歎為 Sittinguporlyingdownbotharetaxingtodo動輙求扶掖 AgainandagainIaskforhelp眼眩混方圓 DizzyIcanrsquottellsquaresfromcircles顛倒視黒白 AndIconfoundblackandwhite平生茹蔬荀 AllmylifeIhaveeatengreensandshoots欣然口自適 FortunatelyIfindtheysuitmypalette今設五候鯖 NowIhavebeforemesomeFiveMarquisfishstew苦淡同氷蘗 Asbitterandblandasamealoficeandcork225少間倚繩牀 AfterawhileIreclineonafoldingchair痩質如乾腊 Irsquomasgauntasapieceofdriedmeat傍有相過者 Atmysidearesomewhorsquovecometovisit視吾疑欺魄 UponseeingmetheycouldswearIrsquomaghost終日口唅呀 AlldaylongImuttertomyself觸事多怒嚇 Contactwiththingsoftheworldentailssomuchangerandfear回心自省身 Iturnmymindinwardandreflectuponmyself萬里海外客 Atravelerfromfaracrossthesea所志無人知 ThefeelingsIharbornooneknows越語憐莊舃 InmyownldquoYuetonguerdquoIsympathizewithZhuangXi226

Genuinethematicinnovationisalmostalwaysaccompaniedbyatleastsome

liberalizationintherealmoflanguageThispoemwrittenwhenChūganwas

twenty-sixincludesmultiplewordsandphraseswellremovedfromthemainstream

ofJapanesekanshiwhichonthewholeemphasizedselectmodelsfromtheTangand

225ldquoFiveMarquisStewrdquo五侯鯖wasawellknownstewoffishandmeatherethecharacter鯖simplymeansldquostewrdquonotldquomackerelrdquo226ZhuangXiwasanativeofthecoastalstateofYue越whoservedasanofficialintheinlandstateofChu楚thoughsuccessfulandwellassimilatedherevertedtothedialectofhishomelandwhenillZhuangXiappearsinShijiinthememoirofZhangYi張儀andalsoinWangCanrsquosfamousrhapsodyldquoClimbingtheTowerrdquo(登樓)

139

Six-DynastieserasAndwhileeveryagehasitsiconoclastsalineofverseconsisting

simplyofldquocoughingandsneezingrdquo(咳嗽和噴嚏)ndashtheseremainthestandardterms

inmodernChinesendashprobablyfindsaneasierhomeinSongpoetrythaninthe

poetryofanypreviousepochIntermsofnarrativestructureldquoMalariardquolikeallof

Chūganrsquoslongpoemsislineartracingthepathoftheillnessfromonsettopartial

recoverywithnodisruptionsintemporalcontinuitySomewhatatypicallyfor

ChūganthelyricalldquoIrdquoispresentatleastimplicitlyineverysinglecoupletandin

mostlinestheobjectofdescriptionremainsthesubjectofenunciationInsumitis

anentirelyautobiographicalpieceThecoupletshavingtodowithphysical

symptomsarestrikingthattheyoccupyjustafractionofthepoemrsquostotallength

mightsuggestacautiousapproachtosuchdetaillestanunrelentingfixationonthe

morbidcasttooheavyashadowoverthewholeoftheworkAlternativelyitis

possiblethatChūganrsquosprimaryinterestwasnottheparticularharrowingdetailsof

theexperienceitselfbuttheensuingreflectionuponhumanfrailtyanddependency

towhichsuchanexperienceleadsIneithercasethecontrastproducesaneffect

commontoagreatmanyofChūganrsquospoemswhichoftenbringonekindofaesthetic

sensibilitytothereaderrsquosattentiononlytoabruptlywithdrawitinfavorofanother

Nowhereisthisrhetoricalstrategyemployedmorefrequentlyandmoreeffectively

thaninhispoliticalpoemswhicharebothsufficientlynumerousandartistically

compellingenoughtomeritextendedtreatment

140

2 A Country Divided A Future Uncertain Poetry in Times of Turmoil

1333-1343

Poemsofsocialcommentarysomewithastrongsubtextofpoliticalcriticism

begintofeatureprominentlyintheyear1333whichwitnessedthestunning

collapseoftheKamakuraShogunateandEmperorGo-Daigorsquostriumphantreturn

fromexileHavingonlyrecentlyreturnedfromChinaChūganwasstillinKyushuas

theseeventsunfoldedBythefifthmonthhehadtakenupresidenceatthewell-

knowntempleManjuji萬壽寺inBungoProvince227Atthebehestofhispatron

ŌtomoSadamunewhowasanallyofGo-DaigohedepartedthatautumnforHakata

ShortlythereafterheembarkedforKyotoinSadamunersquoscompanywherehewould

deliverhismemorialtotheemperorThejourneytookhimpastmultiplesitesof

localinterestandinsomecaseshistoricalorreligiousimportanceandit

occasionedaseriesoftencommemorativequatrainstwoofwhichspeakdirectlyto

theupheavalsofthetime

檀浦

Dannoura228

晚浦煙橫日影斜 Atduskonthebaymistspreadswidecastingshadowsaslantin

theeveningsun漁歌送恨落蘋花 Fishermenrsquossongsbetellinggrievancesofoldscattertheping

blossoms229

227InformationconcerningChūganrsquostravelsandthetemplesatwhichheresidedcomesmostlyfromhisBusshuEsaiZenjiChūganGetsuoshōjirekifu(hereafterjirekifu)GBSSv4pp611-32Thisisachronologicallyorganizedautobiographicalrecordcomprisedofbriefsummariesofvariouskeyeventsforeachyear228Thesiteofafamoustwelfth-centurybattle(seebelow)

141

封侯能有幾人得 Intheendhowmanycanwinenfeoffment戰骨乾枯堆白沙 Bonesofthewardeadliedriedandbleachedmoundsofwhite

sand230

鞆津TomoHarbor231

楸梧風冷海城秋 Throughcatalpaandparasoltreesthewindblowschillseaside

rampartsmantledinautumn燹火煙消灰未收 Thefiresthatragedinwarsmoldernolongerbuttheirashes

haveyettobecleared232229Thepingorbaiping白蘋(HydrocharisdubiaJtochikagami)isafloweringaquaticplantthatgrowsinshallowmuddywaterPerhapsbecausetheblossomsreachjustinchesabovethewaterrsquossurfacepoemsdescribingthemashavingldquofallenrdquoseemtoberelativelyrareTheinterpretationfollowedherewassuggestedbyKamimurawhosekuntenmarkingsinGBZSindicateaJapanesereadingofgyokauramiookuritehinkaootosuinwhich落isconstruedasatransitiveverbwithsubject漁歌andobject蘋花230GBZSv2pp32-33GBSSv4p327231AnhistoricallyimportantharborinwhatisnowHiroshimaPrefecture 232ThelastcoupletrecallsDuMursquosfamousquatrainldquoMooredontheQinhuaiRiverrdquo泊秦淮whosesecondcoupletreadsldquoSinginggirlsknownothingoftheshameofthecountryrsquosruinStillintoningfromacrosstheriverthetuneofRearGardenBlossomsrdquo商女不知亡國恨隔江猶唱後庭花ThespecificeventreferredtointhesecondlineofldquoTomoHarborrdquoisunclearafactthathasledtosomeconfusioninmodernsourcestreatingthispoemTheseriestowhichitbelongsendswithanoteseeminglywrittenbyChūganhimselfthatreadsldquoTheforegoingtenpoemswerecomposedaftertheGenkōDisturbancewhenIwasonmywayfromHakatatothecapitalrdquo右十首元弘亂後自博多上京道中作也Howevertheearliestrecordofaneventcorrespondingtothelanguageofthepoem(andindeedofamajorfortificationatTomoHarbor)isfrom1342intheBattleofTomo鞆合戦theDaigashimaFortress大可島城builtearlierthatyearonanislandjustoutsidetheharborwasattackedbyforcesoftheNorthernCourtandcompletelydestroyedItisconceivablethatincollatingthismaterialseveraldecadeslaterChūganmisrememberedwhenldquoTomoHarborrdquowascomposedontheotherhandthelocationhadbeenofstrategicandcommercialimportanceforcenturiesanditisequallypossiblethathesimplywitnessedtheaftermathofanearlieroutbreakofviolencethatoccurredaroundthetimetheshogunatefellIneithercasetheldquorampartsrdquomentionedinthepoemcannotrefertoTomoCastle鞆城whichwasconstructedundertheaegisoftheMōrifamilyinthe16thcentury

142

遊妓不知亡國事 Thecourtesansknownothingoftheruinationofthestate聲聲秦曲泛蘭舟 Singingtomusicalaccompanimenttheybobalongonbedizened

boats233

Thejuxtapositionofdescriptivecoupletswithcriticalordidacticonesisa

recurrentfeatureinChūganrsquospoliticalpoemsThisjuxtapositionmoreoveris

alwaysanunevenonewiththepoliticalstatementsinthesecondcouplet

unambiguouslyprivilegedoverthedescriptionofferedinthefirstStructurally

speakingthisisconsistentwithpopularpoeticpracticeoftheSongandYuaneras

accordingtothecompositionalprinciplesadvancedintheaforementionedSantishi

whichwascompiledaround1250bythepoetandtheoristZhouBi周弼(1194-

1255)thethirdlineofaquatrainisthedominantlineandthemostimportanttothe

overallsuccessofthepoem234InldquoDannourardquotheturninthethirdlinetowards

discursiveprosaiclanguagecomesneartowhatZhouBitermsldquoemptycontinuationrdquo

虛接whereinthefirstandsecondlinesofaquatrainarenon-affectiveorldquosolidrdquo實

whilethethirdrevealsthefeelingsoropinionsofthepoetandistermedldquoemptyrdquo

虛235ldquoEmptycontinuationrdquowasacommonstrategyandonethatgrantsspecial

prominencetothepoemrsquosdiscursiveldquopointrdquobysettingitinreliefagainstan

233GBZSv2p33GBSSv4p328234ZhouBirsquoscriticalcommentsaretranslatedandanalyzedbyStephenOweninReadingsinChineseLiteraryThought(CambridgeHarvard-YenchingInstitute1992)pp421-34235OwenReadingsinChineseLiteraryThoughtpp422-25AlthoughthefirstcoupletofldquoDannourardquoisheavyondescriptiontheuseofthetermldquogrievancerdquo恨inthesecondlinedoesimplyjudgmentandhencealyricalsubjecttotheextentthatitforeshadowsthepoliticalmessageofthesecondcouplettherupturebetweenthecoupletsisnottotalandthepoemisnotaperfectexampleofldquoemptycontinuationrdquo

143

ostensiblyobjectivenon-evaluativebackgroundChūganstructuredmanyofhis

quatrainsthiswayandinlightofhisnotedfondnessforSantishiitisreasonableto

positthatheusedthecollectionverymuchasZhouBihadintendednamelyasan

explicitlyldquowriterlyrdquoguidebooktopoeticcomposition

Fromanartisticstandpointthebrevityofthequatrainformmakesitabetter

vehicleforimagismthanforsocialcritiqueandldquoDannourardquoinparticularseems

almostcalculatedtofrustrateaestheticexpectationsinitiallyofferingthereaderthe

pleasureofdetachedimagisticdescriptiononlytosnatchitawaywiththe

impositionofabluntmoralmessageItisanapproachthatcontrastsmarkedlywith

thattakenbyotherGozanpoetswhogenerallyavoidedovertdidacticismeven

whencomposingpoemsthatfitthematicallyintotheldquohistoryrdquo(JeishiCyongshi咏

史)sub-genreWhiletheBattleofDannouramayhaveheldparticularsignificance

forChūganasanexampleofsenselessfeudalwarfarehewasnottheonlyGozan

poettomemorializetheeventinverseNolessafigurethanZekkaiChūshinwould

alsodososeveraldecadeslaterthoughtomuchdifferentartisticeffectandmost

likelywithmuchdifferentmotivationsinmindThecontrastbetweenthetwo

versesisinstructive

赤間関

Akamagaseki236 風物眼前朝暮愁 Thescenebeforemyeyesbringsgrieffrommorningtillevening 寒潮頻拍赤城頭 Acoldtideceaselesslypoundingruinsofredstoneramparts 236AlocationonthesouthwesterntipofHonshuinwhatistodaythecityofShimonosekiItoverlookedthewatersinwhichtheBattleofDannouraoccurred

144

怪岩奇石雲中寺 Fearsomecragsandcuriousrocksguardatempleintheclouds 新月斜陽海上舟 Underthenewmoonandthesettingsunaboatdriftsuponthe

sea 十萬義軍空寂戚 Arighteousarmyofhundredthousandvanishedintoemptiness 三千剣客去悠悠 Threethousandswordsmenlostforalltime 英雄骨朽干戈地 Bonesofheroeswitheredawayuponthebattlefield 相憶倚欄看白鷗 LostinremembranceIleanonthebalustradewatchingthe

gulls237

TheBattleofDannourawasthefinaldecisiveengagementoftheGenpeiWar

源平合戦(1180-85)anepisodeofstrifeandgenerallawlessnessframedprincipally

bythecontestbetweentwomilitaryhousestheMinamoto源andtheTaira平The

TairawhohadbeenfleeingwestwardafterlosingKyotoweresoundlydefeatedand

wouldneverrecovertheirspectacularriseandfallwouldinspirewriters

throughoutthemedievaleraandtheBattleofDannourawouldcometobeseenas

themostpoignantanddramaticofallhistoricalJapanesebattlesThiswasnot

simplybecauseitwaslargebythestandardsoftheerabutbecausetheannihilation

ofthenewlyascendantTairawastotalandbecausetheyoungEmperorAntoku(r

1180-83)bornofaTairamotherandbarelysixyearsoldatthetimewasamong

thethousandsdrownedinthemelee

BothldquoDannourardquoandldquoAkamagasekirdquotreatthesamehistoricaleventbut

theirdifferencesarestrikingwhereChūganspeaksonlyofthebonesofthewar

237GBZSv2p1920IriyaedldquoGozanbungakushūrdquopp96-97

145

deadZekkaispeaksofthebonesofheroeswhereZekkaiconcludeswithan

aestheticizationofviolencethatmovesthereaderfromhumanmortalitytothe

freedomofnatureChūgansimplysuggeststhatthewarwasamisguidedconflict

overalimitedresource(ldquoIntheendhowmanycouldwinenfeoffmentrdquo)Zekkairsquos

poemmaybeinterpretedasoneofspiritualconciliation(chinkon鎮魂)a

traditionalfunctionofmuchmedievalliteratureontheGenpeiWarChūganmay

havechoseninsteadtoemphasizethefutilityofthatconflictformoreimmediate

purposesalmostsurelyintendinghisversetobeseenbyGo-DaigoandSadamune

HereitshouldberemarkedthatinsofarastheGenpeiWarrepresentedexactlythe

sortofconflictmostantitheticaltoafundamentallystatistConfucianworldview

Chūgansurelysawnocontradictioninbemoaningitevenashebackedtheroyal

causeagainsttheKamakuraregimeinhismemorial

AsobservedpreviouslyChūganbegantoexpressmorecriticalviewsofGo-

Daigorsquosrevolutioninearly1334followinghisreturntoKamakurauponthesudden

deathofSadamuneWhathefoundwhenhearrivedwasatownscarredbyviolence

anddespoliationDuringthesummerof1333aforcegatheredbythewarlordNitta

Yoshisada(1301-38)hithertoaprincipalvassaloftheshogunatehadmarchedon

KamakuraandattackedtheHōjōgarrisonAccordingtothefamousaccountinthe

historicalchronicleTaiheiki太平記thefightingwasheavyandlastedforsome

dayswithdefeatimminentHōjōTakatokisetfiretonumerousadministrative

buildingsretreatedtothetempleTōshōjiandcommittedsuicidealongwithseveral

146

hundredofhismen238ApproximatelyfiveyearslaterChūganmemorializedthese

eventsinaseriesofheptasyllabicquatrainsandbemoanedtheongoingpolitical

disarray

惜陰偶作

ImpromptuVersesLamentingthePassageofTime

昔年是日鎌倉破 SeveralyearsagoonthisdaythecityofKamakurafell 所在伽藍氣像皆 Thetemplesthatweretherethesceneryndashallofitwasreduced

tonothing239 商女不知僧侶恨 Thepeddlergirlsknownotthemonksrsquogrievances 賣柴賣菜打官街 Sellingfirewoodandgreenstheyhawkupanddownstreetsonce

linedwithgovernmentoffices240 雨壓炎塵涼似秋 Raintampsthescorchingdustandthecoolnessfeelslikeautumn 無根緑樹翳林丘 Rootlessverdanttreesshadewoodedhills241 摩挲老眼看如畫 Strainingmyoldeyesitlooksjustlikeapainting 若箇濛濛佛也愁 ButinthisdrizzlymisteventheBuddhawouldfeelmelancholy

238Taiheiki102104239Thecharacter皆nearlyalwaysadverbialheredenotesaverbmeaningldquotobereducedtonothingrdquoIhavebeenunabletodiscovercomparableexamplesofthisusageinChinesetextsthoughthevernacularJapaneseexpressionsminaninasuldquoexhaustrdquoldquoreducetonaughtrdquoandminaninaruldquobeexhaustedrdquowereincommonusebythemid-thirteenthcenturyTheearliestexampleseemstobefromKokonchomonjū古今著聞集acollectionofsetsuwa説話from1254KamimuradoesnotindicateakunreadingforthecharacterwhileYamagishiTokuheisuggeststsukiruwhichimpliesaroughsynonymywith盡hiscompletekundokurenderingofthepoemmaybefoundinldquoGozanbungakushūEdokanshishūrdquopp90-91240ThiscoupletonceagainseemstodrawdirectlyonthesecondcoupletofDuMursquosldquoMooringontheQinhuaiRiverrdquo(seenote214)241Presumablymistisobscuringthelowerportionofthetreesmakingitappearasiftheywereldquorootlessrdquo

147

佛也愁時神更悲 InatimewheneventheBuddhafeelsmelancholythegodsmust

besadderstill腥風鼓海社簾吹 Afoulwindwhipstheseaandtheblindsoftheshrineareblown

open去年華表隨龍去 Lastyeartheornamentedcolumnsfollowedthedragonand

departed水稽天人作龜 Amidstabanefulfloodofexcessthatreachestheheavensmen

becomeasturtles 更無前代好衣冠 Gonemoreoverarethegoodgentryofagespast 滿眼氛埃暗社壇 Myeyesfillwithbalefulduststhatbenightthealtar 終古黃梅時節雨 Fromtimeimmemorialtheseasonofripeplumshasbrought

rain今朝特地著愁看 TodayhoweverIlookuponitwithasenseofanxiousgrief242 世事隆衰自有時 Theaffairsoftheworldflowandebbeachinitsowntime 山河是矣但人非 Mountainsandriversareconstantbutmanisnot 戰骨未収邊戍起 Bonesofthewardeadlieuncollectedasbordergarrisonsarise 鐡衣早晩復儒衣 Butthesuitsofarmorsoonerorlaterwillbeexchangedonce

againforConfucianrobes243

242IfthesubjectistakentobetheseasonitselfthelastlinemightberenderedldquoTodayhoweveritwears(著)amienofgrief(愁看)rdquoThebasicsenseofthelineseemstobethattherainyseasonusuallyahappytimeisnotsothisyeartheinvocationofrainmayalsobeseentocontinuethefloodmetaphorintroducedinthesecondverse243GBZSv2pp35-36GBSSv4p352ThefourthverseisfoundonlyinGBSSwhichalsoincludestwoadditionalversesinthisgroup

148

AsinldquoTomoHarborrdquowomengoingabouteverydayactivitiesarepresented

asfiguresofignorancewhiletheylacknotformaterialmeanstheyremain

oblivioustothesociopoliticalproblemsthatsoexerciseChūganInthefourthand

lastversethecorrosiveeffectofmilitancyisthematizedintermsreminiscentofhis

essaysGenminandGensōNotablythispoemalsoemploysastrikingtonalprosody

thatreinforcesitsmessagewheretheopeningcoupletadheresperfectlytothe

tonalconventionsofarecent-stylequatrainthesecondquiteunexpectedlybreaks

entirelywiththoseconventionsTheresultisadramaticandproductivedissonance

inwhichinitialfidelitytoprosodicrulesbuttressesthedetachedandaphoristic

qualityofthefirstcoupletwhilethesubsequentviolationofthemamplifiesthe

impassionedcriticaltenorofthesecond244

Thesecondthirdandfourthversesseemjoinedinnarrativecontinuitywith

thesecondfunctioningasamostlydescriptivepreambletotheothertwoIneffect

thethreepoemsevinceanextensionofthedescriptive-didacticmodeswitching

observedpreviouslyonthelevelofindividualcoupletsThethirdverseisarguably

themostinterestingandtheonlyonethatallowsaplausibledateofcompositionto

beadducedItsfirstcoupletframedclearlyasacontinuationofthepreviousverse

244Thetonaldistributionisasfollows仄仄平平仄仄平 平平仄仄仄平平 仄仄仄平平仄仄(theexpectedpatternis平平仄仄平平仄) 仄平仄仄仄平平(theexpectedpatternis仄仄平平仄仄平)SuchalterationwasbynomeansunprecedentedintheChinesetraditionitishighlightedonlytodemonstratethemannerinwhichtonalpatterningaformalpropertymaycontributeintegrallytoapoemrsquoscontent

149

isamongthefewinChūganrsquospoetrytoexplicitlymentionJapanesekamiWhat

becomesclearinthenextcoupletwhichasdetailedbelowseemsdrivenbyan

uncommonlybolddoubleentendreisthattheentirepoemisanacerbictakeonthe

presentconditionoftheJapaneseimperiumByearly1337EmperorGo-Daigohad

fledKyotofortheruralmountainsofYoshinowherehehastilyestablishedarival

courtthatwouldholdoutagainsttheAshikagaShogunateforthenexthalf

century245AssumingGo-DaigorsquosflighttoYoshinoisindeedwhatChūganis

referringtotheversemusthavebeencomposedsometimein1338Theterm

renderedasldquofloodofexcessrdquoiskōsui 水(Cjiangshui)arelativelyrarephrasethat

appearsmostfamouslyinMengzi

BoGuisaidldquoIexcelevenKingYuinwatermanagementrdquoMengzirepliedldquoYouaremistakensirInwatermanagementKingYufollowedthewayofwaterForthisreasonKingYuhadtheFourSeasashisreservoirButyouonlyhaveneighboringstatesasyourreservoirOpposingthecourseofthewateriswhatledtotheldquooverflowingwatersrdquo( )Theoverflowingwaterswerefloodingwaters(洪水)ThisissomethinghatedbybenevolentpeopleYouaremistakensir246白圭曰丹之治水也愈於禹孟子曰子過矣禹之治水水之道也是故禹以四海為壑今吾子以鄰國為壑水逆行謂之 水 水者洪水也仁人之所惡也吾子過矣

BoGuifailsbecauseheunlikethegreatKingYuattemptstocontrolwaterwithout

regardforitsnatureInlightofbothChūganrsquospreviouswritingsandtheother

versesinthisgrouptheimplicationofthepoemseemsobviouslikeBoGuirsquos

245ThisiswhatisreferredtoastheSouthernCourtitsestablishmentmarksthebeginningoftheso-calledNorthernandSouthernCourts(Nanbokuchō)南北朝erainJapanesehistorywhichcontinueduntilarapprochementbetweenthecourtswasreachedin1392246Mengzi6B11VanNordenMengzip168

150

misguidedapproachtomanagingwaterthepursuitofsuzeraintythroughmartial

preeminenceisaviolationthewayofthebenevolentman(仁人)andtheupheavals

ithaswroughtuponthecountryhavesaddenedthekamiThephraseldquomenbecome

asturtlesrdquoisintriguingandpossiblyquiteedgyAtfirstblanchldquoturtlerdquomayappear

anunsurprisingimageinacoupletthatcontainsfloodwatersandadragonsince

bothdragonsandturtlesareconventionallyassociatedwithwaterAconservative

interpretationofthelinemightthereforebethatpeoplenormallyterrestrial

creaturesareforcedtobecomeldquoamphibiousrdquoinordertosurvivethenewpolitical

environmentThewordldquoturtlerdquohowevercouldalsobeaninsultinvernacular

Chinesemeaningeitherldquobastardrdquoorldquocuckoldrdquo247Inthislightthelineseemsto

suggestthatpeoplehavebeendupedanddegradedamidstapowerstrugglethat

representsorhasunleashedadeluge(水)ofpoliticaldysfunctionItneednotbe

assumedthattheldquofloodofexcessrdquoisGo-DaigorsquosaloneChūgansurelywouldhave

laidagreatdealofblameupontheascendantAshikagawhorepresentedprecisely

thekindofauthorityheloathedndashyetanotherldquohegemonrdquo覇inastatestillwithouta

truekingEvensogiventhatldquodragonrdquoisamongthecommonesteuphemismsfor

247ThefirstsensederivesfromafolkbeliefaccordingtowhichmaleturtleswereincapableofcopulationrequiringfemaleturtlestomatewithsnakesinordertolaytheireggstherebymakingturtlesldquobastardsrdquobydefinitionAccordingtoMorohashiTetsujithesenseofldquoturtlerdquoassomethinglikeldquocuckoldrdquo(specificallyamanwhosewifeisengagedinextramaritalliaisonsorprostitution)datestotheTangasmightbeexpectedhowevertextualexamplesaremuchmoreplentifulinlaterperiodsAninformativeanalysisofvernacularinsultsinthenovelShuihuzhuan水滸傳(WaterMargin)theearliestportionsofwhichwereauthoredaroundthetimeChūganwasactiveisgiveninLiuPeipeildquolsquoShuihuzhuanrsquolimayanjiujiqizaiHuayuwenjiaoxuezhongdeyiyirdquo(MAThesisNationalChengchiUniversity2011)ldquoTurtlerdquoandrelatedtermsarecoveredonp39

151

emperorsandthedragoninthisverseseemsunambiguouslytobeGo-Daigothe

coupletmaywellbethemostdaringinhisoeuvre248

Continuingthefocusonthedeclineofoncehallowedinstitutionsthefourth

verselamentstheabsenceofestimableofficials(衣冠)andseeminglytheprofaning

ofthereligiousworldbycurrentevents(thisatanyratewouldappeartobethe

implicationoftheintriguinglocutionldquobalefuldustsbenightingthealtarrdquo)249The

termrenderedasldquoaltarrdquoisshadan社壇(Cshetan)thisisthebroadestandmost

elementarytranslationanditisconsistentwiththeuseofthewordinpre-and

earlyimperialChinaInaspecificallyJapanesecontexthowevershadanmayalso

denotetheraisedareaofearthonwhichthemainbuilding(shaden社殿)ofaShinto

shrineisbuiltItisreasonabletoassumethatthissensewouldhavebeeneasily

apprehendedbymostmedievalreadersespeciallyinlightoftheexplicitmentionof

kamiinthepreviousverseTotheextentthatterminologyassociatedwithkami

worshipleadssyntagmaticallytoJapanesekingshipandthetraditional

apotheosizedbodypoliticonemayreadilyinterpretthebenightingoftheldquoaltarrdquoto

figurethecorruptionorocclusionoftheimperialmajestyAltogetherthelanguage

mightseemtosuggestaratherromanticizedvisionoftheoldroyalorder

248Intheinterestofphilologicalcompletenessanadditionalandquitedifferenthistoricalmeaningofthephrase作龜isldquosetuptheturtlerdquoandreferstoplastromancyamethodofdivinationinwhichturtleplastronsareheatedandtheresultingcracksinterpretedItisnotimpossibletoconstruethelineonthebasisofthissenseforinstancebysupposingittomeanthatinuncertaintimespeopleturntodivinationHoweverthiswouldseemarathermildandanticlimacticconclusiontoalinethatbeganbyemphaticallydescribingastateoframpantmoralwaywardnessandmismanagementndashldquoabanefulfloodofexcessthatreachestheheavensrdquo( 水稽天)249Onldquobalefuldustsrdquo氛埃seenote252below

152

objectivelyspeakingJapanwasprobablygovernedaswellduringtheKamakura

periodasduringanyageofitspremodernhistoryEventheimperialcourtwhile

increasinglyovershadowedbytheshogunatewasatthattimeasubstantially

healthierinstitutionthanithadbecomebytimeofthispoemIndeedChūganmay

beimplicitlyadmittingasmuchthroughhisuseofthesomewhatelastictermzendai

(Cqiandai前代)whichcouldjustaseasilyrefertothepreviousageastoldquopastagesrdquo

ingeneralAndgiventheseeminglynostalgicreferenceinthefirstversetoldquostreets

(once)linedwithgovernmentofficesrdquo(官街)itisevenconceivablethatChūganwas

nolongerquitesoilldisposedtowardsthevanquishedKamakuraregimeashehad

beeninhisearlierwritingshavinggrownupinthevicinityofKamakuraitselfhe

couldnotbuthaverecalledthattheyearsofhisyouthwereatleastmarkedby

politicalstabilityifnotbyhisdesiredpoliticalorderInanyeventtheoverriding

themeoftheseversesndashdissolutionandlossonlevelsbothinstitutionalandspiritual

ndashwasonetowhichChūganwouldreturnfrequentlyduringtheyearsofcivilunrest

thatinauguratedtheturbulentMuromachiera

Yetregardlessofhisdistasteforshogunalauthorityorhishopeforunitary

imperialgovernanceChūgancouldseeaswellasanyonethatbytheendofthe

1330sthefightinghadsucceededonlyinmovingJapanevenfurtherfromthatideal

Inthewinterof1339Chūganassumedtheheadshipofthenewlybuilttemple

KichijojiandpubliclyembracedtheRinzailineageofDongyangDehuiDespitethe

hostilitythisprovokedtheearly1340swereaproductivetimehispoeticoutput

remainedhighandhishistoricalworkNihonshowhichwouldprobablyhave

requiredmanymonthsofresearchwascompletedin1341Thatyearalso

153

occasionedwhatisprobablyhismostfamoussinglepoemalengthymeditationon

thesufferingofthepoorduringanunusuallydestructiveblizzardThepieceis

amongthefinestworksofsocialengagementinmedievalJapaneseliteratureand

waspossiblythefirstofChūganrsquospoemstobetranslatedintoEnglish250

春雪

SpringSnow 辛巳二月二十五 Onthetwenty-fifthdayofthesecondmonthintheyearofjunior-

metalsnake(1341)相陽大雪深五尺 Sōyōrecordedasnowfallfivefeetdeep251初聞郭索歩窗前 AtfirstIheardasoundlikecrabsmarchingatthewindow俄驚樹杪風淅瀝 Thensoonaroseawindwhistlingthroughthetreetops252

250SeeBurtonWatsonJapaneseLiteratureinChinesevol2(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1976)pp28-29251ThefirsttwolinesdespiteseemingmorelikeparatextualheadnotesaretreatedinthevulgateeditionofTōkaiichiōshūandallsubsequentsourcesaspartofthepoemproperThisseemstobebecausetheentering-tonecharacter尺rhymeswiththeremainingfinalcharactersofeven-numberedlinesallofwhichareenteringtoneandinMiddleChineseconcludewiththeconsonantclusteriekiɛk252ThesoundofcrabsmarchingisanunusualfigureforthesoundsassociatedwithfallingsnowChūganseemstohavelikeditforitappearsintheopeningcoupletofanotherofhispoemsldquoExpressingMyFeelingsontheTopicofSnowrdquo題雪寄懐ldquoThemarchingofcrabsiswhatfirstIheardinthebamboosoutsidemywindowInadreamitrapsuponmyfreezingpillowasoundlonelyandsparserdquo蟹歩先聞窓外竹夢敲寒枕響疎々AlocusclassicusforthisfigurehasremainedelusiveIriyaYoshitakaremarksthatheisunawareofexampleselsewhereSeeldquoGozanbungakushūrdquop297Thewordkakusaku郭索(Cguosuo)doesappearinacoupletbyLinBu林逋(967-1028)ldquoThroughthegrassandmudcrabsgomarchingFrombecloudedtreescomecriesofthefrancolinrdquo草泥行郭索雲木叫鉤輈TherestofthispoemseemstohavebeenlostbutthecoupletiscitedwithadmirationbyOuyangXiuinhisGuitianlu歸田錄andagainbyShenKuo沈括(1031-1095)inhisfamousMengxibitan夢溪筆談(DreamPoolEssays)TherelevanceofthisissimplythatLinBuwasalreadymuchbelovedbyGozanpoetsandacoupletofLinrsquospraisedbyOuyangwouldstandanexcellentchanceofcirculatingwidelyamongthem

154

淅瀝轉作砰湃聲 Thenthewhistlingbecamearoaring百千雷霆鬭相撃 Athousandthunderclapsatwarwithoneanother253開窗昧目萬斛灰 Openingthewindowmygazewasdarkenedbyvastmassofash急掩扉頃便堆席 HurriedlyIshutthedoorandstackedupthemats254去年栽竹忽遭摧 ThebamboosIplantedlastyearwerecrushedinaninstant林木挫抑何是惜 Butwithwholestandsofwoodlandtreesbentandbowedwhat

useisthereinbewailingthem鎌倉城在海東南 InKamakurathecitybytheseasoutheastofhere古老皆言未嘗覿 Theoldmenallsaytheyrsquoveneverseenanythinglikethisbefore且如今年元日来 ThoughthefirstdayoftheNewYearhasdawned天弄陰機非旦夕 Heavenhasseenfittolooseitsmysteriousdesignanderaseall

distinctionbetweenthedawnandtheevening255陌上泥濘没牛尻 Onroadsthemudswallowsoxenuptotheirhindquarters故旧訪我難為屐 Impedingtheprogressofoldfriendswhotrytovisitme北客見慣能憑陵 Visitorsfromthenorthaccustomedtosuchconditions

shamelesslybullyandcadge土人縮頸不便僻 Localsmerelykeeptheirheadsdownunwillingtoactspeciously253ThiscoupletrecallslinesfromOuyangXiursquosldquoRhapsodyontheAutumnWindrdquo秋聲賦ldquoAtfirstitblewwithawhistlingshrillThensuddenlyitroaredlikeathunderinggalloprdquo初淅瀝以蕭颯忽奔騰而砰湃254WhiteashappearsinearlierChinesepoemsasametaphorforsnowHoweverashalsocarriesconnotationsofdeathandinthecontextofthispoemthesensethetermgeneratesisoneofforeboding255ThelinescontainamildpunonthefirstdayoftheNewYearwhichisconventionallytermedgantan(Cyuandan元旦)orldquoFirstDawnrdquoThecompoundterminki陰機(Cyinqi)renderedaboveasldquomysteriousdesignrdquoseemstobeparticularlycommoninpoemstreatingblizzardsItisfoundforinstanceinonebyHanYutitledldquoSnowintheYearofJunior-MetalHarerdquo(辛卯年雪)whichincludestheexactphrase弄陰機andinonebytheQingpoetQianQianyi錢謙益(1582-1664)alsotitledldquoSpringSnowrdquo(春雪)

155

咫尺鄰里少相過 Evenpeoplefromtheclosestneighboringvillagesseldomcrosspaths

百賈晝眠絶交易 Merchantssleeptillnoonandceaseconductingbusiness富門御冬蓄有余 Therichhaveamplestorestogetthemthroughthewinter机俎羅張厭脯腊 Withtraysandtablessplendidlyarrayedtheyhavetheirfillof

driedmeats銷金帳裡那知寒 Shutsafelybehindgoldencurtainswhatdotheyknowofthe

cold淺斟低唱情自適 Sippingwineandsingingsoftlytheyarecompletelyatease256窮家数日突無煙 Butfrompoorhousesnosmokerisesfordaysonend嬴臥陋巷同窀穸 Inmeanalleyshovelslielowlikerowsofgraves詩書萬巻徒撑腸 Allthepoemsandbooksintheworlddonothingtofillanempty

stomach竟不能療朝饑慼 Nevercouldtheyofferrelieffromthemorningrsquoshunger一束柴索價遼天 Forasinglebundleoffirewoodthegoingpriceishigherthanthe

heavens五合黄陳無處糴 Andameaslyfivecupsofstaleyellowedgrainarenowheretobe

bought或言雖晩瑞豊年 Somesaythatalthoughitcamelatetheblizzardbetokensayear

ofgoodharvests為我未免按剣戟 Buttomeitaugursnotbutfurtherresorttoswordsandspears257

256Thephraseldquosippingwineandsingingsoftlyrdquo淺斟低唱isacommonidiomthatappearsinnumerousSong-erapoemsincludingonebyFanChengda257HereChūganmaybemakingapunonthephrase為我(CweiwoJwagatame)whichhappensalsotodenoteYangZhursquosldquohedonistrdquophilosophyofself-preservation(inthismeaningthecompoundwouldgenerallybepronouncedigainJapanese)Ifthisissotheideawouldseemtobethatrampantself-interestperhapsintensifiedinthewakeoftheblizzardisultimatelywhatmakesthefightinginevitableAsaprepositionalphrase為我appearsinHanyuefuwiththemeaningofldquoonmy(orour)behalfrdquoandinChūganrsquospieceitisprobablybestunderstoodtomeansomethinglikeldquobymylightsrdquo

156

IntheJapanesekanshitraditionldquoSpringSnowrdquoisreminiscentofamasterful

seriesoftenpentasyllabicpoemstitledldquoFeelingtheColdEarlyrdquo寒早bySugawara

noMichizane菅原道眞(845-903)acourtscholaroftheHeianperiodwhoremains

oneofJapanrsquosmostwidelyappreciatedliterarySiniticpoetsAlltenpoemsbegin

withthelineldquoWhofeelsthecoldtheearliestrdquo何人寒氣早theythenproceedto

identifyvariouspeoplesuchaspeasantrunawaysorphansandelderlywidowers

whosewintertimesufferingisexacerbatedbytheirdifficultpersonalcircumstances

ThoughtheindividualsandsituationsMichizanedescribedwereinspiredbyhis

actualexperiencesasaprovincialgovernorthepoemsthemselvesbetraylittle

informationregardingthecontextoftheircompositionandtheartisticgazeofthe

poetisrarelyifeverintrusiveorinsistentTothisextenttheyareperhapsmore

aestheticallysatisfyingthanldquoSpringSnowrdquowhichdespitepossessinggreater

linguisticrichnessthanldquoDannourardquoandldquoTomoHarborrdquoshareswiththoseversesa

persistentlyldquosingulativerdquothrustthatanchorsitfirmlytoitshistoricalmoment258It

ishardtoconceiveofalesspoeticcoupletthantheonewithwhichldquoSpringSnowrdquo

beginsthismatter-of-factstartalongwiththestrictchronologicalorderinwhich

eventsarepresentedimpartstothepieceastronglydocumentaryordiaristicflavor

TheclosinglineforegroundsthelyricalldquoIrdquowhooffersfinaljudgmentonthe

significanceoftheeventsjustdescribedThisspeakerwhomthereaderisledby

conventiontoconstrueasChūganhimselfposesquestionsrelatesindirectquotes

258BycontrastMichizanersquospoemscomeclosertoldquoiterativediscoursesrdquowhereasinglediscourseevokesapluralityofsimilareventsSeeRichardHowardtransTzvetanTodorovIntroductiontoPoetics(MinneapolisUnivofMinnesotaPress1997)p31

157

andrecountsbothhisownresponsestotheblizzardandtheresponsesofothers

Asidefromldquocrabsmarchingatthewindowrdquoandtheconventionalsubstitutionofash

forsnowfigurativelanguageisalmostnonexistentparticularlyinthesecondhalfof

thepoemwherenearlyeverycoupletseemstoadvancesocialcritiqueDescription

tooiskepttoaminimumatleastifthattermistakentomeanthesortofdetached

non-evaluativetreatmentofobjectivephenomenainwhichsymbolismratiocination

andintertextualcodingiseschewed

ItiseasyenoughtounderstandtheserhetoricalfeaturesofldquoSpringSnowrdquoas

aconsequenceofChūganrsquospoliticalcommitmentswhichwhenarticulatedinverse

producedworksmoreorlessanalogousinspirittohisexpositoryproseSocial

protestisofcourseamongtheoldestestablishedfunctionsoftheshiandtothat

extentldquoSpringSnowrdquofitsreadilyintothebroaderChinesepoetictradition

Moreoverasanancient-styleshiwithnofixedlengthorstringentprosodic

requirementsldquoSpringSnowrdquoissubstantiallyfreerandmorecapaciousthantightly

knitrecent-stylequatrainssuchasldquoDannourardquoandldquoTomoHarborrdquoProseof

courseisfreerstillandsentimentslikethoseexpressedinthesecondhalfof

ldquoSpringSnowrdquowouldindeedbewellsuitedtothevariousnon-fictionalprosegenres

commonlyusedtolodgeprotestinmedievalJapanegge解mōshijō申状and

shūjō愁状Butbyexpressingtheminashithepoetautomaticallyunderscores

theiremotionalauthenticitywithoutcompromisingthehistoricalveracityofthe

eventsrelatedIncontradistinctiontoworksfromgenressuchasfushiwere

traditionallyreadasnon-fictionalemotionallysinceretreatmentsofthings

158

witnessedorexperiencedbythepoet259Whilethisassumptionofnon-fictionality

canprobablyberelaxedsomewhatforpost-Tangshi260ldquoSpringSnowrdquowouldstill

generallyhavebeenreadbyChūganrsquoscontemporariesasbothatruthfulaccountof

andaliterarymemorialtoreal-lifehardshipswitnessedfirsthandAdditionallyby

fusingmoralconcernwithaestheticexperiencepoemslaidclaimtoavastlylarger

readershipthanpracticaldocumentstypicallydidwhilealdquopeasantgrievance

reportrdquo(hyakushōshūjō百姓愁状)wasintendedtoelicitactionfromgovernment

officialsandestateproprietorsapoemwasintendedforposteritySolongasthe

shigenreremainedvitalevenoneassingulativeasldquoSpringSnowrdquowouldsurvivethe

passageoftimeintactandundiminisheditsinterventionistpotentialoperativenot

justontheleveloflogosbutalsoandindeedprimarilyonthelevelofpathos

InthemeanddictionampleprecedentforldquoSpringSnowrdquomaybefoundasfar

backastherealistpoetryoftheJianrsquoan建安era(196-220)particularlyinthework

ofpoetssuchasWangCan王粲(177-217)CaoZhi曹植(192-232)andtheslightly

laterFuXian傅咸(239-94)whosebriefpentasyllabicpieceldquoSufferingThrougha

RainySpellrdquo(愁霖詩)touchesonaverysimilarthemeandemploysstrikingly

similarmotifs

舉足沒泥濘Iliftupafootonlytosinkintothemuck市道無行車Ontheroadtothemarketnocartsgo

259StephenOwenTraditionalChinesePoetryandPoetics(TaipeiSouthernMaterialsCenter1985)pp3457260OwennotesthatsomeofLiShangyinrsquospoetrycomesveryneartofictionandthatSong-erapoetsnolongersharedthesamefaithastheirforebearsinanldquouncreateduniverserdquowheretraditionalmodesofpoeticexpressionweresimplyldquonaturalrdquoSeeTraditionalChinesePoetryandPoeticspp5288-89

159

蘭桂賤朽腐Orchidsandcinnamonarecheaperthanrottingtrash柴栗貴明珠Firewoodandmilletaremorepreciousthanlustrous

pearls261

ThelatterhalfofldquoSpringSnowrdquoispropelledbyaseriesoftropesthatwouldhave

beenimmediatelyrecognizabletoFuXianamillenniumbeforethedisparity

betweentherichandthepoorthedifficultiesingettingaroundandthepriceof

dailynecessitiesIfthereisanotablepointofthematicdifferenceintheway

ChineseandJapanesepoetshandledthistypeofmaterialitisthatpolitical

conditionsinChinaatleastduringerasofunityandstrongcentralgovernance

ofteninclinedpoetstheretofocusspecificallyontheroleoferrantgovernment

policiesincausingorexacerbatingpovertyBoJuyi白居易(772-846)probablythe

bestknownChinesepoetinpremodernJapanproduceddozensofintenselydidactic

poemssomeintheldquoNewMusicBureaurdquo(xinyuefu)genrebemoaningpeasant

hardshipsandexcoriatingofficialcorruption262Shipoetryexpressingsimilar

sentimentswascommonthroughouttheSongDynastybeginningwiththeworkof

earlyfiguressuchasOuyangXiuandWangAnshi王安石(1021-86)Bothwereelite

scholar-bureaucratswhoexpressedinverseharshcriticismsofgovernmentpolicies

theythoughtmisguided263AndFanChengdaapoetofotherwisehumble

261Taipingyulanv1ldquoTianburdquo11ldquoYuxiardquo262SeeKondōHaruoHaku-shimonjūtokokubungakushingafushinchūginnokenkyū(TokyoMeijishoin1990)LiaoMeiyunYuan-Baixinyuefuyanjiu(TaipeiTaiwanxueshengshuju1989)263FamousexamplesincludeWangrsquospoemldquoConfiscatingSaltrdquo(收鹽)whichdepictstheenforcementofthegovernmentsaltmonopolyandOuyangrsquospoemldquoThePeopleWhoEatDregsrdquo(食糟民)whichcriticizesthegovernmentmonopolyonwine-making

160

beginningsstillaspiredlikemostofhiscontemporariestoacareerintheofficial

bureaucracyanaspirationherealizedafterpassingtheimperialexaminationin

1154LikeOuyangXiuandWangAnshihispoeticoeuvrecontainsmanyverses

highlightingthesufferingofthepeasantryseveralofwhichmakereferencetotax

burdensndashathemealsoaddressedbyBoJuyi264

ThoughnotunknownsuchpoetrywasagooddeallesscommoninJapan

Whileseveralfactorsmightbeadducedtoexplainthisdifferenceinartistic

sensibilitytwoseemparticularlyrelevantFirstandmostparsimoniouslythe

numberofovertlyldquosociallyconsciousrdquoJapanesepoetswaslimitedbythefactthat

vernacularpoeticmediawereseldommarshaledforsocialcriticismalthoughthe

greatManrsquoyōshūpoetYamanouenoOkura山上憶良(c660-733)diddoexactlythat

hestandsfaroutsideofwhatbecamethemainstreamwakatradition265Second

andmoregermanetopresentpurposesprofessionalservicetoalargecentralized

bureaucraticstatewithwidespreadauthorityovertaxationandlandadministration

wasnotanavenueavailabletothemedievalJapanesepoetsincesuchastatesimply

didnotexistTherewasnoimperialexaminationsystemorcomparablemechanism

fordrawingmenoftalentintogovernmentserviceandeveniftherehadbeenthe

Kyotoauthoritiesevenbeforethewrenchingeventsofthe1330swereinno

positiontomakeandenforcepolicyonacountrywidescaleItistherefore

264SeeRonaldEganldquoShiPoetryAncientandRecentStylesrdquoinCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetryp324KondōHaku-shimonjūtokokubungakupp307-311265Justhowdifferenthewas(andremains)fromanyothermajorwakapoetisrevealedbythefactthatinjustonelongversehisfamousldquoDialogwiththeImpoverishedrdquo(ldquoHinkyūmondōnoutardquo貧窮問答歌)heuses30termsfoundnowhereelseinManrsquoyōshūndashacollectionofalmost4500poems

161

unsurprisingthatChūganrsquospoemconcludesnotbycastigatinggovernment

monopolies(therewerenone)orexcessivetaxationbutwithconcernoverthe

ever-presentpossibilityoflocalizedwarfare266

WhileldquoSpringSnowrdquomayhavedrawninspirationfromthewritingsofSong

DynastyintellectualssuchasFanChengdaandOuyangXiuthepoemisotherwise

consonantwithlongstandingrhetoricalconventionsregardingthetreatmentof

socialillsinshianditdoesnotrevealcharacteristicallySong-eraaesthetic

preferencesasplainlyassomeofChūganrsquosothercompositionsdoAndbecausefew

linesweresetinthedescriptivemodeldquoSpringSnowrdquoalsoevincesgreaterstylistic

uniformitythanapoemsuchasldquoDannourardquowhichswitchedfromacomparatively

staiddescriptivevignetteofflowersandfishermentoasubject-centeredmoral

argumentaboutfeudalcompetitionSuchmodeswitchingcreatescleavagesinthe

poemthatdisruptthereadingprocessandbeckonthereaderbacktothelevelof

narrativecontentalthoughtheapproachworksagainstaestheticreverieitmakes

forveryeffectivehomilyahortatorygenreinwhichChūganlikemostGozanliterati

266OppressivetaxationcouldofcoursebeaprobleminmedievalJapantoobutrarelyifeverbecauseofpoliciesadoptedbytheimperialcourtoreventheshogunateBythethirteenthcenturylegalrightstoagriculturalincome(shiki職)wereofmanifoldvarietyonagivenpropertymanydifferenttypesofshikiwouldbeheldbymanydifferentclaimantswhoseinterestsmighteasilycomeintoconflictWhilethehighnobilityortheshogunatemightclaimrightstoincomefromacertainpropertysotoomightmilitarygovernors(shugo)andtheirdeputies(shugo-dai)localestatestewards(jitō)estatesuperintendants(gesu)estatemanagers(tadokoro)andsoonMoreoftenthannotthosemostresponsibleforsqueezingtheresidentsofaparticularestatewerenotKyotoaristocratsbutjitōandotherldquomenofthelandrdquo(kokujin)Bytheearly15thcenturytaxesleviedbyshugowereoftenmoreonerousthanthoseleviedbytheMuromachishogunate

162

waseminentlyproficient267Whilethisfactisnotespeciallyrelevanttoworksthat

werenotintendedtoteachorpersuadeitiscentraltopoemswhosemanifestaimis

toimparttothereaderreligioustruthsSuchisthecasewithmanyverses

exchangedwithotherZenprelatesthesetendtounfoldratherlikesermonsand

theyresemblegāthasintheclarityoftheirdoctrinalargumentsThefollowing

poemwritteninresponsetoonefromfellowGozanluminaryBetsugenEnshi別源

円旨(1294-1364)isamongChūganrsquosfinestandillustratestheapproachwell

和答別源

HarmonizingReplytoBetsugen 窓間吐月夜沈々 Thewindowdisclosesthemoonasnightwearson 壁角光生藤一尋 Inacorneroftheroomitglintsinthelightmysix-footstaff 窮達与時倶有命 Frustrationandsuccessarrivewhentheywillasbothare

determinedbyfate268 行藏於世総無心 Actioninandwithdrawalfromtheworldmustalwaysbedonein

astateofno-mind 夢中誰謂彼非此 Whointhemidstofadreamwoulddeclarethatldquothatrdquoisnot

ldquothisrdquo 覺後方知古不今 Itisonlyuponwakingthatoneknowsthepastisnotthepresent 自笑未能除僻病 Ilaughatmyselfforbeingstillunabletoeliminatemywayward

habits 逸然乗興發高吟 IneaseandidlenessIfollowwherevermyinspirationleadsand

chantversesaloud

267Chūganmayhavebeenevenmoreadeptatdoctrinallyfocusedhomileticexpositionthanhispeersasreligiousdisquisitions(説)andcommentaries(疏)arefoundingreaternumbersinTōkaiichiōshūthaninmostGozancollections268Thephraseldquotobefatedrdquo有命isunderstoodasinLunyu125ldquoI(Zixia)haveheardthislsquoDeathandLifearemattersoffatewealthandworldlyhonorareinthehandsofHeavenrsquordquo商聞之矣死生有命富貴在天

163

Iftheopeningcoupletofthisversemaybeascribedaspecificrhetorical

functionitistoclearthemindandallowittorestinimagerythatisinsomeway

propadeuticaltotheensuingmessageThesuddenappearanceofthemoonitselfa

conventionalsymbolofenlightenmentrevealsinitslightanobjectthatisbotha

metonymfortheBuddhistpriesthoodandowingtoitssheen(ithasbeenrubbed

smoothoveryearsofuse)asymbolforoldageandtheworld-wisdomitbrings

Possessedofaquietdignitybefittingitssymbolicpotencythestaffconnectsone

prelatetoanotherandinturnconnectsanywould-bereadertothebroader

BuddhistepistemeHavingthussettheappropriatemoodChūganproceedstooffer

aseriesofthematicallytraditionalaphoristicstatementsaboutthenatureofaction

andindividualachievementBothldquofrustrationrdquo(窮)andldquosuccessrdquo(達)are

contingentuponbeingintherightplaceattherighttimeundersuchcircumstances

thechoicefacingtheprincipledscholariethatbetweenacting(行)intheworld

andwithdrawing(蔵)fromitisbestmadeinastateofnon-intentionalityHere

twoconceptsredolentofBuddhistthoughtldquono-mindrdquo無心andldquoawakeningrdquo覺are

marshaledtoaddresswhatisinessenceaclassicproblemofConfucianethicsactin

corruptedworldandriskbeingcorruptedorwithdrawandwaitforamore

opportunemomentInamovetypicalofZenliteraturethefinalcoupletresolves

thematterbylettingitgoandturnsinsteadtowardsprivatejoys

ThereismuchinthispoemthatspeaksdirectlytoChūganrsquospersonal

experiencestheidealisticscholar-vizieronceeagertoservehiscountryinaldquopublicrdquo

capacityisrejectedforhisbeliefsyetinturningwithinandreflectinguponhisown

164

shortcomingsheultimatelyachievesameasureofpeaceItisoftenthecasein

Chūganrsquospoetrythatplaintsofindividualmisfortuneandstatementsofself-

reflectionfeaturemostprominentlyinversesexchangedwithfriendsThisistobe

expectedalthoughworkssuchasldquoDannourardquoldquoSpringSnowrdquoandthepoems

comprisingldquoImpromptuVersesLamentingthePassageofTimerdquoallexpressthe

subjectivemoraljudgmentsoftheirauthortheymainlydescribesocietalas

opposedtoindividualmisfortunesandareaddressedtonooneinparticularThe

nextversewhichwascomposedforanotherofZhuxianFanxianrsquosJapanesedisciples

UnbōEitaku雲夢裔澤isessentiallyapersonallettersetinrhymingcoupletsIt

beginswithafamiliarrecountingofsocietalillsbutthennarrowsitsfocustothe

varioustrialsbesettingthetwofriendsaswithldquoSpringSnowrdquoitsadherencetothe

formalconventionsoftheshirendersitnotjustadescriptionofbutalsoamemorial

tothehardshipsitrecounts

送澤雲夢

SeeingoffTakuUnbō269乾坤干戈未息時 Atatimewhentheviolenceoftheworldremainsunabated氛埃眛目風橫起 Balefuldustsblownaslantcloudtheeyes270餓者轉死盈道路 Thestarvingdieinturnfillingtheroads

269ldquoTakuUnbōrdquo澤雲夢isaninvertedthree-characterabbreviationofUnbōEitaku雲夢裔澤theseabbreviationshadbeenacommonpracticeamongJapaneseliteratisinceantiquityAsnotedinthebiographicalintroductionChūganEngetsu中巌円月usuallybecomesldquoGetsuChūganrdquo月中巌270IriyaYoshitakaunderstandsthecompoundfunrsquoai氛埃(Cfenrsquoai)asldquodustofwarrdquo戦塵(senjinzhanchen)atermthatdoesappearelsewhereinChūganrsquospoetryItsbasicsenseissimplyldquofoulairrdquo

165

荒城白日狐狸嬉 Intheruinedcityfoxesandbadgerssportinbroaddaylight我問楽土在何許 WhereIaskisthereaplacefreefromsorrow一身可以安棲遲 ThatImightliveinpeaceandease固欲適他無所適 HowIhavewishedtogosomeplaceelsebutthereisnowhereto

go之子先我將何之 Thisfellowwhogoesbeforemendashwhereishegoing倉卒告別難為情 Withsuchahurriedpartingfeelingsareimpossibletoexpress袖出剡藤索吾詩 Itakefrommysleeveapieceofpaperandtrytocomeupwitha

verse浮雲流水無定跡 ldquoDriftingcloudsandflowingwaterleavenofixedtrace再得會合試難期 Thereisbutthefaintesthopethatwewillevermeetagainrdquo久厄艱危我羸臥 LongbesetbytroublesIlaydownillandgaunt磨墨揮毫皆不為 Irubinkandtakeupmybrushbutitisalltonoavail感君拳拳有厚意 Movedbytheearnestnessofyourconviction勉強起來拂烏皮 Iforcemyselfupandclearoffmydesk惜君學道不日成 Ilamentthatyourstudieswillsoonbecomplete如何早離金仙師 Howisitthatyoutakeleavesosoonofyourgoldensaintly

master271想君似我乏供給 Ithinkyoulikemeareinstraightenedestate不得已故得相辭 Andwethushavenochoicebuttosayourgoodbyes望君此去逢佳境 Ihopeafteryouleavehereyoufindaplaceofhappiness招我薯蕷同充饑 Invitemethenforsomewildyamsandletuseatourfill

together272271IeZhuxianFanxian272GBZSv2p7GBSSv4p335IriyaldquoGozanbungakushūrdquopp289-91

166

Asinthemoreexplicitlypoliticalpoemsencounteredalreadywarandsocial

unrestfigureprominentlybutthisversearrivesataconclusionthatisintriguingly

ambiguousThefinalcoupletoffersawarmentreatythatbespeaksatleastthe

possibilityofenjoymentamidstprivationyettherestofthepoemclearlybelies

Chūganrsquosconfidencethataldquoplaceofhappinessrdquocaninfactbefoundorthatthetwo

friendsreallywillseeeachotheragainOtherfeaturessuchasself-interrogation

andlanguagesuggestiveofeverydayspeecharehighlytypicalofChūganrsquoswork

whiletheinsertionofametacouplet(ldquoDriftingcloudsandflowingwaterleaveno

fixedtraceThereisbutthefaintesthopethatwewillevermeetagainrdquo)itselfpart

ofanekphrasticaccountofthewritingprocessisuniquetothispoemEvenby

ChūganrsquosstandardsthepieceisunusualintherangeoftopicsitcoversThegazeof

thepoetmovesgraduallyfromalargethematicspace(medievalJapan)anda

universaloratleastwidelysharedemotionalexperience(livingintimesofstrife)

toanintimatespace(theZenmonasticcommunity)andasinglemomentinthearc

ofaparticularfriendship

ForChūganpersonalexperienceandsocietalexperiencewereimbricatedto

adegreeunseeninthepoetryofhiscontemporariesThisisnotofcourse

equivalenttoclaimingthathefeltthesufferingofothersorthetumultofhisage

morekeenlythandidotherpoetsonlythathewasmorewillingthantheywereto

directlythematizeviolenceandsufferinginhisworkAtthispointitisnaturalto

wonderwhetherChūganeverdidexpressinpoetrythesamesortofadvocacyfor

unitaryimperialgovernancendashandforaroyalmonopolyonmilitaryforcendashthathe

167

espousedsoforcefullyinhismemorialtoGo-DaigoAsmightbeinferredfromthe

materialsurveyedherenearlyearlyeveryversethattouchesuponthepolitical

situationduringthe1330sseemstoechothedenunciationofwarandmilitarism

putforthintheldquoKeikenrdquochapterofChūseishiaworkthatlikemostofthepoems

treatedabovewaswrittenafter1333Onefeaturesharedbyallofthesepoemsis

thattheywereeitherunbiddenldquodeclarativerdquoresponsestoworldlyeventsor

ldquodialogicrdquoproductsofprivateexchangeswithclosefriendsYetfornotedGozan

writersespeciallythosepatronizedbyshogunsorpowerfulprovincialleaders

poetrynolessthanprosecouldsometimesserveentirelyprofessionalendsA

cleardemonstrationofthisisthenumberofinscriptions(JmeiCming銘)

preservedinGozancollectionsincludingTōkaiichiōshūthesemightbeengraved

uponnewlycasttemplebellsandothervaluedobjectsandtheyoftenconcluded

withformaltetrasyllabicpoemsInChūganrsquoscasethesocialandfinancialsupport

hereceivedfromSadamunecouldwarrantreciprocationintheformofpublicbelle-

lettristicsupportforŌtomofamilyobjectivesThatthisarrangementmighthave

resultedinatleastsomeldquopro-Kenmurevolutionrdquopoetryisrevealedbythefollowing

versewhichisuniqueinformandthematiccontent

軍士圖

SoldiersinFormation 沈而思 Immersedtheyponder呑而知 Imbibingtheyknow承歟乘歟 DowetakeitonDoweride兵莫持疑 Amongthesoldiersnotonehasdoubts笑而喜 Laughingtheyrejoice

168

嗔而恚 Scowlingtheyrage壯哉驕哉 HowstrongHowproud人馬美矣 Themenandthehorsesndashallsobeautiful273

Seeminglycraftedtoeulogizeadepartingarmyitisdifficulttooverstatehow

differentthispieceisfromanythingelseinTōkaiichiōshūItisclassifiedinthe1764

vulgateeditionasaformalpanegyricorsan(Czan贊)Thisappearstobeunique

tothateditionwhichwaspreparedbythepriestDaigeSōdatsuandpresumably

reflectshispersonalclassificatorychoices274Whilethelackofparatextual

informationprecludeseasycontextualizationwemightsurmisethatChūganwas

askedtocomposethepoemforaspecificcompanyofsoldiersperhapsone

marshaledbytheŌtomointheearlydaysoftheKenmuRevolutionThoughthe

brevityofeachutteranceandthemixingofmetersimpartstoeachhemisticha

staccatorhythmthepieceasawholeishighlysymmetricalandgovernedby

extremelytightparallelismThebeautyofstrongconfidentmenontheeveofbattle

isanunusualthemeforanykanshipoetparticularlyoneofChūganrsquosideological

temperbutasabenedictivepraisepoemldquoSoldiersinFormationrdquoisundeniably

successful

273GBSSv4p363GBZSv2p41274TheeightversesSōdatsugroupedundertheheadingsanarescatteredthroughoutTamamuraTakejirsquosmoderneditionofTōkaiichiōshūSōdatsuseemstohavelistedtheseversesassanbecauseoftheircontent(egofferingpraisetofamousfiguressuchasLanxiDaolongLaoziLieziZhuangziandConfucius)orbecauseoftheiruseofthesolemn-soundingtetrasyllabicmeterwhichisidentifiedasessentialtoaproperzaninthelatefifth-centurycriticaltreatiseWenxindiaolong文心雕龍

169

Withtheexceptionofthisversethepoemstreatedinthischapterare

broadlyunifiedbytheirattentiontopoliticalillsandpopularwelfareAcompelling

casecanbemadethatthewillingnesstotreatthesesubjectsatlengthwasChūganrsquos

mostnotablethematiccontributiontoJapanesekanshiandanoutstanding

contributiontoJapaneseliteraturemorebroadlyInitsunusualformldquoSoldiersin

FormationrdquoalsorevealsChūganrsquosequallynotablewillingnesstoventureoutsidethe

dominantpenta-andheptasyllabicmetersandexperimentwithmetrical

irregularityTheseexperimentsmoreoverwerenotconfinedtospecialsub-genres

suchaspraisepoemsorinscriptionsChūganexperimentedwithmetricalvarietyin

shitoocomposingaseriesofquatrainsintheunusualsix-syllablemeterEven

moreunusuallyforaJapanesepoethealsostudiedtheldquosonglyricrdquoorci詞whilein

ChinaandincludedacompositionofhisowninTōkaiichiōshūTheciwasamajor

poeticgenrebythe11thcenturyandthegradualexpansionofitsthematicand

stylisticrangeranksamongthemostculturallysignificanttrendsinChinese

literatureaftertheTangDynastyBeyondofferingfurthertestimonytotheartistic

adventurousnessofanindividualpoetthesepiecesshedlightonthescopeof

ChineseliteraryformsinmedievalJapan

170

Chapter Five

New Directions in Form Ci Poetry and Hexasyllabic Shi

ItisnosurprisethatinthehistoryofJapanesekanshipoemsinthefiveand

seven-syllablelineshouldpredominatealmosttotheexclusionofallothermeters

TheconcertedstudyofChinesepoetrybeganinJapanonlyintheseventhcentury

bywhichtimethepentasyllabicmeterhadbeendominantonthecontinentfor

severalhundredyearsandtheheptasyllabiclinewasrapidlygainingtraction

ThoughearlyJapanesekanshiwereoverwhelminglypentasyllabicbythemiddleof

theHeianperiod(794-1192)kanshianthologiescontainedmostlyheptasyllabic

eight-linepiecesthatgenerallyconformedtothecomplexrulesofrecent-style

regulatedverse275PerhapsbecausemostHeianpoetswerearistocratstrainedto

appreciatefinedistinctionsandtoupholdexactingstandardsofdecorumthe

prosodicconstraintsofregulatedversedidnotimmediatelygiveriseto

countervailingpressuresforgreaterartisticlibertyAsEdwardKamenshas

observedinrelationtovernacularJapanesepoetryofthesameeratheprotocolsof

publicaristocraticlifesometimesmeantthatcourtersrsquopoemswerenotsomuch

expressionsastheywereperformancesofexpression276

275SteinengerChineseLiteraryFormsinHeianJapanp85276KamensldquoTerrainsofTextinMid-HeianCourtCulturerdquoinAdolphsonetaledsHeianJapanCentersandPeripheries(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress2007)p136SeealsoHelenCraigMcCulloughBrocadebyNightKokinWakashūandtheCourtStyleinJapaneseClassicalPoetry(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1985)pp46-48andp421

171

So-calledldquoancient-stylerdquopoetrywhichdevelopedintandemwithrecent-

styleversebutwasprosodicallyfreerroseinpopularityduringthemedievalperiod

andwaswidelyfavoredbyZenliteratiWhilemanyGozancollectionsstillboasted

animpressivenumberofcarefullycraftedrecent-stylequatrainsregulatedverses

andeventheoccasionalextendedregulatedverse(JhairitsuCpailuuml排律)theless

ornamentedancient-stylewasseentofacilitatedirectlyricalexpressionandcould

beturnedeasilytocausesrangingfromreligiousdevotiontosocialcritiqueYet

withtheexceptionofreligiousencomiainscriptionsanddeathpoemsndashsmallbut

importantsub-genresthatfrequentlyusedthesolemnsoundingtetrasyllabicmeter

ndashfiveandseven-syllablelinesremainedthenorminmedievalJapanregardlessof

subjectmatterortonalprosodyTobroachapointthatwillbeaddressedingreater

detailbelowtheoverwhelmingdominanceamongkanshipoetsofpenta-and

heptasyllabicshiisatleastmildlysurprisingsinceJapaneseliteratiweregenerally

wellacquaintedwithcontemporarytrendsinChinaandnewerpoeticmediasuchas

theci詞(Jshitenshi塡詞)andqu(Jkyoku曲)whichemployedmixedsyllabic

meterswerecomposedbysomeofthesameChinesepoetsalreadywellregardedin

Japanfortheirshipoetry277

Atpresentrelativelylittleisknownaboutthepracticeofcipoetryin

medievalJapanorwhatinfluenceitmighthavehaduponJapanesekanshiasthe

277Owingtothehomophonybetweenthecharacters詞and詩inJapanesethecompoundtermtenshi塡詞whichliterallymeansldquofillingin(themusicalpiece)withlyricsrdquoispreferredwhenreferringtoci

172

topichasreceivedonlysporadicinterestfromscholarsmostofitquiterecent278

TheoldestknowncibyaJapanesepoetwascomposedbyEmperorSaga(r809-23)

andispreservedintheroyallycommissionedcollectionKeikokushū經國集(827)

despitethisearlyimprimaturtheformwouldnotreceivesustainedattentionin

JapanuntiltheearlyTokugawaperiod(1600-1868)279Fewcompletecifrombefore

theseventeenthcenturyremainandnonebutEmperorSagarsquosexplicitlyindicate

theirtunetitles(cipaishihai詞牌)Withouttheseaccurateidentificationrequires

theattentionofaspecialistasthecompositionsappearatfirstglancesimplytobe

unregulatedpoemsofmixedsyllabicmeterIndeedpremodernJapanesecollators

ofliterarycollectaneamayhavebeengenerallyunawareoforunconcernedwith

thehistoricalconnectionbetweenciandmusictheearliestclearindicationthata

Japanesepoetunderstoodcitobelyricssettomusicappearsinthesixteenth-

centuryworkNotesonAchievingPerfectiontheStudyofPoetry詩學大成抄bythe

GozanmonkIkōMyōan惟高妙安(1480-1568)280Whilethematerialconsidered

278SeeMatsuoHatsuko松尾肇子ldquoGozanZenrinniokerushinojuyōrdquo五山禅林における詞の受容Fengxu13(Dec2016)pp60-82NogawaHiroyuki野川博之ldquoGozanni-ryūgakusōnotenshiseisakuRyūzanChūgannoMokurengerdquo五山二留學僧の塡詞製作 龍山中巖の木蘭花Chūgokubungakukenkyū25(1999)pp96-109NogawaldquoChūganEngetsunoSōshishōkai中巖圓月の宋詞紹介Chūgokubungakukenkyū26(1999)pp71-84AnearlyinvestigationofciinJapanisKandaKiichirō神田喜一郎NihonniokeruChūgokubungaku日本における中国文学vol1ldquoNihontenshishiwardquo日本塡詞史話(TokyoNigensha1965)279SagarsquoscimaybefoundinGunshoruijūvol6p562ItissettothetuneldquoAFishingSongrdquo漁歌子andappearstobemodeledcloselyononebytheTangpoetZhangZhihe張志和(c730-810)280ThisworkcontainsJapaneseglossesandexplanationsofmaterialexcerptedfromthelateSongorearlyYuan-eratreatiseShixuedacheng詩學大成(AchievingPerfectionintheStudyofPoetry)SeeMatsuoldquoGozanZenrinniokerushinojuyōrdquopp61-62

173

belowmakesitnearlyimpossibletobelievethatIkōwasthefirsttograspthiseven

inChinatheactualmannerinwhichthecituneswereoriginallysunghadlongbeen

lostandthefewJapanesepoetswhoattemptedtocomposecimayhavesimplyseen

thetunepatternswhichdeterminedmeterrhymeplacementandthepositionof

tonesasakindofchallengenotunliketherequirementsofrecent-styleshi281

SignificantlyChūganrsquospersonalcollectionofwritingsTōkaiichiōshūisone

ofonlytwofromthemedievaleracurrentlyknowntoincludeacompleteciTōkai

ichiōshūhappensalsotobethefirstGozancollectiontofeaturequatrainssetinthe

unusualhexasyllabicmeterwhilesix-syllablelineswereusedfrequentlyinciand

quregularhexasyllabicshiwerequiterareinbothChinaandJapanThischapter

willexaminethesepiecestogetherwithanothercisettothesametunepatternby

oneofChūganrsquosoldercontemporariesandwillattempttosituatetheminrelation

torelevantChineseprecedentsScholarshiponthereceptionandcompositionofci

inpre-TokugawaJapanhasonlyjustbegunandthefactthatChūganrsquosciwasnot

indentifiedassuchuntil1999despiteTōkaiichiōshūhavingbeenavailableinprint

foralmost90yearsshouldsuggestthediscoveriesthatremaintobemadeamong

thevastbodyofGozanpoetryyettobesurveyedBecausebothciseemtohave

beencomposedinthe1320spredatingthehexasyllabicquatrainsbyadecadeor

moreouranalysiswillbeginthere

281OntherulesgoverningciseeMajiaBellSameildquoCiPoetryShortSongLyrics(Xiaoling)rdquoinZong-qiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetrypp245-48

174

兜率寺陋房夜為大風雨所擺搖醒而作 ComposedwhenIwasawakenedinmyramshackleroomatDoushuaiTemplewhich

thankstofiercewindandrainwasbeingjostledabout雨澎滂 Rainfallsinawildonslaught 海雷浪 Theroilingseahaththunderbrought 1313轆轆侵柴牀 Surgingandrumblingitassailsmybrushwoodcot 建瓴 Theeaveslikecaskswithwaterbrimming 潢盈庭 Poolsandpuddlesthegardenfilling 屋欲流兮動不停 Myhutrsquosabouttobewashedawayndashitshakeswithnorelenting 中正禪子住其中 ButwithinresidesthePrelateofBalanceandRectitude 至於此極未為窮 Whoevenbroughttothisextremeisnotamanentrapped睡受三禪天上樂 DozinghereceivesthejoyoftheThirdMeditationHeaven 夢覺又御冷然風 Wakingfromhisreverieheshieldshimselffromicydrafts282

PerhapsowingtotheextremerarityoftheciinJapanthevulgateeditionof

Tōkaiichiōshūwhichwascompiledin1764simplylisteditasanancient-styleshi

NogawaHiroyukihasidentifiedthepieceasonesettothetuneldquoLilyMagnoliasrdquo(木

蘭花)whichappearsinthecollectionHuajianjiandisgenerallytracedtotheFive-

DynastiespoetWeiChengban魏承班(d925)283AsisoftenthecaseinciChūganrsquos

compositionincorporateselementscommontomultiplepoeticgenresrepeateduse

ofthereduplicativebinomespengpang澎滂(Jhōbō)yinyin1313(inrsquoin)andlulu轆

轆(rokoroku)evoketheverbosestyleoffuorldquorhapsodiesrdquo(Jfu賦)whilethe

trisyllabiclinesrecallyuefu(Jgakufu樂府)Therhymeschemeismixedina

mannertypicalofciwhichusesstrophes(asopposedtocouplets)asthebasic

282GBSSv4p354283NogawaldquoGozanni-ryūgakusōnotenshiseisakurdquop105-06

175

structuralunit284HeretheendrhymesswitchinEarlyMandarinfromndashaŋ(滂浪

牀)inthefirstthreelinestondasheŋ(瓴庭停)inthefourthfifthandsixth285

Whereasinshinarrowlydefinedthesamesyllabicmeterisgenerally

retainedthroughouttheentiretyofthepoemciusuallyemploylinesofvariable

lengthThisenablesgreatvarietyinrhythmandreflectsthestructureofthemusic

towhichthelyricswereoriginallyset286Thespecific3+3+7syllabicpatternofthe

firsttwostrophesofChūganrsquosciisidentifiableasfarbackasHan-erayuefuandit

appearsincompositionssuchasDuFursquosfamousldquoBalladoftheArmyCartsrdquo(兵車行

c750)Whilethismediumlengthworkispredominantlyheptasyllabicitopens

withasinglestanzathatiscloselyanalogoustothestrophesfoundinci

車轔轔 Thecartsgoclikety-clack 馬蕭蕭 Thehorseswhinnyandneigh 行人弓箭各在腰Withbowsandarrowsattheirwaiststhesoldiersmarch

awayhellip287

284ThetermstropheindicatesaunitofverseendinginarhymeincitheymaybecomprisedofonetofourindividuallinesSeeSameildquoCiPoetryrdquop248285ReconstructedpronunciationshereandelsewherefollowEdwinGPulleyblankLexiconofReconstructedPronunciationinEarlyMiddleChineseLateMiddleChinese

andEarlyMandarin(VancouverUnivofBritishColumbiaPress1991)AsnotedinChapterThreeEarlyMandarinreferstothelanguageofthefourteenth-centuryrimebookZhongyuanyinyun中原音韻somescholarsincludingMichaelFullertermthislanguageMiddleMandarin286SameildquoCiPoetryrdquopp245-46287QTS21611ldquoBalladoftheArmyCartsrdquoisanancient-stylepoemofmixedmeter(雜言古詩)representativeofatypeofnarrativepoemtermedaldquosongballadrdquo(CgexingJkakō歌行)ExamplesmuchbelovedinJapanareBaiJuyirsquosldquoBalladoftheLuterdquo琵琶行andldquoSongofEverlastingSorrowrdquo長恨歌ldquoBalladoftheArmyCartsrdquoalsoappearsinthewellknown18thcenturyanthologyTangshisanbaishou唐詩三百首(ThreeHundredTangPoems)whereitisclassedasaheptasyllabicyuefu

176

ThelastfourlinesofChūganrsquosciwhichcompriseitssecondsectionorldquoverserdquo

(CqueJketsu )returnthereadertothetypeofprosodicsymmetry

characteristicofshiTheselinesinvokebothBuddhismandallusively

Confucianismwhilemaintainingtheplayfulchattyqualityofthefirstsection

Togethertheunbalancedhemistichesmirrortwodifferentaspectsofthepoetrsquos

psychologicalexperiencethequiescentjoyofmeditationpunctuatedbytheexciting

tumultofastorm

NogawatheorizesthatChūganwasfirstintroducedtocibytheexpatriate

monkRyūzanTokken龍山徳見(1284-1358)afellowZenprelatewhowasofa

differentRinzailineagebuthadalsostudiedunderGulinQingmao288Fora

JapanesemonkRyūzanwasunusuallywellestablishedintheChineseChan

communityandwashighlyfamiliarwiththeliterarycultureofthemajorsouthern

monasteriesHehadalreadybeenlivinginChinafor24yearswhenChūganmet

himattherenownedmonasteryYunyansi雲巖寺in1325andhewouldnotreturn

toJapanuntil1349Ryūzanhastohiscreditonesurvivingcithatisalsosettothe

tuneldquoLilyMagnoliasrdquoItsheavyuseofallusionandstronglyreligiouscharacter

makeitconsiderablyhardertointerpretthanChūganrsquosthesefeaturesalsosuggest

thattheworkwasprobablynotRyūzanrsquosfirstattemptatci

288RyūzanbelongedtotheHuanlong黄龍lineagewhileChūganbelongedtotheYangqi楊岐bothofwhicharoseintheNorthernSongGulinseemsnottohavebeenparticularlyconcernedwithestablishingconsistenttransmissionthroughasingledharmalineagereportedlyacceptingdisciplesprincipallyonthebasisoftheirskillincomposinggatha偈頌SeeNogawaldquoGozanni-ryūgakusōnotenshiseisakurdquop99

177

送有知客參黄龍 呉人 SeeingoffVisitorsrsquoOfficerYouWhoisGoingtoJointheHuanlongSchool

(HersquosaManofWu)289

蘇州有 WersquovegotlsquoeminSuzhou常州有 WersquovegotlsquoeminChangzhou 擬議思量成過咎 Exercisingthemindwithdeliberationistofallintoerror 收驢脚 Sowithdrawyourdonkeylegs 展佛手 AndextendyourBuddhahand 道火何曾燒著口 Evenifyouspeakfirehowcouldyourmouthbeburned 處處秋林落葉黃Everywhereautumnwoodsaredeckedwithfallenleavesofgold 處處春風鬧花柳Everywherevernalbreezesrousetheblossomsandwillows 還它有眼定古今 Ifyoudefertothoseoftrueinsighttodeterminepastandpresent六六元來八十九 Thensixbysixturnsouttobeeighty-nineafterall290

TotakethelastlinefirstNogawasupposesittobeadeliberatelynonsensical

propositionthatrepudiatesconventionaltruthThecharacters六六areconstrued

assixtimessixonthebasisofwhatwouldappeartobeasyntacticallyhomologous

linefromoneofGulinrsquospoems九九依然八十一whichplainlyseemstosayldquonineby

nineisasusualeighty-onerdquoToassumestrangenessorincomprehensibilitytobe

anintendedfeatureofthetextandnotaneffectofcurrentcriticallimitationsis

alwaysariskybusinessbutNogawarsquoshypothesisiscompellingsolongasRyūzanrsquos

lineisunderstoodtoworkgrammaticallylikeGulinrsquosthisinturnseemsa

reasonablesuppositionasitisunlikelythatacopyistrsquoserrorcouldresultin三十六

289ThetitleisdifficulttounderstandAzhike知客(Jshika)wasoneofthesixadministrativeofficersatatemple(六頭首)andwaschargedwithreceivingvisitorsYou有appearstobehisfamilynameandNogawabelievesthesmallercharacters呉人belowthetitleidentifyMrYouassomeonefromtheWuareatheopeninglinesofthepoemseemtopunhumorouslyonhisnameandplaceofbirth290GBSSv3p278

178

appearingas八十九Wemightofferfurthersupportfortheinterpretationby

notingthatifRyūzanrsquospurposewasindeedtopositanarithmeticidentitythatis

logicallyabsurdhehaschosenhisnumberswelleighty-nineisprimewhilethirty-

sixcontainsmoredivisorsthananyintegersmallerthanitmakingitaso-called

ldquoanti-primerdquoorhighlycompositenumber291

ThehumorousopeninglinesalludetoapopularNewYearrsquoscustominthe

SuzhouregionthehistoricalcenterofWu呉cultureonNewYearrsquosevechildren

wouldshoutmaichidai賣癡獃ldquoduncesforsalerdquoasiftoinvitebuyersfromother

regionstohelpreducethesurplusofidiotstraditionallyheldtoresideinWu292

Howexactlythisconnectsconceptuallywithwhatfollowsisdifficulttodetermineit

isconceivablethattheidiotsareinthiscasethosewhodoexercisetheirmindsin

ratiocinationandtherebyfallintoerrorNogawanotesthatthepracticeoflikening

onersquoshandstothoseoftheBuddhaandonersquoslegstothoseofadonkeyistraceable

tomethodsofChaninstructionusedbythepatriarchoftheHuanglongschool

291Thereremainsofcoursethepossibilitythatthereisinfactalegitimatearithmeticconnectionbetween六六and八十九(whateverthesecharactercombinationsaretakentomean)orthatthepurposeofthelineistopresentakindofnotationalpuzzleforthereadertointerpretandsolveIf六六and八十九areallowedtobereadasshorthandfortwodifferentmathematicaloperationsthensuchconnectionsmaybefoundegif八十九istakennotaseighty-ninebutastheproductof810and9and六六isallowedtomean6(sixfactorial)thenwewouldhavethelegitimaterelation6 5 4 3 2 1=8 10 9=720Moderngamesofthissortarequitecommonldquoperfect3srdquoforinstancepresentsexpressionssuchas333=7andasksreaderstocreatetrueequationsusingonlythesenumbersandbasicoperationseg(3divide3)+3=7292NogawaldquoGozanni-ryūgakusōnotenshiseisakurdquopp99-100ThecustomwasevidentlywidelyrecordedamongthecollectedworksofthepoetFanChengdawhosepossibleinfluenceuponChūganwasdiscussedinChapterFourisacientitledldquoSellingDuncesrdquo賣癡獃

179

Huinan慧南(1002-69)293Likethefinallineofthesecondversethefinallineofthe

firstversealsomakesaseeminglyparadoxicalclaimandtheoveralllessonofthe

poemseemstobethatrationaldiscursivethought(擬議思量)cannotleadto

enlightenment

Astheseexamplessuggestcimayemploysyntacticrhythmsandpatternsof

metricalvariationseeninolderformssuchasfuandyuefuandtheymayalso

includewholesectionsthataremetricallyregularandprosodicallyakintoshi294

Pointsofoverlapbetweentheciandshiwereinfactnumerousandlongstanding

andthegradualexpansionofthecirsquosthematicrangeduringtheSongDynasty

eventuallygaverisetocriticaldiscussionsofwhatitsproperpurviewoughttobe

vis-agrave-vistheolderandmoreprestigiousshi295EliteliteratilikeSuShibroughtthe

refinedsensibilitiesofshitotheciwhiletheleadingcipoetoftheNorthernSongLi

Qingzhao李清照(1084-1151)criticizedSursquoseffortsasyieldingldquonothingbutshi

withirregularlinesrdquo296BythetimeChūganarrivedinChinaithadlongbeenthe

casethatpoetsknownprimarilyforcomposingshiwouldalsocomposecievenif

fewwouldhavewishedthisfacttobeartooheavilyupontheirownliterary

293Ibidp102294NotethatinthesecondsectionofChūganrsquoscithecharactersattheendofthesecondandfourthlines風and窮behavepreciselyastheywouldbeexpectedtoinshibotharelevel-tonewordsandalthoughtheyareonlyslantrhymesinModern

MandarintheyrhymecompletelyinbothEarlyMandarin(fuŋkʰjuŋ)andMiddleChinese(fjywŋkɦiwŋ) 295OnconnectionsbetweenearlyciandshiseeShuen-fuLinldquoTheFormationofaDistinctGenericIdentityforTzrsquourdquoinPaulineYuedVoicesoftheSongLyricinChina(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1994)pp14-17296XindaLianldquoLongSongLyrics(Manci)rdquoinZong-qiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetryp263

180

legacy297Whileitisdifficulttoascertainwhetherornotthestudyofciplayeda

meaningfulroleinencouragingChūgantobemoreexperimentalinhisshiitseems

fittingthataftertryinghishandatcicompositionhewouldlaterventuretocompose

shiintheunorthodoxhexasyllabicmeterCimadefrequentuseofsix-character

linesandhexasyllabicshioftenusedlanguagethatwascomparativelycolloquial

andprosaicWeiShaoshenghassurmisedthatthedevelopmentofciwasinfact

influencedbyhexasyllabicshi298giventhatshiemployingthatparticularmeter

whilealwaysraredidbecomemoreprevalentaftertheTangitalsoseemspossible

thattheburgeoningpopularityofciamongseriouspoetslikeSuShifostered

increasedcompositionofsix-syllableshi

ThefourhexasyllabicshiincludedinTōkaiichiōshūareinformalvignettesof

ChūganrsquostravelsaroundaruralestateineasternJapantheyaredescriptivebutnot

austereusingordinarylanguageandavoidingtheimagisticdensityoftenassociated

withSongandYuan-eradescriptivepoetryThereisnoindicationastowhyhe

chosethisastheoccasiontoexperimentwithanovelsyllabicmeterbutinsofaras

hewasclearlycomfortabletreatingjourneysandlandscapesinverseitispossible

thathefeltanewventureinformwasmorelikelytobesuccessfulifthetopicwasa

familiarone

297SeeRonaldCEganldquoTheProblemoftheReputeofTzrsquouDuringtheNorthernSungrdquoinYuedVoicesoftheSongLyricpp191-225298WeiShaoshengLiuyanshitiyanjiu(BeijingSocialSciencesAcademicPress2010)pp183-203

181

利根山行春LateSpringintheMountainsofTone299

陰涯或有残雪 平平仄仄平仄春溪 平平仄仄平平風日乍寒乍暖 平仄仄平仄仄杖屨且留且之 仄仄仄平仄平ShadycragsndashsomewithremnantsnowSpringtimestreamsndashhalffullwithicefromthemeltWindandsunshinendashitrsquoscoldoneminuteandwarmthenextOutfittedforthehikeItarryandgotarryandgo白雲溶溶洩洩 仄平平平仄仄 流水潺潺湲湲 平仄平平平平乗興行春未盡 平仄仄平仄仄胡為倦烏先還 平平仄平平平WhitecloudsundulatingsoftlyStreamsbabblinggently300IshalltakeadvantageofthefactthatspringisnotyetoutHowcouldItireHowcouldIturnback301 299ldquoLatespringrdquorenders行春whichinthisusageliterallymeansldquodepartingspringrdquoAnothermorespecializedmeaningthatmayalsobegermaneisldquospringtimeinspectiontourrdquowhichdescribesthecustomofofficialsconductinginspectionsonfootorhorsebackoncewinterhadendedofplacesundertheirjurisdictionItwasnotuncommonforZenmonkstobetaskedwithadministrativedutiesontemplepropertiesoronestatesheldbyprivatepatronsgiventhatTonewasanŌtomofamilyshōenitispossiblethatsuchaninspectiontourwasthecontextforthetravelsdescribedinthepoems300TheimageryandheavyuseofreduplicativebinomesisstronglyreminiscentofacoupletbytheChanmonkZhengjue正覺(1091-1157)whichispartofthesixthverseofhisseriesldquoTwoHundredandFiveGathasrdquo偈頌二百零五

溶溶洩洩山上雲 Undulatingsoftlyndashthecloudsoverthemountain 潺潺湲湲山下水 Babblinggentlyndashthestreamatitsbase301Inthethirdlineif行春 istakentomeanldquospringtimeinspectiontourrdquothelinewouldmeanldquoIshalltakeadvantageofthefactthatmytourhasnotyetfinishedrdquo

182

枯藤屈曲蟲盤 平平仄仄平平怪石斕 仄仄平平仄平拒暘雪積巌罅 仄平仄仄平仄揺緑春囘燒痕 平仄平平平平DriedoutwisterialiecoiledlikewormsStrangerocksofvariegatedcolorsresemblecrouchingbeastsTheyblockthesunrsquosraysallowingsnowtoaccumulateinthecrevicesAmidstswayinggreenspringreturnstoreclaimgroundoncecharredbywildfire302 山深風俗淳朴 平仄平仄平仄民楽無懐之時 平仄平平平平溪梅別有風韻 平平仄仄平仄野質村姿更奇 仄仄平平仄平 DeepinthemountainscustomsaresimplePeopleareateaseasinthetimeofWuhuai303PlumblossomsinthevalleypossesseleganceunmatchedYettherusticityofthefieldsandbeautyofthevillagesismorecharmingstill

DatingtheseversesisdifficultbutthereferencetoToneinthetitlesuggests

theywerelikelycomposedafter1337Between1337and1359Chūganspentpart

ofnearlyeveryyearatoneoftwoŌtomofamilypropertiesineasternJapan

WisteriaValley(Fujigayatsu藤谷)andToneEstate利根庄thelatteramountainous

demesneinwhatistodayGunmaPrefectureToneEstatewasthesiteforthe

302ThelanguagehererecallsthelineldquoSittingdownIseethespringreturntogroundoncecharredbyfirerdquo坐看春回入燒痕fromaquatrainbythemonkHuihui慧暉(1097-1183)HuihuirsquospoemisincludedinthewellknownseriesNineteenVersesEulogizingtheOld頌古十九首compiledbytheChanmasterFaquan法全(1114-69)TheseriescontainsbothshiandcianditstitlemaybeanodtotheNineteenOldPoems古詩十九首afoundationalgroupofearlypentasyllabicshi303Wuhuaishi無懐氏(JMukaishi)isamythicalrulerwhoissometimesplacedinthegenerationjustafterFuxi伏羲andthecreatorgoddessNuwa女媧orasinShijiinthemuchlatergenerationjustprecedingtheYellowEmperorHiseraisinvokedheretofigurepeaceandpopularcontentment

183

templeKichijōji吉祥寺builtwithŌtomosupportin1339andheadedbyChūgan

andanattachedZenretreatcalledShishian止止庵304Theseplacesofferedprivacy

andrespiteduringthedifficulttimesfollowinghisrejectionoftheSōtōsectand

adoptionofDongyangDehuirsquoslineofRinzaiZenThefourversesarelistedinthe

vulgateeditionofTōkaiichiōshūashexasyllabicquatrains六言絶句Though

somewhatmorecommonthanhexasyllabicregulatedversesquatrainsinthismeter

arestillextremelyrareOftheapproximately48000shiintheQuanTangshi全唐

詩onlyabout150arehexasyllabicandthemostprolificuseroftheformZhang

Yue張説(667-730)iscreditedwithjusteightverses305Amongpoetsofwider

reputeWangWeiisknowntohavecomposedsevenhexasyllabicshiLiBaithree

andBaiJuyitwo306NostudyofwhichIamawareexaminestheprevalenceofthe

forminJapanthoughbecauseitspopularitywasrisinginChinathroughoutthe

SongDynastyitislikelythatmanyJapanesepoetswereawareofitAmongGozan

writerstheprincipalusersseemtohavebeenChūganandhisillustriousyounger

compatriotGidōShūshin(1325-88)wholeftnolessthaneleveninhismassive

collectionKūgeshū空華集307

304ThenameofboththetempleandtheretreatalludetotheaphorismldquoGoodfortuneliesinstoppingwhenitistimetostoprdquo吉祥止止whichisderivedfromZhuangzi21ldquoObservethevoidndashtheemptyroomemitsapurelightGoodfortuneliesinstoppingwhenitistimetostoprdquo瞻彼闋者虛室生白吉祥止止(trMairWanderingontheWayp33)GivenChūganrsquosabidinginterestinmoralbalanceandhisviewthatGo-DaigohaddisastrouslyoverplayedhishandintheKenmuRestorationthenamesarewellchosen 305Liuyanshitiyanjiup95306Ibid307GBZSv2pp472-73

184

Thereisdisagreementamongscholarsastowhetherpoemsofthismetercan

infactqualifyasrecent-stylepoetryatallwithsomeoptingtolimitthatdesignation

topenta-andheptasyllabicpoems308Intermsoftonalprosodyhexasyllabicshi

maysometimescontainlinesofwhichfourfiveorinsomecasesallsixwordsare

homotonousandtheso-calledldquoadherencerulerdquo(粘法)ofrecent-styleversewhich

helpstiecoupletstogetherisnotfollowedrigorously309Nonethelesshexasyllabic

shididgenerallyincorporateatleastsomeofthepatternsoftonalalteration

characteristicofrecent-styleversestrongtonalcontrastbetweenwordswithina

singlelineandbetweenlinesofasinglecoupletwasmorecommonthanthelack

thereofandhexasyllabicshialmostalwaysupheldtheessentiallyinviolablerecent-

stylerulethatevenlinesmustrhymeandthatrhymingwordsmustbeinlevel

tone310Thesimilaritieswereevidentlyenoughtomotivateatleastsome

premodernpoetstoincludesix-syllableshiintheircollectionsofquatrainsHong

MairsquosencyclopedicWanshouTangrenjuejuuml萬首唐人絶句(late12thc)forinstance

includes48suchversesndashstillamodestnumbergiventheimmensesizeofthe

work311Inanyeventtheboundarybetweenancient-styleandrecent-stylepoetry

washistoricallyratherfluidwithsomepoemscharacterizedasquatrainsor

308RenBantangTangshengshi(ShanghaiXinhuaShudian1982)309Therulestipulatesthatthefirsttwowordsofthelastlineofonecoupletshouldbeofthesametoneasthefirsttwowordsofthefirstlineofthesucceedingcouplet310Anoverviewoftheconventionsofrecent-stylepoetrymaybefoundinZong-QiCaildquoRecent-StyleShiPoetryPentasyllabicRegulatedVerserdquoinZong-QiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetry(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2008)pp161-77311WeiLiuyanshitiyanjiup150HongMai洪邁(1123-1202)aministerandscholarduringtheSouthernSonginitiallycompiledacollectionof5000TangquatrainsandpresentedittoEmperorXiaozong孝宗thiswassubsequentlyexpandedintoaworkof100volumescontaining100quatrainseachaboutthreequartersofwhichareheptasyllabic

185

regulatedversesbasedseeminglyonthefactthattheysomehowldquosoundedrdquolike

recent-stylepoemsdespitecontainingagreatmanytonalviolations312

Intermsoftheirgrammaticalstructurehexasyllabiclinesdonotscanin

thepatternstypicalofpenta-andheptasyllabiclinesproducingsyntacticrhythms

thatarenotonlystrikinglydifferentbutmorevariableaswell313Incipoetry

associatedwiththeschoolofldquoHeroicAbandonrdquo(ChaofangJgōhō豪放)thesix-

charactermeterwassometimesusedtoproducedramaticandhighlyimagisticlines

thatreliedonpureparataxisandavoidedfinalpredication

名月別枝驚鵲 Thefullmoonslantingbranchesastartledmagpie XinQiji辛棄疾(1140-1207) 孤村落日殘霞 Alonelyvillagethesettingsunlingeringhuesofpink輕烟老樹寒鴉 Lighthazeanagedtreeacrowinthecold BaiRenfu白仁甫(1226-1306)

WhiletheconventionsofclassicalChinesegrammardonotadmitofrigidly

definedpartsofspeechndashagivenwordmayfunctionasanounverbadjectiveor

adverbdependingoncontextandsyntacticpositionndashtheselineseffectivelycontain

312OwenReadingsinChineseLiteraryThoughtp432313ThedifferencesinsyntacticrhythmbetweenshiofdifferentmetersarenotnecessarilyapparentifreadingisdoneaccordingtoJapanesekundokuconventions(anymorethansuchdifferencesarenecessarilyapparentinEnglishtranslation)AsnotedintheintroductiontheworkingassumptionofthisstudyisthatChūganwasattentivetothewayhispoemssoundedinChineseEminentkanshipoetswereusuallywelltrainedinmattersoftonalprosodyeventhoughmostdidnotspeakChineseandtheassumptionthatChineseprosodywassignificantforapoetsuchasChūganwhobyallaccountsdidpossessnotableproficiencyinspeakingseemsespeciallywarranted

186

noverbssavethoseusedasparticiples(egthesettingsun落日)andtheyuseno

prepositionsparticlesorotherdevicestospecifygrammaticalrelationsThelines

scaninthe2+2+2semanticrhythmproducingadistinctivestaccatostyleChūganrsquos

versesworkdifferentlymakingfrequentuseofgrammaticalparticlesandfeaturing

linesthatconstitutecompleteornearlycompletesentencesInterestinglythismore

prosaicstylewasnotonlycommoninciandquwhichisunsurprisinggiventhe

vernacularoriginsofthoseformsbutwasalsoamainstayofhexasyllabicshiafact

WeiShaoshengbelievesmayreflecttheinfluenceoffu314Examplesreflectingthe

prosaicstylebyLiBaiWangJianWangWeiandmanyothereminentpoetsappear

plentifulwhenconsideredasafractionofthetotalnumberofsurvivinghexasyllabic

shiandtheversesofldquoLateSpringintheMountainsofTonerdquobearmanysimilarities

toarchetypessuchasthefollowing

題舒州山谷寺石牛洞 WrittenonShiniuGrottoatShanguTempleinShuPrefecture315

水泠泠而北出 Thewaterisclearandcoolandflowsnorth 山靡靡而旁圍 Thehillsarescatteredaboutandencirclethearea 欲窮源而不得 Iwantedtofindthesourcebutwasunabletogetit竟悵望以空歸 IntheendmyhopeswentunrealizedandIreturnedemptyhanded316 WangAnshi王安石(1021-86)314WeiLiuyanshitiyanjiup168 315ShanguTempleismorecommonlyknownasSanzuTemple三祖寺owingtothefactthattheThirdChanPatriarchSengcan僧璨(510-606)onceresidedthereShuPrefectureislocatedinthemodernAnhuiProvince316Ibidp168

187

田園樂七首

SevenPoemsontheJoysofFieldsandGardensno6

桃紅復含宿雨 Peachblossomsflushwithcolorstillholdlastnightrsquosrain柳緑更帶春烟 Willowslushandgreenremainmantledinspringtimemists 花落家僮未掃 Petalsliestrewnaboutandthehouseboyhasyettosweepthemaway鶯啼山客猶眠 Anoriolecallsoutbutthemountaintravelerstaysfastasleep317 WangWei王維(699-759)

OfthetwoWangWeirsquospoemisthemoredescriptiveandthelessinsistently

subject-centeredthoughineachlinewordssuchasldquostillrdquo(復更猶)andldquohasyettordquo

(未)underscorethepoetrsquospersonaljudgmentaboutthesceneSuchwasalsothe

casethroughoutthefirstverseofldquoLateSpringintheMountainsofTonerdquowhich

reliedheavilyuponsimilaradverbialexpressions(或半乍且)andinthesecond

versewhosesecondcoupletfeaturedtwointerrogativelocutions(胡為烏)318The

particlesandconjunctionsinWangAnshirsquosverse(而以)imparttoitastrongly

prosaicqualitythispointcanbeeasilyappreciatedbyimaginingthesecondlineas

onerephrasedinthepentasyllabicmeterwithout而where山靡靡而旁圍yields

ldquothehillsarescatteredaboutandencircletheareardquothetruncated山靡靡旁圍might

bestberenderedldquohillsscatteredaboutencircletheareardquoTogetherwiththeclearly

metaphoricalsecondcoupletndashthewordsldquosourcerdquo源andldquoemptyrdquo空areredolentof

Buddho-Daoistthoughtndashthepoemasawholecouldnotbemuchfurtherfromthe

317Ibidp74318Throughaprocessofparanomasticborrowingthecharacter烏isusedforitssoundwu(EarlyMandarinuMiddleChineseɁuǝ)torepresentthewordldquohowrdquo

188

austerenaturalisticmodeglimpsedinthelinesofHeroicAbandoncibyXinQijiand

BaiRenfu

ThepentasyllabicparaphraseofWangAnshirsquoslineadumbratesafeature

commonnotonlytoChūganrsquoshexasyllabicpoemsbuttohexasyllabicshimore

generallynamelyhowreadilyagreatmanylinesmayberecastintohypothetical

fiveorseven-syllablevariantswithnosubstantivechangeinmeaningForinstance

thefirstcoupletofChūganrsquosthirdverseldquoDriedoutwisterialiecoiledlikeworms

Strangerocksofvariegatedcolorsresemblecrouchingbeastsrdquomightberephrased

intheseven-syllablemeteras枯藤屈曲若蟲盤怪石斕斒似獣蹲whichsimply

makesexplicittherelationsoflikenessimpliedintheoriginalBothlinesnowscan

intheveryfamiliar2+2+3patternbetterstillsince若(ldquoasifrdquo)and似(ldquoto

resemblerdquo)areentering-tonewordsbothlinesnowalignperfectlywithrecent-style

tonalrequirementsSimilarlytheopeninglinesofthesecondverseldquoWhiteclouds

undulatingsoftlyStreamsbabblinggentlyrdquomightbeshortenedfrom白雲溶溶洩洩

流水潺潺湲湲to白雲溶洩洩流水潺湲湲althoughtheresultingtonaldistribution

doesnotaccordentirelywithrecent-styleconventionsthelinesscaneasilyand

theirmeaningremainsunchanged

Thisexercisemayseemlittlemorethanaspeculativeindulgencebutit

suggeststherelativeeasewithwhichaparticularpoeticimagemightberealizedin

multiplesyllabicmetersItalsoillustratesacompositionalstrategythatisinfact

knowntohaveinformedtheearlydevelopmentofpentasyllabicshipoetrynamely

theexpansionoffour-syllablelinesintofive-syllableequivalentsviatheuseof

particlesorbinomes(forinstanceusingdaolu道路forldquoroadrdquoinsteadofjustdao道

189

orlu路alone)319Historicallyofcourseheptasyllabicversewasrarebeforethe

TangDynastyandthusplayednoformativeroleinthedevelopmentofhexasyllabic

shiassuchButitseemsquitepossiblethatpentasyllabicpoetrymighthaveandin

anyeventbythetimeChūganwasactivetheseven-syllablelinehadbeendominant

inbothChinaandJapanformanycenturiesmakingmoreorlesscontinuous

interplaybetweenalloftheseformslikelyItisthereforeunsurprisingthatin

additiontotheapparentstylisticinfluenceofearlierhexasyllabicshiastockof

phrasesandpoeticimagesculledfromheptasyllabicpoemssuchasthosebythe

monksZhengjueandHuihuiseemalsotohaveinfluencedtheversesofldquoLateSpring

intheMountainsofTonerdquo

ConclusionCiandSiniticPoetryinMedievalJapan

ThecentralaimofthischapterhasbeentohighlightworksinTōkaiichiōshū

whoseformalpropertieswereunusualforSiniticverseinJapanandtoconsider

theminreferencetorelevantpoeticdevelopmentsinChinaChūganwasnotthe

onlyfigureintheGozanmovementtounderstandthesedevelopmentsbuthewas

evidentlymorewillingthanmostofhiscontemporariestoexperimentwiththemin

hisownverseoratleastmorewillingtopreservetheresultsforposterityYetin

lightoftheextraordinarypopularityandartisticvibrancythecihadachievedin

ChinabytheendofthetwelfthcenturyitsneartotalabsencefromGozan

collectionsisamongthemostcuriousfacetsofGozanliterarycultureandindeedof

319SeeStephenOwenTheMakingofEarlyChineseClassicalPoetry(CambridgeMAHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2006)p74

190

medievalkanshibunmoregenerallyTheproblemitshouldbenotedwasnotalack

ofbasicknowledgetheearliestandmostinfluentialanthologyofciZhaoCongzuorsquos

tenth-centuryHuajianji花間集islongknowntohavecirculatedamongGozan

literati320andseveralotherfamousworksthatdiscussorcontainexamplesofci

suchasShirenyuxie詩人玉屑andJuefanHuihongrsquosLinjianlu林間錄wereprinted

inJapanviawoodblockandpublishedbymajorGozanmonasteries321Giventhe

generalesteemaccordedtoChinesebellelettresitisthusrathersurprisingthat

notableJapanesepractitionersofcididnotappearuntiltheeighteenthcentury

nearlyamillenniumaftertheformrsquosemergenceinChina322

Multipleexplanationsmightbeadducedfortheapparentlackofinterestinci

amongpremodernJapanesepoetsthemostparsimoniousofwhichissimplythat

thenewformwastothemlargelysuperfluoustheshiremainedartistically

sufficientfortheirpurposesandfewJapanesepoetswereinclinedtostudyanew

formwhosemasterydemandedknowledgeofdozensoftunepatternsthat

determinedmeterrhymeschemeandtonalprosodyButtressingthispositionis

thefactthatkanshipoetsbyallindicationswereneverbesetbyasenseof

320SeeKandaKiichirōNihonniokeruChūgokubungakuvol1(TokyoNigensha1965)pp56-7321SucheditionsareknowntodayasldquoGozaneditionsrdquo(Gozan-ban五山版)SeeKandaNihonniokeruChūgokubungakup53322SeeChenZhuhui陳竺慧ldquoNomuraKōennolsquogashirsquotoShindainoshidansonoeibutsushiotegakarinirdquo野村篁園の「雅詞」と清代の詞壇その詠物詞を手がかりにWasedaDaigakudaigakuinbungakukenkyūkakiyō62(Mar2017)pp203-215AsChennotesevenintheEdoperiodciremainedaminorartformoflittleinteresttomostkanshipoetsThefirstJapanesetreatiseofcipoeticsTenshizufu塡詞図譜wascompiledbyTanomuraChikuden田能村竹田(1777-1835)andpublishedin1807

191

belatednessorBloomiananxietyvis-agrave-visthegreatChinesepoetsofthepastnor

didtheyfeelaneedtoescapefromtheweightofanoppressiveshitradition

Meaningfulparticipationinthattraditionwasaccomplishmentenoughandthefact

thatLiBaiorDuFuremainedunsurpassabledidnotdriveJapaneseshipoetsaway

fromthemediumortowardsconspicuousstylisticnovelty323

Anadditionalandperhapsevenmoresalientfactorthatmighthave

motivatedthearmrsquos-lengthapproachGozanmonkstooktocindashreadandreprint

thembutdonrsquotwriteyourownndashwastheformrsquoshistoricalassociationwithwomen

andtheentertainmentquarters324IndeedHuajianjiisdominatedbytheostensibly

femininethemesofloveandabandonment325andtotheextentthatthiscollection

wasthemajorsourceofinformationaboutciinearlymedievalJapanGozanpoets

mighthaveapprehendedtheformasaninherentlyfeminizedoneMoreoverwhile

mostmaleliteratiexpressedvaryingdegreesofdisapprovalforexcessive

indulgenceinciGozanmonksmighthavetakenspecialnoticeofthefactthatitwas

aChanmonkFayunFaxiu法雲法秀(1027-1090)whoofferedthegreatpoetHuang

Tingjian黃庭堅(1045-1105)afamousadmonitionagainstdabblingintheformat

all

323LestthisbethoughtsimplyareflectionofageneralconservatismamongJapaneseliteratiitisworthnotingthatintherealmofvernacularpoetryattemptstobreakfreefromcertaintraditionalpoeticstrictureswerebeingmadeatthistimebywakapoetsoftheKyōgyoku京極schoolandthedevelopmentofseriouslinkedverse(renga連歌)wouldsoonfundamentallytransformJapanesepoetryandpoetictheory324SameildquoCiPoetryShortSongLyrics(Xiaoling)rdquop245EganldquoTheProblemoftheReputeofTzrsquourdquopp194-207andpassim325Sameip251

192

hellipOnedaythedharmamastersaidtoLuzhi(HuangTingjian)ldquoTherersquosnoharminwritingasmanyshiasyoulikebutyoushouldstopcomposingeroticsongsandlittlecirdquoLuzhilaughedldquoTheyarejustwordsintheairIrsquomnotkillinganyoneandIrsquomnotstealingSurelyIwonrsquotbesentencedtooneoftheevildestiniesforwritingthesesongsrdquoThedharmamasterrepliedldquoIfyouusewickedwordstoarouselustinmenrsquosheartscausingthemtoignoreproprietyandviolatethelawthenyourwordswillbeasourceofcrimeandwrongandIrsquomafraidyouwillnotmerelybepunishedwithevildestiniesrdquoLuzhinoddedandsubsequentlystoppedwritingsongs326

AsithappenedHuangTingjiandidnotstopwritingcithoughinhisown

accountofthisexchangetheChanmasterisevenmoreexplicitinhiswarning

opiningthatrebirthintheHellofSlitTonguesawaitsthosewhouseoffensive

language327Notablythemasterisdecidedlyunconcernedwithshianditiseasyto

imagineZenmonksinJapanharboringasimilarprejudiceagainstthecievenasthey

pursuedshicompositionassiduouslyHadthecibeenasartisticallyprominentin

theeighthcenturyasitwasbythetwelfthitmighteasilyhavefoundquick

popularityamongNaraandHeianaristocratswhoatthetimewerethetastemakers

inthesmallworldofJapanesekanshibunandmuchenamoredwithpalace-styleshi

whosethematicsimilaritiestociweresubstantial328Andinsofarasmotifssuchas

clandestineromancesabandonmentandunrequitedloveemergewith

extraordinaryprominenceinvernacularJapaneseproseandpoetryoftheHeianera

itisquiteconceivablethatmalearistocratsofthetimemighthavebeenmore

326QuotedinEganldquoTheProblemoftheReputeofTzrsquourdquopp202withminororthographicchanges327Ibid328SeeKang-iSunChangTheEvolutionofChineseTrsquozuPoetryFromLateTrsquoangtoNorthernSung(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1980)p18citedinLinldquoTheFormationofaDistinctGenericIdentityforTrsquozurdquop16

193

amenabletostereotypicalcithemesthantheirmonasticcountrymenweretobe

fourcenturieslater

194

Conclusion

Gozan Literature in Retrospect

1 KanshibunandtheKokugaku国学LegacyInmodernformulationsofJapaneseliteraturetheGozancorpusoccupiesa

uniquepositiononethatisunquestionablycentraltothehistoryofJapanese

kanshibun漢詩文ndashpoetryandprosecomposedinthetrans-nationaltrans-

linguisticmediumofldquoliterarySiniticrdquondashandyetforthatveryreasonperipheralto

thecanonasawholeToasignificantdegreethisstateofaffairsistheresultofthe

monolingualandphonocentricimperativesthatbegantoinformtheconstructionof

aldquonativerdquoJapaneseliterarycanonintheeighteenthcenturyScholarsassociated

withthekokugaku国学orldquonativestudiesrdquomovementsoughttorecoverthe

indigenouslinguisticandculturalsensibilitiesofearlyJapanTheireffortswere

motivatednotsimplybyphilologicalcuriositythoughmanywereindeedgifted

philologistsbutbyanabidingdesiretodevelopanideologicalalternativetothe

Neo-ConfucianismascendantinTokugawa-eraintellectuallifeThoughcoloredby

ananti-Chineseandanti-BuddhistoutlookthatGozanliteratiwouldundoubtedly

havefoundbizarreanddistastefulthemovementwasextremelyproductive

kokugakuscholarsundertookrigoroushermeneuticalexaminationsofJapanese

textsthathadnotpreviouslyreceivedsuchattentionthemostculturally

consequentialofwhichwouldturnouttobethelittleknownmythohistorical

195

chronicleKojiki古事記(ARecordofAncientMatters712)Equallysignificanttothe

fieldofliterarystudiesweretheirreconsiderationsoffamousvernacularworksof

poetryandprosefictionsuchasIsemonogatari伊勢物語(TalesofIse9thc)Genji

monogatari源氏物語(TheTaleofGenjic1010)Manrsquoyōshū万葉集(Collectionof

MyriadLeaves759)andKokinwakashū古今和歌集(CollectionofJapanesePoems

AncientandModern905)Theseinvestigationslaidthegroundworkforsubstantial

advancesinlinguisticsandlexicography329AndacenturybeforeEnglishliterature

hadearnedaplaceintheBritishacademyalongsidetheGreekandLatinclassicsthe

effortsofkokugakuscholarshelpedestablishtheformalstudyofvernacular

JapaneseliteratureasanacademicenterpriseonparwiththestudyoftheChinese

classicswhichuntilthenhadbeentheonlyldquoclassicsrdquorecognizedassuchinJapan330

Bythelatenineteenthcenturythenativistimpetusbehindkokugakuhad

beenaugmentedbyaburgeoningnationalismasJapansoughttodefineitsplacein

329SeeSusanBurnsBeforetheNationKokugakuandtheImaginingofCommunityinEarlyModernJapan(DurhamDukeUnivPress2003)passimThisisnottosaythatkokugakuwasexclusivelyorevenprimarilyaphilologicalorldquotextualrdquomovementonlythatitsideologicalgoalsnecessitatedtheinterpretationoftextsandthatthisimperativeledtovariouscriticaladvances330Terminologicallyspeakingwordsoftentranslatedasldquoclassicsrdquo(tenseki典籍tenpun典墳)referredmostoftentoChinesetextsSimilarlywordssuchassaigaku才学ldquolearningrdquoreferrednotjusttoknowledgeingeneralbuttoknowledgeoftheChineseclassicsinparticularForexamplethepoetandloverAriwaranoNarihira在原業平(825-80)whoseadventuresarerecountedinIsemonogatariisdescribedinthehistoryNihonsandaijitsuroku日本三代實録asldquoratherbereftofsaigakubutexcellentatcomposingwakardquo略無才學善作倭歌WhiletheprecisemeaningofthislineisthesubjectofongoingdebatethetraditionalviewfirstputforthbykokugakuscholarshasbeenthatthecompilersofSandaijitsurokuwereappraisingNarihirainrelativetermsasbeingunremarkableinChineselearningbutdistinguishedinwakacompositionMeijiacademicsfromthelate1880sonwardwouldbegintofreelyapplythetermkoten古典ldquoclassicsrdquotovernacularJapaneseworks

196

theWestphalianworldorderEuropeanphonocentrismjibednicelywiththe

longstandinganti-logographicbentofkokugakuwhichhadfromitsinception

praisedJapanesekana(andSiddhamscript)whiledisparagingChinese

characters331AndEuropeannotionsofanessentialorganicrelationbetweena

peopletheirspokenlanguageandtheliteraturewroughtfromthatlanguagewere

easytoreconcilewiththeethnocentricclaimsofkokugakuscholarswhowereoften

atpainstoemphasizethealterityofallthingsChineseWhenKadanoAzumamaro

荷田春満(1669-1736)afoundingfigureinthekokugakumovementreferredto

Manrsquoyōshūasldquotheessenceofoutnationaltemperamentrdquo(国風の純粋)hewas

positingthepersistenceinJapaneseliteratureofwhatHippolyteTaine(1828-93)

wouldlateridentifyastheldquoinnateandhereditarydispositionsrdquothatbelongtoa

particularpeopleandaremanifestintheirliterature332Tainewasoneofseveral

WesterntheoristswhoseworkwouldbeenthusiasticallyreceivedbyMeiji-era

scholarsinJapanbothbecauseitansweredcontemporarypedagogicaland

ideologicalneedsandbecauseitdovetailednicelywithlongestablishednativist

convictionsInasimilarveinthereverenceshowntofolksongsbythepoetand

philosopherJohannGottfriedHerder(1744-1803)alignedneatlyinbothitsmotives

331SeeReganEMurphyldquoEsotericBuddhistTheoriesofLanguageinearlyKokugakuTheSōshakuoftheManrsquoyōdaishokirdquoJapaneseJournalofReligiousStudies361(2009)pp65-91332QuotedinWmTheodoredeBaryedSourcesofJapaneseTradition(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1958)pp513HVanLauntransHippolyteTaineHistoryofEnglishLiterature(LondonChattoandWindus1878)p10ThesedispositionscomprisewhatTainefamouslytermsldquolaracerdquothemeaningofwhichasexplainedbyhistorianNathalieRichardsisnotsomuchaldquodeacuteterminismebiologiquerdquobutaldquoformedrsquoespritcollectiverdquoSeeRichardsHippolyteTaineHistoriePsychologieLitteacuterature(ParisClassiquesGarnier2013)p145

197

anditscriticalnomenclaturewithkokugakuscholarsrsquovenerationofsimilarmediain

JapanHerderbelievedthatlanguagewasafoundationalevensacredconstituent

ofapeoplersquosidentityandhisnotionofthesprachgeist(spiritoflanguage)foundan

easyhomeamongMeiji-eratheoristslongaccustomedtotherevivifiedand

repurposednotionofkotodama言霊(thespiritofwords)whichhadbecomea

centralconceptinlateTokugawakokugakudiscourse

Theeventualresultoftheseinteractionswastheformationofanew

academicandideologicalventureknownaskokubungaku国文学orldquonational

literaturerdquowhichbythe1890shadbecomethedominantcriticalparadigm

governingthestudyofpremodernJapanesetextsThoughheirtomuchofthe

intellectuallegacyofkokugakukokubungakuassimilatedEuropeanideasabout

literaryformandhistorythattookthenation-stateasthepreeminentexpressionof

culturalandpoliticaldevelopmentThisimpartedtothedisciplinecertain

ideologicalobjectivesandformalinterestsnotsharedbyitspredecessorWhereas

kokugakuhadplacedparticularemphasisonwakapoetrykokubungaku

emphasizedJapaneseprosefictionwhichsharedmanyattributeswiththe

novelisticwritingthathadwonsuchesteemintheWestAndwhereaskokugaku

hadsoughttouncoveranauthenticprelapsarianYamatoidiomunsulliedby

continentalinfluenceskokubungakuendeavoredtopresentJapaneseliteratureas

theuniquelyidentifiableproductofatranshistoricalculturemore-or-less

coterminouswiththetraditionalgeopoliticalboundariesoftheJapaneseimperium

Inprinciplekokubungakuthushadthepotentialtobequitecapaciousasany

writtenartifactofarchipelaganoriginmightconceivablybeconstruedasfalling

198

withintheboundariesofldquoJapaneserdquoliteratureYetwhileitscanonwasindeed

largerthanthatofkokugakumainlybecauseitdidnotexcludeTokugawa-period

workskokubungakutoostruggledtoaccommodateJapanesekanshibunand

continuedtoprivilegevernaculargenresasthequintessenceofJapaneseliterary

expression

FortheleadinglightsofMeijikokubungakukanshibunwasitwouldseem

stilltooldquoChineserdquoAsearlyas1890thepioneeringkokubungakuscholarHaga

Yaichi芳賀矢一(1867-1927)haddefinedacircumlocutoryldquogracerdquo(yūbi優美)as

theessenceofJapaneseliteraryaestheticsincontrasttotheldquostrengthrdquo(yūsō勇壮)

ofChineseliteratureandtheldquoprecisionrdquo(seichi精緻)ofWesternliterature333

NearlytwentyyearslaterHagawouldarguestronglyfortheincorporationof

kanshibunintoacademictreatmentsofJapanrsquosnationalliterature334butbythenthe

dyehadlargelybeencastInpartkanshibunliteraturewasexcludedbyaesthetic

fiatitslanguagetostatetheobviousaspiredtoartisticeffectsdifferentfromthose

ofwakaormonogataritomostspecialistsofnationalliteratureevenwhenitwas

gooditwasnotreallyJapaneseFurtherpushingkanshibuntothemarginswas

kokubungakursquosformalfocusonthenovelAlthoughkanbunfictionwasnot333HagaYaichiandTachibanaSensaburōedsKokubungakutokuhoninHagaYaichisenshūhenshūiinkaiedHagaYaichisenshūvol2(TokyoKokugakuin1983)pp192-93AsimilarviewwaspropoundedbyMasaokaShikithoughinexplicitrelationtolanguagesheheldWesternlanguagestobeprecise(緻密)andgiventometiculousdescription(叙事詳細)Chinesetobeboldandmagnificent(雄渾雄大)andJapanesetobegracefulandfine(優美繊柔)SeeMatsuiToshihikoldquoMasaokaShikishūrdquoinNihonkindaibungakutaikeivol16(TokyoKadokawaShoten1972)p132334MatthewFraleighPluckingChrysanthemumsNarushimaRyūhokuandSiniticLiteraryTraditionsinModernJapan(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2016)pp6-7

199

unknownitwasvastlyoutweighedinquantityandqualitybyvernacularfictionIn

lightofboththeformidablelinguisticchallengesandlongstandingscholastic

prejudicesagainstfictionitselfitisprobablysafetosaythatthesmallminorityof

JapaneseBuddhistorConfucianliteratiwhopossessedsufficienttechnical

competenceinliterarySinitictocomposefictionalstoriesmarkedbycomplex

characterizationandpsychologicaldepthhadlittleinterestinactuallydoingso

WhileoutstandingJapanesekanshipoetsdidoccasionallyproduceworkssufficient

tomeetwithapprobationinChinandashZekkaiChūshinandAraiHakuseki(1657-1725)

arefamousexamplesndashthereistomyknowledgenoworkofliterarySinitic(or

vernacularChinese)fictionbyaJapaneseauthorthatiscomparableinqualityto

notableworksoffictionbyChineseauthorsortonotablevernacularJapanese

monogatari335

Thethornyissueoforiginalityposedyetanotherproblempremodern

JapanesehistoricalandphilosophicalwritingwasasdeeplysteepedinBuddhism

andConfucianismasEuropeanhistoryandphilosophywasinPlatonismand

AbrahamictheologyButwhilerepublicanRomeandtheancientGreekpoleis

bulkedlargeintheEuropeanimaginationtheywerelongextinctandbore

essentiallynorelationtothepolitiescontrollingItalyandthePeloponnesusinearly

335AsnotedinChapterFourZekkaiexchangedpoemswiththefoundingemperoroftheMingDynastyZhuYuanzhangForHakusekimattersunfoldedmoreserendipitouslyAcollectionofhispoemsseemstohavebeenbroughttotheRyūkyūKingdomandthensubsequentlytoChinawhereaHanlinacademyscholarZhengRenyue鄭任鑰appraisedithighlyandwrotealaudatoryprefaceSeeBurtonWatsonJapaneseLiteratureinChinese(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1976)v2pp13-14andYoshikawaKōjirōHōchōfushiRongozakkiAraiHakusekiitsuji(TokyoShinchosha1971)pp81-193

200

moderntimesBycontrastChinesedynastiesincludingeventheMongolYuan

(1280-1368)andManchuQing(1644-1912)purportedtoupholdidealsofroyal

paramountcyandculturalexcellencethatinprincipleextendedasfarbackasthe

ZhouDynasty(1046-256BC)QingrulerspartookextensivelyofChinesehigh

cultureadoptingBeijingastheircapitalcityandretainingthebasicbureaucratic

machineryoftheirvanquishedMingpredecessorsItwasanapproachthat

contrastsmarkedlywiththatoftheroughlycontemporaneousOttomanrulersof

GreeceandithelpedfosterthesensethatldquoChinardquoasapoliticalandculturalentity

wascharacterizedbyanextraordinarydegreeofcontinuitycertainlyfarhigher

thanthatwhichcharacterizedthevariousearlymodernEuropeanstateswhose

landswereoncehometotheMediterraneancivilizationsofantiquityThissenseof

anldquoeternalrdquoChinalongnotedinEuropeanwritingsonAsiawasalsoverymucha

partofthepremodernandearly-modernJapaneseimaginationInthisconnection

itisillustrativetocontrasttherelationshipthatearly-modernEuropeanpowers

enjoyedwiththefruitsofGreco-RomanculturewithJapanrsquosrelationshiptothe

ChineseculturallegacyWhereastheformerwaslargelycuratorialandrarelyif

evermarkedbychauvinismonthepartofEuropeansthelatterwascomplicated

fromtheoutsetby6thand7th-centuryJapaneserulersrsquodesireforpoliticalparity

withtheSuiandTangcourtsEventheopenhostilitydisplayedtwelvecenturies

laterbyjingoistickokugakupartisansfoundasympatheticdomesticaudiencein

partbecauseQingChinaremainedageopoliticalcompetitortoJapan

FinallythehistoricallegacyofGozanwritersmustbeunderstoodin

referencenotonlytoJapaneseattitudestowardsChinaandtheChineselanguage

201

butalsototheebbingfortunesofinstitutionalBuddhismduringtheTokugawaera

(1600-1868)FormallyspeakingBuddhismwasanldquoestablishedrdquoreligionatleast

insofarastheTokugawashogunatedeterminedtoextirpateChristianityinthe

wakeoftheShimabaraRebellion(1637-38)legislatedtheuseoftemplesascenters

ofcompulsoryreligiousregistrationOntheintellectualfronthoweverthefaith

wasincreasinglyonthedefensiveasNeo-Confucianandkokugakupolemicistsndash

ideologicallyalignedinthisparticularinstancendashattackedbothitstenetsandits

institutionalstructure336Asearlyas1666thedaimyoofOkayamadomainIkeda

Mitsumasaorderedthat598Buddhisttemplesbeabolishedandthatreligious

registrationattemples(tera-uke)bediscontinuedinfavorofregistrationatShinto

shrines(shinshoku-uke)337Similarpolicieswerecarriedoutbyotherdaimyo

sometimesundertheaegisofpromotingShintoandalwayswithaneyetowards

strengtheningdomainalfinancesbyreturningtemplelandstothetaxrollsBythe

endoftheTokugawaperiodactsofviolenceagainsttempleshadoccurredin

multipledomainsandfurtherdespoliationofBuddhistpropertyfollowedinthe

yearsaftertheshogunatersquosdissolution338TheMeijireformersfortheirpartdid

notactuallyseekthewholesaleeradicationofBuddhismndashtheinfamousslogan

haibutsukishaku癈佛毀釋ldquoAbolishtheBuddhaandDestroyShakyamunirdquowasnot

officialpolicyYettheyleftlittledoubtthatBuddhismwasatbesttobeseenasan

unessentialelementintheculturallifeofthenewnationandatworstasan

336SeeMartinCollcuttldquoBuddhismTheThreatofEradicationrdquoinMariusBJansenandGilbertRozmanedsJapaninTransitionFromTokugawatoMeiji(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1986)pp143-167337Ibidp146338Ibidp146

202

unwelcomeadulteranttoShintofromwhichitwastoberigorouslyseparated339

ThiscleavingofBuddhismfromShintoshinbutsubunri神佛分離wasofficialpolicy

anditbroughttoanendalmostamillenniumofinstitutionalreligioussyncretism340

Morethanthisithelpedinstantiateinthereligiousrealmthesamepursuitofpurity

andnationalessencethatsooftenpropelledkokubungakudiscourse

AsaresultoftheseprocessestheGozancorpuswasmultiplyalienatedfrom

themodernunderstandingofJapaneseliteratureitslanguage(oratleastits

orthographyndashmoreonthisbelow)wasChineseitsdominantgenreswereshi

poetryandnon-fictionalexpositoryproseanditseclecticsubjectmatteraimed

mostlyateliteaudienceswasheldtoreflectvaluesthatwerefundamentallyalien

andpossiblyevenanathematotheindigenousJapaneseVolksgeistFully

integratingtheworksofleadingGozanliteratiintotheJapanesecanonwasthus

ideologicallyfraughtinawaythatforexampletheintegrationintotheEnglish

canonofWilliamofOccamrsquostheologicalandscientificwritingswhichareinLatin

wasnotThebroadexclusionofGozanliteratureandotherliterarySiniticwritings

meantthatanimmensevolumeofshipoetryalongwithanimposingbodyof

scholarshipinareassuchasstatutorylawandpoliticalphilosophywasassigneda

moremarginalpositionthanithadinfactoccupiedhistorically341Evenmore

339Ibidpp150-51340Ibidpp151341ThecentralityofkanbuntextstopremodernJapaneseeducationisdetailedextensivelyinHaruoShiraneldquoCurriculumandCompetingCanonsrdquoinShiraneandTomikoYodaedsInventingtheClassics(StanfordStanfordUnivPress2000)pp220-249InsomecaseskanbuntextsconstitutedtheentiretyofacurriculumandoccupiedthebulkofextracurricularreadingTheAshikagagakkōaninfluentialinstitutionofcollegiateeducationforsamuraimaintainedacurriculumcomprised

203

perniciouslybyfosteringtheimpressionthatpremodernandearly-modernJapan

producedhighlyoriginalvernacularpoetsandprosewritersbutnotjuristsand

philosophersthemonolingualcharacterofthekokubungakucanonabetted

essentialistandanti-rationalistclaimsaccordingtowhichJapanunlikeChinaand

theWestwasacultureofaffectiveimmediacynotdiscursivereason

Whilesuchclaimsprovedremarkablydurablecontinuingeventodaytohold

securepurchaseuponthenationalistimaginationitwouldbemisleadingtoimply

thatideologicalfactorsaloneexplaintherelegationofkanshibuntotheperipheryof

theJapanesecanontheydonotNolessgermaneisthesimplefactthatachieving

masteryofliterarySiniticwashardcomparativelyspeakingforJapanesewriters

Evenwithextensiveformaltrainingitisnomeanfeattowriteartfullyinamedium

developedtotranscribealanguagedrasticallydifferentfromthatwhichonespeaks

AndevenifweassumeasiscommoninmuchcurrentscholarshiponJapanese

kanshibunthateducatedwritershadsothoroughlyinternalizedthekundoku訓読

methodsthroughwhichliterarySiniticscriptwasrealizedinJapaneseastomakeits

useldquosecondnaturerdquoitmuststillberememberedthatasaproductivemedium

literarySiniticisnotanalternativeorthographyfortheJapaneselanguageinits

entiretyRatheritisanalternativeorthographyforkundokubun訓読文itselfwhich

isbutoneveryparticularregisterofJapaneseItisofcoursetheoreticallypossible

ofbothBuddhistandsecularChinesetextswiththelatterassuminganincreasinglydominantpositioninthe15thcenturyAsShiraneobserves76percentoftheuniversityrsquosbooktitleswereworksofChineseliteraturephilosophyanddivination16percentwereBuddhisttextsand7percentwereJapanesetextsthatmoreoftenthannotwerewrittenwhollyorpartlyinkanbunegWakanrōeishūAzumakagamiandGoseibaishikimoku

204

thataJapanesewriterrsquosinnermonologuemightbeinsomethingquitecloseto

kundokubuninwhichcasehecouldeasilyputhisthoughtstopaperusingliterary

SiniticwhathecouldnotdowithliterarySinitichoweveristranscribethespoken

languageofanyeraofJapanesehistory342

Therelevanceofthisfacttotheskillofkanshibunwritersortheliterary

valueoftheirworksisdifficulttoassessdisinterestedlyasanysuchassessmentwill

appeartoimplyeithersupportfororresistancetothekokubungakuvalorizationof

vernacularlanguageTraditionallyofcoursethemostcommonassumptionamong

criticshasbeenthatalthoughJapanesekanshipoetsmightpossessestimable

technicalproficiencytheircompositionswillgenerallylacktheartisticpanacheand

ldquoauthenticityrdquoofvernacularJapanesepoemsOnceagaintheproblemwithsucha

conclusionisnotthatitisdemonstrablyfalsebutthatitspremiseonlyinvites

furtherquestionsIfoneprizesspontaneityabovecraftorbelievesthatan

ldquoauthenticrdquopoeticvoicenecessarilyemploysthepoetrsquosspokenlanguagethen

kanshiwillfallshortbydefinitionYetinthecontextofpremodernJapanese

literatureonemaywellaskwhythelineshouldbedrawnatkanshiawakapoetof

thenineteenthcenturymightchoosetocomposeinthelanguageoftheninthwhich

isgrammaticallyneartomodernJapaneseinmanyrespectsbutisnonethelessa

verylongwayfromvernacularSuchcompositionsmoreovermayinvolveasmuch

mentationandcraftasthetypicalkanshiparticularlyforwakapoetswhoarepartial

tothecomplexregimeofwordplaysandrhetoricaldevicesdevelopedoverthe

courseoftheHeianperiod(794-1185)Itisalsoworthrememberingthatdebates342TheseandrelatedpointsaredevelopedmorefullyintheappendedessayldquoKanshibunKundokuandtheJapaneseLanguagerdquo

205

regardingtheartisticmeritofversescomposedspontaneouslyasopposedtothose

carefullyworkedandreworkedoverlongerperiodsoftimehadbeencommonplace

forcenturiesinbothChineseshiandJapanesewakacriticism343Andwhilesome

post-Heianwakapoetsdidaspiretoamoredirectunembellishedstylethefact

remainsthatagreatmanypremodernJapanesepoetsgrantedasecureplaceinthe

kokugakuandkokubungakucanonsweremastersofcraftsticklersforconvention

andeverywherereliantuponanimmensebodyofacquiredtextualknowledge

Henceifunusualartisticqualityorldquoauthenticityrdquoaretheparamountcriteriafor

admissionintothecanonitbecomesdifficulttojustifyconsigningkanshitothe

marginsunlessoneispreparedtodothesametomanymajorwakapoetsofthe

conservativeNijōschoolforexample

Suchanapproachtoclassicalliteraturewouldofcourseresultina

dramaticallysmallerandartisticallyimpoverishedcanonNijōwakaareproperly

canonicalnotbecausetheyappearbrilliantwhenderacinatedfromtheirhistorical

context(theyusuallydonot)butbecausetheywerevaluedhighlybygenerationsof

poetsschooledtoappreciatetheparticularqualitiesoftraditionalcourtlyverse

Thefactthatsuchpoetrygenerallyfailstosatisfymodernaestheticsensibilities

oughtnotbematerialtoitscanonicityespeciallysincethecanonisnotprimarily

envisionedbymodernreadersasprescriptiveandldquowriterlyrdquoinnatureGozan

kanshitooisworthyofstudyandappreciationbecauseitconstitutestheverybestof

343SeeStephenOwenTheEndoftheChineseMiddleAgesEssaysinMid-TangLiteraryCulture(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1996)pp107-129EsperanzaRamirez-ChristensenMurmuredConversationsATreatiseonPoetryandBuddhismbythePoet-MonkShinkei(StanfordStanfordUnivPress2008)pp36-3953-5568-60

206

anesteemedgenrethatwaspracticedcontinuouslyinJapanforovertencenturies

ifitisnotagenrethatanswersadequatelytomodernneedsthecontemporarypoet

mayfreelyabandonitbutforthecritictodothesamewouldbetolettheaesthetic

preferencesofthelasthundredyearsguidethecriticalevaluationofthelast

thousand

Suchconsiderationsnotwithstandingworksofliteraturethatseemingly

transcendtheaestheticandideologicalvaluesthatgovernedtheirproductionare

rightlydeservingofspecialattentionTheseareworksthatlaterreadersmay

approachontheirowntermsandwhichareaestheticallyrewardingevenwhenread

withminimalknowledgeofthesemioticsysteminwhichtheirvarioussymbolsand

motifsoriginallyencodedmeaningInsofarasthepoetryandproseofGozanwriters

rarelysatisfiesthiscriterionthemodernstudentofGozanliteraturemuststillface

thequestionofwhythisimposingcorpusisworthyofintensivestudyOneanswer

wouldreturnusimmediatelytotheissueofcanonformationinthelonguedureacuteeof

JapaneseliteraryhistoryGozanliteratureappearsofminorimportancenotbecause

ofitslowintrinsicqualitybutbecauseitwasexcludedfromearly-modernand

moderncanonsdespitepossessingimpressivethematicbreadthandconceptual

richnessItsometimeshappensinthehistoryofliteraturethattextscanbe

extremelyimportantwithoutbeingparticularlyldquogoodrdquo(earlyMeijiexperimentsin

approximatingthestyleofEuropeanfictionmightbeadducedasonesuchexample)

inthebestGozankanshiwefindtheconverseworksthatwerequitegoodbythe

standardsoftheshigenrendashinthebestcasesevenearningtheesteemofcriticsin

Chinandashbutwhichwerenotenormouslyimportanttothesubsequenttrajectoryof

207

Japaneseletters344EventhishoweverprobablyunderstatesthecaseforGozan

literatureforifitappearstodaytohavebeenlittlemorethanacul-de-sacin

Japaneseliteraryhistoryitbearsemphasizingthatduringthefourteenthand

fifteenthcenturiesleadingGozanliteratiwereinfactveryimportantfigureswho

helpedshapetheelitecultureofthateraandtheirwritingsyieldinsightsinto

medievalJapanesepoeticshermeneuticsandpoliticalthoughtunavailable

anywhereelseTheprincipalsubjectoftheforegoingstudyChūganEngetsu

illustratesthiswithparticularclarityEvenifoneerrsonthesideoftraditional

criticsandremainsskepticaloftheartisticmeritofawrittenmediumsofar

removedfromthespokenvernacularinthematteroforiginalityatleasttherecan

benodoubtthatChūganwasamongthemostoriginalthinkersinallofJapanese

history

SomeGozanwritingsmoreoverdidinfluencedevelopmentsbeyondthe

medievalperiodForinstanceincontradistinctiontoliteratifromhereditary

scholarfamiliesGozanliteratieagerlyembracedSongNeo-Confucianismandwere

thefirsttoproduceannotatedJapaneseeditionsofsuchfoundationalworksasZhu

344HerethereadermightaskwhethertheldquostandardsoftheshigenrerdquowhichhistoricallyspeakingderivedentirelyfromChinesemodelsconstituteanappropriatecriterionforevaluatingJapaneseshiIbelievetheydoandthatmostGozanwriterswouldhavesaidthesame(theidiosyncraticBanriShūku(1428-1502)mightbeoneexception)ItwasnotuntiltheTokugawaperiodthatJapanesekanshipoetsinordertobettertreatthequotidianaspectsofEdosocietybegantowidelyembracerhetoricthatdeviatedmarkedlyfromChinesepoeticnormsOnBanrirsquospoetryseeDavidPollackZenPoemsoftheFiveMountains(AARStudiesinReligionno37NewYorkTheCrossroadPublishingCo1985)p146ForatreatmentofQing-DynastyChineseviewsofldquoJapanizedrdquo(和習)Tokugawa-erakanshiseeGuoYing(HanshiyuhexicongldquoDongyingshixuanrdquodaoRibendeshigezijue(XiamenXiamenDaxuechubanshe2013)pp202-24andpassim

208

XirsquosCommentsontheFourBooksinSectionsandSentences(Sishuzhangjujizhu四書

章句集注)345Gozanscholarshipwouldappearintheworkofphilosophers

FujiwaraSeika(1561-1619)HayashiRazan(1583-1657)andYamazakiAnsai

(1619-82)andisthereforeimmediatelyrelevanttothestudyofNeo-Confucian

thoughtduringtheearlyTokugawaeraFinallyitshouldnotbeforgottenthatfew

Japaneseliterarymovementswhethermodernorpremodernhaverangedsofreely

acrosssovastanepistemeBuddhismConfucianismDaoismandcorrelative

cosmologyformtheintellectualmatrixoftheGozanwriterwhoseprincipalgenres

includedexpositoryessays(ron論)religiouscommentaries(sho疏)sermonsor

disquisitions(setsu説)inscriptions(mei銘)poeticrhapsodies(fu賦)ldquoclassicalrdquo

Chinesepoetry(shi詩)devotionalverses(ge偈)andinthecaseofChūganroyal

memorials(hyō表)Itisacorpusthatgenerouslyrewardscriticalinquirymaking

uniquecontributionstothestudyofintertextualityandphilosophicalsyncretism

withinaspecificallypremoderntransnationalcontext

345Shishokunten四書訓点byGiyōHōshū岐陽方秀(1361-1424)istheseminalworkinthisareabutseveralothernotableGozanscholarslecturedonNeo-Confuciantopicsafactdemonstratedbythemanysurvivingshōmotsu(altshōmono抄物)whichrecordthecontentoftheselecturesSeeYamagishiTokuheiedNihonkotenbungakutaikeivol89ldquoGozanbungakushūEdokanshishūrdquo(TokyoIwanamiShoten1966)pp14-21andAishinImaedaldquoTheZenSectsrdquoinKazuoKasaharaedPaulMcCarthyandGaynorSekimoritransAHistoryofJapaneseReligion(TokyoKosei2002)pp227-54

209

Appendix

Kanshibun Kundoku and the Japanese Language

Theanalysisofkanbun漢文proseandkanshi漢詩poetryleadsquicklyto

conceptualandterminologicaldifficultiessurroundinglanguageandorthography

Sincethe1990sthesedifficultieshavemotivatedseveralnotablechangesinthe

nomenclatureusedbyAnglophonescholarsofEastAsianliteratureswhereitwas

oncecommontoseekanbunrenderedsimplyasldquoChineserdquoandkanshiasldquopoetryin

ChineserdquophraseologiesthatdonotusethewordldquoChineserdquosuchasldquoLiterarySiniticrdquo

ldquoSino-JapaneserdquoldquoSiniticpoetryrdquoandthelikearenowprevalent346Eventheonce

ubiquitoustermldquoChinesecharacterrdquohasbeenreplacedinrecentscholarshipbythe

neologismldquoSinographrdquoandforreasonsthatwillbeaddressedbelowtheJapanese

termskanbunandkanshiarethemselvesoftenavoidedThesechangesreflect

greaterrecognitionoftwofundamentalpointsThefirstisthatthetrans-regional

reachandtrans-culturalimpactofldquoSiniticrdquowritingmakesitusefultodevelopa

nomenclaturethatdoesnotcalltomindaculturalorgeopoliticalconstructas

specificasphraseologiesinvolvingldquoChinardquoorldquoChineserdquomightHeretheskeptical

346ThephraseldquoliterarySiniticrdquoseemstohavebeenpopularizedfirstbyVictorHMairseeldquoBuddhismandtheRiseoftheWrittenVernacularinEastAsiaTheMakingofNationalLanguagesrdquoTheJournalofAsianStudies533(Aug1994)pp707-751ldquoSino-JapaneserdquoisthepreferredtranslationofkanbunforJohnTimothyWixtedseeldquoKanbunHistoriesofJapaneseLiteratureandJapanologistsrdquoinSino-JapaneseStudies102(April1998)pp23-31ldquoSiniticpoetryrdquoisusedbyMatthewFraleighandmanyothercurrentscholarstorenderkanshiseeFraleighPluckingChrysanthemumsNarushimaRyūhokuandSiniticLiteraryTraditionsinModern

Japan(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2016)p20

210

readerwillnodoubtopinethattheshiftismerelycosmeticsincethemodern

EnglishtermChinaalongwiththeJapaneseShinaPersianCīnīSanskritCīnaand

LatinSina(fromwhichisderivedtherootSino-)areallthoughttohavearisenfrom

thesamesourcenamelytheancientstateofQin秦orconceivablythestateofJing

荊347NonethelessitisdifficulttodenythatldquoSinographrdquoandsimilarneologismsdo

notsuggestmodern-daylinguisticorpolitico-culturalreferentssoreadilyTheir

relativeopacityinthisregardmakesthemwellsuitedtoapplicationinmore

specializedacademiccontextswherethemildinconvenienceofnewvocabulary

maybepreferabletotheconnotativebaggageentailedbymorecommonterms

Thesecondfundamentalpointisthatcaremustbetakentoavoidconflating

orthographywithlanguageAsamodeofinscriptionkanbunwassothoroughly

adaptedtotheJapaneselanguageviathedevelopmentofkundoku訓読that

Japanesewritersofkanbunproseandkanshipoetryneedneverhaveconceivedof

themselvesaswritinginalanguagethatwasanythingotherthanldquoJapaneserdquono

matterhowcloselythetextstheyproducedhappenedultimatelytoconformto

orthodoxChineseusageAndtheldquodomesticityrdquoofkanbunemergeswitheven

greaterclarityoutsidetherealmofhighliteratureTocountlesspremodern

governmentofficialsmerchantsandliteratewarriorskanbunbroadlyconceived

347EndymionPWilkinsonChineseHistoryAManual(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2000)p753SeealsoJoshuaAFogelldquoNewThoughtsonanOldControversyShinaasaToponymforChinardquoSino-PlatonicPapers29(Aug2012)SuZhongxiang positedthenameofthestateofJingastheoriginofthetermZhina支那whichwasfirstusedbyIndianmonksandcenturieslatergainedcurrencyinearly-modernJapanSeeldquoLunlsquoZhinarsquoyicideqiyuanyuJingdelishihewenhuardquoamp$13Lishiyanjiu134(April1979)pp34-48citedinFogelp13

211

wassimplythemostnaturalmediumofrecordforawidevarietyofordinary

workadaypurposesWhetherthedocumentstheyproducedusedSinographsin

accordancewiththesemanticandsyntacticnormsoflanguagessuchasOldChinese

(c600BCndash0AD)MiddleChinese(c0ndash800AD)ortheearlyandmiddlestages

ofMandarin(800ndash1600AD)orwhethertheywouldhavebeenintelligibleatallto

adenizenofthecontinentwasentirelyimmaterialtotheirutilityinJapan

Inthisconnectionitisimportanttorememberthatthewordldquokanbunrdquoisa

superordinatetermthatcanbeappliedtoanextremelywidespectrumoftextsIn

modernJapanesenomenclatureoneendofthisspectrumisoccupiedbywhatare

sometimescalledjunkanbun純漢文orldquopurekanbunrdquotextstheseareentirely

logographicandadherecloselytoconventionsofusagetypicalofwhatiscalled

wenyanwen文言文inmodernChinaandldquoliteraryChineserdquoorldquoclassicalChineserdquoin

theWestThisisthekindofwritingthatpredominatesthroughoutsuchworksas

Nihonshoki日本書紀(c720)Honchōmonzui本朝文粋(mid11thc)andmost

Japaneseanthologiesofshi詩poetryTherestofthespectrumisoccupiedbytexts

thatuseChinesecharactersinwaysthatdepartinvaryingdegreesfromthenorms

ofliteraryChineseSuchtextsaresometimesassignedtocategoriessetexplicitly

againstjunkanbunsuchaswashūkanbun和習漢文(ldquoJapanizedkanbunrdquo)orhentai

kanbun変体漢文(ldquodeviantkanbunrdquo)Alternativelythewritingstylemaybe

describedinreferencetoatextualcategoryofwhichitischaracteristiceg

kirokutaikanbun記録体漢文(ldquodocument-stylekanbunrdquo)whichfromapurely

linguisticperspectiveissynonymouswithldquoJapanizedrdquoorldquodeviantrdquokanbunandis

212

simplyanalternativetermonemightencounterinthefieldofJapanesediplomatics

(komonjogaku古文書学)FinallyperhapsbecauseJapanrsquosoldestextant

mythohistoricalworkKojiki古事記(710)haslongreceivedspecialvenerationits

scriptisoftendescribedasldquokanbunthatbendstherulesrdquo(hensokunokanbun変則

の漢文)amorerespectfulphraseologythanldquohentaikanbunrdquo

Worksemployinganytypeofkanbunmayofcoursebeenunciatedorldquoread

outrdquoinliteraryJapaneseviatheapplicationofkundokurulesSignificantlyfor

presentpurposesalthoughkundokuisoftenunderstoodprimarilyasamethodof

translationalreadingitcouldalsoserveasasetofinstructionsmdashaldquoprogramrdquoof

sortsmdashforcomposinginkanbunwithoutanydirectknowledgeoftheChinese

languageassuchMoreinterestingstillisthefactthatthekanbuntextresulting

fromsuchaprocedureneednotbeldquodeviantrdquoorldquoJapanizedrdquoatallToreiteratea

pointraisedearlieraJapaneseauthorwithprofoundexpertiseintheconventionsof

kundokuyetentirelyignorantofanyChinesedialectcouldintheorywriteatextin

kanbunthatisindistinguishablefromliteraryChinesetextswrittenbyChinese

authorsThepowerofkundokuisthustwo-folditenablesessentiallyanyliterary

ChinesetexttobereadasifitwereencodingmeaninginJapanesealbeitinarather

specializedregisterofJapanese(moreonthisbelow)anditenablesanauthor

speakingorthinkinginthatregistertowriteldquoJapaneserdquousingSinographsina

mannerfullyconsistentwithChineselinguisticnorms

ItisforthisreasonthatDavidLuriehascautionedagainstinvokingtheterms

ldquoJapaneserdquoandldquoChineserdquotodistinguishbetweensaythelanguageofKojikiandthat

ofNihonshokibothofwhicharewrittenentirelyinSinographsForwhileitistrue

213

thatthelatteradheresmorecloselytoliteraryChinesenormsandcanberead

smoothlyasChinesebothtextsareequallyrealizablethroughkundokuandthus

equallyreadableasJapanese348EvenaChineseworksuchastheeclecticHuainanzi

淮南子animportantsourceforthecompilersofNihonshokicouldbeapprehended

asaJapanesetextbyareaderhighlyskilledinkundokuyetsomehowunawareof

Huainanzirsquoscontinentalprovenance

Kundokuisindeedanastonishingachievementinlinguistictechnology

utterlywithoutparallelinWesternlanguagesandmoreextensivelydevelopedthan

similarsystemsknowntohaveexistedinKoreaandVietnam349Moreoverin

specificallylinguistic(asopposedtoculturalorldquoliteraryrdquo)termstheexistenceof

kundokuundeniablyunderminesthecommoncomparisonofkanbuninJapanto

LatininEuropeasLuriehasobservedwhileanearlymodernEnglishwritermight

beextremelyproficientinLatintherewasnosystematicsetofstructuralandlexical

equivalencesallowinghimtomentallyprocesswrittenLatinasEnglishYetforthe

purposesofthisstudyandforthestudyofJapanesekanshibunmoregenerallyI

believecautionisinorderwhenoptingfornomenclaturesthatinattemptingto

redressthesimplisticsuppositionsofearlierscholarshipeschewreferenceto

348LurieRealmsofLiteracyEarlyJapanandtheHistoryofWriting(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2011)p180349MethodsanalogoustokundokuareknowntohaveemergedontheKoreanPeninsulasometimepriortotheiremergenceinJapananditislikelythateacutemigreacutescholarsfromPaekcheplayedaninstrumentalroleindevelopingandpopularizingthesemethodsonthearchipelagoJapanesekundokuisuniquenotbecauseitwastheearliestsuchsystembutbecauseithasbeenincontinuousattesteduseforwelloveramillenniumanditscomplexarrayofrulesandconventionsarewelldocumentedEventodayitremainstheprincipalvehiclethroughwhichstudentsinmodernJapanbeginlearningliteraryChinese

214

ldquoChineserdquo(orldquokanbunrdquo)altogetherMypurposeisnottorejectattractiveneologistic

alternativessuchasldquoliterarySiniticrdquowhichhappenstobeanexcellentparaphrase

ofldquojunkanbunrdquoandwhichIusefrequentlythroughoutthisstudyHoweverinthe

remainderofthisessayIwillattempttohighlightsomepotentialshortcomingsof

thenewterminologyandtoarguebrieflyfortheongoingutilityoftheever

capacioussuperordinatetermldquokanbunrdquoinWestern-languageJapanological

scholarshipIwillalsoofferabriefdefensewithinspecificparametersoftheold

practiceofdescribingJapaneseworksofliterarySiniticasldquoChineserdquo

2 Between Style and Language Kundokubun and Literary Sinitic

ldquoPeople[inearlyJapan]oftendidnotreallyknowwhatlanguagetheywerewritinginChineseorJapaneseandweareofteninnobetterpositiontomakeajudgmentonthequestionwhenwestudysomeofthedocumentstheyproducedrdquo

RAMiller1967350

ldquoFromthevantagepointofscriptbothBaiJuyirsquosandMichizanersquospoemscanbecharacterizedasldquoChineserdquobutreadaloudby[MiddleCaptain]TadanobutheyarejustasequallyldquoJapaneserdquo

BrianSteininger2017351

350TheJapaneseLanguage(ChicagoUnivofChicagoPress1967)p131351ChineseLiteraryFormsinHeianJapanPoeticsandPractice(CambridgeHarvardUniversityAsiaCenter2017)p8

215

ThecourtscholarandstatesmanSugawaranoMichizane菅原道真(845-

903)wasamongthefinestshipoetsofHeianJapanThedegreetowhichhiswritten

worksmaybeviewedaslinguisticallyJapaneseoratleastnotasexclusively

Chinesedependsuponthedegreetowhichlogographicscriptcanbeunderstoodto

representtheJapaneselanguageSincekundokuclearlyliesatthecruxofthematter

itwillproveusefultoexpanduponthepointsbroachedaboveandinvestigateits

propertiesmorecloselyTobeginitisimportanttorecognizethatthekundoku

registerisnoticeablydifferentfromthatofvernacularJapaneseproseandpoetryof

anytimeperiodadmittingmanyphraseologiesfoundnowhereelseintheJapanese

language352Thekundokuregisterevenincludessomephraseologiesthatstrictly

speakingareungrammaticalbythestandardsofvernacularJapanese353Whilea

352ItmightbeobjectedthatourcurrentunderstandingoftheprecisekundokurulestaughtindifferenttimeperiodsoratparticulartemplesoracademiesistooincompletetopositsuchawholesaledisjunctionbetweenkundokuandvernacularJapaneseItistruethatthekundokumethodswidelytaughttodaygenerallyrepresentconventionscurrentinthenineteenthcenturyandthatthetechniquesofagreatmanypremodernschoolsofkundokuhavebeenlosttohistorySomesurelyhewednearertovernaculardictionthanothersbutaswillbeshownbelowanytruekundokusystemndashonethatpermitsboththereadingandcompositionoflogographiclocutionsndashwillrunupagainstchallengesthatmakedeparturesfromvernacularJapaneseusageessentiallyinevitableAtbottomthisisbecausevernacularJapanesecannotbefullyencodedlogographicallyatleastsolongastheonlylogographsatyourdisposalareldquoSinographsrdquo353Anexampleistheenunciationofthepossessiveparticlenousedtoglossthecharacter之insentencessuchas仕王之人ldquoapersonwhoservesthekingrdquoThismaybereadviakundokuasldquoŌnitsukaurunohitordquodespitethefactthattheparticlenoisnotusedinvernacularJapanesetosubordinatenounstoverbssuchrelativeclausesareformedbydirectlymodifyingthesubordinatenounwiththeverbinaspecificconjugationcalledtherentaikei連体形HeretheJapaneseverbtsukau(tsukafu)whichisthekundokuglossfor仕isalreadyinitsrentaikeiformtsukauru(tsukafuru)makingnosemanticallysuperfluousandindeedgrammaticallyldquowrongrdquoThoughtheviolationdoesnotcompromiseintelligibilitytheeffectisperhapsakintosayinginEnglishsomethingalongthelinesofldquoapersonwhodoesservesthekingrdquo

216

fullaccountingofthesefeatureswouldnecessitatetoolengthyadigressionclose

examinationofoneexampleshouldhelpclarifyboththepowerandthelimitations

ofkundokuasaninterlingualmediumAsamethodoftranslationalreading

kundokuiseasilyappliedtoalogographiclocutionsuchasthis王為臣之所尊ldquothe

kingisesteemedbyhisministerrdquoWhiledifferentkundokutraditionscanbe

expectedtoproducedifferentrenderingstwobroadapproachesmaybeidentified

namelythatofmetaphraseandthatofparaphraseTheformerseekstopreservea

senseofalterityandtomaintainmaximumlinguisticfidelitytothesourcetext

theseprioritiesleadtoaJapaneserenditionsuchasŌshinnotōtomutokorotonasu

王臣の尊む所と為すThelatterbycontrastmightresultinthesomewhatmore

liberalŌwashinnitōtomaru王は臣に尊まるThissentenceuseseveryday

JapanesegrammarandbetraysnoconnectiontologographicwritingorldquoChineserdquo

savepossiblyforthetermsldquokingrdquoandldquoministerrdquowhichdoappearfrequentlyinthe

ChineseclassicsBothoftheseapproachesareinfacttaughtinmodernkanbun

textbooksasequallyvalidstandardwaysofhandlingtheliteraryChineseldquopassiverdquo

constructionX為Y(之)所VwhichmeansldquoXisV-edbyYrdquo354Yetitisapparent

howdramaticallythetworenditionsdifferThemetaphraseattemptstoaccountfor

asmanylexicalelementsintheoriginalsentenceaspossibleandconsequentlyit

354TechnicallythisstructureshouldprobablynotbelabeledldquopassiverdquoasitsimplymeansldquoXisthatwhichYV-srdquoTheword所constituteswhathistoricallinguistEdwinPulleyblanktermsaldquorelativepronounrdquoitsfunctionistotransformtheverborverbphraseitprecedesintoanounphraseeg買=ldquotobuyrdquo所買=ldquothatwhichonebuysrdquoorldquothatwhichisboughtrdquoForpedagogicalpurposeshoweverthisconstructionisoftenpresentedinbothEnglish-languageandJapanese-languagetextbooksofliteraryChineseasoneofseveralgrammaticalpatternsexpressingthepassivevoice

217

departsfromvernacularJapaneseusageparticularlyinitscharacteristic(though

notungrammatical)useoftokorotorenderthespecialpronoun所355Likea

smudgeonaphotographoramicrophoneboominamoviescenethepresenceof

lexicalelementsredolentofthekundokuregisterisalinguisticpunctumreminding

thereaderthattheotherwiseJapaneselocutionldquotōtomutokorotonasurdquois

stylisticallyconnectedtotheworldofkanbun

BycontrastthesecondreadingconstitutesavernacularJapaneseparaphrase

completewithpostpositionalparticles(wani)notpresentanywhereintheoriginal

alongwithaJapaneseverbconjugationthatexpressesthepassivevoiceChineseof

courseisanuninflectedlanguageandhasnoverbconjugationswhatsoever

Consideredtogetherthesetworenderingsof王為臣之所尊revealthedifficultyin

acceptingtheviewthatkundokucaneverbequiteasldquoinvisiblerdquoassomescholars

haveimpliedeitheronemustoptforametaphrasethatinFriedrich

Schleiermacherrsquosterminologywillgenerateatleastamildsenseofldquoalienationrdquoin

thetargetlanguageoronemustoptforaparaphraseandtherebyldquonaturalizerdquothe

355Like所inEarlyChinesethebasicsenseoftheJapanesewordtokoroisldquoplacerdquoorldquolocationrdquoItadmitsawiderangeofextendedusesincludingdesignatingaldquopointintimerdquooraldquopartrdquoofsomething(egomoshirokarikerutokoro=ldquothepartIfounddelightfulrdquo)BythemedievalperiodusesderivingfromtheliterarySinitic所constructionareseeninworksofJapaneseprosethatseekspecificallytoreplicatetheformalauthoritativeregisterofliterarySiniticHenceinthefirstchapterofHeikemonogatariwehaveminkannoureurutokorooshirazarishikaba=ldquobecause(rulerslikeZhaoGaoofQinandWangMangofHan)wereignorantofthepeoplersquosdistresshelliprdquoTheuseoftokorotomakerelativeclausessuchastsukurutokoronoteraldquothetemplesthatwerebuiltrdquostemsdirectlyfromkundokupracticessomethingveryneartothiswasalmostcertainlyhowtheliterarySiniticphrase所造之寺whichappearsinBook25ofNihonshoki(Taika188)wasenunciatedSuchrelativeclausesarefoundoccasionallyinvernacularproseegkorosutokoronotorildquothebirdsthathekilledrdquo(Tsurezuregusa162)butarefarlesscommonthanalternatives

218

sourcetext356ThefirstapproachmakeskundokuvisiblebyusingJapanesewordsin

distinctiveorunusualwayswhileinthelatterkundokubecomesvisibleduringits

applicationtothesourcetextbecauseoftheinterpolationofwordsorgrammatical

elementsnotpresentthere

Significantlythissameslippageisalsoseenwhenkundokuisused

productivelyasameanstofacilitatelogographicwritingSupposethataJapanese

writerseekstorepresenttheJapanesesentencemukowashūtonihomeraretari

(ldquothegroomwaspraisedbyhisfather-in-lawrdquo)entirelylogographicallywhichisto

sayinldquogoodrdquokanbunthatupholdsliteraryChinesenormsHowmighthedoit

Therearemanyoptionsandthishappenstobequiteaneasysentencetohandle

butanyrepresentationourwriterchooseswillinevitablyendupelidingsome

elementsofJapanesegrammarSinographsareafterallclosedmorphemesthat

cannotbedeclinedorconjugatedorotherwisealteredanditisimpossibleto

modifythemwithothercharacterstoeffectivelyindicateallJapaneseinflectional

endingsEventhesimplestJapanesesentencewilltypicallyinvolvechoicesoftense

andmodalitythatmusteitherbeleftunexpressedinkanbunormustbe

approximatedimperfectlybyadverbialauxiliariesManyofthemostcommon

Japaneseinflectingsuffixessuchaskiritsunurashimeriandnumerousothers

havenoconventionalkanbunequivalentsmeaningthatthevastbulkofJapanese

356OntheldquoinvisibilityrdquoofkundokuseeSemizuYukinoldquoInvisibleTranslationReadingChineseTextsinAncientJapanrdquoinTranslatingOtherspp283-295

219

locutionsthatarenotalreadyinthekundokuregistercannotbefullyencodedin

kanbunatall357

AdditionallytherearealsoawiderangeofJapaneselocutionsthatcanbe

encodedinkanbunbutonlywiththeinclusionoflexicalelementsthatareeither

awkwardornonsensicalinliterarySiniticForinstanceletusimaginealocution

suchasldquoLordTokihirahasnowboardedtheboatrdquoAsentencewiththismeaning

couldconceivablyappearinaJapanesehistoricaldocumentasTokihira-donowa

funeninorashimetamaiowannuandbewritteninkanbunas時平殿令乘給船畢

ManyelementshereareunusualinliterarySiniticandthecharacters令～給which

mayappearinavarietyofpositionsandrendertheJapanesehonorificconstruction

shimetamaumakenosensewhatsoever358Andwecouldgofurtherstillsuppose

357ThisproblemmayofcoursebesolvedifonedepartsfromliterarySiniticandallowsdesemanticizedcharacterstobemixedinaswiththeso-calledsenmyō-gaki宣命書きorldquoproclamationstylerdquoofwritingusedduringtheNaraandearlyHeianperiodsInthisstylethelocutionmukowashūtonihomeraretarimightbewritten婿者舅仁褒良礼多利wherethedesemanticizedcharactersaremadegraphicallysmallerndashacommontechniqueinsenmyō-gakindashandfunctionlikeokuriganainmodernJapaneseIndeedthisapproachdemonstratesthatanessentiallymodernmixofgraphicallydistinctlogographicandphonographicscriptorderedaccordingtoJapanesesyntaxwashituponquiteearly358Inmedievalandearly-moderndocumentssomeattestedexamplesofldquodeviantrdquokanbuncomestrikinglyclosetovernacularChineseeg見了返給mi-owaritekaeshitamauldquo(he)returneditafterlookingitoverrdquoHere給isstillconstruedasthehonorificsuffixtamauYetthesentencecanbereadinmodernMandarinwith給pronouncedasgei(areadingnotusedinclassicalChinese)andinterpretedtomeansomethinglikeldquo(he)lookedatitandgaveitbackrdquoTheexampleistakenfromKarikomeHitoshi苅米一志Nihon-shiomanabutamenokomonjokokirokukundokuhō日本史を学ぶための古文書古記録訓読法(TokyoYoshikawaKōbunkan2016)p73VocabularyitemsdrawnfromvernacularChinesesuchasjinmo甚麼(ldquowhatrdquo)andshashi這些(ldquothistheserdquo)doappearinZenwritingsanditseemspossiblethatcertainidiosyncraticusagesobservedinldquodeviantrdquokanbunwereadaptedfromorinspiredbyvernacularChinese

220

thetextweretosayTokihira-donowaeumajikarikeruonnaomotometamaikemuldquoIt

wouldseemLordTokihirapursuedaladywhowasimpossibletowinrdquoSucha

sentencemayofcoursebetranslatedintokanbunwhetherldquopurerdquoorldquodeviantrdquobut

itcannotbewritteninkanbun

Returningfinallytothesomewhateasierchallengeposedinitiallyour

hypotheticalwritermightverywellchoosetorepresentthesentencemukowashūto

nihomerarekerias婿為舅之所褒whichhappenstosharetheexactsamestructure

astheearlierexample王為臣之所尊forwhichweadvancedtwopossiblekundoku

renderingsNotethelackofanyexplicitmarkerindicatingthepasttenseThisisin

factentirelynormallocutionsinliterarySinitictypicallyrelyuponcontextandthe

readerrsquoscommonsenseforthedeterminationoftensewhichmeansthatanyother

representationourwriterchooseseg婿褒於舅婿被舅褒etcwillbeunableto

provideametaphrasetheJapaneseinflectionalendingkeri359

Thepointoftheforegoingissimplytosaythatifwewishtoavoida

nomenclaturethatoveremphasizesthealterityofkanbunorthatimpliestoofacilea

dichotomybetweenwhatisnativeandwhatisforeignwemustalsorecognizethat

asamediumofinscriptionkanbunbyitselfcanonlyeverrepresentaspecific

registeroftheJapaneselanguageandthattheaccuracyofsucharepresentationwill

oftencomeattheexpenseoffidelitytoliterarySiniticnormsSowhatisthe

359Theverbalprefix被whichmayindicatethepassivevoiceinmodernMandarinbutisgenerallynotusedassuchinorthodoxliterarySiniticbecameacommonplaceindicatoroftheJapanesepassiveconjugation~ruraruinldquoJapanizedrdquokanbunwritingsofthemedievalandearly-modernperiodsSincethisconjugationmayalsobeusedasanhonorific被wasusedinthissenseaswellwiththecommonhonorificverbnasarufrequentlyseenas被成or被為inhistoricaldocuments

221

current-dayscholartodoMyprovisionalansweristwofoldFirstretaintheterm

kanbunanditsrelatives(kanshikanshibun)whilerecognizingthatlike

innumerableothertermstocapturetheattentionofculturalandliterarytheorists

(ldquonationrdquoldquosignrdquoldquotextrdquoetc)thesedenotesomethingmorecomplexthanhas

traditionallybeenappreciatedUsefullykanbunandkanshimaystillbeunderstood

toencodemeaninginJapanesendashbearinginmindthelitanyoflimitationsoutlined

abovendashyetthetermsthemselvesmakenoclaimonwhetheranindividualauthorof

apurelylogographicworkthoughtofhimselfaswritinginJapaneseorinChinese

ThephrasesldquoLiterarySiniticrdquoandldquoSiniticpoetryrdquoareofcourseusefulinthisway

toobuttheyaresuitedexclusivelytologographicworksintelligiblethroughoutthe

Sinosphereandarequiteinapplicabletowritingsinldquodeviantrdquokanbun

AdmittedlytheJapanesetermscomeatapriceThecentraldownsidetoa

termsuchaskanbunisthatitparticipatesinexorablyinthefamousdyadicrelation

ofldquowa-kanrdquo和漢mostfrequentlyandovertlybybeingpairedwiththetermwabun

和文ldquoJapaneseproserdquoInmodernusagethewa-kandyadtendstoimplyan

ontologyinwhichculturalandlinguisticphenomenafromanyeraareyokedtoan

ostensiblytranshistoricalJapanesenationalidentitywaisldquoJapaneserdquoinalltheways

salienttothemodernprojectofunitinglanguagecultureandethnicityunderthe

rubricofnationhood360Itneedhardlybesaidthatsuchaviewencourages

kan(bun)tobeconceivedofassomethingculturallyandlinguisticallynon-Japanese

anarrowandanachronisticconceptionthatisbeliedpartlybytheinterlingual

360AdetailedanalysisoftheseissuesisgiveninJasonWebbldquoBeyondWa-KanNarratingKanshiReceptionandSociolectsofPoetryrdquoinProceedingsfortheAssociationofJapaneseLiteraryStudies5(Summer2004)pp245-259

222

propertiesofkundokuandunderminedcompletelybytheenormouswelterof

historicaldocumentsthatwhilewritteninkanbunareonlyunderstandableas

JapaneselinguisticartifactsStillitisimportantthatadeconstructionofthe

metaphysicsinformingmodernnationhoodnotleadtotheequallymisguidednotion

thatpremodernJapaneseliteratipossessednosenseofldquoJapanrdquoasasingular

geopoliticalentityorofldquoJapaneserdquoasameaningfulculturalandlinguisticcategory

Evidenceofaconsciousnessthatabsentaconvenientadjectivalformoftheword

ldquocountryrdquocanmostreasonablybecalledldquonationalrdquoisidentifiableamong

archipelaganelitesforasfarbackasthetextualrecordextends361Thisinitself

doesnotconstituteareasontoapproveofthetermskanbunandkanshiitisnoted

onlytorejectthepositionthatmereparticipationinmoderndiscoursesconcerning

nationalidentityandnationalliteraturemustfatallycompromisethem

Somescholarshaveavoidedthetermkanbunbecauseitsliteralmeaning

ldquoHan(Chinese)writingrdquoseemstoeffacetheinterlingualcharacteroflogographic

writinginJapanThisisafairpointthoughsomeoftheproposedalternativessuch

361ItisinterestingtonoteinthisconnectionthatthetermldquointernationalrdquoiswidelyusedincurrentscholarshiptodescribeintercoursebetweenpremodernEastAsianpolitiesItsWestphalianringnotwithstandingsuchadescriptionisnotaltogetherinaccurateforanimaginedcommunityinthesenseofBenedictAndersonneednotbeheldtoexistamongageneralpopulaceforsomethingquitesimilartobepresentamongthesmallcadreofindividualsinvolvedindomesticadministrationdiplomacyandoverseastradeWithrespecttolanguageinparticularakeenawarenessofthelinguisticdifferencesbetweenwhatwasspokenonthearchipelagoandwhatcouldbesetdowninorthodoxliterarySiniticispossiblysuggestedbyŌnoYasumarorsquosfamousprefacetoKojikiIbelievethatitisthoughLurieconteststhisinterpretationForhisargumentsseeRealmsofLiteracypp247-50andtheextensivediscussionofYasumarorsquosprefaceinLurieldquoTheOriginsofWritinginEarlyJapanFromthe1sttothe8thCenturyCErdquo(PhDDissertationColumbiaUniversity2001)pp300-10

223

asdescribingproseorpoetryasldquoChinese-stylerdquo362seemtopresenttheirown

problemsHerethephraseldquoChinesestylerdquoisreallynolessvaguethantheldquokanrdquoin

kanbunorkanshiandthehighlyelastictermldquostylerdquobegsadditionalquestionsFor

instancepracticalkanbundocumentsthoughsetexclusivelyinSinographsmayuse

mostlyJapanesevocabularyandshowlittletonoawarenessofChineseliterarystyle

ConverselysomeJapaneseproseworksoftheMeijiperiodwerecomposedina

registerveryneartokundokubuncompletewithvocabularydrawndirectlyfrom

theChineseclassics363ArebothldquoChinesestylerdquoalbeitindifferentwaysOrdoes

onlyone(orperhapsneither)qualifyassuchAgainmypurposeisnottorejectout

ofhandthephraseldquoChinesestylerdquowhichisusefulinasmuchasitclearlyindicates

someconnectiontotheChineseliterarytraditionwithoutplacingtheworkit

describesexclusivelywithinthattraditionThispointleadstothethorniest

questionofallnamelywhetherworksbyJapaneseauthorsthatdocomportwith

literaryChinesenormscaneverbelegitimatelytermedldquoChineserdquo

ThequestionhaspracticalaswellastheoreticalimplicationsInthesummer

of2000theLibraryofCongressadoptedanewclassificationschemeforkanshibun

materialsmovingfromascript-basedSinocentricsystemtoonebasedsquarelyon

362FraleighnotesthatsomescholarshaveusedthephraseldquoChinese-stylepoetryrdquotodenoteshicomposedbynon-ChineseauthorsincontradistinctiontoldquoChinesepoetryrdquowhichisreservedforshicomposedbyChineseauthorsSeePluckingChrysanthemumsp20363ForexampleNiwaJunrsquoichirōrsquosKaryūshunwa花柳春話(1877)aJapanesetranslationofEdwardBulwer-LyttonrsquosErnestMaltraverscleavessocloselytothekundokuregisterthatitslanguageissaidtobeldquokanbunkuzushirdquo漢文崩しastylemeanttoreplicatethekundokurenderingofliterarySiniticForanexaminationofthistextseeIndraLevySirensoftheWesternShoreTheWesternesqueFemmeFataleTranslationandVernacularStyleinModernJapaneseLiterature(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2006)pp29-31

224

nationalprovenancePriortothatdatesuchmaterialshadbeenshelvedaccording

toChinesedynasticchronologyandinterfiledwithworksbyChineseandKorean

authorstoWesternbibliographerstheseworkswereunifiedbythefactthatthey

wereallwritteninclassicalChinese364Thechangebearssignificantlyuponour

earlierdiscussionofterminologyforbyshelvingcollectionsofshipoetryby

JapaneseauthorsalongsidecollectionsofwakafromthesameperiodofJapanese

historythenewarrangementstronglyimpliesthatbothareequallyapartof

ldquoJapaneseliteraturerdquoanditatleastleavesopenthepossibilitythattheformermay

evenbeviewedaslinguisticallyJapaneseThenewapproachseemstomean

improvementovertheoldthoughitdoesunavoidablyreinforcethenationasthe

preeminentframeworkfororganizingliteraryscholarshipsomethingthatmaybe

especiallymisleadingwhendealingwithworksinliterarySiniticIndeeditisquite

conceivablethatprominentGozanliteratisuchasZekkaiChūshin絶海中津(1336-

1405)orRyūzanTokken龍山徳見(1284-1358)mightwellhavepreferredtheir

workstoappearwiththoseoftheircontemporarieswhetherJapaneseChineseor

KoreanwhoalsowroteinliterarySinitic365Allwereheirtoaculturallegacywhose

fountainheadwasChinabutwhosescopewaspan-Asianandallwouldhaveviewed

themselvesasoperatingwithinabroadlyConfucianintellectualepistemethatby

364OnthisseeFraleighPluckingChrysanthemumspp7-8365ZekkaiissometimesregardedasthegreatestshipoetinJapanesehistoryhehadthehonorofexchangingpoemswiththefirstemperoroftheMingDynastywhowascuriousaboutJapanandsummonedZekkaiforanaudiencein1376RyūzanemigratedtoChinain1301whenhewasseventeenandbecamewellestablishedintheChancommunityhedidnotreturntoJapanforalmost50years

225

theTangDynastywasbeingreferencedwithcharacteristicpithandsolemnityas

ldquoThisCulturerdquo(CsiwenJshibunKsimun斯文)

Therelevanceofthistotheproblemathandissimplythatweshouldbeopen

tothepossibilitythatatleastinsomecasestheEnglishphraseldquoinChineserdquomight

comeclosesttoconveyinghowapremodernJapanesewriterofliterarySinitic

actuallyconceivedofhisownenterpriseIndeedeventoadedicatedshipoetofthe

TokugawaperiodwhohadalmostsurelyneverleftJapanandmightneverhave

studiedspokenChinesetheapplicationtoonersquospoetryoftheepithetldquoJapanizedrdquo

washū和習和臭wasascathingindictment366Tobesuretheselfimageof

premodernkanshibunwriterslargelyirrecoverableanyhowprovidesnolinguistic

reasonatalltousethewordldquoChineserdquoinreferencetotheirworksAfteralla

languageinSaussureantermsissimplyasystemofrulesthroughwhichverbal

meaning-makingisaccomplishedandaswehavealreadyseenkundokuisasystem

thatallowsatleastapartialtransmutationofChineseintoJapaneseandviceversa

ThismeansthatalocutionwritteninliterarySiniticmustqualifyasaparoleinboth

languagessimultaneouslyrenderingthetermldquoChineserdquoincompletebyitselfYet

masteryofliterarySiniticasamodeofinscriptionnecessarilyimpliesmasteryofthe

rulesndashsyntacticsemanticandpragmaticndashofthelanguageofliteraryChinese

HereitisimportanttonotethatalthoughliteraryChineseunlikeMiddleChineseor

Mandarinisaconventionalizedwrittenlanguagewithnouniquephonologyitis

rootedinthespokenvernacularofWarringStatesChinaandcertainlyqualifiesasa

366FraleighPluckingChrysanthemumsp8

226

ldquolanguagerdquo367TothisextentaJapaneseauthorcapableofproducingalogographic

textconsistentwiththenormsofliteraryChineseevenifhedoessoentirelyby

renderingkundokubunintokanbunmustnecessarilyknowtheliteraryChinese

languageItisinthissenseofknowingtherulesthatitisdefensibletoclaimthat

themostimportantculturalachievementinearlyJapanwasindeedldquothemasteryof

theChineselanguagerdquo368

367MichaelFullerAnIntroductiontoLiteraryChinese(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter1999)p1368EdwinCranstonldquoAsukaandNaraCultureLiteracyLiteratureandMusicrdquoinTheCambridgeHistoryofJapanvol1(CambridgeUKCambridgeUnivPress1993)p453TheaccuracyofthestatementcouldofcoursebeimprovedbyspecifyingldquoliteraryrdquoChinese

227

BibliographyAkatsukaKiyoshi赤塚忠Zenshakukanbuntaikei全釈漢文大系vol16ldquoSōshirdquo荘子(TokyoShueisha1974)ArbuckleGaryldquoInevitableTreasonDongZhongshursquosTheoryofHistoricalCyclesandEarlyAttemptstoInvalidatetheHanMandaterdquoJournaloftheAmericanOrientalSociety1154(1995)pp585-97AshikagaEnjutsu足利衍述KamakuraMuromachijidainojukyō鎌倉室町時代の儒教(TokyoNihonKotenZenshūKankōkai1932)BattenBruceGatewaytoJapan(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress2006)BerryMaryElizabethTheCultureofCivilWarinKyoto(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1994)BolPeterKldquoThisCultureofOursrdquoIntellectualTransitionsinTrsquoangandSungChina(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1992)BorgenRobertSugawaranoMichizaneandtheEarlyHeianCourt(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress1994)BrittanSimonPoetrySymbolandAllegory(CharlottesvilleUnivofVirginiaPress2003)BurnsSusanBeforetheNationKokugakuandtheImaginingofCommunityinEarlyModernJapan(DurhamDukeUnivPress2003)CaiZong-QildquoRecent-StyleShiPoetryPentasyllabicRegulatedVerserdquoinZong-QiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetry(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2008)pp161-77CailloisRogerMeyerBarashtransManPlayandGames(UrbanaUnivofIllinoisPress2001)ChangKang-iSunTheEvolutionofChineseTrsquozuPoetryFromLateTrsquoangtoNorthernSung(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1980)ChenShuifeng陳水逢Ribenwenmingkaihuashiluumle日本文明開化史略(TaipeiTaiwanshangwuyinshuguan1993)

228

ChenZhuhui陳竺慧ldquoNomuraKōennolsquogashirsquotoShindainoshidansonoeibutsushiotegakarinirdquo野村篁園の「雅詞」と清代の詞壇その詠物詞を手がかりにWasedaDaigakudaigakuinbungakukenkyūkakiyō62(Mar2017)pp203-215CollcuttMartinldquoBuddhismTheThreatofEradicationrdquoinMariusBJansenandGilbertRozmanedsJapaninTransitionFromTokugawatoMeiji(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1986)pp143-167mdashmdashmdashFiveMountainsTheRinzaiZenMonasticInstitutioninMedievalJapan(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1981)CranstonEdwinldquoAsukaandNaraCultureLiteracyLiteratureandMusicrdquoinTheCambridgeHistoryofJapanvol1(CambridgeUKCambridgeUnivPress1993)CsikszentmihalyiMarkReadingsinHanChineseThought(IndianapolisHackett2006)mdashmdashmdashandPhillipJIvanhoeedsReligiousandPhilosophicalAspectsoftheLaozi(NewYorkSUNYSeriesinChinesePhilosophyandCulture1999)deBaryWmTheodoreedSourcesofJapaneseTradition(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1958)DumoulinHeinrichZenBuddhismAHistoryvol2(BloomingtonWorldWisdom1994)EganRonaldCldquoTheProblemoftheReputeofTzrsquouDuringtheNorthernSungrdquoinYuedVoicesoftheSongLyricpp191-225mdashmdashmdashldquoShiPoetryAncientandRecentStylesrdquoinCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetrypp308-25FelburRafalldquoEssaysofSengzhaordquoinThreeShortTreatisesbyVasubandhuSengzhaoandZongmi(MoragaBDKAmerica2017)pp47-135FraleighMatthewPluckingChrysanthemumsNarushimaRyūhokuandSiniticLiteraryTraditionsinModernJapan(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2016)FullerMichaelAnIntroductiontoLiteraryChinese(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter1999)GobleAndrewEdmundKenmuGo-DaigorsquosRevolution(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1996)

229

mdashmdashmdashldquoSocialChangeKnowledgeandHistoryHanazonorsquosAdmonitionstotheCrownPrincerdquoHarvardJournalofAsiaticStudies551(1995)pp61-128GregoryPeterNAnInquiryintotheOriginofHumanityAnAnnotatedTranslationofTsung-mirsquosYuumlanjenlunwithaModernCommentary(KurodaInstituteClassicsinEastAsianBuddhismHonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress1995)GuoYing(HanshiyuhexicongldquoDongyingshixuanrdquodaoRibendeshigezijue(XiamenXiamenDaxuechubanshe2013)HagaKōshirō芳賀幸四郎ldquoZenbungakutoGozanbungakurdquo禅文学と五山文学inYamagishiTokuheiedsNihonkanbungakushironkō日本漢文学史論考(TokyoIwanamiShoten1974)HagiwaraTatsuoldquoShintōtheWayoftheKamirdquoinKasaharaKazuoedAHistoryofJapaneseReligion(TokyoKōsei2001)pp299-314HechtMicahSpencerldquoConventionsofUnconventionalityTheRhetoricofReclusioninKitayamaJapaneseFiveMountainsLiteraturerdquo(PhDDissertationUnivofHawairsquoi2005)HurstIIIGCameronldquoTheKōbuPolityCourt-BakufuRelationsinKamakuraJapanrdquoinJefferyPMassedCourtandBakufuinJapanEssaysinKamakuraHistory(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1982)pp3-28ImaedaAishinldquoTheZenSectsrdquoinKazuoKasaharaedPaulMcCarthyandGaynorSekimoritransAHistoryofJapaneseReligion(TokyoKosei2002)pp227-54InoueMasamichiHonpōchūseimadeniokeruMōshijuyōshinokenkyū本邦中世までにおける孟子受容史の研究(TokyoKazamaShobō1972)IriyaYoshitaka入矢義高etaledsNihonshisōtaikei日本思想大系vol16ldquoChūseiZenkenoshisōrdquo中世禅家の思想(TokyoIwanamiShoten1972)mdashmdashmdashedGozanbungakushū五山文学集(1990)KagekiHideo蔭木英雄Gozanshishinokenkyū五山詩史の研究(TokyoKasamaShoin1977)KamensEdwardldquoTerrainsofTextinMid-HeianCourtCulturerdquoinMikaelAdolphsonetaledsHeianJapanCentersandPeripheries(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress2007)pp129-52

230

KamimuraKankō上村觀光Gozanbungakuzenshū五山文學全集vol2(TokyoGozanBungakuZenshūKankōkai1936)mdashmdashmdashGozanbungakushōshi五山文學小史(TokyoShōkabō1906)KandaKiichirō神田喜一郎NihonniokeruChūgokubungaku日本における中国文学vol1(TokyoNigensha1965)KarataniKōjinKanoAyakoandJosephMurphytransldquoOnthePowertoConstructrdquoinKarataniKōjinOriginsofModernJapaneseLiterature(DurhamDukeUnivPress1993)pp136-72KarikomeHitoshi苅米一志Nihon-shiomanabutamenokomonjokokirokukundokuhō日本史を学ぶための古文書古記録訓読法(TokyoYoshikawaKōbunkan2016)KasamatsuHitoshietaledsNihonshisōtaikei日本思想大系vol22ldquoChūseiseijishakaishisōrdquo中世政治社会思想pt2(TokyoIwanamiShoten1981)KawaguchiHisao川口久雄Heianchōnokanbungaku平安朝の漢文学(TokyoYoshikawaKōbunkan1981)KitamuraSawakichi北村澤吉Gozanbungakushikō五山文学史稿(TokyoFūzanbō1941)KondōHaruo近藤春雄Haku-shimonjūtokokubungakushingafushinchūginnokenkyū白氏文集と国文学新楽府秦中吟の研究(TokyoMeijishoin1990)KurozumiMakotoDavidLurietransldquoKangakuWritingandInstitutionalAuthorityrdquoinHaruoShiraneedInventingtheClassicsModernityNationalIdentityandJapaneseLiterature(StanfordStanfordUnivPress2000)pp201-19LaFleurWilliamRTheKarmaofWords(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1983)LevyIndraSirensoftheWesternShoreTheWesternesqueFemmeFataleTranslationandVernacularStyleinModernJapaneseLiterature(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2006)LianXindaldquoLongSongLyrics(Manci)rdquoinZong-qiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetry(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2008)pp262-85LiaoMeiyun廖美雲Yuan-Baixinyuefuyanjiu元白新樂府研究(TaipeiTaiwanxueshengshuju1989)

231

LiebenthalWalterChaoLunTheTreatisesofSeng-chao(HongKongHongKongUnivPress1968)LinShuen-fuldquoTheFormationofaDistinctGenericIdentityforTzrsquourdquoinPaulineYuedVoicesoftheSongLyricinChina(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1994)pp3-29LiuPeipei劉佩佩ldquolsquoShuihuzhuanrsquolimayanjiujiqizaiHuayuwenjiaoxuezhongdeyiyirdquo《水滸傳》詈罵語研究及其在華語文教學中的意義(MAThesisNationalChengchiUniversity2011)LoeweMichaelDongZhongshuAlsquoConfucianrsquoHeritageandtheChunqiuFanlu(BostonBrill2011)mdashmdashmdashDivinationMythologyandMonarchyinHanChina(NewYorkCambridgeUnivPress1994)mdashmdashmdashldquoImperialSovereigntyDongZhongshursquosContributionandHisPredecessorsrdquoinSRSchramedFoundationsandLimitsofStatePowerinChina(LondonSchoolofOrientalandAfricanStudiesUnivofLondon1987)pp33-57LurieDavidBarnettldquoTheOriginsofWritinginEarlyJapanFromthe1sttothe8thCenturyCErdquo(PhDDissertationColumbiaUniversity2001)mdashmdashmdashRealmsofLiteracyEarlyJapanandtheHistoryofWriting(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2011)MairVictorHldquoBuddhismandtheRiseoftheWrittenVernacularinEastAsiaTheMakingofNationalLanguagesrdquoTheJournalofAsianStudies533(Aug1994)pp707-51mdashmdashmdashWanderingontheWayEarlyTaoistTalesandParablesofChuangTzu(NewYorkBantamBooks1994)MajorJohnSetaledsTheHuainanziAGuidetotheTheoryandPracticeofGovernmentinEarlyHanChina(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2010)MaruyamaMasaoMikisoHanetransStudiesintheIntellectualHistoryofTokugawaJapan(TokyoTheUnivofTokyoPress1974)MatsuiToshihiko松井利彦ldquoMasaokaShikishūrdquo正岡子規集inItōSei伊藤整edNihonkindaibungakutaikei日本近代文学大系vol16(TokyoKadokawaShoten1972)

232

MatsuoHatsuko松尾肇子ldquoGozanZenrinniokerushinojuyōrdquo五山禅林における詞の受容Fengxu風絮13(Dec2016)pp60-82McCulloughHelenCraigBrocadebyNightKokinWakashūandtheCourtStyleinJapaneseClassicalPoetry(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1985)McGannJeromeTheTextualCondition(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1991)McRaeJohnRTheNorthernSchoolandtheFormationofEarlyChrsquoanBuddhism(KurodaInstituteStudiesinEastAsianBuddhismno3HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress1986)MurphyReganEldquoEsotericBuddhistTheoriesofLanguageinearlyKokugakuTheSōshakuoftheManrsquoyōdaishokirdquoJapaneseJournalofReligiousStudies361(2009)pp65-91NakajimaChiaki中島千秋Shinshakukanbuntaikei新釈漢文大系vol80ldquoMonzenfuhenrdquo文選賦篇pt2(TokyoMeijiShoin1977)NienhauserJrWilliamHetaledsTheGrandScribersquosRecordsvol1(BloomingtonIndianaUnivPress1994)NogawaHiroyuki野川博之ldquoGozanni-ryūgakusōnotenshiseisakuRyūzanChūgannoMokurengerdquo五山二留學僧の塡詞製作 龍山中巖の木蘭花Chūgokubungakukenkyū中国文学研究25(1999)pp96-109mdashmdashmdashldquoChūganEngetsunoSōshishōkai中巖圓月の宋詞紹介Chūgokubungakukenkyū中国文学研究26(1999)pp71-84OwenStephenTheEndoftheChineseMiddleAgesEssaysinMid-TangLiteraryCulture(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1996)mdashmdashmdashTraditionalChinesePoetryandPoetics(TaipeiSouthernMaterialsCenter1985)mdashmdashmdashReadingsinChineseLiteraryThought(CambridgeHarvard-YenchingInstitute1992)mdashmdashmdashThePoetryofMengChiaoandHanYu(NewHavenYaleUnivPress1975)PlaksAndrewArchetypeandAllegoryintheDreamoftheRedChamber(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1976)PollackDavidZenPoemsoftheFiveMountains(AARStudiesinReligionno37NewYorkTheCrossroadPublishingCo1985)

233

PulleyblankEdwinGLexiconofReconstructedPronunciationinEarlyMiddleChineseLateMiddleChineseandEarlyMandarin(VancouverUnivofBritishColumbiaPress1991)Ramirez-ChristensenEsperanzaMurmuredConversationsATreatiseonPoetryandBuddhismbythePoet-MonkShinkei(StanfordStanfordUnivPress2008)RenBantang任半塘Tangshengshi唐聲詩(ShanghaiXinhuaShudian1982)SameiMajiaBellldquoCiPoetryShortSongLyrics(Xiaoling)rdquoinZong-qiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetrypp245-48SchirokauerConradABriefHistoryofChineseandJapaneseCivilizations(SanDiegoHarcourtBraceJovanovich1989)SchoferJonathanWldquoVirtuesinXunzirsquosThoughtrdquoinTCKlineandPhilipJIvanhoeedsVirtueNatureandMoralAgencyintheXunzi(IndianapolisHackett2000)pp69-88SemizuYukinoldquoInvisibleTranslationReadingChineseTextsinAncientJapanrdquoinTheoHermansTranslatingOthers(ManchesterStJeromePublishing2006)SharfRobertHComingtoTermswithChineseBuddhismAReadingoftheTreasureStoreTreatise(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress2002)ShihVincentYu-chungTheLiteraryMindandtheCarvingofDragonsAStudyofThoughtandPatterninChineseLiterature(HongKongTheChineseUniversityPress1983)ShimizuShigeru清水茂etaledsShinNihonkotenbungakutaikei新日本古典文学大系vol65ldquoNihonshishiGozandōshiwardquo日本詩史五山堂史話(TokyoIwanamiShoten1991)ShiraneHaruoldquoCurriculumandCompetingCanonsrdquoinShiraneandTomikoYodaedsInventingtheClassics(StanfordStanfordUnivPress2000)pp220-249SlingerlandEdwardAnalects(IndianapolisHackett2003)SmithRichardJFathomingtheCosmosandOrderingtheWorldTheYijing(I-ChingorClassicofChanges)andItsEvolutioninChina(CharlottesvilleUnivofVirginiaPress2008)SteinengerBrianChineseLiteraryFormsinHeianJapanPoeticsandPractice(CambridgeHarvardUniversityAsiaCenter2017)

234

SuZhongxiangldquoLunlsquoZhinarsquoyicideqiyuanyuJingdelishihewenhuardquoamp$13Lishiyanjiu134(April1979)pp34-48SunRongcheng孫容成ldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquo中巌円月の思想と文学(PhDDissBeijingForeignStudiesUniversity2012)TamakakeHiroyuki玉懸博之Nihonchūseishisōshikenkyū日本中世思想史研究(TokyoPerikansha1998)TamamuraTakeji玉村竹二Gozanbungakushinshū五山文學新集vol4(TokyoTōkyōDaigakuShuppankai1969)TillmanHoytClevelandUtilitarianConfucianismChrsquoenLiangrsquosChallengetoChuHsi(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1982)TzvetanTodorovIntroductiontoPoetics(MinneapolisUnivofMinnesotaPress1997)UenoTakeshi上野武ldquoWajinnokigentoGonoTaihakudensetsurdquo倭人の起源と呉の太伯伝説inKishiToshio岸俊男MoriKōichi森浩一andŌbayashiTaryō大林太良edsNihonnokodai日本の古代vol1ldquoWajintōjōrdquo倭人登場(TokyoChūōKōron1985)UryMarianldquoGenkōShakushoJapanrsquosFirstComprehensiveHistoryofBuddhismAPartialTranslationwithIntroductionandNotesrdquo(PhDdissUniversityofCaliforniaBerkeley1970)VanNordenBryanWMengziWithSelectionsfromTraditionalCommentaries(IndianapolisHackett2008)WangShumin王叔岷Zhuangzijiaoquan莊子校詮vol1(TaibeiZhongyangYanjiuyuanLishiYuyanYanjiusuo1988)WangZhongyao王仲堯ZhongguoFojiaoyuZhouyi中國佛教與周易(TaipeiDazhan2003)WatsonBurtonJapaneseLiteratureinChinesevol1(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1976)WebbJasonPldquoBeyondWa-KanNarratingKanshiReceptionandSociolectsofPoetryrdquoinProceedingsfortheAssociationofJapaneseLiteraryStudies5(Summer2004)pp245-59

235

WechslerHowardJldquoTheConfucianTeacherWangTrsquoung(584-617)OneThousandYearsofControversyrdquoTrsquooungPaoLXIII(1977)pp225-272WeiShaosheng衛紹生Liuyanshitiyanjiu (BeijingSocialSciencesAcademicPress2010)WilkinsonEndymionPChineseHistoryAManual(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2000)WixtedJohnTimothyldquoKanbunHistoriesofJapaneseLiteratureandJapanologistsrdquoinSino-JapaneseStudies102(April1998)pp23-31WongKwok-yiuldquoBetweenPoliticsandMetaphysicsOntheChangingReceptionofWangTrsquoungintheTrsquoang-SungIntellectualTransitionsrdquoMonumentaSericavol55(2007)pp61-97HagaYaichi芳賀矢一andTachibanaSensaburō立花銑三郎edsKokubungakutokuhon國文學讀本inHagaYaichisenshūhenshūiinkaiedHagaYaichisenshū芳賀矢一選集vol2(TokyoKokugakuinDaigaku1983) YajimaGenryō矢島玄亮Nihonkokukenzaishomokurokushūshōtokenkyū日本国見在書目録 集証と研究(TokyoKyūkoShoin1984)YamagishiTokuhei山岸徳平edNKBTv89ldquoGozanbungakushūEdokanshishūrdquo五山文学集江戸漢詩集(TokyoIwanamiShoten1966)YoshikawaKōjirō吉川幸次郎HōchōfushiRongozakkiAraiHakusekiitsuji鳳鳥不至論語雑記新井白石逸事(TokyoShinchosha1971)YuPaulineRldquoMetaphorandChinesePoetryrdquoChineseLiteratureEssaysArticlesReviews(CLEAR)32(Jul1981)pp205-224mdashmdashmdashldquoAllegoryAllegoresisandtheClassicofPoetryrdquoHarvardJournalofAsiaticStudies432(Dec1983)pp377-412YueTianlei岳天雷ldquoZhuXilunlsquoquanrsquordquo朱熹論「權」Zhongguowenhuayanjiusuoxuebao中國文化研究所學報No56(Jan2013)pp169-85ZhangPei張沛Zhongshuojiaozhu中説校注(BeijingZhonghuaShuju2013)

i

TableofContents

BiographicalIntroduction 11 PoliticalSuasioninaTimeofCrisisTheMemorialsofChūgan

EngetsuandYoshidaSadafusa 122 FiguringMoralKingshipConstantNormsandExpedient

PoliciesinChūganrsquosChūseishi 623 AnEssayontheKunandthePeng 鯤鵬論Hermeneutics

CosmologyandtheFiguralReadingofFictionalCharacters 904 PoemsofRemembrancePoemsofSocialEngagement 1305 NewDirectionsinFormCiPoetryandHexasyllabicShi 1706 GozanLiteratureinRetrospectKanshibunandtheLegacy

ofKokugaku 194AppendixKanshibunKundokuandtheJapaneseLanguage 209Bibliography 227

1

Biographical Introduction

ChūganEngetsu中巌円月(1300-75)wasaJapanesemonkoftheRinzai臨済

sectofZenBuddhismHeemergedasanearlyleaderintheliteraryandintellectual

movementknowntodayasGozanbungaku五山文学ldquoFiveMountainsLiteraturerdquo

aftertheso-calledldquoFiveMountainsandTenTemplesrdquo五山十刹systemofranking

andorganizingZenmonasticestablishmentsBornintheeasterncityofKamakura

totheTsuchiya土屋familyanoffshootoftheonce-powerfulTaira平hischildhood

appearstohavebeenadifficultonemarkedbyillnessandfamilialupheavalHis

briefautobiographicalchronicle(jirekifu自歴譜)recordsthatasaninfanthewas

takenbyawetnursetoMusashiProvinceafterhisfatherwassentintoexilefor

unspecifiedreasons1Attheageofeighthewasentrustedbyhisgrandmotherto

thetempleJufukuji寿福寺inKamakurawherehebeganhistraininginthe

priesthoodasachildacolyte(僧童)Thetextdoesnotspecifywhatthisearliest

periodofinstructionwaslikebutthreeyearslaterheevidentlybegantoreceivea

formalseculareducationunderthesupervisionofapriestnamedDōkei道恵The

curriculumincludedTheClassicofFilialPiety(孝経)andAnalects(論語)both

standardworksinEastAsianeducationandalsoTheNineChaptersonthe

MathematicalArt(Jiuzhangsuanshu九章算術)aworkwhoseinfluenceonEast

1ChuganrsquosautobiographicalchroniclemaybefoundinTamamuraTakeji玉村竹二Gozanbungakushinshū五山文學新集(TokyoTōkyōDaigakuShuppankai1969)vol4pp611-32

2

AsianmathematicswascomparabletothatofEuclidrsquosElementsintheWest2Atthe

ageof13hetookthetonsureandmovedtotheSanbōin三寶院inKyotowherehe

studiedesotericBuddhism(mikkyō密教)whichincludedmeditationontheMatrix-

storeandDiamondRealmMandalas(Taizōkaimandara胎蔵界曼荼羅Kongōkai

mandara金剛界曼荼羅)3

ShortlythereafterheshiftedhisinteresttoZenwhichhadestablisheditself

asadistinctsectoverthecourseofthepreviouscenturyTiesbetweentheJapanese

andChineseZenestablishmentswerestrongandin1318Chūganlikemany

promisingmonksbeforeandafterattemptedtotraveltoChinaAtthetimehewas

residingatEngakuji円覚寺amajorZentempleinKamakurafoundedbythe

expatriatemonkWuxueZuyuan無學祖元(JMugakuSogen)in12824Chūgan

madethelengthyjourneyfromKamakuratothesouthernportcityofHakataand

althoughheapparentlyfoundashipthatwasheadingforhispreferreddestination

ofJiangnanforreasonsunspecifiedhewasrefusedpassagebytheshiprsquoscaptain5

Thedelaywouldprovefortuitoushoweverasitwouldlateraffordhimthe

2TheJiuzhangsuanshu(Jkyūshōsanjutsu)islistedintheNihonkenzaishomokuroku日本見在書目録abibliographicsourcefromtheearlyHeianperiodHistorianofmathematicsFujiwaraMatsusaburo(1881-1946)onceobservedthatChūganrsquosreferencestotheJiuzhangsuanshuoffertheonlydirectevidencethattheworkwasstillstudiedinJapanduringthemedievaleraThepaucityofsuchreferencesnotwithstandingifamathematicallyinclinedyouthatatempleinKamakurahadaccesstotheworkandateachertoteachittohimthenitseemslikelythatboththetextitselfandmathematicseducationmoregenerallywerereasonablyprevalentinmajorBuddhistmonasticcenters3Jirekifu(hereafterJRF)Shōwa1(1312)Shōwa2(1313)4WuxuehadbeenanadvisortothemostpowerfulmilitaryleaderinJapanHōjōTokimune北条時宗(1251-84)duringtheMongolinvasionsof1274and1281andhisinfluenceupontheearlyGozansystemwassubstantial5JRFp614Bunpo2(1318)Gozanbungakushinshūvol4p614

3

opportunitytoassociatecloselywithKokanShiren虎関師錬(1278-1345)whowas

inseclusioninKyotocompletingGenkōshakusho元亨釈書(1322)anexhaustive

historyofBuddhisminJapan6ChūganwasamongtheonlyvisitorsKokanaccepted

andtheirmeetingsaregenerallythoughttohavebeenamajorinfluenceonthe

youngChūganrsquosintellectualdevelopment7

ChūganwasfinallyabletotraveltoChinain1324sixyearsafterhisfirst

attemptHevisitedseveralimportantChantemplesandwastheonlyJapanese

monktoreceivethesealofenlightenment(CyinkeJinka印可)fromDongyang

Dehui東陽徳輝(flearly14thc)aLinjimasterinthelineofDahuiZonggao大慧宗

杲(1089-1163)8DongyangappointedChūgantothepostofsecretary(記室)atthe

templeDazhishouShengchansi大智寿聖禅寺anunusualachievementforaforeign

monk9AfternearlyeightyearsabroadChūganreturnedtoJapanduringthe

summerof1332residingtemporarilyatKenkōji顯孝寺inHakatabefore

accompanyinghispatronŌtomoSadamune大友貞宗(d1334)toKyotothe

followingyearOpinionatedandheadstrongbyhisownaccounthewasintensely

activepoliticallysubmittingtwoessaysandamemorialtoEmperorGo-Daigoin

1333Go-Daigohadformedacoalitionofwarriorleadersandrebelledagainstthe

6MarianUryldquoGenkōShakushoJapanrsquosFirstComprehensiveHistoryofBuddhismAPartialTranslationwithIntroductionandNotesrdquo(PhDdissUniversityofCaliforniaBerkeley1970)7InoguchiAtsushi猪口篤志ldquoNihonkanshirdquo日本漢詩inShinshakukanbuntaikei新釈漢文大系(TokyoMeijiShoin1972)vol45p84UryPoemsoftheFiveMountains(1977)p638SeeHeinrichDumoulinZenBuddhismAHistory(BloomingtonWorldWisdom1994)vol2p182n889IriyaYoshitaka入矢義高edGozanbungakushū五山文学集(1990)p235

4

KamakurashogunateandChūganwasdeeplyconcernedaboutboththeimmediate

directionofGo-Daigorsquosrevolutionandthelong-termprospectsforanincreasingly

militarizedJapan

In1334ChūganreturnedtoKamakurafollowingthesuddendeathof

SadamunewhohadbeenanallyofGo-Daigoandwasinstrumentalinfacilitating

ChūganrsquosaccesstothethroneTheŌtomofamilywouldcontinuetoprovide

financialbackingtoChūganevenashisviewsontherevolutionsouredIn1339

threeyearsafterGo-DaigorsquosnascentregimecollapsedSadamunersquosheirUjiyasu氏泰

backedconstructionofthetempleKichijōji吉祥寺locatedonafamilydemesnein

theprovinceofKōzuke上野andaskedChūgantoassumeitsheadshipThough

Chūganrsquosinvolvementinpoliticsseemstohavediminishedinthe1340she

regainedaccesstothehighestechelonsofsocietywhenKichijōjiwasnamedan

ImperiallyVowedTemple(goganji御願寺)in1352Forthenexttwodecadeshe

traveledalmostconstantlymovingnearlyeveryyearbetweenKyushuKyoto

KōzukeProvinceandthecityofKamakuraThesejourneyswerelengthyandnot

alwayswelcomebuthehadbecomebythistimeanldquoeminentmonkrdquo(kōsō高僧)

andwasextendednumerousinvitationstoresideatthemostinfluentialtemplesof

thedayincludingManjuji萬壽寺inBungoProvinceManjujiinKyotoTōjiji等持寺

Kenninji建仁寺andKamakurarsquosKenchōji建長寺thehighestrankedtempleinthe

KamakuraGozan

Throughouthislifeandevenduringtimeswhenhisprofessionalfortunes

werelookingdownChūganremainedaprominentpoetandintellectualIn1341

5

hefamouslyearnedtheireofculturalnativistsbywritingAHistoryofJapan(Nihon

sho日本書)sadlynolongerextantinwhichheclaimedthattheJapaneseimperial

familywasdescendednotfromgodsbutfromimmigrantcontinentalnobility

UndoubtedlyhissinglegreatestworkisthephilosophicaltreatiseChūseishi中正子

(1334)whichisamongthemostimportantJapaneseintellectualworksofpre-

TokugawatimesItiscomprisedoftenchaptersthateachaddressdistincttopics

includingConfucianethicseffectivegovernanceandthelegitimateuseofmilitary

forceanumerologicalexpositionofthelunarandsolarcalendarsthebirthand

deathoflivingbeingsandtheThreeLearningsofZen(sangaku三学)iethe

precepts(kai戒)meditation(jō定)andthewisdomgleanedfromstudying

Buddhistteachings(e慧)Thechapterongovernanceandtheuseofforceis

translatedinChapterTwoofthepresentstudy

WhileothernotablefiguresintheGozanmilieuinparticularGidōShūshin義

堂周信(1325-88)andZekkaiChūshin絶海中津(1334-1405)eclipseChūganin

fametodaysuchwasnotalwaysthecaseForinstancethenotedNeo-Confucian

scholarFujiwaraSeika藤原惺窩(1561-1619)declaredthatwhenitcametosheer

breadthoflearning(gakushiki学識)ChūganrankedfirstamongallGozanliterati10

Thisassessmentisnotoutofstepwiththelaudatoryviewsexpressedbysomeof

ChūganrsquoscontemporariesincludingtheLinji(Rinzai)masterZhuxianFanxian竺仙

10SeeInoguchip48

6

梵僊(1292-1348)aredoubtablescholarofNeo-Confucianisminhisownright11

ZhuxianwhohadcometoJapanatthebehestofŌtomoSadamunejudgedChūgan

tobelearnedinboththeinnerandouterclassics(ieBuddhistandnon-Buddhist

texts)andnotedthathisexpertiseextendedtotheldquomanymastersandhundred

schoolsrdquo(zhuzibaijia諸子百家)ofearlyChinesethoughtastronomygeography

andyin-yangtheory12AndwhileitisprobablytruethatChūganwasknownbyhis

contemporariesmoreforhisexpositorywritingthanforhispoetrythecreativity

andiconoclasmcharacterizinghisphilosophicaloeuvrearepresentinequal

measureinhisverseHetreatedsubjectssuchasillnessdeathandpovertywith

strikingcandorandspecificity(seeChapterFour)andheisoneofonlytwo

medievalJapanesepoetsknowntohavecomposedci詞avernacularformthatwas

practicedavidlyinSongandYuanChinabutwhichisalmostentirelyabsentfrom

thetraditionofSiniticpoetryinJapan(seeChapterFive)

ThepoeticvoicethatemergesfromChūganrsquosnon-occasionaldeclarative

versesisaconflictedoneattimessupremelyconfidentandmorallyrighteousandat

timesbesiegedbypessimismandselfdoubtChūganwastheonlyearlyGozan

figuretoopineatlengthaboutmoralandpoliticalproblemsanditishispoemson

thesetopicsthatmostdistinguishhimfromhiscontemporariesMuchofhisself

imageseemstohavebeenshapedbythebeliefthathealonefullyunderstoodthe

predicamentfacingJapaninthewakeofthefailedKenmuRestorationChūganrsquos

11SeeAshikagaEnjutsu足利衍述KamakuraMuromachijidainojukyō鎌倉室町時代の儒教(TokyoNihonKotenZenshūKankōkai1932)pp211and25512如中巌者学通内外乃至諸子百家天文地理陰陽之説Ashikagap255

7

poetryofsocialengagementwillbeexaminedinChapterFourbutanappreciation

ofhissensibilitiesmaybequicklygleanedfrompoemssuchasthis

藤陰雜興

UndertheShadeofWisteriaVariousInspirationsNo10邪靡堆國三千歳 InthecountryofYamataithreethousandyearsold帝册姫宗百代傳 Theimperialcharterhasbeentransmittedforahundred

generationsthroughthescionofJi海畔紅桑花片落 Bytheseashorearedcopperleafpetalfalls鴈奴驚火呌荒田 Asentinelgoosestartledattheblazesoundsthealarmover

fallowfields13

ChūganbelievedtheJapaneseimperiallinetoberelatedtotheJiclanroyal

progenitorsoftheZhouDynastyandheevenpositedeuhemeristicallythatthe

indigenousldquoShintordquodeityKunitokotachinoMikoto國常立尊wasinfactavery

mortaldescendantofTaibo太伯legendaryfounderofthestateofWu呉Thetwo

coupletsofthisshortpoemaredifficulttointegratewithoutresortingtosymbolism

theimageofacopperleafblossomontheseashoreisexceptionallyuncommonbut

itdoesoccurinaverylongpoembytheDaoistpoetCaoTang曹唐(c797-866)and

isjuxtaposedtheretoanimageofgreatbutlongdeadChineseemperors14The

13Smallandeasilyalarmedaldquosentinelgooserdquo(鴈奴)issonamedbecauseitsfunctionwithintheflockistocalloutandwarnofdangerCopperleaf(Jenokigusa)petalsarebrightred14ThepoemisldquoAPoemonWanderingImmortalsinNinety-EightCoupletsrdquo(小游仙詩九十八首QTSjuan6411)andtherelevantlinereadsldquoWhereindeatharetheFirstQinEmperorandHanWudiBytheseashoreredcopperleafblossomsopenastheywillrdquo秦皇漢武死何處海畔紅桑花自開

8

connectionisspeculativebutpromisingasthepoliticalpositionsChūganarticulates

inhisprosemakeitplausibletoidentifythesentinelgooseasChūganhimself

whosewarningsabouttheimpendingbreakdownofJapanrsquosimperialinstitutionfall

ondeafearsMoreoftenthannoteventhislevelofsymbolismwasavoidedinfavor

ofastillmoredirectstylethatleftnodoubtastoChūganrsquosstanceonmatters

擬古

InImitationofOld

浩浩劫末風 OrsquoerthewasteblowsthewindoftheLastDays塵土飛蓬蓬 Dustanddirtflyinachaoticroar天上日色薄 Highintheskythesunshinespale人間是非隆 Intheworldofmenbothrightandwrongflourish螻蟻逐臭穢 Molecricketsandantschaseafterputridfilth凰鳳棲梧桐 Whilephoenixesroostintheirparasoltrees獨有方外士 Butalonethereisamanwhostandsapartfromothers俛仰白雲中 Helooksuphelooksdownathomeinhiswhitecloudabode

Thoughknownmoreforsocialengagementthanforself-reflectionChūgan

couldbeascriticalofhimselfashewasofthewiderworldInseveralversesfrom

the1340sandlaterhereproveshimselfandhintsattheongoingenmityhereceived

fromsomeofhiscontemporariesThisenmitystemmedprimarilyfromhishugely

controversialdecisiontoswitchsectarianaffiliationsin1339WhenKichiōjiwas

builtChūganpubliclyabandonedtheSōtōlineofhisinitialmasterDongmingHuiri

東明惠日(JTōmeiErsquonichi1272-1340)infavoroftheRinzailineofDongyang

Dehui東陽德輝(fl1330s)alesserknownfigurewithwhomhehadstudiedbriefly

whileinChinaDespitethedoctrinallydiversebroadlyecumenicalcharacterof

medievalJapanesereligionsectarianloyaltieswerestrongandcompetitioncould

9

beintenseanalogousperhapsatthemilderendtothecompetitionbetween

businessfirmsinthesameindustryandattheextremeendtothatbetweenmilitary

housesThemoveprovokedbitterattacksfromformerfriendsandcolleagues(and

evenanallegedknifeattack)andwouldaffectChūganrsquospersonalandprofessional

lifefordecadesthereafter

藤陰雜興

UndertheShadeofWisteriaVariousInspirations No6 閒花野草亦朝人 Evenflowerssproutingincrevicesandgrassesgrowingonthe

moorspayobeisancetomen余獨何心忌混塵 SowhydoIalonedetestthispollutedworld小子更休勤學我 Disciplesyoumustceaseatoncealleffortstotakeafterme誤來四十六年身 Someonewhohasspentinerrortheforty-sixyearsofhislifeNo7臨危獨念故交顧 IntimesofdangerIreminiscealoneoffriendsfrombygonedays何処世途非履氷 Whereinthisworldisthereapaththatisnrsquotliketreadingonice只得胸中無我愛 Icanonlyresolvetoexpungefrommyheartthesensethatthe

selfisprecious不干身外有人憎 Andstandunperturbedbytheillwillofothers

TheresentmentbredbyChūganrsquostransgressionseemstohavebeen

surprisinglytenaciousInthewinterof1362asChūganwasabouttobegin

meditationwithacolytesatKenninjioneormoreunknownassailantsshottwo

10

arrowsathimbothofwhichfortunatelymissed15Whiledetailssurroundingthe

incidentarescantmodernscholarsgenerallyascribethisapparentassassination

attempttohisdecisiontoabandonDongmingrsquoslineagenearlytwenty-fiveyears

earlier

Chūganperseveredandin1370hewasaskedtotakeupresidenceatKyotorsquos

Nanzenji南禅寺thehighestrankingtempleintheKyotoGozanOwingperhapsto

hisagehefoundtheassignmentuncongenialandldquofirmlydeclineditrefusingto

moverdquo堅辭不起andchoseinsteadtoremainatthenearbyRyūkōji龍興寺16As

lateas1373hewasaskedbyHosokawaYoriyuki細川頼之thentheshogunal

deputy(kanrei管領)andoneofthemostpowerfulmeninJapanforassistance

rebuildingTenryūji天龍寺afteritwaspartlydestroyedinafireChūganagain

refusedthistimeexplicitlyonaccountofageHecontinuedwritingwellintothe

nextyearcomposingtwocommemorativefuneraryaddresses(祭)forfellowZen

monksMuganSoō夢巖祖應(d1374)andJōzanSozen定山祖禅(1298-1374)17

Thatwinterheisreportedtohavedevelopedaldquoslightailmentrdquo微恙Whetherthe

descriptionwasgenuineormeioticChūgandiedearlythefollowingyearhis

recordedageseventy-sixbytheJapanesecountAccordingtoasupplementary

accountinhisJirekifuwhenhebecamedeliriousanddeathwasclearlyathandthe

attendantpriestsaskedtheirmasterforafinalpoemChūganmusteredwhat15JRFKōan2(1362)NotethatbeginningwiththefirstyearofRyakuō暦応ChūgandateshischronicleaccordingtotheregnaldesignationsoftheNorthernDynasty16JRFŌan3(1370)17JRFŌan6-8(1373-75)ThesearenolongerextantandwereapparentlydictatedbyChūganbutwrittendownbysomeoneelse(seenote18below)

11

strengthhecouldandrepliedthathehadalreadysaidtoomanybalefulthings

throughouthislifeandthattherewasnopointinsayinganythingmoreAfterthus

refusingtherequesthediedpeacefullyatnoonthatsameday18

18Chūganrsquosfinalcommentsaretranscribedas吾平生口禍不少今尚何言去去presumablyspokenaloudassomethinglikeWareheizeikuchinowazawaisukunakarazuimanaonaniokaiwanSaresare(ldquoOverthecourseofmylifemymouthhasgottenmeintotroublemorethanafewtimeswhatmoreistheretosaynowBeoffrdquo)ThiswasrecordedbyadiscipleKenDōshi inChūganrsquosautobiographicalchronicleInashortpostscripttothetextheinformsthereaderthatbecauseChūganhadstoppedwritingat68yearsofagehe(KenDōshi)hadtakenituponhimselftosupplyadditionalinformationregardingthelastyearsofhismasterrsquoslifePresumablyitwasheorotherattendantpriestswhoactuallytranscribedthefuneraryaddressesChūgancomposedforMuganandJōzanThenameKenDōshiisprobablyaninvertedabbreviationofanamecomprisedoffourcharactersThiswasstandardpracticethenameChūganEngetsu中巌円月forinstanceisoftengivenas月中巌

12

Chapter One

Political Suasion in a Time of Crisis The Memorials of Chūgan Engetsu and Yoshida Sadafusa

國者天下之利用也人主者天下之利勢也 Thestateisthemostefficaciousinstrumentintheworldandtoberulerofmenisthemostefficaciouspowerintheworld19 Xunzi

IntheearlyfourteenthcenturyJapaneseintellectualsandaristocrats(the

formernotalwaysasubsetofthelatter)begandevotingsubstantialattentionto

questionsthatuntilthenhadfiguredonlyminimallyinJapanesepoliticaldiscourse

suchaswhetherornotthelegitimacyandperpetualcontinuityoftheimperial

institutionwasguaranteedbyitspurportedlydivineoriginsunderwhat

circumstancesrecoursetoarmswasmorallyacceptableandtowhatextent

conceptsoflegitimatesovereigntydrawnfromtheChinesepoliticaltraditionmight

(ormightnot)usefullyinformgovernanceinJapan20ChūganEngetsuwasamong

thebrightestlightsofthemedievalintellectualmilieuandhiscontributionsto

questionssuchasthesearebothhighlyoriginalandextensiveindeedintermsof

genericandthematicbreadthChūganrsquoswritingisunrivalledbyanyothermedieval

19EricLHuttonXunzi(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress2014)p9920SeeAndrewEdmundGobleKenmuGo-DaigorsquosRevolution(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1996)pp20-29andTamakakeHiroyukiNihonchūseishisōshikenkyū(TokyoPerikansha1998)passim

13

JapanesefigurerangingfreelyacrosspoliticalandnaturalphilosophyBuddhist

doctrineandmultiplestylesofChinesepoetryThischapterwillexaminehisviews

onsocietyandstatecraftduringthetumultuousyearsoftheKenmuRestoration

(1333-36)awatershedmomentofinstitutionalruptureandintellectualcreativity

AsnotedintheintroductionChūganrsquosabilitiesearnedhimthepatronageofthe

powerfulprovincialleaderŌtomoSadamuneanduponreturningtoJapanin1332

fromaneight-yearsojourninChinahequicklybecameanactivepartisanin

EmperorGo-DaigorsquosstruggleforanewnationalorderHedrewuponavariedmix

ofChinesetextsbearingupontheestablishmentmaintenanceandbreakdownof

politicalauthorityinanefforttoinfluenceGo-DaigorsquospoliciesThata33year-old

prelatewithnoaristocraticheritagewouldhavesuchanopportunityinthefirst

placeisindicativeofboththenewfoundstatusofZenandthepossibilitiesofferedby

theuniquecircumstancesofthe1330sThoughturbulenttheyearsprecedingand

immediatelyfollowingtheKenmuRestorationwerehighlyproductiveintellectually

notonlyforChūganbutalsoforfellowZenluminaryMusōSoseki夢窓疎石(1275-

1351)21theearlytheoristofShinto(andTendaipriest)Jihen慈遍(flmid14thc)22

21SeeforinstanceMusōrsquosreflectionsonGo-DaigorsquosriseandfallasrecordedinMusōKokushigoroku夢窓国師語録(Taishōdaizōkyōvol80pp463c24-464b21)AtranslationoftherelevantsectionmaybefoundinWmTheodoredeBaryetaledsSourcesofJapaneseTradition(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1958)pp265-5822JihenwasoneofseveralearlymedievalfiguresinvolvedinarticulatingShintothroughtheconceptsandnomenclatureofesotericBuddhismHisprimaryworksincludeKujihongigengi旧事本紀玄義(TheProfoundMeaningoftheSendaikujihongi1332)andToyoashiharajinpūwaki豊葦原神風和記(HarmoniousRecordoftheDivineWaysofJapan1340)ThesehaveyettobetranslatedintoEnglishJihenrsquosthoughtistreatedinsomedetailinTamakakeNihonchūseishisōshikenkyūpp200-227

14

andthenativistscholarandproponentofIseShintoKitabatakeChikafusa北畠親房

(1293-1354)ChikafusarsquoslengthyandinfluentialtreatiseonJapaneseimperial

successionJinnōshōtōki神皇正統記(1343)treatssomeofthesameconcernsthat

Chūganaddressesalbeitfromwithinasubstantiallydifferentconceptualand

ideologicalframework

Thewritingsexaminedinthischapterwereallcomposedduringthe

formativemonthsofGo-Daigorsquosrestorationgovernmentfromtheautumnof1333

tothespringof1334andwereeithersubmitteddirectlytotheemperororwritten

withhiminmindastheimpliedreaderTheypermitanedifyingglimpseinto

Chūganrsquosrhetoricalstyleandpoliticalorientationwhichwaseclecticbut

thoroughlyldquoConfucianrdquoinoneimportantsensenamelyinhisconvictionthatthe

existenceofanautonomousmilitaryeliteconstitutedagrossdistortionoftheideal

socialorderToChūganthemilitarywasndashorshouldproperlybendashnothingmore

thananarmofroyalauthoritytobeemployedattheexclusivediscretionofthe

sovereignandheascribedmanyoftheillsofhisdaytoJapanrsquosdeviationfromthis

idealFittinglyfortheagehewasalsocommittedtothepositionthatcertain

historicalmomentsaresofraughtastobenegotiableonlythroughradicalaction

thatldquorevolutionizesrdquoortransforms(革)existingsociopoliticalarrangements

ChūganrsquosviewsonrevolutionwouldcometodifferfromGo-Daigorsquosasthe

Kenmuregimetookshapebutinbroadmeasuretheywerenicelyconsonantwith

theemperorrsquosgrandpoliticalambitionsandbeliefsaboutsovereigntyThroughout

1333atleastChūganseemstohavethoroughlyembracedGo-DaigorsquoscauseIn

Decemberofthatyearhesubmittedtotheemperoramemorial(JhyōCbiao表)

15

alongwithtwoshortessaysinwhichheoutlinedthecrisisfacingJapanand

presentedhisideasforreformThefirstpiecetobeconsideredbelowisanessay

entitledGenmin原民ldquoEstablishingtheFundamentsofthePeoplerdquowhichtreatsthe

idealsocialorderandthedangersrampantmilitarizationposestoit23Stylistically

thepiecewasheavilyinfluencedbythewritingsofHanYu韓愈(768-824)authorof

thesimilarlytitledYuandao原道oneofthemostinfluentialcriticalessaysin

Chineseliteraryhistory24HanYuwasamongtheearliestchampionsoftheclassical

guwen古文(Jkobun)styleinlieuofthepianliwen駢儷文(Jbenreibun)styleof

rhymedparallelproseCriticsofpianliwenarguedthatithadbecomevacuousand

overwroughtandtheysoughtinitsplaceamediumshornofornamentationand

easiertounderstandThelinguisticclaritythatcharacterizedtheguwenstylewas

lessanenduntoitselfthananaestheticmanifestationoftheideologydrivingthe

wholeofthefugu復古orldquoreturntoantiquityrdquomovementandtoHanYuandother

guwenauthorsclassicisminlanguagecomprisedanimportantelementinabroader

culturaltraditionalismonethatprovidedanaptvehiclefortheConfucianrevival

theysoughttobringaboutinthepoliticalsphere25ByChūganrsquosdaythedebate

overtherelativemeritsofpianliwenandguwenwasanoldoneandtheliterary

23Thewordgen原inthetitleisaverb(usuallyreadmotozukuortazunuinJapanese)whichisusedinthesenseoforiginatingorbasingoneselfinsomethingorinvestigatingsomethingdowntoitsoriginsThemeaningofthephrase原民thussubsumestheideasofldquobasingoneselforonersquospoliciesinthepeoplerdquoldquomakingthepeoplefundamentalrdquoandalsoofldquogettingtothebottomrdquoofhowmin民asasocialconceptistobeunderstood24SeePeterKBolldquoThisCultureofOursrdquoIntellectualTransitionsinTrsquoangandSungChina(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1992)pp128-31BolrendersthetitleoftheessayldquoFindingtheSourceforTaordquo25Ibidpp22-23

16

historyoftheTangFiveDynastiesandSongperiodswasrepletewithfine

practitionersofbothstylesTheSongerawitnessedtheeventualacceptanceof

guwenproseforuseonthejinshi進士examinationsadevelopmentindicativeofthe

esteemthestylehadgainedintheeyesofleadingscholar-officials26Andwhileits

importancetotheworldofJapanesekanbunwascomparativelyminorevidence

suggeststhattheguwen-pianliwendebatewasknowntoJapaneseliteratifromat

leastthemid-Heianperiod27GenerallyspeakingmedievalJapanesewritersdrew

stylisticinspirationfromasubstantiallylargerandmorediversebodyofChinese

textsthantheirHeianpredecessorshadworkssuchasWenxuanwhichhadso

heavilyinfluencedHeiankanbunnowexistedalongsideZizhitongjian資治通鑑

(ComprehensiveMirrorinAidofGovernance1084)XinTangshu新唐書(New

HistoryoftheTang1060)andmanyothertextsreflectiveofSong-eraaestheticand

intellectualdevelopmentsChūganprobablyusedtheguwenstylemoreadroitly

thananyofhiscontemporarieshismodelsinexpositoryproseappeartohavebeen

drawnpredominantlyfromtheTangandearlySongwithHanYursquoswritingexerting

particularstylisticinfluenceEvenChūganrsquoshighappraisaloftheSongpolymath

OuyangXiu歐陽修(1007-72)authorofXinTangshuhasbeenascribedbyone

pioneeringscholarofGozanliteraturetoOuyangrsquosnoteddevotiontoHanYu28

ThatChūganwouldsoadmireandultimatelyimitateHanYursquosrhetoric

bespeakshiswillingnesstoseparateformfromideologicalcontentandreflectsthe26DieterKuhnTheAgeofConfucianRule(CambridgeMABelknapPressofHarvardUnivPress2009)p13027KawaguchiHisaoHeianchōnokanbungaku(TokyoYoshikawaKōbunkan1981)pp129-3628KitamuraSawakichiGozanbungakushikō(TokyoFūzanbō1941)p219

17

comparativelyliberalapproachtoChinesehighculturetakenbythemedievalZen

establishmentEverybitthenativistintellectualHanYuwasacontumeliouscritic

ofBuddhismandastaunchsupporterofConfucianorthodoxypositionshe

articulatedpithily(andwithnosmallmeasureofvitriol)inYuandaoChūgantoo

wasanavidproponentofConfucianismitmightevenbesuggestedthathiswide-

rangingphilosophicaloeuvreisbroadlyunifiedbythepursuitofaConfucian-

Buddhistsynthesis29oratleastthatsuchapursuitguidedhismostnotableworks30

ButwhereHanYuemployedguwentoindictBuddhismasanadulteranttoChinese

cultureChūganusedittoaffirmBuddhismrsquosvaluetostateandsocietyinJapan

Inasmuchasmodernistexpositorywritingtendstoproceedfromtheassumption

thatlanguageisorshouldbeatransparentvalue-neutralmediumforconveying

ideasChūganrsquosadoptionofHanYursquoslucidlanguagetomakepro-Buddhist

argumentsisinacertainsensequitemodernToChūganBuddhismnolessthan

Confucianismwasbeneficialinpartbecauseofitssalubriouseffectsuponmorality

ButBuddhismalsoaddresseditselftophenomenathatlayoutsideConfucianismrsquos

traditionalpurviewandinmedievalJapantheconceptofkarmaanditscorollaries

providedbyfarthemostcomprehensiveandinfluentialepistemicbasisfor

understandingthehumancondition31Asismadeclearintheveryshortpiece

29ThisargumentseemstohavebeenmadefirstbyAshikagaEnjutsuseehisKamakuraMuromachijidainojukyō(TokyoNihonKotenZenshūKankōkai1932)pp21125530InoueMasamichiHonpōchūseimadeniokeruMōshijuyōshinokenkyū(TokyoKazamaShobō1972)pp261-6231BuddhismrsquosroleasthepreeminentparadigmshapingthemedievalepistemeistreatedinWilliamRLaFleurTheKarmaofWords(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1983)

18

Gensō原僧acompanionessaysubmittedtoEmperorGo-DaigoalongsideGenmin

Chūgandoesbelievethatwhenfarmersormerchantsabandontheirlivelihoodsand

nominallybecomemonkstheeffectisdetrimentalnotonlytothepriesthoodbut

alsotonationaleconomicwelfare32StillsomeknowledgeofBuddhistprinciples

amongthepopulaceisheldtobringbenefitstostateandsocietyassubstantialas

thosebroughtbyknowledgeoftheFourBooksreliableweightsandmeasuresand

anadequatemilitaryallofwhichhecitesapprovinglyatthebeginningofGenmin

ThemainthesisofGenministhatexcessivemilitarizationandaburgeoning

interestinmartialpursuitsacrossallsegmentsofsocietyisthekeysociopolitical

crisisconfrontingJapaninthe1330sThoughhewilllaterlaymuchoftheblamefor

thisphenomenonuponGo-Daigohimselfherehesimplyrecommendsthatthefour

Confucianldquoclassesrdquoandmembersoftheclergybeguidedbacktotheirpropersocial

rolesandthatonlypersonswithaspecificgovernmentmandatetobeararmsbe

permittedtodosoArdentlyopposedtobothpopularmilitancyandtheexistenceof

anautonomouswarrioreliteChūganasksrhetoricallywhetherthecountryeven

hasaldquomilitaryrdquoatallwhichtohimdenotesabranchofgovernmentthatprovides

forthenationaldefensebutisalwaysandeverywheresubordinatetothethrone

ChūganwilldevelopthislineofcritiquefurtherinhismemorialtoGo-Daigoandhe

willadvanceitwithgreaterconceptualsophisticationinhisfamousphilosophical

treatiseChūseishi中正子(TheMasterofBalanceandRectitude1334)whereitis

repurposedtocriticizetheemperordirectlyInsofarasGenminwasintended

simplytoprovideGo-DaigowithasuccinctoverviewofJapanrsquosproblemsasChūgan

32Atranslationofthisessayisgivenintheappendixtothischapter

19

sawthemitisofsomewhatlessconceptualandrhetoricalinterestthaneither

ChūseishiorthememorialNonethelessitsclarityandrelativesimplicitymakeita

usefulintroductiontothosetextsandanidealpointfromwhichtoapproach

ChūganrsquosworldviewduringtheinitialmonthsofGo-Daigorsquosrestorationgovernment

EstablishingtheFundamentsofthePeople33 Acrossthewideworldpeopleattendtotheirbasicdutiesandperfecttheir

craftsandtheircountriesbecomeprosperousandstrongFarmerssowcropsandplant

vegetablesandfruitingtreesArtisansmanagetheirestablishmentsandproduce

variouswaresMerchantsfacilitatethedistributionofgoodsfromwheretheyare

plentifultowheretheyarescarceOfficialsdraftgovernmentregulationsThe

credibilityoftheImperialsealandthereliabilityofweightsandmeasureshelpprevent

fraudanddeceptionTheteachingsculledfromtheBookofSongstheBookofHistory

theClassicofRitesandtheClassicofMusicservetoreformcrueltyandgreedArms

andfortificationsservetoforestallinvasionandplunderThusitisthatifthemasses

pursuetheirlivelihoodsandsupportthoseabovethemtherewillbenoinstancesof

peopleresortingtounprincipledmeanstokeepthemselvesfedandthecountrywillbe

prosperousandstrongThisishowthingsoughttobe

33ThetranslationisbasedonthetextfoundinTamamuraTakejirsquosGozanbungakushinshū(TokyoTokyoDaigakuShuppankai1970)p393AlsoconsultedwasKamimuraKankōrsquosGozanbungakuzenshū(TokyoGozanBungakuZenshūKankōkai1936)vol2pp104-5TamamurarsquoseditionofChūganrsquosworksisthemostcompletecurrentlyavailableitsprincipalsourcelikeKamimurarsquosisthe1764woodblockeditionofthecollectaneaofChūganrsquosworksTōkaiichiōshū東海一漚集(ABubbleontheEasternSea)ThiseditionwascollatedandpreparedforpublicationbythepriestDaigeSōdatsu大解宗脱(1706-62)attheHarimaDaizōinmonasteryandwhileitisgenerallyregardedasthevulgate(rufubon流布本)itomitsmuchandTamamurahasthereforesupplementeditwithadditionalmanuscriptcopiesofTōkaiichiōshūhousedatthetempleHōjōji法常寺andtheHistoriographicalInstituteattheUniversityofTokyo

20

Buddhismwasintroduced(toChina)intheHaneraandeversinceithasenabled

peopletogainaprofoundunderstandingoftheprinciplesgoverningnaturefatelife

anddeathandithasalsoilluminatedthekarmicrootsofgoodandillfortuneThusthe

peoplelovedgoodnessandtrustedtheywouldberewardedtheyeschewedwhatwas

notgoodandavoidedcalamitySomethingthatbenefitsthecountrywithoutharming

thepeoplecanonlyenhancetheprosperityandstrengthoftheformerLookingatour

owncountrytodayamongthepeopletherearenonewhodonotdonarmorandtake

upweaponsThecommonersarenegligentinattendingtotheirproperlivelihoodsand

theyattackandroboneanotherinthepursuitofgainAndastothosewhocuttheir

hairandenterthepriesthoodtheytooviewithoneanotherthroughforceofarmsand

abandontheirpropercallingOfallthedisastersthatmaybefallacountrynone

surpassesthisThepurposeofamilitaryistosuppressdisturbancestheverycharacter

forldquomilitaryrdquo(武)iscomposedofldquostoprdquo(止)andldquoweaponrdquo(戈)Yetthedisturbances

wefacetodaycannotbesuppressedCanwesaythatourcountryevenhasamilitary

OnesidehasstoutshieldsandsharpspearsbutsodoestheothersideHardnessis

pittedagainsthardnessandsharpnessagainstsharpnesswithbothsideshaving

comparablestrengthSincethestrengthofbothsidesisequaleachremainsunchecked

ThesearethefactsTheDiscoursesofZhourelatethefollowing

ldquoThekingsofoldglorifiedvirtueandwerenotquicktoflaunttheirmilitary

powerFlauntingmilitarypowerleadstoitsirresponsibleuseandifmilitarypowerisusedirresponsiblythenroyalauthoritywillnotberespectedrdquo34

34TheldquoDiscoursesofZhourdquo(周語)comprisethefirstsectionoftheGuoyu國語ThepassageuponwhichChugandrawsreadsasfollows穆王將征犬戎祭公謀父諫曰 「不可先王耀德不觀兵夫兵戢而時動動則威觀則玩玩則無震 ldquoKingMuwasabouttoattacktheQuanrongtribebutMoufuDukeofZhairemonstratedwithhimsayinglsquoThekingsofoldglorifiedvirtueandwerenotquicktoflaunttheirmilitarypowerIfmilitarypowerisheldbackanddeployedonlyattheappropriatetimesthen(royalauthority)willbefearedifmilitarypowerisflauntedthenitwillbeusedirresponsiblyandifitisusedirresponsiblynonewillrespect(royalauthority)rsquordquo

21

Sincethisisalreadythecase(inJapan)whatshouldbedoneItwouldbebest

foryourmajestytodecreethatanyonewhoisnotasoldieroftheimperialgovernment

shallbepunishedforbearingarmsandthatofficialsfarmersartisansmerchantsas

wellasmembersoftheclergymustdevotethemselvestotheperfectionoftheir

respectivecallingsIfthisisdoneitwillstrengthenandenrichthecountryandthereis

perhapshopeafterall

淳世之民各務本修業故國富且強矣所以農者播禾穀種菜果工者營棟宇造器皿賈者通其有無土者布其政令符璽秤斛之信以防其欺負詩書禮樂之教以正其狠戾甲兵干城之威以禁其侵奪然而百姓各修其業而奉其上則國無有徒為苟食者故富強也宜矣漢氏以降加以佛法使民精通性命死生之理且知禍福因果之道然而百姓好善賴慶忌不善而避殃故有利于國無害于民是以國益富且強矣今觀國朝民無不衣甲手兵者百姓皆怠其業互相侵奪以為利也若夫出家斷髮者亦以堅甲利兵相誇而廢其本業也禍亂之大莫之過焉武也者戡定禍亂也其為文也止戈也然今有如斯禍亂而不能勘定者可言國有武乎 彼亦堅甲利兵也以堅敵堅以利敵利其勢均矣勢均則不可制止也宜矣周語有之先王耀德不觀兵夫兵觀則翫翫則無震既然今宜奈之何 宜當 敕差有司如非官軍者衣甲手兵則誅之使彼士農工賈及釋氏之流各務本修業則富強之國其庶幾乎

Thepoliticalorderofthefourteenthcenturyandbeyondwoulddevelopin

preciselythedirectionChūganfearedandforreasonsthatseeminretrospectfar

beyondthereachofcourtpolicyAmodernreaderparticularlyoneinsensitiveto

thestylisticconventionsgoverningworksofcounselsubmitteddirectlytothe

thronecouldbeforgivenforseeinginChūganrsquosrecommendationsanaiumlveand

simplisticfaithinthepowerofimperiallegislationYettheKamakurashogunate

oncethepreeminentpowerinthecountryhadbeeneffectivelydestroyedsix

monthsbeforeGenminwaswrittenandintermsofmilitaryresourcesandthe

abilitytoprojectpowerGo-DaigorsquosincipientregimenowstoodunrivalledAnd

whiledevelopmentalnarrativesofmedievalJapanesehistorytendtopositan

22

inexorableriseofthewarriorsandconcomitantinevitabilityofautonomouswarrior

governmentthereisverylittleevidencethatfightingmenofthefourteenthcentury

sawtheircollectivepositionasdependentuponthecontinuedexistenceofa

shogunate35MoreoverwhileChūganrsquosagewascertainlyoneofchangeand

tribulationitwasnotyetoneofendemicviolenceandirreparablefragmentation

evenifcertainsociopoliticaltrendssuggestedtokeenobserversthatsuchafatewas

drawingnearHencetoanintellectualwhowasdisinclinedtosupportwarrior

governmentanddeeplyconcernedwiththespreadofsoldieryamongthepopulace

thethroneofferedthebestandmostlogicalhopeforstemmingthesetrendsand

restoringthepropersocialorderTheimperialcourtwasafterallthemost

enduringlocusofauthorityonthearchipelagoprovidingsociallegibilitythrough

officesranksandthedisseminationofhighcultureeventotheveryinstitutions

mostresponsibleforerodingitsmilitarymightandmaterialprerogativesviz

shogunalgovernmentsandinfluentialwarriorhouses

Chūganexpandsuponthecrisisofmilitarismandtheroleofthecourtin

addressingitinhismemorialtoGo-Daigoatextthatexpoundsthesamebasic

worldviewasGenminthoughfarmorestridentlyItisbothunusuallylengthyand

inplacesexceptionallybluntbythestandardsofextantJapanesememorialswhich

datepredominantlyfromtheHeianperiodandtendneithertoutilizetheguwen

stylenortreatsociopoliticalissuesasseriousasthosetakenupbyChūganThese

andotheraspectsoftheworkwillbeanalyzedindetailbelowitisworth

emphasizingattheoutsethoweverthatChūganrsquosmemorialconstitutesarareand

35GobleKenmuppxvi136266-67

23

valuableexampleofagenrethatwhileesteemedintheChinesetraditionandlong

practicedbyJapanesearistocratshasreceivedminimalattentioninstudiesof

JapanesekanshibunMoreoveritillustratesthewaysinwhichtheChinese

historicalexperiencecouldbemarshaledforpoliticalsuasionduringatransitional

momentinJapanesehistoryonewhoseepochalsignificancewasdifficultto

appreciateinreferencetothedomesticrecordalone

OnthistheeleventhdayoftheeleventhmonthIEngetsuTransmitteroftheDharmadohumblyandrespectfullyofferthismemorial36

Yourmajestyitismyhumblecontentionthatamongkingstherearethosewho

succeedahumanpredecessorcontinuehislineandkeepthingsunchangedandthere

arethosewhoreceiveHeavenrsquosmandateadaptskillfullytotheexigenciesofthe

moment(通變)andbringaboutrevolution(革)Examplesoftheformerincludethe

rulerswhocontinuedtheirlinesduringtheXiaYinandZhoudynastiesExamplesof

thelatterincludeTangwhodeposedJieandKingWuwhovanquishedZhou37Thus

doesYijingsayldquoTherevolutionsofTangandWuwereinaccordancewithHeavenand

inresponsetothepeoplerdquo38ButwhysimplystopatTangandWuGaozuandShizuof

HanTaizongofTangandTaizuofSongwereallmenofthissortAsWenZhongzi

opinedldquoifoneadaptsskillfullytochangingcircumstancestherealmwillbefreeofbad

36ThedatecorrespondstoDecember191333intheJuliancalendarThetextmaybefoundinGozanbungakushinshūvol4pp380-81andGozanbungakutaikeivol2pp86-8737ChengTang成湯wasthefirstruleroftheYin(Shang)DynastyanddeposedJie桀thelastruleroftheXiaWu武wasthefirstruleroftheZhouDynastyanddeposedZhou紂thelastruleroftheShang38湯武革命順乎天而應於人ThisfamouslinefromYijingisstilloftencitedindictionariesandencyclopediasasthelocusclassicusforthetermgemingkakumei革命ldquorevolutionrdquo

24

lawsbutifonecleavesstubbornlytofixednormsthentherealmwillbebereftof

beneficentteachingsrdquo39

Intheirperfectionoftransformativeteachings(教化)andregulativenorms(法度)theThreeDynasties(XiaShangandZhou)weresurpassedbynoneYetafterthe

regulationshadbeenineffectforalongperiodoftimetheybecamecorruptedonceit

wasunderstoodtheregulationshadindeedbecomecorruptedtheywerereformed(革)

Thisisthemeansbywhich(thereformers)adaptedtocircumstanceThusitwasthat

whentheregulationsoftheXiabecamecorruptedTangofYinreformedthemand

whentheregulationsoftheYinbecamecorruptedWuofZhoureformedthemAfter

theZhouhadfallenintodeclineitsregulationsslippedintoextremecorruptionandit

wasthenthatWeiYangenteredthestateofQinandreformeditsregulations40One

yearafterthereformswereenactedthenumberofpeopleinthecapitaldecryingthe

newlawsreachedintothethousandsandtheprinceevenviolatedthemWeiYang

opinedthatthereasontheregulationswerenotbeingsuccessfullyimplementedwas

thattheprincehimselfdidnotabidebythemAstherulerrsquosheirtheprincecouldnot

bepunishedbuthischiefadviserwaspunishedcorporallyandhistutorwastattooed41

AlmostovernightallthepeopleofQinsubmittedtothenewlawsTenyearslater

nonedaredtoevenpickupvaluablesdroppedontheroadsandthemountainswere

freeofbanditsThepeoplewerebraveinfightingwarsthatwereinthepublicinterest

(公)butreticenttoindulgeprivate(私)quarrelsThosewhohadoncecalledthenew

lawsunsuitablenowthoughtthemmostexpedientYetafterQinunifiedtherealmit

39通其變天下無弊法執其方天下無善教WenZhongzi文中子istheposthumousnameofthephilosopherWangTong王通(584-617)anditisalsothetitleoftheworkWenzhongzialternativelyknownasZhongshuo中説(DiscoursesontheMean)whichrecordshisresponsestoquestionsaskedbydisciplesThequotecomesfromthefourthchapterldquoZhouGongrdquo周公WangTongrsquosimportancetoChūganisdiscussedbelow 40WeiYang衛鞅(390-338BCE)betterknownasShangYang商鞅wasthearchitectofnumerousimportantreformsinthestateofQinAlongwithShenBuhaiandHanFeizihecontributedsignificantlytothedevelopmentofwhatwouldcometobeknownaslegalism41Theadviserwaspunishedbyhavinghisnosecutoff

25

lostsightoftheneedtomakeperiodicchangestoitslawstheevilsthatresultedwere

extremeandviolenceandcrueltyprevailed

HencetheQinlastedjusttwogenerationsbeforebeingdestroyedTheHan

thenassumedsuzeraintybutforoverseventyyearstheyfoundthatdespitetheir

effortstobringthesituationundercontrolnomethodseemedviableWhenlawswere

promulgatedwickednessonlygrewwhendecreeswereissuedfraudanddeceit

followedAlasitcouldnothavebeenotherwiseTheremnantsoftheQinwerea

peoplewhosecustomswereheartlessandperversewhichiswhytheyresisted(the

impositionoflawsbytheHan)ItwasforthisreasonthanDongZhongshusaidthe

followinginhisrescript

ldquoIfoneusesboilingwatertocalmboilingwaterthewaterwillonlyfrothandbubblemoreandwhenazitherhasfallenirreparablyoutoftuneonehasnochoicebuttoremovethestringsandreplacethemonlythenwillitbemadeplayableWhenagovernmenthasutterlylostitsauthoritythereisnochoicebuttotransformitonlythenmayorderbereestablishedrdquo42

DongZhongshursquoswordsarerightonthemarkItismycontentionifImaybeso

boldthatYourMajestyhasinheritedhisperspicacity(明)fromWenofZhouand

receivedhisvirtue(德)fromJimmu43Youhaverevivedthekinglywayandabolished

militaryhegemony(覇)44Youbringcomforttothefarthestcornersoftherealmand

42如以湯止湯湯愈甚琴瑟不調甚者必解而更張之乃可鼓也為政而不行甚者必變而更化之乃可理也ThequoteisfromDongZhongshursquosfirstrescript(ce册)SeeHanshu562504-05 43VirtueisthemostcommonEnglishtranslationof德butitfailstosufficientlyconveythesenseofsuasivetransformativepowerinherentinthetermArthurWaleyhasusedldquopowerrdquotorender德whichisquiteaccurateifthepowerinquestionisunderstoodtoarisefrommoralexcellenceThoughldquovirtuerdquowillbeusedhereforclaritysomethinglikeldquomoralcharismardquomightbemoreappropriateparticularlywhenappliedtoarulerSeeJonathanWSchoferldquoVirtuesinXunzirsquosThoughtrdquoinTCKlineandPhilipJIvanhoeedsVirtueNatureandMoralAgencyintheXunzi(IndianapolisHackett2000)pp69-88JohnSMayoretaledsandtransTheHuainanzi(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2010)pp872-7344TheconceptofhegemonyandthefigureofthehegemonaretreatedfurtherbelowChūganusesthetermtopejorativelycharacterizewarriorpoweringeneralandtheKamakurashogunateinparticular

26

embracetherudestofyourpeopleAllthedenizensofthislandrightlypayyouhumble

obeisanceWhobutanenlightenedsagaciousrulerndashonewhohasreceivedHeavenrsquos

mandatendashcouldaccomplishsuchathingSadlytherealmistodaybesetbytheevilsof

theKantōsuzerainswhosepolityhasstoodforoverahundredyearsThepeoplehave

graduallysunkintovicebecomingavariciousandwaywardintheirhabitsThisiswhy

lawsuitsfillthecourtsfrommorningtonightWorsestillthenumberofthosewho

wouldconspireinrebellionhasgrownlargeInotherwordsthingsherearenowas

theywereinChinawhentheHansucceededtheQinitisatimewhenordermaybe

restoredonlythroughrevolutionIhavenoknowledgeregardingtheearliestbeginning

ofHeavenandEarthButifyourmajestyweretoabolishmilitaryhegemonyandrevive

thewayofthekingwouldthisnotbethebeginningofanachievementndashhereinour

timendashthatwouldringoutfortenthousandgenerationsHowcanweaffordnotto

reformthebanefulscourgeofoutmodedways45

AlasIambutalonemustardweedinamountainforestandIwillultimately

decaytonothingalongsidethegrassesandthetreesIamnotboundbyworldly

interestsandonemaywonderwhyIhaveofferedthesewordscourtingtrouble

throughmyimpertinenceInpointoffactIdosoonlyforthebenefitoftherealm(天下)notformyself(身)TrulyIdosoforposteritynottobaskinthegloryofa

momentrsquosfameItismyhumblecontentionthatifyourmajestywilltaketoheartthe

greatwordsofDongZhongshuandWangTongandacceptthesincerityofmycounsel

thentherealmwillprosperformyriadagestocomeImyselfhavenoauthoritytoact

soIhavecomposedtwoessaysGenminandGensōforyourmajestyrsquosperusalIfyou

findanyoftheideasespousedthereintobeofusepleaseissuearoyaledict

commandingyourofficialstoseethattheyareputintoeffectTheforegoingisoffered

mosthumblywithutmostreverenceandtrepidation45陛下除覇興王不乃萬世鴻業之始固在斯時乎舊法之弊不可革耶Ifthereferentof覇istakenspecificallytobetheKamakuraregimewhichwasdestroyedapproximatelysixmonthsearlierthefirstpartmightberenderedldquodoesnotyourmajestyrsquosabolitionofmilitaryhegemonyandrevivalofthewayofthekingconstitutethebeginningofanachievementndashhereinourtimendashthatwillringoutfortenthousandgenerationsrdquo

27

上 建武天子表 十一月日傳法臣僧圓月謹昧死上書 皇帝陛下竊以王者受禪於人者襲其統而沿之得命於天者通其變而革之受禪於人者如夏后殷周之克繼者也得命於天者湯放桀武王伐紂之類皆是也故易曰湯武革命順乎天而應於人豈止湯武而已漢高祖世祖唐太宗宋太祖皆其人也文中子曰通其變天下無幣法執其方天下無善教教化法度之成三代莫之踰者然久則其法又弊法弊則革之所以通其變也所以夏法弊則殷湯革之殷法弊則周武革之周之衰時法之弊甚時衞鞅入秦變其法行之期年國都言新法之不便者以千數於是太子犯法鞅言法之不行自上犯之太子君嗣也不可施刑輒刑其傳黥其師明日秦人皆趍令行之十年秦國道不拾遺山無盜賊民勇於公戰怯於私鬪然後其初言不便者來言令便也然而秦得天下之後弗能知複變其法之理故弊甚極至暴酷是以二世而亡 漢繼秦之後七十餘歲雖欲理之無可奈何 法出而奸生令下而詐起則無它以秦之遺民習俗薄惡民人抵冒也是故董仲舒對策曰如以湯止湯湯愈甚琴瑟不調甚者必解而更張之乃可鼓也為政而不行甚者必變而更化之乃可理也仲舒之言至矣哉恭惟陛下明繼周文德承神武興王除覇柔遠包荒高田之下厚地之上莫不賓順非聰明睿知得命於天者孰能與於此哉然今天下為關東所伯百數十歲之弊積焉斯民漸漬惡俗貪饕 故自朝至暮獄訟滿庭又沙上偶語者亦多矣乃與漢繼秦之時偶相同也更化則可理之時也天地之初臣不得而知之陛下除覇興王不乃萬世鴻業之始固在斯時乎舊法之弊可不革耶 臣是山林一芥宜當與草木共朽也實為天下不為身也實為萬世不為一時名望之榮也伏望陛下感董生王通之至言而收臣懇誠則天下萬世之幸矣臣不自揆輒撰原民原僧二篇以塵睿覧如有可采敕有司施行之謹奉書以聞某誠惶誠恐

Chūgandesignatesthispieceahyō表(Cbiao)aparticulartypeofmemorial

understoodtoconveyopinionsandpolicyviewsunlikethemoreexplicitly

admonitorysō奏(zou)46AshedoesinGenminChūgandetailsthemalaiseafflicting

46Anextendeddiscussionofthehistoryandliteraryqualitiesofroyalmemorialsmaybefoundinchapters22and23ofWenxindiaolong文心雕龍aseminalworkofliterarytheorybytheLiang-erascholarLiuXie劉 (465-522AD)Thebiaoistreatedinchapter22

28

contemporaryJapanesesocietyplacingtheonussquarelyupontherecentlytoppled

Kamakuraregimeandbuttressinghispositionwithexamplesdrawnfromthe

ChineseexperienceGo-Daigorsquosrevolutionarymomentiscastinthemostelevated

termsimaginablewithinthegrandsweepofEastAsianhistorylikenedtothe

epochaltransitionsfromtheShangDynastytotheZhouandtheQintotheHan

Suchrhetoricimmediatelysuggeststhattherecentupheavalsbesettingboththe

shogunateaninstitutionwithnocloseanalogueinChinaandtheJapanesecourt

whichinformandfunctionhadcometodifferdramaticallyfromChinarsquosmight

nonethelessbeunderstoodinbroadlyldquoChineserdquotermsauguringthefallofone

nationalorderandtheriseofanotherInasmuchasthisreadingflattersEmperor

Go-DaigoandunderscoresthegravityofhishistoricalsituationitservesChūganrsquos

purposewell

AnevenmoreaccurateiflessdramaticapplicationoftheChinesehistorical

experiencetofourteenthcenturyJapanissuggestedbyChūganrsquosuseoftheterm

ldquohegemonrdquo(覇)incontradistinctiontoldquokingrdquo(王)Asnotedabovetheprimary

referentsfortheformeraretheKamakuraregimeandthemodelofindependent

warriorgovernanceitrepresentedThehegemonsofclassicalConfucian

historiographyrefertorulersinpre-imperialChinawhowhilepoliticallyand

militarilysuccessfuldidnotconformtothemoralidealsofrulershipespousedby

theru儒classicists47Thehegemonsarementionedinnumerouscanonicaltexts

47SeeHuttonXunzippxxiv-xxvTheusualtranslationforruinEnglishisldquoConfucianrdquothoughinthetreatmentofearlytextsthisissometimesreplacedbytermssuchasldquoclassicistrdquoldquoclassicalstudiesscholarrdquoorsimplyleftuntranslatedTheruwereexpertsinZhouperiodritualandversedinthetextsandtraditions

29

includingLunyuMengziandespeciallyXunziwhichdevotesanentirechapterto

clarifyingthedifferencebetweenthemandtruekingsForthephilosopherXunzi荀

子(XunKuang荀況313-238BC)thehegemonwasbetterthanatyrantkingbut

stillfarfromidealMengzi孟子(MengKe孟軻372-289BC)perhapsthemost

influentialruthinkerbesidesConfuciushimselfemphasizedtheirrelianceonbrute

power(力)overmoralcapacityorldquovirtuerdquo(徳)andappraisedtheminthefollowing

terms

OnewhousespowerasasubstituteforbenevolenceisaHegemonandaHegemonneedstohavealargestateOnewhousesvirtuetoeffectbenevolenceisaKingandaKingdoesnotdepend(forhissuccess)onthesizeofhisstate48以力假仁者霸霸必有大國以德行仁者王王不待大

BythetimeoftextssuchasMengziandXunzithehegemonwasan

establishedfigureofrule-by-mightandalthoughtheyarosealmosttwothousand

yearsbeforetheKamakurashogunatetheirdevelopmentduringtheZhouerais

similarenoughtothatofwarriorpowerinJapantosustainacomparisonthatisnot

onlyrhetoricallyeffectivebutlogicallycompellingaswellAsexplainedbyEdward

SlingerlandthehegemonwasapositionfirstrecognizedbytheZhoukingsin681

BCwhenDukeHuanofQiwasgiventhisappointmentinordertoleadtheChinese

defenseagainstbarbarianinvasionwhiletheyweretheoreticallyregentsofthe

Zhoumonarchthehegemonsinfactruledindependentlyandthepostitself

associatedwithConfuciusSeeMarkCsikszentmihalyiReadingsinHanChineseThought(IndianapolisHackett2006)p18448Mengzi2A3

30

representedanimportanterosionofZhouroyalauthority49AsChūganwaswell

awaresomethingquitesimilarmightbesaidabouttheshogunateaninstitution

nominallycaptainedbyamilitarydictatorbearingthetitleSei-itaishōgun征夷大将

軍ldquoGeneralissimooftheExpeditionaryForceAgainsttheBarbariansrdquoa

commissionoriginallygrantedintheNaraandearlyHeianperiodstocommanders

leadingJapaneseforcesagainstunassimilatedpeoplesinnorthernHonshuFor

ChūgantheKamakurashogunatewasnotlikeadynastythathadlostthelegitimate

righttogovernratheritwasakintothepolitiesofZhou-erahegemonsmorally

illegitimateinthiscapacityfromthebeginningMoreoveritisclearthattheterm

ldquohegemonrdquo(orldquohegemonyrdquo)asusedinthememorialwouldapplyinprincipletoany

systemofrulebyautonomouswarriorsuzerainsandthatChgūanrsquosdiscussionof

Go-Daigorsquoscentralaccomplishmentndashrevivingthekinglywayandabolishing

militaryhegemonyndashwasintendedbothasacelebrationoftheemperorrsquos

achievementsandasaprescriptionforthestateofaffairshehopedwouldobtainin

perpetuityundertheneworder

AnothernotableandinthecontextofJapanesethoughtfairlyunusual

featureofthememorialistheprominenceChūganaccordstotheWesternHan

thinkerDongZhongshu董仲舒(179-104BC)Asadvisertotheillustrious

EmperorWu武(r141-87BC)DongadvancedavisionofConfucianismthat

quicklybecameacentralpillarofHanpoliticaltheoryandstatecraftAttheheartof

hissyncreticphilosophywasanactiveHeavenwhoselawsgovernnotonlythe

naturalworldbuthumanaffairsaswellalongwithanabidingbeliefinthedynamic49EdwardSlingerlandAnalects(IndianapolisHackett2003)p239

31

interrelatednessofseeminglydisparatesocialandnaturalphenomena50Notunlike

DongChūganhopedtoshapethedecisionsofamatureandvigoroussovereignwho

waswillingtoembracecoercioninordertoremakethepoliticallandscapeTheaim

ofhismemorialtoGo-Daigowastoofferintellectualjustificationforrevolutionan

endtowhichYijingstudiesandDongrsquosperspectiveonhistoricalchangewasnicely

suitedInparticularDonghadarguedthatsovereignswhoaccededuringperiods

whentheworldiswellgoverneddonotalterthewayoftheirforebearsbutthose

whocometopowerduringtimesofdisorderdo51TheHanaccordingtoDong

ldquosucceededaftergreatdisorderrdquo(漢繼大亂之後)anditisthereforerightand

properthattheyshouldaltersomeofthenormsthathadprevailedduringtheZhou

justastheZhouadynastyalsobornofdisorderhaddoneamillenniumbefore52

AlthoughChūgandoesnotexplicitlyapplyDongrsquostheoryofhistorical

cyclicalitytoJapanitseemsclearthatinmattersofthemeanddictionhewas

stronglyinspiredbythefamoustriptychofldquoresponsesrdquo(對策)inwhichDong

50SeeMichaelLoeweDivinationMythologyandMonarchyinHanChina(NewYorkCambridgeUnivPress1994)pp134-41andldquoImperialSovereigntyDongZhongshursquosContributionandHisPredecessorsrdquoinSRSchramedFoundationsandLimitsofStatePowerinChina(LondonSchoolofOrientalandAfricanStudiesUnivofLondon1987)pp33-5751SeeGaryArbuckleldquoInevitableTreasonDongZhongshursquosTheoryofHistoricalCyclesandEarlyAttemptstoInvalidatetheHanMandaterdquoJournaloftheAmericanOrientalSociety1154(1995)pp585-9752Ibidpp591-92DongeffectivelyignorestheQinseeminglyregardingitinArbucklersquoswordsasanldquohistoricalmiscarriagerdquoThepeacefulsuccessionswerefromYaotoShunShuntoYuandYutohissonconstruedinthisschemaasthefirstformalruleroftheXiathedynastiestosucceedbyconquestweretheShangZhouandHan

32

outlinedhiscyclicaltheorytoEmperorWu53Thequestionsandresponsesare

preservedinHanshu漢書(TheHistoryoftheHan)afoundationaltextlongstudied

byJapaneseintellectualsandonetowhichChūganwouldundoubtedlyhavehad

ampleaccesslongbeforehisjourneytoChinaOtherworksbyDongZhongshualso

seemtohavebeenknowninJapansinceatleastthelateninthcenturyasonetext

attributedtohimismentionedinthebibliographicresourceNihonkokugenzaisho

mokuroku日本国見在書目録acatalogueofChinesetextsheldinJapan54Overall

howeverDongdoesnotappeartohaveenjoyedparticularprominenceinJapanese

politicalthoughtthisdespitewidespreadinterestamongJapaneseliteratiinboth

theinterpretationofomensandtheSpringandAutumnAnnalsaworkcentralto

Dongrsquosscholarshipandpolicypositions55InnoothertextofwhichIhave

knowledgedoesDongZhongshufeaturemorecentrallythanhedoesinChūganrsquos

53AnanalysisofthesetextsisgiveninMichaelLoeweDongZhongshuAlsquoConfucianrsquoHeritageandtheChunqiuFanlu(BostonBrill2011)pp83-10154Compiledca891byFujiwaranoSukeyo藤原佐世theworklists1579separateChineseworksthattotalalmost17000fasciclesCuriouslythemostfamoustracttraditionallyascribedtoDongChunqiufanlu春秋繁露(LuxuriantDewofTheSpringandAutumnAnnals)isnotamongthemtheoneworkbearinghisnameistitledChunqiuzaiyiDongZhongshuzhan春秋灾異董仲舒占whichIhavenotfoundelsewhereAtentativetranslationmightbePrognosticationsofDongZhongshuConcerningDisastersandAnomaliesAppearinginTheSpringandAutumnAnnals55InJapanTheSpringandAutumnAnnals(Chunqiu春秋)andtheZuoCommentary(Zuozhuan左傳)hadbeenaformalpartofthestateuniversitycurriculumsinceitsinceptioneachmentionedexplicitlyassuchintheRegulationsoftheYōrōEra(養老令718)Themid-ninthcenturylegaltextRyōnoshūge令集解acompilationofexpansionsandexplanatoryglossesontheYōrōregulationsnotesthattheGongyang公羊andGuliang穀梁commentarieshadalsobecomederigueurNihonkokugenzaishomokurokulistsnolessthan33separateworksonChunqiuanditscommentaries

33

memorialandinfewotherperiodsofJapanesehistorycouldhisthoughthavebeen

morereadilyapplied

WhiletheworkofDongZhongshuwasquiteclearlyknowninJapanevenif

seldomstudiedindepthWangTonghasleftalmostnotracewhatsoeverinthe

worldofJapanesekanshibunoutsideofChūganrsquoswritingWenzhongziisabsent

altogetherfromNihonkokugenzaishomokurokuandacomputersearchofthevast

bodyofofficialdocumentsandcourtierdiariesdigitizedinrecentyearsrevealsnot

asingleexplicitmentionofitexceptinChūganrsquosmemorial56Theonlyother

referencetoWenzhongziofwhichIamawareoccursinthediaryoftheinimitable

EmperorHanazono花園(1297-1348r1308-18)whoafterperusingitinthe

summerof1324assessedWangTongasbeingonparwithXunziandYangXiong57

56DongZhongshudoesnotfaredramaticallybetterinthisregardthanWangTongbuthisChunqiufanluwhilenotlistedinNihonkokugenzaishomokurokuisquotedonceinMinkeiki民経記thediaryofthehigh-rankingofficialKadenokōjiTsunemitsu勘解由小路経光(1212-74)andalsoinaspecialreport(kanjin勘申)submittedbyFujiwaranoAtsumitsu藤原敦光(1063-1144)toEmperorSutoku崇徳in1135apparentlyinresponsetothelatterrsquosquestionsregardingportentsoffamineandsicknessThisreportwasincludedinthemid-twelfthcenturyHonchōzokumonzui本朝続文粹athoroughlyannotatedversionofitmaybefoundinYamagishietaledsKodaiseijishakaishisō(TokyoIwanamishoten2001)pp169-84TheHistoriographicalInstituteattheUniversityofTokyomaintainsasearchabledatabasethatincludesthedocumentcollectionsHeianibunKamakuraibunandDaiNihonkomonjoalongwithdigitizedversionsofdozensofdiariesandrecordsfromtheNaraHeianandKamakuraperiodsSeehttpwwwaphiu-tokyoacjpshipsshipscontroller57Hanazonotennōshinki花園天皇宸記Shōchū1412SeeAndrewEGobleldquoSocialChangeKnowledgeandHistoryHanazonorsquosAdmonitionstotheCrownPrincerdquoHarvardJournalofAsiaticStudies551(1995)p103ItisofinteresttonotethatcomparisonsofWangTongwithMengziXunziandYangXiongbecamecommoninChinaduringtheNorthernSongwhenWenzhongzibegantoappearonthecivilserviceexaminationsOnthisseeWongKwok-yiuldquoBetweenPoliticsandMetaphysicsOntheChangingReceptionofWangTrsquoungintheTrsquoang-SungIntellectualTransitionsrdquoMonumentaSericavol55(2007)pp61-97

34

LikeDongZhongshuWangTongsoughttounitemultiplestrandsofclassical

ChinesethoughtunderanessentiallyConfucianphilosophicalrubricandhedrew

heavilyonZhongyong中庸(TheDoctrineoftheMean)YijingChunqiuandthework

ofDongZhongshuhimselfYetWangattemptedsomethingthataWesternHan

figurelikeDongcouldnothaveintegratingintohissystemnotonlythoseparticular

textsandmodesofdiscourseidentifiedprincipallywithConfucianismandDaoism

butalsothoseassociatedwithBuddhismWenzhongziquotesdirectlyfromthe

AvatamsakaSutra(CHuayanjingJKegonkyō華厳經)andtheverychapteron

whichChūgandrawsinhismemorialcontainsanexchangebetweenWangandone

ofhisdisciplesinwhichWangidentifiedtheBuddha佛asasage聖人58The

unificationofConfucianismDaoismandBuddhismcollectivelystyledtheldquoThree

Creedsrdquo(CSanjiaoJSankyō三教)intherealmsofaestheticsmetaphysicsethics

andstatecraftwouldbecomearecurringtropeinmedievalJapanesethoughtandit

isquitelikelythatWenzhongziwasasignalworktoayoungChūganseekinga

holisticunderstandingofthevicissitudesofhisage59

MorethanthisChūganmayhaveseenhimselfasanintellectualheirtoWang

TongandaspiredtocontinuehislegacyinJapanChgūanrsquosphilosophicalmagnum

opusaportionofwhichwillbeconsideredbelowistheaforementionedChūseishi

58SeeZhangPeiZhongshuojiaozhu(BeijingZhonghuaShuju2013)pp11and114ThecontextseemstosuggestthatthebuddhainquestionisthehistoricalBuddhabuttheidentificationmightbeinterpretedassimplybeingbetweenabuddhaandasage59NotinfrequentlyConfucianismwasreplacedinthemedievalJapaneseversionoftheldquoThreeCreedsrdquobyrecentlydevelopednotionsofShintotheformulationofwhichowedmuchtoesotericBuddhismmountainasceticism(Shugendō修験道)andoldertraditionsofkamiworshipthathadnotpreviouslybeensystematized

35

中正子whichwascomposedseveralmonthsafterGenminandthememorialtoGo-

DaigoTheworktakesitstitlefromapseudonymousfictionalcharacterwho

representsChūganrsquosownviewsindialogicexchangesNotonlyisthename

ChūseishildquoTheMasterofBalanceandRectituderdquoimmediatelysuggestiveofWang

TongrsquosposthumousmonikerWenzhongzi文中子ldquoTheMasterofCultureand

BalancerdquoChūganrsquosworkisalsostructuredinpreciselythemannerofWenzhongzi

andcoverssimilarmaterialIntheopeningchapterofChūseishitheMasterof

BalanceandRectitudeevenopinesthatWangTongwasldquoremarkablysimilarrdquoto

Confucius60ItisprobablynotunreasonabletoassumethatChūganwhowas34at

thetimeandinthebeginningofhismostcreativeandexperimentalperiodhoped

thathetoomightsomedaybeaccordedcomparableapprobation

ANoteonGenreandStyleChūganrsquosMemorialintheContextofMedieval

JapaneseKanbun

GiventhesingularcircumstancesconfrontingJapaneseelitesand

intellectualsinthe1330sitisperhapsnotsurprisingthatintermsofcontent

60王氏後夫子千載而生然甚俏焉SeeIriyaYoshitakaedldquoChūseishirdquoinIchikawaHakugenetaledsChūseiZenkenoshisō(TokyoIwanamishoten1972)pp128and172ChūganseemstohavemeantthisasagenuinecomplimentoratleastasaneutraldescriptionofWangTongrsquosapproachtoscholarshipWangTongwashoweverinfamousforhisovertemulationofConfuciusinseeminglyeveryaspectofhislifestylesomethingforwhichhewascriticizedbylaterscholarsparticularlythoseassociatedwiththeDaoxuemovementSeeHowardJWechslerldquoTheConfucianTeacherWangTrsquoung(584-617)OneThousandYearsofControversyrdquoTrsquooungPaoLXIII(1977)pp225-272andHoytClevelandTillmanUtilitarianConfucianismChrsquoenLiangrsquosChallengetoChuHsi(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1982)pp106-7

36

ChūganrsquosmemorialstandswellapartfrommostextantJapaneseexamplesofthe

genreOver40hyōbyJapaneseauthorsarepreservedintheinfluentialeleventh-

centurykanshibunanthologyHonchōmonzui本朝文粹(TheLiteraryEssenceofOur

Court)anddozensmoremaybefoundinprivatecollectionssuchasKankebunsō管

家文草 andToshibunshū whichrecordthewritingsofnotedliterati

SugawaranoMichizane菅原道真(845-903)andMiyakonoYoshika都良香(c838-

79)respectivelyAllofthesememorialsarebyaristocratsandthevastbulkare

formaldeclinations(jici辭)ofofficialappointmentsSuchdeclinationsfrequently

offeredmoreasdemonstrationsofhumilitythanasearnestrefusalsrepresenta

majortraditionalfunctionofthehyō61AlthoughMichizanedidcomposesomevery

briefhyōthataddressedissuesofgovernmentpolicyndashinoneherequeststhatan

additionalprofessorofliterature(monjōhakase文章博士)beappointedatthe

universityndashnonespeaktofundamentalpoliticalreformorbearuponthetotalityof

statesocietyandkingshipinJapanWereonetosearchfortextsbyJapanese

authorssimilarinbothintentandcontenttoChūganrsquosmemorialthelikeliest

candidateswouldnotbeHeian-erahyōbutratherworksofpoliticalcounseloffered

bycontemporariessuchasYoshidaSadafusa吉田定房(1274-1338)Amemberof

thehighnobility(kugyō公卿)Sadafusawasamongthemosteducatedmenofhis

generationandservedasroyalvizierandtutorintheChineseclassicstoEmperor

61SometimesappointeeswouldoffernotonebutthreedeclinationsfollowingtheexampleofDukeWenofJin(c771-476BC)whothricerefusedanofferofenfeoffment(册)beforeeventuallyacceptingitThispracticewasapparentlyfollowedfaithfullybysomeJapaneseofficialsasmemorialsofdeclinationlabeledldquofirstrdquoldquosecondrdquoandldquothirdrdquoarenotuncommoninHonchōmonzui

37

Go-DaigoIn1324hedraftedaten-pointldquokotogaki-stylerdquomemorial(sōjō奏狀)

analyzedindetailbelowinwhichhewarnedGo-Daigoagainstchallengingthe

bakufumilitarily62Thepieceisthoughtfulandlearnedexemplifyingwellthe

traditionofChineselearningwithinthearistocracyandillustratingtheimportance

oftheChinesehistoricallegacytopoliticalsuasioninJapanOlderanaloguesmight

alsobesoughtinkanmon(勘文)agenrewithouttheliterarypatinaofthehyōbut

usedfrequentlybyJapanesearistocratstoofferopinionsandrecommendationson

mattersofcourtpolicy

Altogetherthehyōseemstohavebeenagenrefarmorecommonly

composedbyHeian-period(794-1185)courtiersthanbymedievalliteratiand

predominantlyforpurposesotherthanremonstrationorpolicyproposalToa

muchgreaterextentthanotheresteemedChineseliteraryforms(egshi詩ron

(lun)論sho(shu)書san(zan)贊andfu賦)memorialsandperhapsthehyōmost

especiallyseemtohaveremainedinJapananichegenretiedcloselytoa

continentalcultureofofficialdomoneinwhicheducatedministerspliedtheir

serviceswithinasingularstatistauthoritystructureatwhoseapexstoodtheoffice

andpersonaoftheemperorThismodelofgovernancemetwithrespectable

successinJapanduringtheNara(710-94)andearlyHeianerasandwasinavery

62SeeKasamatsuHiroshietaledsChūseiseijishakaishisōvol2(TokyoIwanamiShoten1981)pp149-154Intheso-calledkotogaki事書きorkajōgaki箇条書きformateachentrybeginshitotsuhellipnokoto一 hellip 事ldquoItemIntheMatterofhelliprdquoorinlegalpreamblesldquoItemWhereashelliprdquoForexamplethefirstentryinSadafusarsquosmemorialopenswiththecaption一王者以仁勝暴事whichmightbereadaloudinJapaneseasHitotsuōwajinwomottebōnikatsukotoldquoItemThataKingOvercomesViolencewithBenevolencerdquoNotallJapanesememorialsbearingthesōzhuangdesignationarestructuredlikethis

38

basicsensethemodeltowhichChūganandGo-DaigoweremostattractedButby

thetimeChūganwaswritingsuchapolityhadlongsincebeentransformedbyboth

auniquelyJapaneseapparatusofstatistauthorityndashthebakufu幕府orldquoshogunaterdquo

ndashandnumeroussourcesofmorelocalizedldquolordlyrdquoauthoritysuchaswealthy

familiesandreligiousinstitutions63DuringtheMuromachiperiod(1338-1573)

eventheshogunatecouldmakenopretensetoanythingresemblingabsolute

nationalsuzeraintyandfunctionedinsteadasaninterdependentpart(albeitavery

powerfulone)inwhathasbeentermedaldquosystemoflordlycorporationsrdquo64Thisis

nottosaythateducatedaristocraticministersceaseddischargingthefunctionsof

theirHeianpredecessorstheycertainlydidnotButthecourtwasnolongeratthe

centeroftextualproductionanditsrelativeretreatfromleadershipinthisarea

roughlytracksthetrajectoryofitsfortunesasaninstitutionwhichexceptingthe

briefrevivalincourtauthoritybetween1321and1336declinedmarkedlyoverthe

courseoftheKamakuraperiodandfellstillfurtherinthecenturiesthatfollowed65

ThroughouttheMuromachiperiodhighlytrainedBuddhistscholar-priests

grewnotonlytooutnumberaristocraticministersandmembersofthehereditary

hakase博士scholarfamiliesbutalsotooutpacethemintheproductionofpoetry

63UseofthetermslordlyandstatistfollowMaryElizabethBerryTheCultureofCivilWarinKyoto(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1994)64Ibidpxxvii65SeeGCameronHurstIIIldquoTheKōbuPolityCourt-BakufuRelationsinKamakuraJapanrdquoinJefferyPMassedCourtandBakufuinJapanEssaysinKamakuraHistory(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1982)pp3-28GermanetoGo-DaigorsquospoliticalorientationwastheKamakurashogunatersquosroleineffectivelysplittingtheimperialfamilyintotworivallineseachdependingforincomeontheirowndiminishedportfoliosofestates

39

andexpositoryproseinChinese66WorkintheseareasbyfigureslikeChūgan

ZekkaiChūshinMusōSosekiGidōShūshin義堂周信(1325-88)Hanazonoand

manyothersreachedheightsofartistryandintellectualsophisticationunexcelledby

eventhegreatestofHeianliteratiOnamoremundanelevelkanbunremainedthe

mediumofchoiceinawidevarietyofpracticalcontextsandthecharacteristic

socialtrendsoftheagemostnotablythedecentralizationofauthorityand

expansionofthecommercialeconomymotivatedanimpressiveefflorescenceof

familyprecepts(kakun家訓)privatestatutorycodesforthemanagementoffamily

properties(egthemasterfulMunakatakotogakijōjō宗像事書条々of1312)along

withagalaxyoflegalrecordscontractsbillsofsaleandotherdocumenttypesseen

eitherlessfrequentlyornotatallinearlierepochs

Moreoverinasmuchastheliterarykanshibuntraditionduringthemedieval

erawasshapedlessbyaristocratsthanbymembersoftheclergysomeofwhom

hadspentextendedperiodsoftimeinChinaandwereproficientinbothldquoclassicalrdquo

ChineseandtheSongvernacularthereisprobablymorestylisticdiversityin

literarykanshibunofthistimethaninthatoftheHeianperiodTheprosestyleof

Chūganrsquosmemorialnolessthanitsboldsubjectmatterdistinguishesitfromits

HeianpredecessorsAsalreadynotedChūganpreferredtowriteinadirectguwen-

inspiredstylealthoughsomeofMichizanersquoshyōarerelativelystraightforwardthey

allfarbrieferthanChūganrsquosandtheexamplesofthegenreinHonchōmonzuitend

toexemplifythehighlywroughtpianwenstyleofparallelproseBycontrast

66KurozumiMakotoDavidLurietransldquoKangakuWritingandInstitutionalAuthorityrdquoinHaruoShiraneedInventingtheClassicsModernityNationalIdentityandJapaneseLiterature(StanfordStanfordUnivPress2000)p210

40

Chūganrsquosmemorialisnotonlydirectbutseemsalmostcolloquialinplacesasinthe

portioncitedabovewherehetellsGo-Daigothatrestoringthekinglywayinthisera

would(ordid)constituteaparticularlygrandachievementInthisexamplethe

phraseldquoespeciallyinthistimerdquo固在斯時isinsertedintotherhetoricalquestionina

waythatsuggeststheurgencyofaspokenutterance

陛下除覇興王不乃萬世鴻業之始固在斯時乎舊法之弊可不革耶 IfyourmajestyabolishesmilitaryhegemonyandrevivesthewayofthekingwouldthisnotbethebeginningofanachievementndashhereinourtimendashthatwouldringoutforathousandgenerationsHowcanweaffordnottoreformthebanefulscourgeofouroutmodedways67

TodayChūganrsquosmemorialstandsasasingularexampleofpolitical

argumentationinmedievalJapanandtestifiesimplicitlytotheopportunitiesfor

bothsocialadvancementandideologicalexperimentationpresentedbyGo-Daigorsquos

ambitionsArtisticallyitillustratestheconventionsofagenrethatwaspracticed

almostexclusivelybymembersofthearistocracyandwhichseemstohavebecome

lesscommoninthemedievalerathanithadbeeninHeiantimeswhentheimperial

courtwasatitsculturalapogeeWhileupholdingcertainconventionscommonto

67ReadaccordingtoJapanesekundokuconventionsthephrase固在斯時isseeminglyquitesimple(makotonikonotokiniari)butinreadingtheentirelocutionthesituationiscomplicatedbytheneedtoadjusttheconjugationof在(ari)whenrenderingthenegativestructure不乃hellip乎whichwouldresultinsomethinglikeHeikahaonozokiōookosuwasunawachibanseikōgyōnohajimemakotonikonotokiniarankaJapanesereadersuntrainedinldquoChineserdquoassuchreliedlargelyuponkundokurulestoconstruekanbuntextsdespitetheoftenstiltedqualityofsuchrenderingsmostwereaurallycomprehensibletothosefamiliarwiththeconventionsForanextendedinvestigationofkundokuandrelatedmattersseetheappendixattheendofthisstudy

41

earlierJapanesememorialsitalsodemonstrateseconomyofdictionandclarityof

expressionstylisticsensibilitiesthatareperhapsbettersuitedtoprovidingactual

policyadvicethantheellipticalflourishesfrequentlyfoundinHeian-eraparallel

proseSignificantlynosimilarmemorialsbyotherJapanesefiguresintheGozan

milieusurviveTherenownedChineseeacutemigreacutemonkMingjiChujun(MinkiSoshun

明極楚俊1262-1336)didofferacongratulatoryhyōtoGo-Daigouponhisre-

acquisitionofpowerin1333butthiswasacelebratorypiecenotintendedto

advanceaprogramofreform68ThatChūganwasseeminglytheonlyGozanfigure

tohavecomposedsuchalengthyandideologicallyinsistentmemorialspeaksto

bothhisownpoliticalconvictionsunusuallystrongbythestandardsofhiseraand

totheuniquecircumstancesofthe1330sYetwhileChūganrsquosmemorialundeniably

evincestheidiosyncrasiesofbothitsauthoranditshistoricalmomentidiosyncrasy

isonlylegibleinreferencetowhatiscustomaryWhateverpowersofperlocution

thememorialmightbeseentopossessariseprincipallyfromcitationsand

rhetoricalconventionsthatsituateitsquarelywithinanesteemedgenericlineage

embracingcountlesstextsofsimilarimportwrittenbyprincipledcouncilorsboth

ChineseandJapaneseinagespast

68SeeSunRongchengldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquo(PhDDissBeijingForeignStudiesUniversity2012)p98ThisisnottosaythatMingjihadnopoliticalagendaitisknownthathegavelectureswhichGo-Daigoattendedinwhichheadvocatedformilitarypreparedness(ifnotmilitancy)amongtheBuddhistmonasticcommunityAsSunnotesGo-DaigomayhavewelcomedthematerialsupportthatarmedmonksfriendlytohiscausecouldprovidebuttheideadoesrepresentanideologicaldifferencebetweenMingjiandChūganwhoopposedsoldieryamongmonks

42

ViolenceVirtueandRoyalLegitimacyTheMemorialofYoshidaSadafusa

AnillustrativecomplementtothesuasivestrategiesemployedinChūganrsquos

hyōwhichprovidedrealadviceonmattersofpolicybutwasnotremonstrativeor

criticalofGo-Daigoisprovidedbytheaforementionedmemorial(sōjō)ofYoshida

SadafusaWrittenin1324inoppositiontoGo-Daigorsquosplantomovemilitarily

againsttheshogunatethistextsoughtnottoflattertheemperorrsquoshistorical

positionbuttorelativizeitTraditionallythesō(奏Czou)wasanadmonitory

genrethatwasemployedoccasionallybyNaraandHeian-periodofficialsbutfor

purposestypicallyunrelatedtoremonstrationItshistoryinChinareachesbackat

leastamillenniumbeforeitsappearanceinJapanaccordingtoLiuXieldquothezoursquos

functioninaccusationandimpeachmentistoclarifythelawandridthestateof

evilhellipsinceitisitspurposetoexposeevilanimpeachmentmemorialcannothelp

butbesevereandharshrdquo(若乃按劾之奏所以明憲清國 hellip 術在糾惡勢必深

峭)69

TheevilsthatSadafusawishedtoexposewereprincipallythosethatresult

frommisguidedmilitaryadventuresHisviewsonJapanesekingshipandthe

responsibilitiesofsovereigntywereheavilyinfluencedbytheChinesephilosophical

andhistoriographicaltraditionwhichtohimofferedbothhistoricaldataand

69SeeVincentYu-chungShihTheLiteraryMindandtheCarvingofDragonsAStudyofThoughtandPatterninChineseLiterature(HongKongTheChineseUniversityPress1983)pp256-57ItisworthnotingherethatgenericterminologyisnotalwaysappliedrigidlyandshouldnotbetakenasdeterminativeofcontentinHeianJapanworksdesignatedsōjōareapttobeelegantlywordedpetitionsforcourtpromotionnotstridentmemorialsofimpeachmentInthisregardSadafusarsquossōjōissomewhatuniqueandcloserinspirittoLiuXiersquosnotionofthezou

43

philosophicalfirstprinciplesthatwereapplicabletocontemporaryJapanTwo

worksinparticularMengziandShijiloomespeciallylargeThisofcourseis

somethinghehasincommonwithChūganAltogetherhismemorialoffersa

valuableglimpseintopoliticalsuasionwithintheroyalcircleandillustrateshowat

leastoneeducatedministerunderstoodboththestrategicandtheethical

implicationsofmakingwarwiththeshogunate70

ThoughitwouldseemthatdisagreementspersistregardingYourMajestyrsquos

intentiontofoundanewstateIsubmitthatthewillofHeavenremainsunknownand

themostopportunemomentforactionisimpossibletoascertainRetracingthehistory

ofbothChinaandJapanIshallanswerYourMajestyrsquosrequestforcounselwithmyown

humbleobservationsThereislittletogainandmuchtoloseandsoIventureto

presentmyearnestsuggestionsdaringtoincurtherefromthefullmeasureofYour

Majestyrsquosdispleasure

国家草創事叡念雖似有議天命未知時機難測和漢両朝先蹤今就 勅命粗愚管小益多損試献数箇之鯁議敢犯十分之逆鱗矣1 ThataKingOvercomesViolencewithHumanity

70ThetranslationthatfollowsisbaseduponthetextinKasamatsuetaledsChūseiseijishakaishisōpt2(Nihonshisōtaikei22TokyoIwanamiShoten1981)pp148-54KasamatsuandSatōShinrsquoichihaveprovidedhelpfulannotationswhichhavebeenreproducedhereadditionalnoteshavebeenappendedtotermsorpassagesthatpresentparticularinterpretivechallengesThetextisalsoincludedinZokugunshoruijū(seeldquoJōshūbōzōnikki淨修坊雜日記rdquoZGSRJ92531pt2)butnoauthorisspecifiedItwasnotuntil1940thatscholarsMatsumotoShūji松本周二andMurataMasashi村田正志identifiedtheworkasSadafusarsquosaconclusionthatremainswidelyacceptedtodayOnthisseeSatōShinrsquoichirsquosexplanatoryintroductiontotheworkinCSSSpt2391-92

44

Inthewayoftheaccomplishedperson(shijin至人)itishumanity(jin仁)thatcomes

firstInmanifestinghumanityconcretelythemostfundamentalthingistonotkillThis

iswhatismeantinMengzibythenotionthattherealmmaybepacifiedbybeing

unified71ThefirstemperorofQinmobilizedallthepeoplewithinhisbordersandset

themupontheSixKingdomsTakingadvantageoftheunrestinShandonghewas

ultimatelyabletoconsumethewholeofChinaAndyethisregimeperishedintwo

generationsCaoCaoofWeiSimaYiofJinLiuYuofLiuSongXiaoDaochengof

SouthernQiXiaoYanofLiangYangJianofSuindashallofthesemenfoundeddynastiesbut

theirdescendantswouldnotbeperformingtheancestralsacrificesforlongThisis

becausetheyreliedonforceofarmstosolidifytheirpositionandmadetyrannyand

violencetheirfoundationGaozuofHanGuangwuofLatterHanandTaizongofTang

allfollowedthewayoftheFormerKingsandpossessedheartsofhumanityandloveAs

thestatestheyestablishedeachenduredforcenturiescantherebeanydoubtthat

Menciuswasright

一王者以仁勝暴事 至人之道只仁為先仁之為躰不殺為基孟子所謂天下定于一是也秦始皇駈境内之民当六国之役乗于山東之擾乱暫雖呑海内二世兮滅魏曹操晉司馬懿宋劉裕齊蕭道成梁蕭衍隨楊堅皆雖為草創之主子孫永不血食是皆以兵革為固以暴虐為基之故也漢高祖後漢光武唐太宗皆遵先王之道抱仁愛之心社稷各數百年孟子之言豈徒然乎

ThisfirstarticleimplicitlypresentsGo-Daigowithachoicebeamartialruler

whosesuccesswillbeshortlivedorbeavirtuousrulerwhosepolitywillendurefor

71ThereferenceistoMengzi1A7ldquoMengzihadanaudiencewithKingXiangofLiangWhenMengzilefthesaidtosomeotherslsquoWhenIlookedupathimhedidnotseemlikearulerofpeopleWhenIapproachedhimIdidnotseeanythingawe-inspiringinhimHesimplyblurtedoutlsquoHowcantheworldbepacifiedrsquoIrespondedlsquoItcanbepacifiedbybeingunifiedrsquoThekingaskedlsquoWhocanunifyitrsquoIrepliedlsquoOnewhodoesnothaveatasteforkillingpeoplecanunifyithelliprsquordquoSeeVanNordenMengziWithSelectionsfromTraditionalCommentariesp7

45

generationsNoteworthyistheprideofplacegiventoMenciusathinkerwhois

typicallyassociatedwiththeviewthatpoliticallegitimacyiscontingentuponthe

moralfitnessoftherulerthatSadafusaforegroundsMenciusinthefirstarticleof

hismemorialimpliesunmistakablythatheseesGo-Daigorsquosruleandprobably

Japanesekingshipingeneralassubjecttothesameforcesthatbearuponkingship

elsewhereEventheMengzientryhecitespresentsarulerthatwhilenottyrannical

isnotparticularlyprescienteitherSadafusaiscertainlyromanticizingthelegacies

ofHanGaozuHanGuangwuandTangTaizongbutsuchwasstandardpracticein

tractsofpoliticalsuasion

2 ThattheManpowerofthePopulaceMustNotbeWastedTheQinemperorbuiltlavishlyonMountLiandtheSuiemperordebauchedin

Jiangdu72Thesealoneexemplifyarroganceanddissolutionhowmuchmoredotheir

militaryadventures

一不費民力役事 秦皇營驪山之侈隨帝專江都之遊尚是驕逸之甚也何況於軍旅之事乎

3 ThatUndertakingsWhichImperilPeoplersquosLivesMustBeTreatedSolemnly

72ThereferencesaretotheenormousmausoleumQinShihuanghadconstructedforhimselffamoustodayforthe1974discoveryofanarmyofterracottastatuesinterredonitsgroundsandtoaluxuriousdetachedpalacebuiltatYangzhoubyEmperorYangofSui

46

Akingisthemotherandfatheroftheentirepopulacehemakesthewholeoftherealm

hishouseandthepeoplehischildrenHowcouldalovingfatherpossiblywishtosend

hisowninnocentprogenytodieuponthetipsofspearsHowmanypeoplewillbesent

totheirdeathsbeforeorderisreturnedtotherealmOhhowIgrievetothinkofit

一重人死命事 王者萬民之父母也以天下為家以民庶為子使無罪之子孫死鋒鏑之下豈慈父之意乎天下草昧之間萬民役死幾多乎嗟呼哀哉

IntheseshortarticlesSadafusacitestwowell-knownexamplesofwasteand

immoralityinordertomakethepointthateventhesebadactspaleincomparison

tomisguidedmilitaryventuresHethenoffersanemotionallychargedexhortation

thataltogetherbypassestheldquostrategicrdquoquestionofwhetherornotwaragainst

Kamakuramightactuallysucceedandinsteadpointstothehumancostofwaging

suchawar

4 ThatldquoHeavenlyomensarenotasgoodasadvantagesofterrainandadvantagesofterrainarenotasgoodasharmonywiththepeoplerdquo73ThesearewordsthatMenciuswroteInrecenttimestheorderoftherealmissuch

thatofahundredpartsninetyarecontrolledbywarriorhouses(武家)Intermsof

martialcouragethepeopleinourShandongareeachworthathousandmenhow

couldthedelicatebabiesoftheKinaibepittedagainstthosemightyKanto

barbarians74Theutterimpossibilityofthisneedsnofurthercomment

73Mengzi2B1TranslationgiveninVanNordenMengziWithSelectionsfromTraditionalCommentariesp5074ldquoOurShandongrdquoisasomewhatspeculativetranslationbasedontheassumptionthatSadafusaisusingShandong(ldquoEastoftheMountainsrdquo山東)whichbecametheterritorialbaseoftheQinempirefollowingitsconquestofQiasananaloguefor

47

一天時不如地利々々不如人和事 孟子書有此言矣頃年天下之躰百分兮九十者武家之有也戰士勇山東之民一兮當千豈以皇畿近州之嬰兒對東關蛮夷之勇健乎此事之不可亦叵言矣

5 ConcerningtheYellowEmperorrsquosPunitiveExpeditionChiyouwouldnotobeyimperialcommandssotheYellowEmperormountedan

expeditionagainsthim75TodaycanthewarriorsoftheKantobecountedonnotto

contraveneHeavenlyprinciple(Noofcoursenot)Thisisthefirstreasonforthe

impossibility(ofmountingasimilarexpeditionagainsttheKamakuraBakufu)

一皇帝征伐事 蚩尤不用帝命故征伐之今時關東之武士無逆天理之志歟其不可一也

InthisarticleandinthethreethatfollowSadafusaappealstoexamples

fromChinesehistorytocharacterizeGo-DaigorsquostenuouspositionHedoessorather

terselypresumablybecausehismessageisentirelycleartoGo-DaigoTheissuein

ArticleFiveseemstobethatwhiletheYellowEmperorneededtoenlisttheaidof

theldquofeudallordsrdquo(諸侯)ndashandsuccessfullydidsondashinordertoeffecthissubjugation

ofChiyouGo-Daigocouldnotcountonreceivingsimilarsupportfromeastern

easternJapanwhichbySadafusarsquostimewasalreadylongrenownedforthestrengthofitsfightingmen75Chiyou蚩尤ldquoTheWounderrdquowasapowerfullocalleaderwhowouldnotsubmittothenascentpoliticalorderledbytheYellowEmperorSadafusaislikelydrawingupontheinformationatthebeginningoftheFiveEmperors(五帝紀)sectionofShiji

ldquoChiyoufomentedrebellionandwouldnotobeyimperialcommandsThustheYellowEmperorproceededtocalluptroopsfromamongthefeudallordsanddidbattlewithChiyouinthewildsofZhulueventuallycapturingandkillinghimrdquo(Shiji13)

48

warriorswerehetochallengeKamakuraThatiseventhoughthereexistinthe

historicalrecordexamplesofsuccessful(andmorallyjustifiable)actsofmilitary

conquestpresentcircumstanceswillnotpermitGo-Daigotoenjoysimilarresults

6 ConcerningShunrsquosPacificationofTheSanMiaoTheMiaopeopleswouldnotsubmitandsoShunconqueredthemHoweverhis

conquestwasunsuccessfulHenceheputintoeffectthePlanofYufosteringculture

andvirtueandtherebygettingtheMiaotoyieldthisiswhatldquodancingunderfeathered

bannersonthepalacestepsrdquorefersto76Thisisthesecondreasonfortheimpossibility

(ofchallengingtheBakufu)

一舜服其三苗事 苗民不服故舜征之而無成功遂用禹之謀修文德服苗民舞于羽於兩階是也其不可二也

7 ConcerningChengDeposingJieDragonsdescendedintotheXiacourtandghostsweptonthefrontier77(Jie)

imprisonedTangatXiataiand(Tang)drovethepeopleawayfromvice78ChengTang

76ldquoTheemperorthenspreadwidecultureandvirtueandtheydancedunderfeatheredbannersonthepalacestepsrdquo帝乃誕敷文德舞于羽于兩階 (ShujingldquoDaYuMordquo大禹謨)Thetermsldquoculturerdquo文andldquovirtuerdquo德arevastlymorecomplexthaneitherofthesetranslationsconveyforpresentpurposesitisnotunreasonabletothinkof文德asacompoundusedbySadafusatomeansomethinglikeldquocivilvirtuerdquoiethesortofvirtueassociatedwithgovernancethroughmoralprobitynotthroughforceInasectionofChūseishitobeconsideredinthenextchapterChūgansets文德explicitlyoppositeofldquomilitarystrategyrdquo武略withtheformerconstitutingaguidingprincipleofgoodgovernmentandthelatteramereexpedient77ThisarticledrawsuponShijiandpossiblyShujing書經andwhileitsgeneralthrustisclearsomelinesaredifficulttoparseThefirstclauseintheopeninglinereferstotheappearanceofamaleandfemaledragonduringthetimeofEmperorKongjiaadissoluteandincompetentsovereignwhosereignasdescribedinShiji

49

receivedtheMandatefromHeavenandbanishedJietoMingtiaoandinthiswaywas

abletobuttresshisvirtue79AtpresentsignsportendingtheKantōrsquosfallhaveyetto

appearandwehaveyettohearofwidespreadanxietyandsufferingamongthe

populaceHowcouldYourMajestyrsquosdelicatesubjectsbemadereadytostrikeata

powerstillfavoredbyfortuneThisisthethirdreason(thatchallengingtheshogunate

isimpossible)

一湯取桀事

marksthebeginningoftheendfortheXiaDynastyKongjiareportedlyldquodelightedinfollowingghostsandspiritsandengaginginlicentiousanddisorderlyactionsrdquo(好方鬼神事淫亂)hewasunabletocareforthedragonsandlostthesupportoftheHuanlong豢龍(ldquoDragonRaisingrdquo)ClanSeeWilliamHNienhauserJretaledsTheGrandScribersquosRecordsvol1(BloomingtonIndianaUnivPress1994)p37UnfortunatelyIhavenotbeenabletolocatethereferenceforSadafusarsquosmentionofghostsweepingonthefrontierandSatoandKasamatsuoffernoexplanatorygloss78囚湯於夏臺驅民於無罪AlthoughparallelismwouldseemtosuggestthattheimpliedsubjectofthesecondsentenceisalsoJiesuchaninterpretationisdifficulttojustifyonhistoricalgroundsThoughthespecificlocution驅民於無罪seemstobeuniquetothismemorialSadafusawasprobablyrememberingtheldquoDeclarationofTangrdquo(湯誓)aspeechinShujingwhosecontentissummarizedintheShijisectionuponwhichhedrawsinthisandthefollowingarticleTangaccusesJieofhavingcommittedmanycrimesandtriestopersuadeaskepticalpeoplethathisoverthrowoftheXiaisthusjustifiableSadafusarsquosclaimthatthepeoplewereldquodrivenrdquotoastateofldquoinnocencerdquoisprobablybestunderstoodtomeanthattheywereimpelledtosupportTanginhisquestforaneworderThephrase無罪mightplausiblybeconstruedasmeaningtheonewhoiswithoutoffenseieTangThisdoesallowasomewhatstrongercasetobemadefortakingJieastheimpliedsubjectwhothroughhistyranny(inadvertently)ldquodroverdquothepeopletowardTang79成湯受命於天放桀於鳴條而有輔德SatoandKasamatsuconstrue而ascontrastiveandthusreadthephrase而有輔德asmeaningsomethinglikeldquobuthepossessedbuttressingvirtuerdquo(theirkundokuglossreadsしかるに輔德あり)Byitselfthephrase有輔德couldmeanldquotohavethemeansofbuttressingonersquosvirtuerdquoorldquotohavethatwhichbuttressesonersquosvirtuerdquo(ineithercaseanabbreviationof有所輔德)orldquotohavelsquobuttressingvirtuersquordquotaking輔德asacompoundobjectof有SatoandKasamatsursquosrenditionactuallymakesSadafusarsquosrebukeofGo-DaigoevensharperunlikeTangwhohadthemandatefromHeavenandthesupportofthepeopleGo-Daigopossessesnocomparableldquobuttressingvirtuerdquoforhiscause

50

龍降于夏庭鬼泣于國境囚湯於夏台駈民於無罪成湯受命於天放桀於鳴条而有輔德今時關東之妖孼未見萬民之愁苦未聞豈以微弱之王民伺天縱之武運哉其不可三也 8 ConcerningKingWuDeposingZhow80HemadetheMarquisofJiuintodriedstripsofmeatandtheMarquisofEinto

mincemeathedebauchedinapoolfilledwithwineandhungmeatinsuchabundanceit

resembledtreesinaforestHewasespeciallypreferentialtowardshisconsortDaJiand

enjoyedlongnightsofmusicandmerrimentHeinstitutedcruelpenallawsincluding

immolationinthefirepit(paoluohōraku )81ButtherewasKingWenaleader

whohadreceivedtheMandateandwhohadpentuphisgrievanceswhileinternedat

Youli82NextcamethesagaciousrulerKingWuwhosworehisoathofcommandat

80FollowingconventionthenameofthelasttyrantkingoftheShangDynastyZhou紂willberomanizedwithalsquowrsquoinsteadoftheotherwiseexpectedlsquoursquotodistinguishitfromZhou周81AbronzepillarwaslaidacrossafirepitandthecondemnedweremadetowalkacrossituntiltheyfellintothefireSeeTheGrandScribersquosRecordsvol1p50n111TheactsSadafusamentionsaredescribedinShiji3105-106百姓怨望而諸侯有畔者於是紂乃重刑辟有炮格之法hellip九侯有好女入之紂九侯女不喜淫肘怒殺之而醢九侯鄂侯爭之彊辨之疾并脯鄂侯ldquoThefamiliesofthehundredcognomenswerefilledwithresentmentandhatredandamongthefeudallordstherewerethosewhowereagainsthimZhowthenincreasedtheseverityofhispunishmentsandhadamethodofroastingpeopleonarackhellipTheMarquisofJiuhadafitdaughterwhoheputinZhowrsquosserviceTheMarquisofJiursquosdaughterwasnotinterestedindebaucheryZhowbecameangryandkilledherHemadetheMarquisofJiuintomincemeatTheMarquisofEremonstratedstronglyandarguedforcefullysoZhowalsohadhimmadeintodriedmeatstripsrdquo(TheGrandScribersquosRecordsvol1p50)82FearingthesupportKingWenwasreceivingfromthefeudallordsZhowimprisonedhiminanareacalledYoulilocatedinmodernHenanInanattempttosecuretheirmasterrsquosfreedomKingWenrsquosvassalscollectedvarioustreasures(andattractivewomen)topresenttoZhowwhowassoimpressedwiththegiftsthathepardonedWenKingWenthenknownsimplyasLordoftheWest西伯becameoneofthemostrespectedleadersofhisdayandevenconvincedZhowtoabolishimmolationIntimemostoftheotherfeudallordsswitchedtheirallegiancefromZhowtoWenwhosesonKingWu武woulddealthefinalblowtoZhowandbring

51

Mengjin83ButinourpresentMandate-alteringyearnosignsportendingtheKantorsquos

demisehaveappearedafactwhichIhavealreadystatedabove84Thisisthefourth

reason(thattheshogunateshouldnotbechallenged)85

一武王放肘事 脯九侯醢鄂侯瀝酒池掛肉林嬖愛妲己成長夜之樂以苛酷之刑法修炮烙之命爰有文王受命之君績憂於牖里繼以武王聖明之主發蹤於孟津革命之今時關東無妖其議聞上其不可四也 9 ConcerningtheHistoricalVicissitudesofOurImperialCourtInChinathefortunesofthethronehavetimeandagainbeensubjecttodeclineand

resurgenceThisislikelyduesimplytothefactthatdifferentfamilieskeepappearing

(toclaimpower)Inourcountrykings(setsuri刹利)comefromjustonelineasaresult

eventhoughthethronemaygrowweakerwitheachpassingdaynoresurgencecanbe

expectedThisissomethingthatYourMajestymustsurelyperceive86Particularlyafter

theHōgenera(1156-58)theMinamotoandTairafamilieseachmonopolizedpowerand

theauthorityofthethronegraduallydeclinedDuringtheGenryakuerathecaptainof

theRightPalaceGuardsLordYoritomopacifiedtherealmandswallowedupterritories

theShangDynastytoanendKingWenisthusoftenconsideredthehonoraryfounderofthesucceedingZhou周Dynasty83發蹤於孟津Mengjin盟津(alt孟津)waswhereKingWugatheredanarmyproclaimedhimselfheirtoWenandmadeaspeechbeforetheassembledlords84革命之今時關東無妖其儀聞上ThenotionofaldquoMandate-alteringrdquoyearreferstothekōshiorkinoe-ne甲子yearthefirstinthesexagenarycyclewhichinthiscasecorrespondstothefirstyearofShōchūor132485AfterproclaiminghimselfheirandannouncinghiswillingnesstodeposeZhowtheassembledlordsallsaidldquoZhowcanbechastisedrdquoButWustillrefusedtolaunchhiscampaignwaitingtwomoreyearstodosobywhichtimeZhowrsquosrulehadbecomeevenworseSadafusarsquospointseemstobethatevenKingWuwaitedfortheopportunitytostrikeattackingZhowonlywhenvictorywascertain86是聖徳之所觀見也Here聖徳meanssomethinglikeldquosagely(intellectual)capacityrdquosimilarinusageandmeaningto叡念whichSadafusauseselsewhereInessenceheissayingldquoyourownintelligenceshouldtellyouthataresurgenceofimperialpowerisunrealisticrdquo

52

largeandsmallAftertheShōkyūera(1219-21)LordYoshitokitooksolecontrolofthe

reinsofgovernment

Theabilitytoremoveasovereign(三通)orhisheir(儲貳)andtodemoteor

promotegrandministers(高槐)andsupremegenerals(大樹)areallthingsthatarise

frommilitarypowerAtpresentifYourMajestyrsquosambitionsarenotinaccordancewith

thepatternofthetimescantherebeanydoubtofaswiftandresoundingdefeatThe

imperiallinewillbenearlywipedoutTheverysafetyofthecourtitselfisnowatstake

howcanYourMajestynotreflectonthis

一本朝時運興衰事 異朝紹運之躰頗多中興蓋是異姓更出故而已本朝刹利天祚一種故陵遲日甚中興無期是聖德之所觀見也就中保元之後源平遞專國權皇威漸損元曆年中右大將賴朝卿平定天下并吞國邦承久之後義時朝臣專持國柄通三儲貳之廢立高槐大樹之黜陟事皆出自武威今時草創之 叡念若不叶時機者怱有敗北之憂歟天嗣殆盡此乎本朝安否在于此時豈不迴 聖慮哉

DepartingfromthethrustofpreviousarticlesSadafusamakesnoappeal

heretoConfucianmoralityortofamousrulersofChineseantiquityAmongthe

notablefeaturesofthisarticleisitsunusualnomenclatureofkingshipSadafusa

firstusesthesomewhatunusualwordsetsuriatermthatrefersspecificallytothe

KshatriyacastefromwhichIndianmonarchsaredrawntodescribeJapaneserulers

InasmuchasJapaneselexicalitemsofIndicorigintendtocarryBuddhistovertones

thetermmaybeseentoinscribeJapanesekingshipwithinapoliticalcosmology

differentfromthatwhichunderpinsdomesticnotionsofimperialdivinitySetsuriis

followedbyanothercomparativelyexoticwordofsimilarimporttsūsan通三(C

tongsan)whichoccursinHanshuItrefersliterallytothethreefundamental

activitiesofsoundrulendashselectingmenoftalentharmonizingwiththewillofthe

53

peopleandadaptingtotheexigenciesofthetimesbyakindofmetonymic

extensionitalsodenotesthesovereignhimselfAgaintheimplicationseemstobe

thatGo-DaigoinparticularandJapanesesovereignsmoregenerallyoccupyafully

historical(andhistoricizable)realminwhichgoodjudgmentanddecisionmaking

matter

10 ThattheHolyFortunesofRetiredSovereignsandthePowerofWarriorHousesMustEachRuntheirCourseAfterEmperorKōninassumedpowertheroyallinewasagainunified87Andalthough

EmperorHeizeiEmperorSagaandEmperorJunnawerebrothersruleoftherealm

eventuallyreturnedtothedescendantsofEmperorNinmeiThesonsoftheTenryaku

Emperor(EmperorMurakami)ReizeiandEnrsquoyūeachpracticedabdicationinfavorofa

non-linealdescendantbutintimetherealmreturnedonceagaintoEnrsquoyūrsquosline88From

thenuntilnowroyallinesspawnedfrombrothershaveoccasionallyemergedbut

ultimatelyeverythinghasstayedwithinthesamefamily89Thisischaracteristicofthe

87AfterthedeathofEmperorTenchi(r668-72)asuccessiondisputearoseinvolvinghissonPrinceŌtomoandhisyoungerbrotherPrinceŌamaPrinceŌamawasvictoriousandtookthethroneasEmperorTenmu(r673-86)severalofthesovereignswhoreignedduringtheeighthcenturywerehislinealdescendantsEmperorKōnin(r770-81)wasagrandsonofTenchiandallthesovereignswhofollowedhimwerehis(andhenceTenchirsquos)linealdescendantsTraditionalcommentatorsincludingKitabatakeChikafusahaveseenKōninrsquosascensionasareturntothecorrectlineofsuccession88ldquoAbdicationinfavorofanon-linealdescendantrdquorendersyūjō揖譲HereSadafusahighlightsthefactthatReizeiabdicatedinfavorofhisbrotherEnrsquoyūwhointurnabdicatedinfavorofhisnephewKazanYūjōiscloseinmeaningtozenjō禅譲aconceptinearlyChinesepoliticalthoughtdescribingatransferofruleinwhichthekingyieldsthethronevoluntarilytothemostvirtuouspersonintherealm 89或舅姨或兄弟之皇統時々雖出始終遂入于一家HereSadafusamentionsnotonlyroyallinesissuingfrombrothers( )butfromaffinalrelatives(kyūi )aswellThebasicsenseof iseitheramaternaluncleoronersquoswifersquosbrother indicateseitheramaternalauntoronersquoswifersquossisterandthecompound referstounclesandauntsonthemotherrsquossideSatoandKasamatsuoffernoglossonthisbutiftakenliterallyaroyallineissuingfromaffinalrelativeswouldseemtoimplya

54

JapanesecourtaloneAsregardstheaugustlineageestablishedbytheKangenEmperor

(Go-Saga)itwashisdecisiontoestablish(thelineof)EmperorKameyamaasthe

orthodoxlinethisissomethingunderstoodthroughouttherealm90EvenifEmperor

Go-Fukakusarsquoslineshouldunexpectedlyholdswayforthreeorfourreignsintheend

rulewillreturnassuredlytoYourMajestyrsquosimperialline91Thisisnodoubtbecausethe

EarthcannothavetwosovereignsanymorethanHeavencanhavetwosuns92

violationoftheprincipleofpatrilinealdescentThecomplexityofroyalfiliationandgeneralacceptanceofendogamywithintheextendedroyalfamilymakesmanythingspossiblebutatpresentitisuncleartomewhichsovereignsSadafusamighthaveinmindorifthenotionofaldquoroyallineagerdquo皇統issuingfromldquoaffinalrelativesrdquo(assumingthisiswhatismeantby舅姨)iseventenableandIhavethusavoidedthematterinthetranslationpendingmoreinformation90KameyamaandGo-FukakusawerescionsofGo-SagaandfullbrothersChikafusatooreportsthatGo-SagaintendedtohaveKameyamarsquoslineinheritthethrone91後深草院不慮雖及三四代始終定歸當代之皇胤歟Rhetoricalquestionsarecommoninhortatorywritingheretheimpliedanswerisaffirmativeyes(rule)willassuredlyreturntoyourroyallineThetermtōdai當代mayindicateeitherthepresentageorthecurrentheadofafamilysynonymousinthelattersensewithtōshu當主Whicheverisemphasizedintranslationthegistisunchanged(sinceGo-Daigocurrentlyoccupiesthethrone)IhavetakenthefirstclauseasconditionalbecausedoingsoreconcilesitnicelywiththenextsentenceHoweveritmightalsobetakenasadeclarativestatementaboutpasthistorywhichwouldbemoreinkeepingwiththeprecedingcommentsSadafusamadeaboutJapanesesovereignsInthisreadingtheclausemightbeconstruedasareferencetothefactthatpriortoGo-Daigorsquosaccessionthreeoutoffoursovereigns(FushimiGo-FushimiandHanazono)weresonsorgrandsonsofGo-FukakusaThisreadingdoeshoweverchangethesenseofthesentencethatfollows(seebelow)92蓋天無二日地無二主之故也Thesignificanceofthisdependsonwhetherweunderstandthepreviouslinetomeanthatrulewilleventuallyreturntothelegitimateline(iethatofKameyamaandthusGo-Daigo)orthatrulealreadyhasreturnedtothatlineTheformerworkswellif後深草院不慮雖及三四代istakenasaconditionalclausewhilethelatterisbetterifthatclauseistakenasastatementoffactldquoThough(thelineof)Go-Fukakusaunexpectedlyenjoyedarunofthreeorfourreigns(rule)hasnowdefinitivelyreturnedtoYourMajestyrsquoslinerdquoThisseemsastraightforwardreadingbutitbearsupontheinterpretationofthenextsentenceInsayingthatrulehasdefinitivelyreturnedtothelegitimatelineldquobecauseEarthcannomorehavetwosovereignsthanHeavencanhavetwosunsrdquoSadafusamightbeclaimingthattheBunpōCompromiseandthepracticeofalternatingruleisoroughttobeathingofthepastWhilesuchamessagewouldbecongenialtoGo-DaigorsquosambitionsitseemsoutofstepwiththeconservativetackSadafusatakes

55

MoreovertheDaoistswarnagainstthreesuccessivegenerationsholdingthe

positionofgeneral93TheKantōhascommandedthemilitarymightoftherealmfor

sevenoreightgenerationsalreadybutjustasitwaxesmustitnotalsowaneMakeno

useofarmsnowandinsteadwaitpatientlyfortheopportunemomentThisaboveall

istheessentialpointIwishtoconvey

一仙洞聖運武家權威可有其期事 光仁馭俗之後 皇胤既一統平城嵯峨淳和皆三人雖履皇位天下歸于仁明之余裔 天曆皇胤冷泉円融各兩三代遞雖有揖譲之義天下歸円融自尒以降或舅姨或兄弟之皇統時時雖出始終遂入于一家是本朝之故實而已寛元之聖統以亀山院為正統之条天下知之而後深草院不慮雖及三四代始終定歸當代之皇胤歟蓋天無二日地無二主之故也兼又三世之將道家所肆也關東天下兵馬元帥之權既七八代定有日月盈蝕之期歟不用兵革暫俟時運是大義而已

Theprecedingarticlesareclearenoughingeneraltermsthoughtherearesurely

omissions(漏脱)andambiguities(依違)Theseviews(意見)werewrittenand

everywhereelseHenceadifferentreadingalsobasedontheassumptionthattheclause後深草院不慮雖及三四代expressesahistoricalfactmightunderstandSadafusarsquosmessagetobethatrulehasrightfullyreturnedtothelegitimatelineandnowitistheheadofthatlinenotGo-FukakusarsquoswhoreignsunchallengedatthecenterofthepoliticalcosmosldquoyoursquorealreadyinchargeYourMajestydonrsquotgolookingforawaryoudonrsquotneedrdquo93三世之將道家所肆SatoandKasamatsusuggestthisderivesfromapassageinHouHanshuthatisidenticalinmeaning三世為將到家所忌ThenotionitselfisrelatedinmanyclassicalChinesesourcesthebiographyofWangJian王翦inShijiascribesthetaboototheaccumulatedldquoinauspiciousnessrdquo(不祥)thatresultsfrommultiplegenerationsbeinginvolvedinkillingldquohellipSomeonesaidlsquoWangLi(WangJianrsquosgrandson)isafamousgeneralofQinLeadingtroopsofmightyQintoattackthenewlycreatedZhaoheiscertaintotakethemrsquoAstrangersaidlsquoNotsoThosewhoserveasgeneralsforthethirdgenerationarecertaintogodownindefeatWhyaretheycertaintogodownBecausetheykilledandattackedmanyandtheirdescendantswillsuffertheevilfortunethatcomesfromthisrsquohellip或曰「王離秦之名將也今將彊秦之兵攻新造之趙舉之必矣」客曰「不然夫為將三世者必敗必敗者何也必其所殺伐多矣其後受其不祥今王離已三世將矣」(Shiji7313TranslationgiveninTheGrandScribersquosRecordsvol1p50)

56

submittedlastyearonthetwenty-firstdayofthesixthmonthThatdocumentwaskept

insidethepalaceIhaveheardarumortotheeffectthattheretiredsovereigntookit

forhimselfSurelyitwillsurfaceagainsomedayWhileitiscertainthatsomesentences

havebeenaddedandotherssubtractedandthatthingssaidinthebeginning(ofthe

firstdocument)mightnowbeattheend(ofthisone)thereisnodiscrepancy(between

thetwopieces)asconcernstheirbasicthrustHavingwrittenallthisdowncarelesslyin

travelerrsquoslodgingsIamchagrinedatwhatothersmightthink94

以前條々大概取意定有漏脱依違歟此意見去年六月廿一日狀也件狀者在禁中御調度之內仙洞被取置之由風聞定有出現之期歟文章增減首尾錯亂雖為勿論粗肝要旨趣者更不可有相違者也旅宿楚忽馳筆之間外見旁有憚矣

ThelastarticleofSadafusarsquosmemorialconcludeswitharatherlengthy

meditationontherecenthistoryoftheimperiumandtheshogunateThelessonis

bynowafamiliaroneeverythingthatwaxesmustalsowaneandpatienceis

everywherepreferabletoimpulsivenessWherepreviousarticlesappealedto

moralitythisoneappealstotwopolitico-cosmologicalideasinanefforttostayGo-

DaigorsquoshandThefirstisthatJapaneseimperialruledespiteoccasionaldeviations

alwaysreturnstothesolerightfullinendashsuchisthedefiningfeatureoftheJapanese

imperiumSadafusaexhibitsnoneoftheskepticismthatsomeothercontemporary

94ThisadmissionbySadafusathatthepresenttextisinfactacopyapparentlyfrommemoryofanearlierdocumentthathenolongerpossessesmightbeseentocompromiseitshistoricalveracityThecounterpointtothisconcernisthatifthisdocumentreallywassignificantlydifferentthananoriginalwhichwasstillextantandpossiblyinthepossessionoftheretiredsovereignthentherewouldbenopointinassertingasimilitudethatcouldbeeasilydisprovenLikewiseifSadafusaisdissemblingandhadforsomereasondestroyedtheoriginalorknewofitsdestructiontherewouldbenopointinevenbroachingitsexistenceitwouldbeeasiertosimplypassthisoneofftoposterityastheauthenticoriginal

57

thinkersmostnotablyEmperorHanazonohadexpressedconcerningtheperpetual

continuityoftheimperialfamilyIfsuchapositionseemsnaiumlveitshouldbe

rememberedthatSadafusarsquosobjectivewasentirelyperlocutionaryhesoughtto

dissuadeGo-Daigofromchallengingtheshogunatemilitarilyandmayhave

emphasizedthevauntedcontinuityoftheJapaneseroyalfamilyinordertoconvince

Go-Daigothathislinethelegitimatelinewouldultimatelywinoutregardless

makingbloodshedinthepresententirelyunnecessaryThesecondmajorconceptis

thatmilitarypoweritselfisinherentlypollutingSadafusacitestheldquoDaoistrdquobelief

thatwhentherankofgeneral(將)isheldbythesamefamilyforthreeormore

generationstheresultismisfortuneanddefeatafactthatsuggeststheKantois

overdueforafallTheoverallargumentseemstobethatimperialpowerwillonce

againriseandwarriorpowerwillinevitablyrecedeTotheextentthatsuch

processeseventhosewithanalmostldquokarmicrdquoinevitabilityareshapedbyhuman

decisionmakingSadafusaissurelywellawarethatarmedconflictmightplaya

pivotalroleinbringingaboutpoliticalchangeButheisalsoadamantthroughout

thatunderpresentcircumstanceswarwiththeshogunatewouldbeadisasterfor

boththecourtandthepopulaceatlargeandthuscounselsGo-Daigotowaituntil

conditionsaremorefavorable

IntheendGo-Daigowouldnotbedeniedandinearly1331Sadafusa

steadfastinhisownconvictionswouldbetraytheemperorrsquosplottotheshogunate

ItispossiblethatSadafusahaddecidedthatloyaltytothesystemndashincludingeven

theshogunatendashmustoutweighpersonalloyaltytotheemperoralternativelyhe

maysimplyhavewantednopartofwhathefeltwasarashanddestructivecauseIn

58

oneofthemorestrikingturnaboutsinthehistoryofJapanesecourtpoliticsa

victoriousGo-DaigowouldnotonlyforgiveSadafusabutin1333wouldreinstate

himasamajorfigureinhisnewregime95Nosubsequentwritingsattesttowhat

Sadafusathenalmost60thoughtawaitedtherealmunderGo-Daigorsquosuncontested

ruleYetamongthoseclosetotheemperortheprevailingmoodin1333seemsto

havebeenoneofconfidenceandtheinitialstepsGo-Daigotooktowards

consolidatinghispowerweremarkedmostlybyconciliationnotretributionTo

Chūgancertainly1333wasayearofpossibilitiesGo-Daigorsquosrevolutionhadfor

themomentsucceededspectacularlyforaConfucianmonarchistlikeChūganand

probablyforSadafusatooanimperialrestorationpromisedopportunitiesforsocial

andinstitutionalreformundreamtofjustadecadebeforeThechallengesinplacing

thenascentpolityonafirmfootingwouldproveimmensehoweverandthings

wouldnotturnoutastherestorationistshadhopedLessthanayearlatera

frustratedChūganwouldholdGo-Daigoresponsibleformismanaginghisown

revolutionHearticulatedhiscriticismsinafictionalizeddialoguemodeledonthose

inMengziitistothisworkwhichisaworldapartfromroyalmemorialsandunlike

anythingknownpreviouslyinJapanesekanshibunthatwenowturn

95SeeGobleKenmup139

59

AppendixEstablishingtheFundamentsofMonkhood

AlongwithGenminChūgansubmittedtoGo-DaigoacompanionessaytitledGensō

原僧(EstablishingtheFundamentsofMonkhood)Thepieceaddressestheproblems

thatarisewhenboundariesbetweenmonksandlaypersonsbecomeblurredandit

offersadefenseoftheBuddhistpracticeoftonsuringandshavingwhichhadlong

beentheobjectofcriticismbycertainorthodoxConfucianswhovieweditasa

desecrationofthenaturalbodyItalsotakesuptheoldissueofmembersofthefour

traditionalclassesabandoningtheirvocationsforthepriesthoodamatterof

concerntobothecclesiasticalauthoritiesandgovernmentpolicymakers

EstablishingtheFundamentsofMonkhood96

Istheconceptofshukke(出家)simplysynonymouswiththecuttingofones

hairNoofcoursenotShukkeinvolvesleavingbehindonesabodeinthisdefiled

worldrenouncingworldlysentimentsandembracingthe(Buddhist)WayThe

Confucians(儒)saythatonemustneverdareinjureanypartofthebodydotheynot97

YetBuddhistteachingstipulatesthatonemustbetonsuredandshavenistherereally

nogoodreasonforthisIfweimagineasituationwhereamonkrsquosouterappearance

werethesameasthatofthelaitythenordinarypeoplewouldbeunabletodistinguish

themonksandpaythemtheappropriaterespectFortheirpartmonkswholookedno

96TextinGozanbungakushinshūpp394-5Gozanbungakuzenshūvol2pp105-697Deliberatelyharmingthebodycouldbeconstruedasaviolationofonersquosfilialobligationssincethebodywasagiftfromonersquosparentstakentotheextremethisviewwasthebasisforproscriptionsagainstshavingandcuttingthehair

60

differentfromthelaitywouldbeabletoconcealthemselvesamongthegeneral

populationandactwithoutshameinwayscontrarytotheirvowsHenceweBuddhists

moveabouttheworldtonsuredandshavenWhenordinarypeopleseeamonkwith

thatestimablyroundhead(圓顱之士)theyareinspiredwithasenseofrespectand

themonkthankstohisdifferentappearancecannotconcealhimselfinthecrowdand

hethereforedaresnotactinwayscontrarytohisvowsWhenmonksdonotactagainst

theirvowsthewayofBuddhismflourishesandwhenordinarypeopleharborfeelings

ofrespectforthemonkstheirownfortunesbrighten

TheteachingsoftheBuddha(釋氏之教)mostdefinitelypossessarationale(由)

Yettodaytherearethosewhotakereligiousorders(出家)butdonotfullybase

themselvesinthisrationaletheysimplychopofftheirhairandcallthemselvesmonks

Thefourclassesofofficialsfarmersartisansandmerchantshaveallseensomeoftheir

numbercastasidetheirrightfuloccupationsandlackinganyunderstandingofwhyone

becomesamonkmakevacuousclaimstohavetakenordersSuchunscrupuloushead-

shaverscanbefoundineveryhouseholdTheseimpostorsarenotonlymiscreantsin

theeyesoftheConfucians98theyareawickedlotdoingnefariousharmtotheBuddhist

LawaswellTheresultofthistrendistheinabilitytodistinguishmonksfromlaypersons

andmoreoverthediminutionofofficialsfarmersartisansandmerchantsanda

correspondingincreaseinthenumberofidlepersonswhichissurelydamagingtothe

state(國家)

出家也者斷髮云乎哉出離俗塵之家疎于世情親于道情之稱也儒不云乎身體髮膚不敢毀傷然則佛之教剃髪除鬚其無由乎 曰若使爾形質同彼在俗之人則俗不知所以擇而敬之僧亦以爾形質不與俗異故藏身於俗中以行非法之事而無所羞也是以吾佛教剃除鬚髮表而出之是故俗見彼圓顱之士殊生恭敬之心僧以爾形質異諸人而不可藏身故不敢行非法之事僧不行非法之事則其道愈隆焉俗生恭敬之心則其福愈昌焉釋氏之教固有由也今稱出家者不本其由而止斷髮而已士農工賈之民皆廢其業不知所以為僧偷空名於出家縱意斷髮者戸有諸非唯為儒者罪人而已抑又為弊佛法之魔族也僧亦斷髮俗亦斷髮何異之有 且夫士農工賈之民漸少而徒爾不用之人愈多亦為國家之害矣

98Presumablybecausetheyabandontheirpropersocialroles

61

UnlikeGenminGensōmakesnoexplicitpolicyrecommendationsbutsimplypoints

outaproblemAlthoughtheConfucianopponentsoftonsuringcomeoffas

shortsightedChūganrsquosharshestcriticismisnotdirectedatthembutatthe

opportunistswhotrytojointhepriesthoodsimplybyshavingtheirheadsand

proclaimingthemselvesmonksItisacritiquecouchedintermsthatareultimately

quiteConfucianthetonsureisdefendedbyreferencetoitspositiveeffectsuponthe

moralityofmonksanditsabilitytoengenderaldquosenseofreverencerdquo(恭敬之心)

amongthepopulaceinturnthephenomenonoffaithlesspersonsnominallyjoining

theclergyiscriticizedbyreferencetoitseconomiccoststothecountryasawhole

Chūganishowevercarefulnottoimpugnthevalueofpriestsorthepriesthoodas

suchandhislanguagealwaysmakesclearthattheobjectsofhiscriticismarethose

wholdquofailtobasethemselvesintherationalerdquo(不本其由)forshavingtheheadthose

wholdquodonotunderstandwhyonebecomesamonkrdquo(不知所以為僧)andthosewho

ldquounscrupulouslychopofftheirhairrdquo(縱意斷髮)Inotherwordsampleroomisleft

forpersonsofsincerereligiousinclinationtoenterthepriesthoodlegitimately

62

Chapter Two Figuring Moral Kingship Constant Norms and Expedient Policies in Chūganrsquos Chūseishi

ChūganrsquosmemorialalongwiththeessaysGenminandGensōwerecomposed

inlate1333followingthedestructionoftheKamakurashogunateandthe

triumphalreturnofGo-DaigotoKyotoAtthispointtheinstitutionaloutlinesofGo-

Daigorsquosnewregimehadyettobefullyarticulatedandmanagingthemultiplicityof

conflictinginterestsandoverlappingclaimswasalreadyprovingdifficult

particularlyasconcernedthedispositionoflandrights99Chūganrsquosforegroundingof

theconceptoftsūhen通變(Ctongbian)ldquoskillfuladaptiontotheexigenciesofthe

momentrdquocouldnothavebeenmoreappositeForhispartGo-Daigoseemstohave

embodiedtheprinciplewellremainingflexibleandwillingtocompromisewhen

particularpolicieswerenotworkingasexpectedThoughChūganwasnotoneof

Go-DaigorsquosclosestadvisorshispresenceattheprominentKyototempleNanzenji

affordedhimaclose-upviewofthingsasthenascentordertookshapeHoweverin

Januaryof1334ŌtomoSadamuneChūganrsquosprincipalpatrondiedunexpectedly

ChūganleftKyotoalmostimmediatelyandtookupresidenceatEngakujiin

KamakuraHerehewouldwritewhatistodayhisbestknownworkTheMasterof

99SeeGobleKenmupp145-172andpassim

63

BalanceandRectitude(Chūseishi中正子)aneclectictreatisecomprisedoften

chaptersthatcovertopicsrangingfromConfucianethicstohorologyandBuddhist

doctrineOfparticularinteresttothepresentdiscussionisthesecondchapter

ldquoKeikenrdquo經權orldquoTheConstantandtheExpedientrdquoThechapterbeginswiththe

MasterofBalanceandRectitudeadramatizationofChūganhimselftravelingtothe

fictionalldquoLandofMobrdquo(Ukanokuni烏何之國)andinstructingitsbenightedruler

EnduringMulberry(Hōsōshi包桑氏)ontheimportanceofdistinguishingbetween

establishednormsofmorality(JkeiCjing經)andexpedientpoliciesorstratagems

(JkenCquan權)100Theepisodeismeantasasimpleallegoryforthesituationat

Go-DaigorsquoscourtasChūganperceiveditwithEnduringMulberryrepresentingGo-

DaigoonthewholetheldquoKeikenrdquochapterismoretheoreticalthanGenminGensōor

thememorialandunlikethosetextsitmakesgreateruseofallusionandlessof

directcitationItalsoprovidesthefirstinklingthatChūganwasnolongersanguine

abouttheprospectsforGo-Daigorsquosregime

TheConstantandtheExpedient101

TheMasterofBalanceandRectitudewenttotheLandofMobItsruler

EnduringMulberrywelcomedhimandinquiredthuslyldquoDisturbancesoftherealmcan

onlybestoppedbyforceofarmsHenceIhavebeenfondofarmssinceIwasyoung

100ThenameldquoLandofMobrdquowasintendedbyChūganasapunontheChinesetermwuhe烏合whichhasthesamepronunciationas烏何itdenotesliterallyamurderofcrowsandisusedmetaphoricallytodescribeanunrulymoborrabbleThenameEnduringMulberryderivesfromYijingandwillbeanalyzedbelow 101ThetranslationisbasedonIriyaYoshitakarsquosannotatededitionofChūseishiinIchikawaHakugenetaledsChūseiZenkenoshisō(TokyoIwanamishoten1972)pp123-70

64

andthepeopleofmycountryarefondofthemtooBysevenyearsofagemypeople

areabletowieldswordsandbyagetenthankstothisskilltheycanbesentintobattle

WhenitcomestomilitarymattersIcansaysimplythatIhavepouredmywholeheart

intothem102Andyetourbanditsandrobbershavenotyetbeenchasedawayandin

everycornerarmscannotbelaiddownWhyisthissordquo

TheMasterofBalanceandRectituderespondedsayingldquoDoesYourMajesty

knowaboutthewayoftheconstantandthewayoftheexpedientThekingreplied

ldquoNoIdonotbutIwouldliketohearwhatyouhavetosayrdquoTheMasterofBalanceand

RectitudethenrespondedasfollowsldquoThewayoftheconstantandtheexpedient(經權之道)isthekeytogoverningacountryTheconstant(經)referstothatwhichis

enduring(常)itiswhatcannotbealteredTheexpedientisnotfixedanditcannotlast

forlongThewayoftheconstantmustnotbeheldjealouslybutmustbemade

manifesttoallthepeopleoftherealmBytheexpedientismeantthatwhichruns

countertotheconstantbutinsodoingcompletestheWaySomethingthat

contravenestheconstantbutdoesnotcompletetheWaycannotbetheexpedient

Theconstantiscivilvirtue(文德)theexpedientismilitarystratagems(武略)

Theinceptionofmilitarystratagemswasnottheultimateintent(意)ofthesagesthe

sagesonlyputthemintoeffectbecausetheycouldnotbutdootherwiseSomething

thatisputintoeffectbutneverdiscontinuedcannotbethewayofmilitary

stratagems103If(militarystratagems)areputintoeffectandthendiscontinuedthe

orderrevertsbacktothatofcivilvirtueThisispreciselythemeritoftheexpedient

Whenthewayofcivilvirtueandconstantnorms(經常)isspreadwidelythroughoutthe

realmandmeasuressuchasmilitarystratagemsandotherexpedienciesarenot

undertakenthentheorderofYaoandShunwillobtainautomaticallyIwilltryto

explainthisfurtherIbeseechYourHighnesstolistencarefullyrdquo

102ThissentencedirectlyparallelsKingHuirsquoscommenttoMengzithatwithrespectto(thegovernanceof)hiscountryhehasldquopouredhiswholeheartintoitrdquo梁惠王曰寡人之於國也盡心焉耳矣(Mengzi1A31)103Inotherwordslegitimateldquomilitarystratagemsrdquo武略areemployedwhennecessarybutdiscontinuedthereafter

65

ThekingrepliedldquoYouhavemyfullattentionrdquo

TheMasterofBalanceandRectitudecontinuedldquoBroadlyspeakinghuman

beingsarebornintothisworldfundamentallydifferentfromthebirdsandbeaststhey

havenottalonsandteethwithwhichtocatchthethingstheywantnorhavethey

feathersandfurwithwhichtowardoffthecoldOfnecessitytheymustrelyonother

thingstonourishtheirlifeTheyformcommunitiesandpursuetheirlivelihoodsbut

whentheirpursuitscannotbesatisfiedamindsetofcompetitivestrifewillbegintoset

inThesagesofoldintheirloftyperspicacityactedbymeansofthecivilvirtuesof

humaneness(仁)love(愛)propriety(禮)anddeference(譲)Themassesresponded

tothemweretransformedandsubmittedtotheminsubmittingtothemthemasses

flockedtogether(群)andcalledthemlsquorulersrsquo(君)Therulerstooktheaforementioned

civilvirtuesandappliedthemuniversallytothewholeoftherealmthepeopleofthe

realmgravitated(往)tothemandcalledtheserulerslsquokingsrsquo(王)Thekingswerethose

whodevotedthemselvestothecultivationofcivilvirtueandeffulgentlytransformed

(旺化)thecommonpeople104

HencethatwhichisenduringandunalterableisthewayoftheconstantIfthe

kingsweretofallintolaxityandlosewhatisenduringthenthepeoplewouldalso

becomelaxandceaseholdingtowhatisrightIfthedegreeoftheirlaxityweresmall

theywouldbepunishedwithwhipsandcanesiflargetheywouldbebroughttoheel

104InthesesentencesChūgansuggestsetymologicalconnectionsbetweenwordsbasedonhomophoniesldquorulerrdquo君(CjunJkun)isimpliedtobecognatewithldquoflockrdquo群(qungun)andldquokingrdquo王(wangō)isimpliedtobecognatewithbothldquotogotowardsrdquo往(wangō)andldquoradiantrdquo旺(wangō)Theetymologicalassociationofldquorulerrdquo君withldquoflockrdquo群occursinBaihutong白虎通(ComprehensiveDiscussionsintheWhiteTigerHallc97AD)andtheseminalsecond-centurydictionaryShuowenjiezi説文解字glossesldquokingrdquo王asldquohetowhomtherealmreturnsrdquo(王天下所歸往也)Theadditionalassociationof王with旺doesnotseemtobetraditionalandmaysimplybeadisplayofverbaldexteritybyChūgan旺isnotonlyhomophonouswith王butalsosynonymous(andhomophonous)withthecomparativelyrarecharacter暀(wangō)whosegraphicstructureobviouslyresembles往

66

bypunitivemilitaryaction105Thisisthewayofexpedientmeasures(權謀之道)Hence

itisdesirablethatthewayoftheconstantbeelevatedandthewayoftheexpedientbe

heldinabeyanceThewaythatoughttobeelevatedis(whatis)implementedduring

timesofpoliticalstabilitythewaythatoughttobeheldinabeyanceis(whatis)putinto

effectduringtimesofdisorder

NowthepoliticalorderofYaoandShuncannotalwaysobtainandasaresult

thewayoftheexpedientcannotalwaysbeheldinabeyanceThusitisthat

punishmentsmaycometobecarriedoutandforceofarmsmayrisetothefore

Disorderissuppressedbyforceofarmsinordertocompletethewayofconstantnorms

assuchmilitarypowerismaintainedinorderthatitinspireaweandtrepidationBut

displayingittotherealmovertlyisunacceptableInthewordsofMasterZuoldquoIf

(militarypower)isdisplayedovertlyitwillbeusedirresponsiblyandifitisused

irresponsiblyitwillloseitsawesomenessrdquo106NowYourMajestyfailstopracticethe

wayofculture(文道)andblithelydispatchestroopsoutamongstthepeopleofyour

countryndashpeoplewhofortheirpartfeelnoparticularsenseofaweandtrepidation

Thisisthereasonthebanditsandrobbershavenotbeenchasedawayandwhythefour

cornersremainunsettledAndifthingsremainlikethisyouwilllosenotonlytheway

oftheconstantbutthewayoftheexpedientaswell

Losingthewayoftheexpedientyouspeakofhavingldquopouredyourwholeheart

intomilitarymattersrdquoWithduehumilityImustconfessthatItrulypityyourmajesty

Ingeneralifonewishestoseethewayofconstantnormsputintoeffectthroughout

thewholerealmoneoughtnotbesecretiveaboutitifonedoesnotwishtosee

expedientmeasuresexercisedovertlyonecannotbutbesecretiveaboutthem

Nowadaysthosewhocultivatethecivilvirtuesarefewandthosewhotalkabout

militarymattersaremanyTheonestalkingaboutmilitarymattersmeetwithsuccessin105大則甲兵之威征之Theideaseemstobethatiflaxityorresistancetogovernmentcontrolwerewidespreadthroughoutanentirecommunitysoldierswouldbedispatchedtoforcethepopulationbackintocompliance106左氏之語曰示則翫々則無威IhavenotbeenabletolocatethisquoteinZuozhuanorinanyothertextbutitsbasicthrustisidenticaltothequotefromGuoyuthatappearedinGenmin

67

theworldwhiletheonescultivatingcivilvirtuesfindthemselvesinstraightenedestate

Ifhighrankingcourtiersstateofficialsandcommonfolksuchasfarmersandmerchants

allengageinmartialpursuitsnonewillbesatisfieduntiltheyhavewonallfor

themselves(不奪不厭)andthecountrywillbeimperiled107 Touseanexamplesupposewehaveahouseholdinwhichallthechildrenand

servantsarethoroughlyinstructedintheconstantvirtuesofbenevolenceand

righteousnessShouldoneofthechildrenorservantsactdisobedientlythetaskof

censuringthemormetingoutcorporalpunishmentmaybedelegatedtoastewardof

theeldestsonthiswillinstillaweandtrepidationinthemandreflectsthewayof

expedientstrategiesButifthechildrenandservantsallwieldwhipsandcanes

themselvesandresistcensureorpunishmentwhatsenseofaweandtrepidationwould

theyhaveInthissituationtothink(happily)tooneselfldquomyhouseisaccomplishedin

martialpursuitsrdquowouldbeapathtocompletedisorderYourMajestyitwouldbemost

fittingifyouweretotakethisillustrationofgoverningahouseholdextrapolatefromit

andunderstanditsrelevancetoindividualprovincesandindeedtotheentirerealmrdquo

ThekingwasgreatlypleasedandofferedlavishgiftsTheMasterofBalanceand

Rectitudewouldnotacceptthemandtookhisleave

中正子適烏何之國其君包桑氏為迎而問曰夫天下之動非武不止是以寡人自幼好武國中之民亦好武民生而七歳能舞劍十歳者可以出征是寡人之於武可言盡心焉耳矣然國之盜賊未去四邊甲兵未休何如 對曰大王且知夫經權之道乎 王曰未也願聞其説對曰經權之道治國之大端也經常也不可變者也權者非常也不可長者也經之道不可秘吝也示諸天下之民可也權也者反經而合其道者也反而不合則非權也

經者文德也權者武略也武略之設非聖人意聖人不獲已而作焉作而不止非武略之道也作而止則歸文德是則權之功也文德經常之道誕敷天下而武略權謀之備不行於國則堯舜之治可以坐致吾嘗論之大王請聽之王曰寡人之望也

107ThislineriffsonceagainonthefamousopeningchapterofMengziwhichrecordsMengzirsquoscounseltoKingHuiofLiangMengziopinesthatifthekingprizesprofitoradvantage(利)overrighteousness(義)hispeoplewilldothesameandldquononewillbesatisfieduntiltheyhavewonallforthemselvesrdquoSeeMengzi1A1

68

凡人生天地之間實與禽獸相異無爪牙以供嗜好無羽毛以禦寒暑必假它物以養其生於是聚而有求求之不足爭心將作古之聖人卓然而行以仁愛禮讓之文德眾心感之化而附之附而成群謂之君君以斯文德普施天下天下之人歸而往之謂之王王者專修文德旺化諸人者也是以為常而不可變者經之道也王者之心苟怠而失常則民心亦怠而不守常繇是小則鞭扑之刑行之大則甲兵之威征之是則權謀之道也是故經之道欲舉權之道欲措可舉之道治世而施可措之道亂世而為夫堯舜之治不能常有所以權之道不能措之由是刑罰行焉甲兵興焉然而戡定禍亂以合經常之道故甲兵之具以有威懲也然而示諸天下則不可也左氏之語曰示則翫々則無威是也

今王不修文道而翫兵於國中之民々無以威懲之心故盜賊不去四邊不安宜也如是則不惟無經之道而已兼失權之道也權之道失之而謂於武盡心焉耳矣月也竊為大王惜之凡經常之道欲普行之天下不可秘也權謀之事不欲普示諸天下不可不秘今則修文者寡講武者眾講武者達修文者窮卿大夫士庶民農工賈客皆為武者不奪不厭而國危矣假令有一家者以仁義之經普教諸兒及臧獲其兒若臧獲或有悖者委其長子可用者叱之鞭之而威懲之則權謀之道也若其諸兒及臧獲咸手鞭而叱則抗鞭何威懲之有 而自以為吾家能武則大亂之道也大王以治家之喩推而知之於國且天下則可也大王喜厚幣遣之中正子不受而去

IntermsofcontenttheldquoKeikenrdquochaptercoversfamiliargroundChūgan

defendstheuseofforcewhencircumstancesrequireitbutemphasizesthesocially

corrosiveeffectsofexcessivemilitarizationItdepartsfrombothGenminandthe

memorialhoweverinitsexplicitinvocationofthebun-bu文武(Cwen-wu)binary

whichisitselfpositedasaspecialcaseofthemoregeneralkei-ken經權(jing-quan)

relationItalsodiffersinfromthosetextsinmoreadamantlyemphasizingthe

subordinationofthemartialtothecivilTheadjustmentmayseemaminoronebut

itisthefirstofseveralindicationsinChūseishithatby1334Chūganhadmisgivings

aboutthedirectionGo-DaigorsquosrevolutionwastakingTheviewespousedinldquoKeikenrdquo

thatthemartialaspectofkingshipshouldnotbeopenlydisplayedmighteasilybe

readasanargumentdirectedagainstanynumberofactionstakenbyGo-Daigonot

leastofwhichwashisdecisiontostylehisseventhregnaleraldquoKenmurdquo建武or

69

ldquoBuildingtheMilitaryrdquoWhilethecharactermu武hadappearedoccasionallyinthe

posthumousimperialtitles(shigō諡号tsuigō追号)ofJapaneserulersitsusebya

reigningJapanesesovereignindesignatinganewregnalerawasunprecedented108

NotcoincidentallyldquoKenmurdquo(CJianwu)wasalsothenameforthefirstregnaleraof

EmperorGuangwu光武thefirstsovereignoftheLaterHandynastyAsAndrew

GoblehasobservedGo-Daigowouldcertainlyhavefoundtheparallelswithhisown

situationcompellingthefoundingoftheLaterHanbymembersoftheFormerHan

rulinghouseconstitutedtheonlyexampleinChinesehistoryofthereacquisitionof

nationalhegemonybyadynastythathadbeenpreviouslyoverthrown109InJapan

whilethenominalsupremacyoftheimperialfamilyhadremainedunquestioned

theroughly100yearsbetweentheJōkyūWarof1221andGo-Daigorsquosrevolution

mightwellbecastasaninterregnumofsortsalbeitonecharacterizednotbythe

destructionoftheimperialinstitutionassuchbutbyitsincreasingsubordinationto

anautonomousmilitarygovernment110Go-Daigowouldrescuethethronefrom

thispredicamentandhewoulddosonotbyananachronisticturntoanidealized

imperialpastinwhichanidentifiableldquowarriorclassrdquoplayednoessentialpartbutby

embracingwarriorsandactivelyintegratingthemintohisnewnationalpolity111

TothisextentitmightbearguedthatwhileGo-Daigoisoftencast

(inaccurately)asabackward-lookingquixoticsovereignunawarethatthetideof

108WhilemostposthumoustitleswereselectedretrospectivelyGo-Daigotruetohispersonalityexplicitlyrequestedhisappellationinhisroyalwill(go-ishō御遺詔)109GobleKenmup176110TheJōkyūWarwasabriefinternecinedisturbanceprecipitatedbytherebellionoftheretiredemperorGo-Toba後鳥羽(r1183-98)againsttheKamakuraregime111GobleKenmupp264-70andpassim

70

historyfavoredwarriorhegemonyhewasprobablymoreatpeacewitharmedmen

andtheirintereststhanChūganwasYetcareisinorderwheninterpretingthe

positionsChūganespousesregardingwarriorsandmilitaryaffairsHispatron

ŌtomoSadamunewasasupporterofGo-Daigoandapowerfulwarriorleader

holdingthepostofshugo(militaryconstable)forthesouthernprovinceofBungo

HewasalsoamongthefewmenofhisstationtoformallytakeZenpreceptsdoing

soundertheChineseeacutemigreacutemonkQingchuoZhengcheng清拙正澄1274-1339and

hissonUjiyasu氏泰(1321-62)eventuallybecameaZenmonk112Manywarrior

familiesoftenattheurgingoftheHōjō北条thepreeminentwarriorhouseinthe

realmthroughoutmostoftheKamakuraperiodcameinvaryingdegreesto

patronizeZenTypicallytheysupportedthenewfaithbyfinancingtemple

constructionfundingthetravelsofJapanesemonksandhostingmonksfromChina

ItisthusdifficulttobelievethatChūganrsquosconcernsovertheroleofmilitarymenor

martialsymbolisminGo-Daigorsquosregimewasmotivatedbyanyspecialprejudice

againstwarriorsassuchNorisitlikelythatChūganwassimplyquixoticinhisown

rightofferingadvicegroundedinthehopelesspremisethatthenewpolitycould

ignoreoutrighttheinterestsofinnumerableindividualsandfamiliesconnectedin

somewaytosourcesofwarriorpowerwhetherthroughappointmentstojitō

(estatesteward)orshugopostsorbyhavingbeengokenin(retainers)ofthe

recentlyvanquishedKamakurashogunateInsteadtheldquoKeikenrdquochapteris

probablybestunderstoodasanattempttoofferaconceptuallycompelling

112MartinCollcuttFiveMountainsTheRinzaiZenMonasticInstitutioninMedievalJapan(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1981)p82

71

argumentforalessmilitarizedsociopoliticalordertoasovereignwhoserecent

successeshaveunderscoredtohimtheextraordinarypoliticalusefulnessof

preciselythoseindividualsandfamilies

ThefactthatldquoKeikenrdquoismoreinsistentthanGenminconveyingasenseof

crisiswithoutthecountervailingoptimismregardingroyalleadershipclearlyseems

toreflectalossoffaithinGo-Daigorsquosenterprise113Yetotherthanthechoiceof

Kenmuforthenameoftheregimersquosinauguralerandashtobesureaseriousmatterndashit

isdifficulttoidentifyspecificpoliciesundertakenbyGo-DaigobetweenDecemberof

1333andthespringof1334thatseemlikelytohavegivenChūganadrasticchange

ofheart114OnepossibilityisthatwiththedeathofSadamunewhohadbeena

supporterofGo-DaigoChūganwassimplymoreabletoexpresscriticismsthathe

hadwithheldearlieroutofconcernforSadamunersquosinterests(andbyextensionhis

own)Genericconventionstoomightbeadducedtoexplainatleastsomeofthe

differenceintonebetweenldquoKeikenrdquoandGenminwhileldquoKeikenrdquowasclearlywritten

withGo-Daigoinminditwasnotdeliveredtohiminthemannerofaformal

memorialChūganwasthusfreertoexercisehisownstylisticdiscretionchoosing

WangTongrsquosWenzhongziashisoverarchingtemplateforChūseishiandpatterning

thehypotheticalremonstrationwithEnduringMulberryintheldquoKeikenrdquochapter

directlyafterMengzirsquoswiseyetpointedcounseltoKingHuiofLiang

113SunldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquop100114RegnaleraswerechangedfrequentlyinpremodernJapantheirbinomialdesignationswerecarefullychosenforspecificpurposesbyaselectcadreofcourtscholarstypicallyonthebasisofportentologicalinvestigationsintonaturalorsocietalphenomenaBetween930and1336therewere36emperorsand124regnalerasmeaningmostemperorspresidedoverthreetofourGo-Daigorsquosreigncomprisedeight

72

InsofarasthefictionalEnduringMulberrycomesoffaswoefullymisguided

oratleastassomeonewhodoesnotappeartohaveldquoinheritedtheperspicacityof

KingWenofZhourdquothechapterseeminglydoesnofavorstoGo-Daigorsquosimage

Chūganrsquosuseofthefamily(家)asamicrocosmoflargersociopoliticalconstructs

suchastheprovince(國)orthewholeoftherealm(天下)wasentirelytraditional

butasacriticismoftheKenmupolityitcarriedparticularforceMultipleofGo-

DaigorsquossonswerepersonallyinvolvedinwarfareandthreeofthemMoriyoshi

TakayoshiandthecrownprinceTsuneyoshiwouldallmeetviolentendsoverthe

1330sastheKenmuregimefellapart115Itwashighlyunusualformembersofthe

imperialfamilytoreceivesubstantialmilitarytraininganddownrightshockingthat

theyshouldindefeatbekilledbytheiropponentsasopposedtosimplybeing

apprehendedandexiled116ItisdifficulttoknowwhetherChūganintended

specificallytocriticizethewayGo-Daigowasleadingtheroyalfamilybuttherecan

belittledoubtthathetookexceptiontowhatheperceivedastheemperorrsquos

fondnessforallthingsmartialNonethelessthechapterasawholedoesstilloffer

hopeforthefutureanditultimatelypositionsEnduringMulberryandhenceGo-

Daigoinamorepositivelightthanmightbeapparentatfirstglance

ThisismostevidentinthenameldquoEnduringMulberryrdquo(Hōsō包桑)itself

whichisadeftreferencetoYijingandnotatallunflatteringThetermhōsō(C

baosang)appearsinthetwelfthchapterldquoPirdquo否orldquoStandstillrdquowhereitdenotes

rapidlygrowingmulberryshootsTherelevantpassagereadsasfollows

115GobleKenmupp269-70116Ibid

73

NineinthefifthplacemeansStandstillisgivingwayGoodfortuneforthe

greatmanldquoWhatifitshouldfailwhatifitshouldfailrdquoInthiswayhetiesittoaclusterofmulberryshoots117

九五休否大人吉其亡其亡繋于苞桑

TheCommentaryontheAppendedPhrases(Xicizhuan繋辭傳)expatiatesonthe

enigmaticpassagethusly

TheMastersaysldquoDangerariseswhenamanfeelssecureinhispositionDestructionthreatenswhenamanseekstopreservehisworldlyestateConfusiondevelopswhenamanhasputeverythinginorderThereforethesuperiormandoesnotforgetdangerinhissecuritynorruinwhenheiswellestablishednorconfusionwhenhisaffairsareinorderInthiswayhegainspersonalsafetyandisabletoprotecttheempirerdquo118TherelevanceoftheforegoingtoGo-Daigorsquospositioniscleartheemperorisina

positionofstrengthbutmuststillnegotiatehisfortuitouscircumstanceswithskill

lesthelosewhathehasgainedThereisevidencehereandelsewherethatChūgan

thoughtthenewregimewasrushingaheadwithoutsufficientdiscretionandquite

beyondhisspecificconcernsovertherecrudescenceofwarriorpowerwantedGo-

DaigotobemorecautiousanddeliberateThephraseldquowhatifitshouldfailwhatif

itshouldfailrdquo(其亡其亡)referstotheconcernthattheldquosuperiormanrdquo(君子)has

forthefragilityofhisenterprisewhosecontinuedsuccessiscontingentuponhis

ongoingcareandvigilanceThemulberryshootsfigurevigorandendurancehence

117RichardWilhelmCaryFBaynestransTheIChingorBookofChanges(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1977)p55Thephraseldquonineinthefifthplacerdquoreferstoaparticulararrangementofyarrowstalksresultingfromacomplexdivinatoryprocedureoutlinedonpp721-23118Ibid55

74

thegreatmanrsquosuseofthemtoserveasbothanchorandguide(astheshootsgrow)

forhisendeavorChūganrsquospointseemstobethattheKenmurevolutionneedsa

moralanchorifitistobesuccessfulneedlesstosaythatanchorcannotsimplybe

martialpreeminencewhichisonlyanexpedient(ken)tothereestablishmentofa

well-orderedcivilsocietyInthefifthchapterofChūseishildquoExplicatingRevolutionrdquo

(ldquoKakukairdquo革解)whichtreatsthe49thchapterofYjingldquoGerdquo革orldquoRevolutionrdquoThe

MasterofBalanceandRectitudeopinesthatthepathofreformcannotbetread

recklessly(改革之道不可疾行也)FrustratinglyperhapsChūganoffersno

specificproposalsbeyondthatofdeemphasizingthemartialexpedientand

emphasizingthecivilconstantYetheprobablyfeltthatthisalonewouldbe

sufficienttobringaboutotherpositivechangesFurtherhealsoseemstohavefelt

itinappropriatetoreferencespecificactorsinthecurrentpoliticaldramabyname

neitherhismemorialnorChūseishimakesanyexplicitmentioncriticalorotherwise

ofthemajorpowerplayersintheKenmupolitysavethesovereignhimself119

AltogetherldquoKeikenrdquodoesnotrepresentawholesalerejectionofanyofthe

basicpointsadvancedinGenminthoughitdoesgomuchfurtherthanthatpiece

doesinimplicatingnotjustmilitarismintheabstractbuttherulerhimselfinthe

119InadditiontoriskingoffensegreaterspecificitymaynothavebeenthoughtnecessarysinceChūseishiwasprobablywrittenlessforposteritythanforGo-DaigoandarelativelysmallaudienceofcontemporaryelitesandintellectualsAsimilarsituationisobservableinJinnōshōtōkiwhichdespiteanotherwiselengthyandinformativedescriptionofGo-DaigorsquosreignhaslittleofacriticalorinterpretivenaturetosayaboutitssignaleventsChikafusamakesnoremarkaboutthecontroversialenthronementofEmperorKōgonwhoselegitimacyGo-DaigowouldlaterdenynordoeshecommentonGo-DaigorsquosexiletotheOkiIslandsafterhisinitialplotagainsttheKamakurashogunatewasbroughttolightSeeVarleyAChronicleofGodsandSovereignsp35

75

countryrsquostroublesYetdespitethisanddespitethemildlysatiricalparodicquality

ofEnduringMulberryrsquosboaststhechaptershouldprobablynotbereadasan

insultingportraitofGo-DaigonotonlydoesthenameEnduringMulberrycarry

unambiguouslypositiveconnotationsofgrowthandfortitudebuttheentire

exchangeishighlyreminiscentofthememorableexchangesinMengzibetween

MenciusandKingHuiKingHuimayappearlessthansagaciousintheseepisodes

butwhateverhismisstepshedemonstrateshisintellectualmaturitybysolicitingor

atleasttoleratingMengzirsquosadviceonmattersofstatecraftInthisconnectionit

shouldalsobenotedthatthereislittlereasontobelievethatanyJapanesesovereign

leastofallGo-Daigowouldhavetakenparticularumbrageatthenotionthathisrule

mightbeusefullyunderstoodandcritiquedthroughtheconceptsnomenclature

andsuasivestrategiesoftheChineseintellectualtraditionorthatbeingaldquogoodrdquo

sovereignentailedfaithfulconformitytoasuiteofethicalbeliefsandnormative

behaviorsdrawnprincipallyfromthattraditionItisalsoworthnotingthatMengzi

aworktraditionallyassociatedwiththeviewthatroyallegitimacyiscontingent

uponarevocableldquoMandateofHeavenrdquo(CtianmingJtenmei天命)appearstohave

hadafarmoreextensiveimpactonthemedievalJapaneseintellectuallandscape

thanissometimesassumedMengzifeaturesmorecentrallyinChūseishithanother

MastersrsquoTextssuchasXunziLaoziorZhuangzianditloomslargerthanany

ldquoclassicrdquosavepossiblyYijingMoreoverwhileMengziwasprobablymoreimportant

toChūganrsquosthoughtthantothatofanyotherfigureintheGozanmilieuhewasnot

76

theonlyfourteenth-centuryscholartovaluetheworkhighlyasbothEmperor

HanazonoandYoshidaSadafusadrewfreelyuponitaswell120

AlthoughMengziclearlyinspiredthestyleandstructureoftheldquoKeikenrdquo

chapteritwasprobablynottheprimaryinspirationforthatchapterrsquoscoreconcept

namelythedyadicrelationbetweenestablishedmoralnormsandexpedientpolicies

andtheimportanceofeachtogoodgovernanceTheexplicitjuxtapositionofkei

(jing)andken(quan)isoldoccurringasearlyasthesecondcenturyBCGongyang

commentaryontheSpringandAutumnAnnalswhichinitsdescriptionofthe

politicalfigureJiZhong祭仲(743-682BC)definesquanassomethingthatgoes

againstjingbutindoingsoultimatelyresultsingood121InMengziasimilar

relationispropoundedbrieflywhenMengziopinesthatalthoughritualpropriety

(禮)dictatesthatmenandwomenshouldnottouchoneanotherrsquoshandswhen120SeeInoueHonpōchūseimadeniokeruMōshijuyōshinokenkyūp252SunldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquop101TheimportanceofMengzitopre-TokugawaJapanesethoughtseemsuniformlyunderappreciatedSunobservesthatJapanesescholarstendtofocusprimarilyontheunderstandablylargeroleMengziplayedindiscussionsofrulershiplegitimacyandrevolutionbutpaycomparativelylessattentiontotheotherphilosophicalusestowhichtheworkcouldbeputThisisparticularlyunfortunateinChūganrsquoscaseashismostsustainedengagementwithMencianthoughtoccursinthesecondandseventhchaptersofChūseishiwhichconcernnotrevolutionbutthevirtuesofhumanitybenevolenceandrighteousness( )andhumannaturerespectively TothiswemightalsoaddthatinAnglophoneandChinesescholarshiptheproblemcanbequitetheoppositeasitisoftenassumedthatMengzirsquosviewsonlegitimaterulewereinherentlyanathematotheideologyofeternaldivinekingshiptheoreticallyinformingsovereigntyinJapanSeeforinstanceChenShuifengRibenwenmingkaihuashiluumle(TaipeiTaiwanshangwuyinshuguan1993)pp63-64ConradSchirokauerABriefHistoryofChineseandJapaneseCivilizations(SanDiegoHarcourtBraceJovanovich1989)p144InemphasizingthispointbyitselftheauthorsriskimplyingthatMengziwasgenerallyrejectedbyJapaneseintellectualswhichitwasnotandthatJapaneseintellectualswereeverywherebeholdentoaldquonativistrdquoroyalorthodoxywhichtheywerenot121權者何權者反於經然後有善者也(GongyangzhuanldquoHuanGongrdquo桓公 11)

77

exchangingobjectsitwouldbeexpedient(quan)tograbyoursister-in-lawrsquoshandif

sheweredrowning122Herequanissetoppositetoldquoritesrdquoorldquoritualproprietyrdquobut

thebasicideaisthesameanestablishedmoralnormisviolatedbecauseexigent

circumstancesaresuchthatupholdingthenormwoulddomoreharmthangood

Thisconceptionofquanleadsultimatelytothearchetypaljing-quanbinaryofHan

Confucianisminwhichquanisconstruedasanydiscretionaryactionthatldquoin

violatingjingcompletestheWayrdquo(反經合道)123Althoughlaterthinkerssuchas

ChengYi程頤(1033-1107)andZhuXi朱子(1130-1200)woulddevelopthejing-

quandyadinnewdirectionsChūganrsquosusageoftheideainChūseishiaccordsmost

closelywiththatseeninHantextsandbearslittletraceoftheCheng-Zhuthought

withwhichhelikemostotherGozanliteratiwasotherwisequitewell

acquainted124

Itisnoteworthythatcontrarytotheusualrelationshipfoundtoobtain

betweenpre-TokugawaJapanesekanbuntextsandtheirChineseanaloguesthe

ldquoKeikenrdquochapteroffersamuchlongerandmoredetailedexpiationonthejing-quan

relationthananyoftheworkstypicallycitedforcomparisonthissuggestseither122嫂溺不援是豺狼也男女授受不親禮也嫂溺授之以手者權也(Mengzi4A17)ldquoIfyoursister-in-lawisdrowningbutyoulendnoaidyouarenothingbutabeastThatmenandwomenwhengivingandreceivingthingsshouldnottouchoneanotherisamatterofritualproprietythatwhenyoursister-in-lawisdrowningyouhelpherbyextendingyourhandisamatterofexpediencerdquo123SeeYueTianleildquoZhuXilunlsquoquanrsquordquoZhongguowenhuayanjiusuoxuebaoNo56(Jan2013)p1 124SpecificallyChengYiconcludedthatldquoquanarenothingbutjingrdquo(權即是經)ndashamovethatwouldseemtoundothedynamictensionthatChūganseesasessentialtothejing-quanbinaryZhuXiarguedinanevolutionaryveinthatldquojingaresimplyquanthathavebeenfullyestablishedwhilequanareasyetun-establishedjingrdquo(經是已定之權權是未定之經)whichseemstoadumbratequitemodernideasabouttheformationandhistoricalcontingencyofsocialnorms

78

thattherelevantChinesesourcetexthasyettobeidentifiedorthatChūgan

independentlychosetopursueanunusuallydetailedelaborationoftheidea125

Eitherwayhemusthavethoughtitausefulconceptualframeinwhichto

communicatehispointtocontemporaryreadersandtoGo-Daigoinparticular

Inherentintheconceptofquanasldquoexpediencyrdquoorldquodiscretionrdquoispreciselythesort

offlexibilitythatanyrulerinGo-Daigorsquospositionwouldfindcongenialpossiblytoa

faultSuchflexibilityismostnecessaryduringtimesofsocialrupturewhich

presentchallengesthatdemandunconventionalresponsesAsChūgansaysthe

orderofYaoandShuncannotalwaysobtainSincesuchapointcouldwellhave

beenmadewithoutframingitentirelyintermsofjingandquanitisreasonableto

assumethatGo-Daigowasalreadyquitefamiliarwiththejing-quandyadSuchan

assumptionisallthemoreplausibleinlightofGo-Daigorsquosunusuallyextensive

knowledgeofChinesetextswhichasearlyas1317wasappraisedveryhighlyby

HanazonohimselfamongthemostlearnedsovereignsinJapanesehistory126Texts

inwhichGo-DaigoisknowntohavebeenversedincludeShiji史記(Recordsofthe

125SunRongchengnotesthatwhilethepairingofjingandquanisitselfextremelycommonheisnotawareofanyotherworkeitherChineseorJapaneseinwhichtheyareexplicitlyassociatedwithwenbunandwubuastheyareinldquoKeikenrdquoJingandquandooccurtogetherintheldquoViscountofWeirdquo魏相chapterofWangTongrsquosWenzhongziatextwhoseimportancetoChūganhasalreadybeennotedbutthedyadisnotdevelopedindetailitisglossedbytheSong-eracommentatorRuanYi阮逸(flmid11thc)byreferencetotheGongyangcommentarySeeSunldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquop100andIriyaChūseiZenkenoshisōp403126GobleKenmup11LestthereaderthinkHanazonowassimplyflatteringthefutureoccupantofthethroneitshouldbeemphasizedthathewasoftheJimyōinbranchoftheimperialfamilyrivaltoGo-DaigorsquosDaikakujilineandanoutspokenscholarunafraidtovoiceopinionsatoddswithimperialorthodoxy(seenote141below)HanazonosetgreatstorebythestudyofChinesehistoryandliteratureandhewouldnothavegoneoutofhiswaytodeemGo-DaigorsquosknowledgeofChinesetextsexceptionalhaditbeenmerelyaverage

79

GrandHistorian)Hanshu(HistoryoftheHan)andHouHanshu後漢書(Historyofthe

LaterHan)Zhongyong(DoctrineoftheMean)andLunyu論語(Analects)Shangshu

尚書(TheBookofHistory)YijingandLiji禮記(TheRecordofRites)Zuozhuanand

Laozi老子(knownfrequentlyasDaodejing)Difan帝範(ModelsforanEmperor)

andHuainanzi (MastersofHuainan)Go-Daigoalsosponsoredacademic

discussionsofworkslesscommonlyreadinJapansuchasYangXiongrsquos (53BC

ndash18AD)Taixuanjing太玄經orldquoClassicofGreatMysteryrdquo127

OfparticularrelevancetothepresentinquiryisHuainanziwhichcontains

numerouspassagestreatingthemoralandpoliticalsignificanceofquanWhileIam

notawareofanycurrenttreatmentofChūseishithatexploresthematicorrhetorical

parallelswithHuainanzithelatterseemsafarmorelikelytouchstonefortheviews

articulatedintheldquoKeikenrdquochapterthandoestheGongyangcommentarythe

responsesofDongZhongshuorWenzhongziAltogetherHuainanziprobably

offeredmoreintellectualjustificationforradicalpoliticalactionthananyothertext

Go-DaigoisknowntohavestudiedafactnotlikelytohavebeenlostonChūgan

Theconceptofquanasanexpedientstrategyfeaturesparticularlyprominentlyin

chapterthirteenldquoFanlunrdquo氾論orldquoBoundlessDiscoursesrdquowhosecentralthemeis

thesagerulerrsquosadaptabilitytocircumstanceAsSarahQueenandJohnMajor

observeldquoFanlunrdquoprovidesthemostcomprehensivediscussionofchangeinthe

entireHuainanziitisoneoftheworkrsquosmostovertlypoliticalchaptersemphasizing

boththehistoricalcontingencyoflawsandritesandthenecessityofadaptingonersquos

127GobleKenmupp2127-28

80

policiestosuittheneedsoftheage128Quanprovidesthekeytosuccessinan

inherentlyproteanworldthoughitisnotsomethingjustanyrulercangrasp

ExpediencyissomethingsagesaloneperceiveThusthosewho[first]disobey[ritualnorms]butultimatelyaccordwiththemaresaidtounderstandexpediency(Huainanzi1311)129權者聖人之所獨見也故忤而後合者謂之知權 IndaysofoldtheDocumentsofZhouhadasayingthatreadldquo[Sometimes]oneelevateswordsanddenigratespracticalities[sometimes]onedenigrateswordsandelevatespracticalitiesElevatingwordsisthenormdenigratingwordsistheexpedientrdquoThisisthetechniqueforsurvivinginthefaceofdestructionButonlyasageiscapableofunderstandingexpediency(1311)130 昔者周書有言曰「上言者下用也下言者上用也上言者常也下言者權也」此存亡之術也唯聖人為能知權

Itisimportanttonotethattheusageofthetermldquosagerdquo(聖)inHuainanziis

somewhatlessrestrictivethanthatseeninprototypicallyldquoConfucianrdquoclassicaltexts

AsintheFiveClassicsthesagesofhighantiquityarecreditedwithcreatingthe

moralandinstitutionalunderpinningsofhumancivilizationHoweverHuainanzi

doesnotlocatethechiefefficacyofthesageinthepastmodernrulersnotonlycan

attainsagelywisdomtheymustdosoiftheyaretobringharmonytotheirpresent

disorderedage131AccordingtoAndrewMeyerthesageofHuainanziismuchcloser

tothatofDaodejing(Laozi)thantothatoftheConfucianclassicsheachieves

sagehoodnotonlythroughthestudyofclassicaltextsandthephenomenalworld

128JohnSMajoretaledsTheHuainanziAGuidetotheTheoryandPracticeofGovernmentinEarlyHanChina(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2010)pp483-89129Ibidp508130Ibidp506131Ibidp887

81

butalsothroughldquoaprogramofapophaticpersonalcultivationcenteredonpractices

ofcontemplativemeditationandyogicregimensrdquo132OnecaneasilyimagineGo-

Daigowhoseinterestinesotericreligiousritualswaslegend133findingmuchtolike

aboutthefigureofthesageinHuainanziMasterofhispoliticalcosmosthesage

regulatesritesandmusicbutheisnotregulatedbythem(聖人制禮樂而不制于禮

樂)134

IntheldquoKeikenrdquochapterChūganinvokesthefigureofthesageonlytosaythat

theldquoexpediencyrdquoofformulatingmilitarystratagemsisnothisultimateaimbut

rathersomethinghedoesbecausethereisnootherchoice(武略之設非聖人意

聖人不獲已而作焉)Suchapositionwouldseemtobesomewhatdifferentatleast

inemphasisfromthatarticulatedinHuainanziwhichisonthewholeagooddeal

morepositivethanldquoKeikenrdquoregardingtheuseofquanYetthehierarchical

relationshipChūganpositsbetweenkeijingandkenquanwiththelatterclearly

morallysubordinatetotheformerisvisibleinHuainanziaswell

ThewayoftheFiveThearchsandtheThreeKingsconstitutesthewarpandweftoftheworldandtherulesandstandardsoforderNowShangYangrsquosldquoOpeningandClosingrdquoShenzirsquosldquoThreeTestsrdquoHanFeizirsquosldquoSolitaryIndignationrdquoandZhangYiandSuQinrsquosldquoHorizontalandVertical[AllianceSystem]allwereselectiveexpedienciesonesliceofthearts[ofgovernance]Theyarenotthegreatrootoforderortheconstantnormofservicethatcanbeheardwidelyandtransmittedthroughtheages(2034)135

132Ibidpp887-88133SeeGobleKenmupp96-97134Huainanzi133135MajoretaledsHuainanzip833

82

五帝三王之道天下之綱紀治之儀錶也今商鞅之啓塞申子之三符韓非之孤憤張儀蘇秦之從衡皆掇取之權一切之術也非治之大本事之恒常可博聞而世傳者也

ForChūganthemostdesirablestateofaffairsisonewherekeijingare

promoted(舉)anddevicesclassifiableaskenquanareputaside(措)untildisorder

requirestheiruseThemethodsoflegalistreformerssuchasShangYangShen

BuhaiandHanFeiziareheldinHuainanzi2034toconstitutesuchdevicesthe

particularityandtemporarinessofwhichstandsincontrasttotheenduringquality

ofldquoconstantnormsrdquo(恒常)InhismemorialtoGo-DaigoChgūancitesShangYangrsquos

reformsapprovinglybutcriticizestheQinforholdingtoolongtothelegalistcourse

TherethepointwastoapplaudandjustifyGo-Daigorsquoswillingnesstoviolatethe

statusquoinordertorectifycurrentillsanobjectivefacilitatedbytheinvocationof

keymomentsinChinesehistoryatwhichradicalactionwaswarrantedInldquoKeikenrdquo

theintentisquitetheoppositeemphasisisplacedontheinherentlyspecificnature

ofldquoexpedientmeasuresrdquo(權謀)whicharelimitedinscopeanddurationandstand

incontrasttotheunchangingwayoftheconstant(常而不可變者經之道也)

whichinturnisidentifiedwithcivilvirtue

InallldquoKeikenrdquooffersalucidallegoricalrepresentationofJapanese

sociopoliticalconditionsin1334Itsthoughtfulapplicationoftwodyadicrelations

jing-quanandwen-wutoJapanesepoliticswashighlyoriginalanditsuseofa

dramatizeddialogicexchangebetweenrulerandministerpatternedcloselyafter

thoseinMengzialsoappearstobeuniqueamongpre-Tokugawaworksofpolitical

suasionThedistinctionChūgandrawsbetweenenduringnormsandtemporary

83

expedienciesisstraightforwardasishisbeliefalreadystatedforcefullyinGenmin

thatfartoomanypeoplehavebecomeinvestedinmartialpursuitsInutilizinga

vocabularyofgovernanceandkingshiplargerandmoreflexiblethanthatofthe

ConfucianclassicsChūganwasabletodescribetheeventsofhisageinwaysthat

werenovelyetentirelylegiblewithinChinesepoliticaldiscourseThoughhewasby

nomeanstheonlyJapanesefiguretoseekanunderstandingofJapaninostensibly

ldquoChineserdquotermsndashevencontemporaryarticulationsofShintooftendrewheavilyon

ChineseBuddhismandyin-yangtheoryndashfewofhiscompatriotscouldboast

comparableknowledgeofthebroadercorpusofHanpoliticalwritingandprobably

nonesharedhisfamiliaritywiththeSui-eratextWenzhongzi

ChūseishiwasChūganrsquoslastmajorcontributiontopoliticaltheoryduringthe

KenmuRestorationThenetworkofalliancesonwhichGo-Daigorsquospolitydepended

provedvulnerabletodisruptionandinmid1335anunexpected(andunexpectedly

successful)uprisingbyHōjōremnantsagainstthehouseofAshikagaineastern

JapansetinmotionaseriesofeventsthatwithintwoyearswouldseetheAshikaga

riserapidlytomartialpreeminenceandeffectivelydisplacetheimperialcourtasthe

fulcrumofnationalgovernance136ItisnotdifficulttoimagineChūganreactingwith

dismaytothepoliticalmutationsandmachinationsthatplayedoutoverthe

followingyearGo-DaigoandhiserstwhileallyAshikagaTakaujieachscroungingfor

supportamongdozensofregionallypowerfulfamilies(andamongdifferent

branchesofthesamefamilies)bloodybattlesmotivatedmorebypersonalor

136TheHōjōuprisingwasthemostimportanteventinwhatisknownastheNakasendaiDisturbance(中先代の乱)DetailsmaybefoundinGobleKenmupp244-61

84

familialgrievancesthanbypoliticalidealsandtheJimyōinlineoftheimperial

familythrowingitssupportbehindtheupstartTakaujidespiteknowingfullwell

thattheimperialinstitutionitselfwouldbelittlemorethanadependentjunior

partnerwithinanAshikaga-ledconfederacyBeforetheendof1336Go-Daigofled

thecityofKyotoforasecureredoubtintheYoshinomountainsofYamatoprovince

withtheJimyōinprinceYutahitoenthronedasEmperorKōmyōbyTakaujiJapan

nowhadnotjusttworivalimperiallinesbuttwoimperialcourtsandanew

shogunatewithmorepowerovertheprerogativesoftheKyotoaristocracythan

everbeforeItishardtoenvisionasituationmoreantitheticaltotheidealsofroyal

preeminencesoenergeticallyespousedinChūganrsquosmemorialUnfortunatelythe

textualrecorddoesnotpermitadetailedreconstructionofChūganrsquospost-Kenmu

politicalthoughtafactwhichgivestheinaccurateimpressionofaretreatfrom

publicintellectuallifeInfacttheseemingpaucityofexplicitlypoliticalmaterial

fromthisperiodstemsinlargepartfromthelossofwhatfromamodern

perspectivemighthavebeenChūganrsquosmostsignificantintellectualworkhadit

survivedTheworkinquestionishisinfamoushistoricaltreatiseNihonsho日本書

ARecordofJapanabriefglimpseatwhatisknownofwhichwillconcludethis

chapter

Writtenin1341Nihonshoseemstohavebeenintendedasalong-termstudy

ofJapanesehistoryandperhapsmorespecificallyasacounterpointtoKitabatake

ChikafusarsquosrecentlycompletedJinnōshōtōkiItsexistenceisonlyknowntoday

becauseitadvancedanunusualtheoryregardingtheoriginsofJapanrsquosroyalfamily

Accordingtothefifteenth-centuryGozanliteratusTōgenZuisen桃源瑞仙(1430-

85

89)ChūganproposedthattheprimordialJapanesedeityKunitokotachinomikoto

國常立尊wasinactualitya(human)descendantofPrinceWuTaibo呉太伯(alt泰

伯)ascionofKingTaiofZhouandthepurportedfounderofthestateofWu137The

notionthattheJapaneseimperialfamilywasultimatelydescendedfromWuTaibo

wasnotinitselfnewitappearsinseveralChinesesourcesincludingWeiluumle魏略

(ABriefHistoryoftheWeiDynastymid3rdcentury)Liangshu梁書(ARecordofthe

LiangDynasty635)andJinshu晋書(ARecordoftheJinDynasty648)anditis

explicitlymentionedndashandsummarilydismissedndashinJinnōshōtōki138Whatdoes

seemtohavebeenoriginalwasChūganrsquoslinkingofWuTaibowithKunitokotachia

deityofcentralimportancetothemedievalreligio-culturalmovementthatcameto

beknownasIseShintoBeginninginthelateKamakuraandearlyMuromachi

periodspriestsassociatedwithIsersquosOuterShrine(gekū外宮)whichtraditionally

veneratedagoddessoffoodstuffsandfecunditynamedToyouke豊受(incontrastto

theInnerShrinenaigū内宮whichveneratedAmaterasu)undertookeffortsto

137ItmightbenotedthatTōgenwasfrankinhisrejectionofthisidealdquoSayingsomethinglikelsquothedeitycalledKunitokotachinomikotoisadescendantofWuTaiborsquoisnonsenseChūganwasaredoubtablemanbut(thistheory)whileelegantwasnonsenserdquo國常立尊ト云ハ呉太伯ノ后裔ヂャナンドト云ハ合ワザル事ゾ中巌ホドノ人ヂャガウツクシウモ合ワザル事ヲセラレタゾSeeInoueHonpōchūseimadeniokeruMōshijuyōshinokenkyūp263SunldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquopp107-110138TheoriginofthenotionisunclearthoughtheChinesesourcesallreportthatitwastheWa倭themselveswhoclaimeddescentfromTaiboWeiluumlenolongersurvivesintactbutthepassagesconcerningtheWaarepreservedintheTang-eraworkHanyuan翰苑SeeSunldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquop158n321

86

articulateandevangelizeShintoinnewlycoherentterms139Inmattersofdoctrine

theInnerandOutershrinescouldofcoursebeseenascomplementarybutthey

wereadministeredbytwodistincthereditarypriestlyfamilies(theArakidaand

Watarairespectively)andthehistoricallyprivilegedpositionoftheInnerShrine

coupledwiththegrowingneedtosecurematerialsupportinaneraofdwindling

courtresourcesmadetherelationshipacompetitiveoneInordertoenhancetheir

positionvis-agrave-vistheArakidatheWataraipriestsproposedthattheirdeity

ToyoukewasinfactKunitokotachiwhoasoneoftheearlycreatordeitiesoccupied

aplaceinthepantheonostensiblyldquohigherrdquothanthatofAmaterasu

IseShintohadamajorinfluenceonelitesandintellectualsofthefourteenth

centurynotleastofwhomwasChikafusawhoseGengenshū元々集(Collectionof

theOriginofOrigins1337)explicatesthesignificanceofvariousshrinesanddeities

byreferencetotheteachingsofShintotheoristWataraiIeyuki渡来家行(1256-

1351)alongwithaccountsdrawnfromJapanesemythohistoricalchroniclesJinnō

shōtōkialsoreflectsIsedoctrineparticularlyinitsmemorableopeningpassage

whichhasbeenatouchstonepolemicfornativistwritersandideologuesdownto

thepresentdayldquoGreatJapanisthedivinecountryItwasfoundedbytheHeavenly

Ancestor(ieKunitokotachi)andistransmittedinperpetuitythroughthelineageof

theSunGoddess(Amaterasu)Thisissomethingtrueofourcountryalonethereis

nothingcomparableinotherlandsrdquo140ByidentifyingKunitokotachinomikoto

139SeeHagiwaraTatsuoldquoShintōtheWayoftheKamirdquoinKasaharaKazuoedAHistoryofJapaneseReligion(TokyoKōsei2001)pp299-314140大日本は神國なり天祖はじめて基をひらき日神ながく統を傳え給う我國のみ此事あり異朝には其たぐひなし

87

whosenameprobablymeantsomethinglikeldquoTheAugustDeityWhoPermanently

EstablishestheCountryrdquowithWuTaiboChūganseemstoofferabluntrepudiation

ofthisnewlyburgeoningJapaneseexceptionalism141Possiblyheintendedtodo

morethanthishistheorymightbereadasanattempttointerpretmythical

accountsofJapanrsquosfoundingeuhemeristicallythoughwithoutfurtherevidence

suchareadingmustremainspeculative142Thattheworkhasnotsurvivedisa

greatlosstocurrent-daystudentsofmedievalJapanesehistoryhistoriographyand

politicalthoughtthoughitisperhapsnotaltogethersurprisingEvidencesuggests

thatevenduringChūganrsquoslifetimetheworkmetwithnosmallmeasureof

disapprovalandwiththeemergenceofShintoasadoctrinallydistinct(and

distinctlyldquonativerdquo)faithtraditionitsviewsprobablyappearedincreasingly

141ItisofinteresttonotethatChūganwasnottheonlyprominentintellectualtorejectsuchexceptionalismEmperorHanazonoisnotedforhisbluntdismissalofthenotionthatdivinedescentautomaticallyensuredtheperpetualcontinuityoftheimperialinstitutionHisKaiTaishisho戒太子書(AdmonitionstotheCrownPrince1330)anessayonsovereigntyandgoodgovernmentthathecomposedforhisnephewPrinceTokihitoindicatesquiteclearlythatthenativistideologywithinwhoseframeworktheJapaneseimperialfamilywassupposedtoexistwasnotinitselfsomethingautomaticallychampionedbymembersoftheimperialfamilySeeGobleldquoSocialChangeKnowledgeandHistoryrdquop119142SeeUenoTakeshildquoWajinnokigentoGonoTaihakudensetsurdquoinMoriKōichiedNihonnokodaivol1ldquoWajintōjōrdquo(TokyoChūōKōron1985)p327UenoseesinthispossibilityaldquoConfucianrationalismrdquo(儒教的合理主義)thatissetoppositetobeliefindivineorsupernaturalforcesasagentsofhistoryWemightnotethatsuchaviewisalsoreminiscentofAraiHakusekirsquos(1657-1725)boldbutlinguisticallyproblematicargumentthattheJapanesewordforldquodeityrdquokami神simplydenotedthosewhoweresociallyldquoaboverdquo(kami上)ordinarypeopleWhilethewordsareentirelyhomophonousinModern(andMiddle)JapaneseinOldJapanesethesyllablemiinkami神wouldhavebeenpronounceddifferentlythanthemiinkami上

88

subversiveasthecenturiespassed143Theonlydirectevidenceconcerningthe

contemporaryreceptionoftheworkisprovidedbyGidōShūshinwhowasamong

ChūganrsquosforemostintellectualdisciplesandisregardedtodayasoneoftheldquoTwin

Pillarsrdquo(双璧)ofGozanliteraturealongsideZekkaiChūshinInashortaddress

deliveredinChūganrsquoshonorin1367GidōmakesdeftreferencetoNihonshoandthe

controversysurroundingit

He(Chūgan)assiduouslystudiedthecountryrsquoshistoryldquounderstandmeby

theSpringandAutumnAnnalscontemnmebytheSpringandAutumnAnnalsrdquoHisconductwasinkeepingwiththemonasticrulesinwalkinghewasastheMasterinrushinghewasastheMaster144

修國史兮知我春秋罪我春秋行清規也步亦夫子趨亦夫子

ThelineldquounderstandmebytheSpringandAutumnAnnalscontemnmebythe

SpringandAutumnAnnalsrdquoisadaptedfromapassageinMengzi

143Itisdifficulttodeterminewhetherthelossoftheworkwasactuallyduetointentionalsuppressionorsimplytothehistoricalvicissitudesbearinguponmanuscriptcopyingandre-copyingwithoutwhichverylittlefrombeforetheearlymodernerawouldbeexpectedtosurviveThegreatearlymodernNeo-ConfucianthinkerHayashiRazan林羅山(1583-1657)whosupportedChūganrsquostheoryreportedinhisJimmutennōron神武天皇論thattheimperialcourttookumbrageattheworkanddestroyeditChūganwashighlyactiveinpublicreligiouslifeforthenexttwodecadesandwhileheseemstohavesufferednopersecutionorofficialcensureforNihonshoitmaybethathedecideditwouldbebettertoabandontheprojectthantoriskalienatinginfluentialbackerswiththeresultthatfewifanycopiesoftheworkwereevermadeTōgenhimselfseemsnevertohavepossessedacopyoftheworknotinginhisShikishō史記抄(NotesonShiji)thatChūganrsquosworkldquocausedcontroversyandwasnevercirculatedrdquoTheJimmutennōronmaybefoundinNakagawaTarōldquoHayashiRazanrdquoinAbeYoshioetaledsShushigakutaikeivol13ldquoNihonnoShushigaku(2)rdquo(TokyoMeitoku1975)pp163-67withrelevantportionstranslatedindeBaryetaledsSourcesofJapaneseTraditionpp357-60144GZBTvol2p982

89

WhentheworldfellintodeclineandtheWaywasobscuredperniciousdoctrinesandviolentactsaroseagaintherewerecasesofministersmurderingtheirrulersandcasesofsonsmurderingtheirfathersConfuciuswasfrightenedatthisandsocomposedtheSpringandAutumnAnnalsAworkliketheSpringandAutumnAnnalsisthebusinessoftheSonofHeaven145ItwasforthisreasonthatConfuciussaidldquoThosewhounderstandmewillsurelydosobywayoftheSpringandAutumnAnnalsthosewhocontemnmewillsurelydosobywayoftheSpringandAutumnAnnalsrdquo世衰道微邪説暴行有作臣其君者有之子其父者有之孔子懼作春秋春秋天子之事也是故孔子曰知我者其惟春秋乎罪我者其惟春秋乎(Mengzi3B9)

GidōsuggeststhatChūganlikeConfuciushasbeenbothappreciatedandscorned

forwhathehaswrittenandheimplicitlyaccordsChūganrsquoshistoricaltreatisea

placeinJapanesepoliticalthoughtanalogoustothatoccupiedbytheSpringand

AutumnAnnalsinChinaThecomparisonofthetwotextsmightsimplyhavebeen

GidōrsquoswayofaccordinghismentortheloftiestpossiblepraiseYetitisbynomeans

inconceivablethatChūganhadintendedallalongtoadvanceNihonshoasaJapanese

SpringandAutumnAnnalsaworkmeantforanageofdivisionandldquopernicious

doctrinesrdquoandonethatmostlikelyofferedanessentiallyConfucianvisionof

JapaneseculturalandinstitutionalhistoryWhateverthecaseinhavinghiswork

comparedtosuchanesteemedclassicandhisconductlikeneddirectlytothe

MasterrsquosChūganseemsultimatelytohaveearnedboththeaccoladesandthe

opprobriumbefittinganoutspokenscholar-monkandfaithfuladmirerofthatmost

controversialofChineseConfucianistsWangTong

145Becauseitoffersmoraljudgmentsconcerningrulersandministerswhichistheprerogativeoftheemperoralone

90

Chapter Three An Essay on the Kun and the Peng Hermeneutics Cosmology and the Figural Reading of Fictional Characters 或問荘老中正子曰二子爰清爰静荘文甚奇其於教化不可SomeoneaskedaboutLaoziandZhuangziTheMasterofBalanceandRectituderepliedldquoThosetwomastersexemplifytranquilityandquiescenceZhuangzirsquosproseisparticularlywondrousthoughassuchitisentirelyunsuitableformoraleducationrdquo Chūseishi(1334)

物者也名言之迹也非言非默之理獨荘子能言而足盡其極而已 WhatwecallldquothingsrdquoarethetracesofwordsandnamestheyaretheprincipleofthatwhichisneitherspeechnorsilenceOnlyZhuangziwasabletousewordsinamannersufficienttoexhausttheirlimitsKonpōron(c1350)

WhenChūganleftKyotoinearly1334andbeganwritingChūseishimoral

suasionwasstillhisforemostconcernGo-Daigorsquosrevolutionwasongoingandas

suggestedbythestructureandcontentoftheldquoKeikenrdquochapterChūganstillsought

toinfluencetheemperorrsquosthinkingonmattersofpolicyEventhehistoricalwork

Nihonshopresentedtothecourtin1341hadamongitsostensibleobjectivesthe

repudiationoftheldquoofficialrdquonarrativeregardingdivineimperialdescentInso

openlychallengingnativistformulationsofJapanesehistoryandimplicitly

91

repudiatingtheviewsoffavoredintellectualssuchasKitabatakeChikafusaChūgan

wasalmostsurelyguidedbythehopethathisscholarshipwouldprovemeaningful

inthepublicdomainAswehaveseenhisinterventionwasunwelcomeand

unsuccessfulanditprobablyaddedtothepersonalandprofessionaldifficultieshe

facedthroughoutthe1340s146Ontheintellectualfronthoweveritwaslikely

duringthistimethatanembattledChūganbegantoventurebeyondtheConfucian

traditionproperandreconsidertextsthathehadoncedismissedForemostamong

thesewasZhuangzi

ThoughrecognizedbybothChineseandJapanesecontemporariesforhis

exceptionalacquaintancewithmultipleschoolsofChinesethoughtChūganrsquosearly

workshowsgreateraffinitywithbothclassicalConfucianismandtheldquoNeo-

ConfucianrdquoCheng-Zhuschoolthanwithanytextortraditionthatmightreasonably

belabeledDaoistAsChūgansawittheworkofConfucianthinkerssuchasMengzi

XunziandYangXiongsimplyhadgreaterrelevancetopracticallearningandpublic

policythanthatofLaoziorZhuangzi147Exactlywhatsparkedhismid-lifeinterest

inthelatterisunclearthoughinlightofthevicissitudesheenduredafterhismove

fromSōtōtoRinzaiZenoneistemptedtopositatraditionalindeedalmost

146AsnotedinthebiographicalintroductionthesinglemostsignificanteventinthisregardwasnotChūganrsquosauthorshipofNihonshobutratherhisdecisiontoswitchsectarianaffiliationsfromtheSōtōlineofDongmingHuiritotheRinzailineofDongyangDehui147ThissentimentthoughdiscernibleinseveralplacesisarticulatedmostdirectlyinthethirdchapterofChūseishildquoHōenrdquo方円ldquoThethreemastersMengziXunziandYangXiongareoftheutmostvaluetolearningAlthoughZhuangziiswithoutvalue(tolearning)(histhought)maybetakenasawarningtocheckonersquosdesiresrdquo孟荀揚之三子最有益於學者也惟荘無益然可以為窒欲之警也SeeIriyaYoshitakaetaledsNihonkotenshisōtaikeiv16ldquoChūseiZenkenoshisōrdquo(TokyoIwanamiShoten1972)pp134and173

92

stereotypicalturnfromtheparadigmaticallypublicrealmofConfucianismtothe

privateanodynerealmofphilosophicalDaoism148Whateverhismotivations

sometimeafter1340Chūganauthoredanextraordinaryessayonthesymbolic

significanceoftwofamouscharactersfromtheopeningchapterofZhuangzithe

giganticKun鯤fishandtheenormousPeng鵬birdThisldquoThesisontheKunand

thePengrdquo(Konpōron鯤鵬論)offersanallegoricalreadingthatintegratesBuddhism

yin-yangtheoryandnumerologyinamannerthatisconceptuallycompellingand

entirelywithoutprecedentintheJapaneseexegeticaltraditionItalsoinvites

productivequestionsregardingfigurationandfiguralreadingthepowerand

limitationsoflanguageandtheinterplayofaffectanddiscursiveintellect

Longbeforethepost-HeianemergenceofinstitutionalZenandthe

efflorescenceofChineseliterarystudiesitfosteredseveralclassicalcommentaries

onZhuangzihadenjoyedwidespreadfavoramongJapaneseliteratiincludingthose

byGuoXiang郭象(c252-312)SimaBiao司馬彪(c243-c306)andCheng

Xuanying成玄英(flmidseventhc)LinXiyirsquos林希逸(1193-1271)ZhuangziYan

Zhaikouyi莊子鬳齋口義mayalsohavebeenavailableinChūganrsquosdaythoughthe

firstJapanesescholartomakesubstantialuseofthisworkseemstohavebeena

slightlylaterGozanwriterIshōTokugan惟肖得巖(1360-1437)TheNihonkoku

kenzaishomokuroku日本國見在書目錄abibliographicresourcefromtheearly148ThisintellectualtrajectoryistraditionallyassociatedwithministersorliteratiwhofallfrompoliticalfavorInHeianJapanlearnedmenwhofoundtheirchancesforofficialprefermentdiminisheddoseemtohaveturnedfrequentlytoDaoismforsolacethefamousstatesmanandpoetSugawaranoMichizane菅原道真providesthehistoricalarchetypeOnthisseeRobertBorgenSugawaranoMichizaneandtheEarlyHeianCourt(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress1994)pp57and295

93

Heianperiodlists21ZhuangzititlesthenextantinJapanincludingGuoXiangrsquos

commentaryinthirtyfasciclesandSimaBiaorsquosintwentyfascicles149Newerworks

hadlikelybeenintroducedbyJapanesemonkswhotraveledtoChinaandKoreafor

religiouspurposesafterthecessationofofficialcourt-sponsoreddiplomatic

relationsintheninthcenturyStillothersmighthavebeenobtainedbyJapanese

religiousestablishmentsviaprivatetransactionswiththesizableexpatriate

communityofChinesemerchantsresidinginthesouthernportcityofHakata150

Finallythroughouthiseight-yearstayinChinaChūganwasanactiveparticipantin

thesalon-likeatmospherethatprevailedatsomeofthetempleshevisited

exchangingpoemsndashandstrugglingatleastinitiallytoconverseinvernacular

ChinesendashwithsuchcelebratedliteratiastheCentralAsianpoetandpainterSaDula

薩都刺(fl1320s)151Itisquitepossiblethatduringsuchinteractionshewas

exposedtonovelinterpretationsofZhuangzithoughtomyknowledgenospecific

attestationstothiseffectarefoundinhiswritingsItisalsoabundantlyclearthathe

wasdeeplyfamiliarwithmodesofinterpretationassociatedwithyin-yangtheory

andcorrelativecosmologyandwasalmostsurelywellacquaintedwiththepost-

HanBuddhistreceptionoftheprincipalworksofphilosophicalDaoismAmore

thoroughaccountingofthesepotentialinfluencesuponhisthoughtwillbegiven

149SeeYajimaGenryōNihonkokukenzaishomokurokushūshōtokenkyū(TokyoKyūkoShoin1984)pp122-4150ForahistoryofHakatacityanditsroleinbothofficialandprivatetradeseeBruceBattenGatewaytoJapan(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress2006)ContactswithprominentChinesemerchantscouldbehighlyprofitableforfledglingZentemplesinonefamouscaseawealthylocalnotableknownasXieGuoming謝國明fundedtheconstructionofJōtenji承天寺atemplethatremainsactivetothisday151KagekiHideoGozanshishinokenkyū(TokyoKasamaShoin1977)p224-25

94

belowitisenoughtonoteherethathewasworkingfromaknowledgebasethat

whileimpossibletoreconstructwithprecisionwascertainlyextensiveandpossibly

quiteup-to-date

Konpōronisbothaseriousworkofhermeneuticsandanexercisein

imaginativeallegoresisInordertocarrytheprojectoffChūganfirstneededto

performaground-clearingoperationinwhichliteralinterpretationsofZhuangzi

wererejectedandtheKunandthePengwereconstruedasbothallegoricaland

entirelyfictionalInthistheybecomepurposivecreationsofthesortknownin

medievalWesternhermeneuticsasallegoriainverbisthepurelyliterary

counterparttothetypeofallegorymostoftenassociatedwithscriptural

interpretationallegoriainfactiswhereineventsareheldtohavesymbolic

significanceyetalsotobefactuallytrue152Toalimiteddegreethishadbeen

standardpracticesinceatleastGuoXiangwhonotedinhiscommentarythathe

couldnotattesttotheexistenceofactualcreaturesfittingthedescriptionoftheKun

andthePengEvidentlycontenttoletthematterrestGuoXiangopinednofurther

afterthisdisclaimerHeprobablyfelttherewasnoneedingeneralthetraditional

commentariesarenotdedicatedtothedisclosureofanocculttextfromthereceived

Zhuangziandtheydonotforcefullyandsystematicallyattempttoprivilegelatent

overmanifestsenseInthefollowingpassagesChūgansetsthestageforhisown

symbolicinterpretationoftheKunandthePengbyrefutingthewayinwhich

credulousreadersingeneralandmisguidedNeo-Confuciansinparticularmighttry

toapprehendthem152SeeSimonBrittanPoetrySymbolandAllegory(CharlottesvilleUnivofVirginiaPress2003)p21

95

BeforeZhuangzitherewasnobodywhotalkedabouttheKunandthePengandnothingaboutthemisrecordedinancienttextssuchasShijingShujingYijingandChunqiuOnlyinZhuangziismentionmadeofthem153LatergenerationsmistakenlybelievedthattheKunandthePengwererealTheirfailuretoconsiderreason(道理)andtheirfruitlessclingingtowordsandtracesissurelyanextremecaseofnotthinking154 WhenIwasyoungIaskedthevariouslearnedmeninmyvillageaboutthisbuttoamanalltheycoulddowashemandhawWhenIreflectbackonitnowitseemsobviousthattheycouldnthopetohaveknownjustwhatkindoffish(theKunwas)orwhatkindofbird(thePengwas)Alltheycoulddowasstareatthesentences(文)comprisingZhuangzirsquosworkorhearexplanationsaboutparticularwrittencharacters(字)bylaterConfucians155Havingonlythetextitself(文字)theylostsightofthefactthatitssubstance(實)wasthestuffofpurefantasy156

莊子前無云鯤鵬之事如詩書易春秋之古書所不戴也惟莊子一言之後世以爲實有云鯤鵬之物其不考之道理徒拘於言迹且不思之甚也予幼年時問之之諸先生皆含糊而已今反復而思之固應不知夫果爲何等之魚耶何等之鳥耶特以覩其文於莊子之書又聞其字於後儒之言而已徒有文字而亡其實者兔角龜毛是類焉

Apparentlyfeelingitinsufficienttosimplyrejecttheassumptionofliteral

referentialityoutofhandChūgangoesontoargueinalmostpatronizinglyexplicit

termsthatabirdsuchasthePengisaphysicalimpossibilityWhilethisisbyfarthe

leastconceptuallyinterestingportionofhisessayappearingatfirsttobelittlemore

thanasimplisticfoilforthemorenuancedreadinghewilloffersubsequentlyits

153AswillbecomeclearlaterinhisessayChūganisnotsuggestingherethattheactualwordsldquokunrdquoandldquopengrdquodidnotexistpriortotheirappearanceinZhuangzionlythattheapplicationofthosedesignationstotwofantasticcreatureswasnovel154Theconnectionbetweenwords(言)traces(迹)andthings(物)isoffundamentalimportancetoChūganrsquosthesisandwillbeaddressedinmoredetailbelow155ldquoLaterConfuciansrdquorenderstheepithetkōju後儒(Chouru)whichappearsinbothChinaandJapanasabroadreferencetoConfucianscholarsofrecenttimesandduringtheSongeraandthereaftertoadherentsoftheCheng-Zhu程朱schoolinparticular156LiterallyldquohornsonarabbitorhaironaturtlerdquoacommoneuphemisminZenliteratureforsomethingthatdoesnrsquotexistinnature

96

forceandsimplicityrecallshisapproachtohomilyndashagenreinwhichChūganlike

otherGozanliteratiwasextremelyproficientInitslaboriousnessitisalsowryly

funny

ThenatureofabirdistoflyIftherewereabirdwhosewingsreallybeatthewindfor90000liandwerelikecloudssuspendedfromtheheavensthentheywouldcoverallthelandinChinawhenspreadTravelling(fromChina)inthefourdirectionsoneneednotevengo10000litotheeastbeforepassingthethreeKoreankingdomsandgoing(10000li)tothewesttakesonebeyondtheKunlunMountainsGoing(10000li)tothenorthtakesonebeyondthedesertand(10000li)tothesouthbringsonetotheedgeofmountainandsea157AllofthiswouldbeunderthePengrsquoswingsandforthoseaffecteditwouldbelikebeingunderneathanoverturnedbowlonewouldbeunabletoseethelightfromthesunorthemoonandtherewouldbenodifferencebetweendayandnightItwouldbeperpetuallydarkWhatrsquosmoretheforceofthewindandwaves(thatthePengwouldgenerate)wouldbesostrongthateveryboatwithinthefourseaswouldbequitebeyondsalvation158JustonebirdtakingtotheairwouldimperilthecountrynowimaginethesebirdsflyinginaflockthentherealmwouldbeinrealtroubleYetIhaveneverheardofsuchastrangeoccurrenceinanyepochTheChunqiucontainsveritablerecordsoftheagesandallofthemmentionnaturalcalamitiesandunusualeventsBut(aPeng-induceddisaster)issomethingthatisnotwrittendowninanyofthehistoriesClearlythenthestoryissimplyoneofZhuangzirsquosallegories(寓言)couchedinthemostfancifulandfar-fetchedlanguage

鳥之性以飛爲常且如九萬里搏風之翼若垂天雲者一展其翅亦縣神州之地四方不過萬餘里東及三韓西過昆崙北踰沙漠南際嶺海皆在翼下如覆盆中不見日月之照無晝夜之分永爲暗昧也且夫風濤之勢四海舟揖之利不可濟也一鳥一飛尚難爲國土況此鳥飛以群則國土奈之何未聞何代何時而有如斯之怪乎春秋歷世有實錄皆記災異然諸史所不戴也是乃莊子寓言荒唐開誕之語耳

157Thetermldquomountainandseardquorenders嶺海whichseeminglyreferstotheFiveRidgesofsouthernChina(Dayu大庾Qitian騎田Mengzhu萌渚Dupang都龐andYuecheng越城)andtheseaoffthecoastofwhatistodayGuangdongandGuangxiprovinces158Thephrase四海舟揖之利不可濟也seemstomeansomethinglikeldquoeventhebenefit(利)gainedfromthesupplications(揖)ofeveryboatinthefourseaswouldnotbeenoughtosavethemrdquo

97

HavingthusdeniedsimplereferentialinterpretationsofZhuangzirsquosPengonthe

basisofhistoryandcommonzoologicalsenseChūganturnstophilologyinrejecting

theoftencounteredassociationofthePengwithanotherlegendarybirdthefeng鳳

commonlyrenderedinEnglishasldquophoenixrdquo159Hearguesthatthiserroneous

identificationstemsfromconfusionwithyetanotherquasi-mythicalbirdtheso-

calledldquoblazingfirebirdrdquo(jiaoming焦明)ofSimaXiangrursquosfamousRhapsodyon

ShanglinImperialPark(Shanglinfu上林賦)Theblazingfirebirdwasexplainedby

thenotedfifth-centuryscholarPeiYinasabirdthatldquoresemblesthephoenixrdquo似鳳

thisglossseemstohavetakenrootveryearlyasitisalsogivenbythethird-century

lexicographerZhangYi160TomakemattersworseSimaXiangrursquosbiographyinHan

shucallsthisbirdnotjiaomingbutjiaopeng焦朋andChūganfocusesonsemantic

correspondencesbetweenthethreecharactersfeng鳳peng朋andpeng鵬as

centralfactorscontributingtothemisinterpretationofZhuangzirsquosallegoricalbird

Thecharacter鵬wasoriginallywritten朋(peng)andwassynonymouswiththecharacter鳳(feng)Thetraditionalexplanationforthisisthatwhenthefengbirdfliesflocksofotherbirdsfollowitenmassetherebyearningitthestyleldquopengrdquo鵬hellip161Zhuangziwasfondofallegoriesandsohesimplyborrowedthewordldquopengrdquo朋and

159HealsorejectsoutofhandthestillmoreexoticassociationofthePengwiththegolden-wingedgaruda(金翅鳥)ofBuddhistlore160ZhangYiisnotedforcompilingthedictionaryGuangya廣雅whichcontainsover17000charactersSomewhatunusuallyhisglossonthejiaopengassociatesitwiththewestasopposedtothesouthSeeTakahashiTadahikoShinshakukanbuntaikeiv80ldquoMonzenfuhenrdquopt2(TokyoMeijiShoin1977)p104161Thislineisanearquotefromthesecond-centurydictionaryShuowenjiezi説文解字Chūganaddsthatthetermldquopengrdquo isusedpredominantlyasignifierforapair(相偶)suggestingthatitisthesenseofbirdscomingtogetherorldquopairinguprdquothatisbehindtheuseofthegraph鵬todenotethebirdcalledldquofengrdquo

98

useditasthenameofagiantbirdItwaslaterConfucianswhoonthebasisofthebirdradicalinthecharacter鵬assumedthattherereallywassuchabird鵬本爲朋與鳳字同説者曰鳳飛則群鳥相從以萬數故爲鵬hellip 莊子好寓言故假朋字爲大鳥之名而已後儒從鳥成鵬以為實有斯鳥也

ThatChūganwouldmustersuchlengthysoberappealstophilologyand

recordedhistorytoadvancetheseeminglyobviouspointthatthereisnosuchthing

asthePengisconsistentwithhispenchantfordramaticandpolemicalarguments

ItisalsopossiblethatthehighculturalstatusaccordedtotheChineseclassicswould

foratleastsomemedievalJapanesereadershaveeffectivelyguaranteedthe

historicityofthestoriestheyrelatemakingsuchathoroughgoingrebuttalauseful

propadeutictothetypeofsymbolicreadingthatheintendedtooffer162The

foremostgoalofChūganrsquosreadingwastoelucidatetheprincipleofldquotransformationrdquo

(物化)anideaoffundamentalimportanceinbothBuddhistandDaoist

philosophicaldiscourseandonewhichChūganbelievedwasaptlyfiguredbythe

physicalmetamorphosisoftheKunintothePeng

162HereitmightbenotedthattheKunwasapparentlylesscontroversialItsnamewasconstruableasdenotingeitherasinglegiganticfishorsomewhatparadoxicallyminisculefisheggsndashabasicmeaningofthewordldquokunrdquoAswillbeseenbelowChūganbelievedthelattersensewasactuallythemoreimportantbutperhapsbecausegiganticseacreaturessuchaswhaleswereknowntoexistheofferednoexplicitcritiqueofthegargantuanproportionsascribedtotheKuninthestory

99

Hebeginshisinterpretation

byexplainingthesignificanceofthe

termNorthernDarkness(北冥)the

bodyofwaterinwhichtheKunis

heldtoresideAccordingtoChūgan

northisthedirectionwhereyang

energyliesdormantandwherethe

ldquoOneofHeavenrdquo(天一)bringswater

intobeingHerehedrawsexplicitly

ontheldquoYellowRiverChartrdquoorHetu(河圖)afamousdiagraminwhichasymmetric

arrangementofgroupsofdotsrepresentcorrespondencesbetweenthenatural

numbersfromonetotenthecardinaldirectionsandthefivephases(fig1)He

furtherexplainsthatthedirectionnorthisassociatedwiththedivinatorytrigram

kan(坎)whichshowsoneyanglinetrappedinbetweentwoyinlinesand

symbolizeswaterFinallyhenotesthatthecharacterming冥(Jmei)canbeusedto

denotetheseaandthatthecloselyrelatedhomophonouscharacter溟connotesa

particularlydarkseamaking北冥suggestiveofthatwhichisldquohiddendark

mysteriousandatrestrdquo(幽晦玄寘)ToChūganZhuangzirsquosNorthernDarkness

representsldquoaplacewherethemyriadthingsliedormantandconcealedrdquo(萬物潛藏

之地耳)

ThisinterpretationoftheNorthernDarknessbuttressedandperhapseven

helpedmotivatehisdecisiontofocusnotonthemanifestsenseoftheKunasa

Fig1

100

giganticfishbutratheronthemeaningofthewordldquokunrdquoasfisheggs(魚卵)which

maybeseentoembodythesamequalitiesoflatencyinchoatenessandhidden

potentialassociatedwiththekantrigramPhilologicallyspeakingthisreadingis

wellsupportedthegreatpre-QinlexicographicalworkErya爾雅definesldquokunrdquoas

roewhichisalsohowthewordappearsinGuoyu國語atextcompiledbetweenthe

fifthandfourthcenturiesBC163HistoricallyZhuangzischolarshiphasbeendivided

onthematterwithsomeearlyscholarssuchasWeiZhao韋昭(204-73)notingat

leastthatthetermldquokunrdquoproperlymeansroewhileothercommentatorsavoided

thiscomplicationaltogetherandadheredintheirinterpretationstothemanifest

qualitiesofZhuangzirsquosKuntheEasternJinscholarCuiZhuan崔譔forinstance

proposedthattheKunwasinfactawhale(鯨)164Chūganrsquosreadingwasprobably

motivatedlessbyageneralconcernforphilologicalrigorthanbytheneedto

establishthelogicalgroundworkforhissymbolicinterpretationofthepassageasa

wholeConstruingtheKuntobeawhaleorothersuchcreaturesapstheanecdote

ofthehumorandironicwitcharacteristicofsomuchofZhuangziandobviously

rulesoutfictionalallegoryasaninterpretivemodeBycontrastforegroundingthe

basicsenseofthewordldquokunrdquocreatesaratherstarkbutextremelyproductive

terminologicaldisjunctionbetweenthenameandthecharacterthatbearsitTothe

extentthatitplainlysubvertscategoricaljudgmentsconcerningsizendashkunaretiny

163SeeWangShuminZhuangzijiaoquanvol1pp4-5164IbidEnglishtranslationsofZhuangzialsofrequentlyunderstandtheKunsimplyasanenormousfish(HerbertGilesfamouslyrendereditLeviathan)withnoreferencetothefactthatthewordldquokunrdquomeantroeManymodernChineseandJapaneseeditionsdosoaswellapparentlywishingtoavoidaninterpretiveschemethatwouldrequiretoolongadetourintophilologyorsymbolism

101

buttheKunisenormousndashthisdisjunctionishighlyconsistentwithZhuangzian

rhetoricingeneralanditiswhatwilllaterallowChūgantoplacephilologyinthe

serviceofphilosophy

Aldquokunrdquoisaneggwhosebodyisamorphousandhasyettoassumethefullformofafish165ItlieslatentandconcealedandisextremelyminisculeYettheambitionitnurturesisvaststretchingforwhoknowshowmanythousandliAlthoughonemightsaythatitistinyandhiddenitnonethelessrepresentstheseedofadragon(iesomethingwiththepotentialforgreatness)鯤體渾渾然而未具魚體之卵也潛伏而微小之甚也然所養之志氣浩大不知其幾千里也雖云微潛亦龍種耳HereChūganunderstandsthephraseldquowhoknowshowmanythousandlirdquo不知其

幾千里whichinthetextostensiblydescribestheactualphysicalsizeoftheKunas

anentirelyfigurativeexpressionThedefiningcharacteristicofZhuangzirsquosKunis

thusitsimmensepotentialtheultimaterealizationofwhichisitstransformation

intothePengAndjustastheinitiallocationoftheKuninthecoldwaterofthe

NorthernDarknesscanbywayofYijingsymbolismbeunderstoodtoadumbrate

thecreaturersquoscentralqualitiesndashlatentyangenergyconcealedbutreadytoburst

forthndashsothedirectionintowhichthePengfliescanbeseenasamarkerofits

significanceasasymbolofnewlyliberatedradianceChūgannotesthatthesouthis

associatedwiththetrigramli(離)whichshowsoneyinlinebetweentwoyang

165ItisimpossibletoconveyinEnglishthedoubleentendrethatChūgancreateseverytimehewritesldquokunrdquo鯤whichbothdenotes(orconnotes)thegargantuancharacternamedKunandconverselyconnotes(ordenotes)thewordthatmeansroeThedescriptiongiveninthispassageismanifestlyaboutthewordbutthereaderismeanttoholdZhuangzirsquosKuninmindaswellasitssymbolicconnectiontoroeiswhatdrivesChūganrsquosentireinterpretation

102

linesandrepresentsfireandbyextensionbrightnessandclear-sightedness166He

observesfurtherthatfirehastheabilitytoldquotransformthingsrdquo(化物)andthat

accordingtotheelementalcorrespondencesintheHetudiagramitisbegottenby

theyinnumber2Waterasalreadynotedisbegottenbytheyangnumber1To

Chūganthiscorrelationbetweennumerologyandfive-phasestheoryisreflectedin

thephysicalformsoftheKunandthePengjustasthenumber1precedesthe

number2sotheKunwhichisunitary(單)andodd(奇)precedesthePengasits

ldquoelderbrotherrdquo(kun昆toaddtoanalreadymultilayeredwordplay)ThePengby

contrastiseven(偶)afactreflectedinthebilateralsymmetryofitswingswhich

formapair(peng朋)AndwhereasthebodyoftheKuniswholeand

undifferentiated(一合昆侖)asitlayssubmergedintheNorthernDarknessthe

Pengrsquostwowingsworkinunison(二張朋會)asitsoarsintothesouthernsky167

Thestrategyofexplicatingaparticularwordviareferencetoahomophonous

wordwrittenwithacognatecharacterfeaturesprominentlyinChūganrsquosessay168It

166CommentingontheirhexagrammaticformswhichsubsumethesymboliccontentofthetrigramsRichardWilhelm(translatedbyCaryFBanes)putsitevocativelyldquoWhileKanmeansthesoulshutwithinthebodyListandsfornatureinitsradiancerdquo(TheIChingp118)167ThesearedifficultlinestoparseandIsuspecttheremaybeawordplayatworkinvolving昆侖and朋會thatenrichesanotherwisesimpleparallelismInfullthelinesreadasfollows鯤體一合昆侖而伏于溟北鵬翼二張朋會而騫于天南InYijingthefirstdivinatoryjudgmentpertainingtothesecondhexagramndashwhichhappenstobepronouncedkun( )ndashsaysthatthesuperiorman(君子)willgainfriendsinthesouthorwestandlosethemifhegoesnorthoreast西南得朋東北喪朋SeeSuzuki(1974)pp100-1andWilhelmandBaynes(1976)p11168Recallalsothevariousphono-semanticlinksChūganemphasizedbetweenthecharacters君and群andbetween王往旺and暀intheldquoKeikenrdquochapterofChūseishi(seeChapterTwoofthepresentstudy)

103

driveshisfinalactofcorrelativereasoningwhichbeginswiththestraightforward

associationofnorthwiththecelestialstemren壬(Jnin)andsouthwiththe

celestialstembing丙(Jhei)Thereisnothingparticularlynovelaboutthissince

renandbingaretraditionallyassociatedwithwaterandfirerespectivelyandthe

HetuaswehaveseenassociatesthoseelementswithnorthandsouthButChūgan

proposesafurtherphoneticandsemanticconnectiontotheZhuangzistoryarguing

thatthenorthbeingrensymbolizesastateofpregnancy(CrenyunJninrsquoyō妊孕)

andthesouthbeingbingastateofbrightness(CbingyaoJheiyō炳曜)169Even

thesecompoundsseemcarefullychosenasthesecondcharacterineachcontains

radicalelementssuggestiveoftheKunandthePeng子(childprogeny)羽(wings)

隹(bird)Rhetoricallyspeakingthetermsalsoconcludethisportionoftheessay

nicelyaseachencapsulatesandrestateskeymotifsoftheZhuangzistorywherethe

KunispregnantwithpotentialhiddenintheNorthernDarknessthePengasits

transfigurationescapesthisdarknessandascendsintothelight170

Toreturntoanissuebroachedbrieflyabovesuchameticulousfigural

readingofaChinesetextbyaJapanesescholarwillnaturallyleadthegeneticcritic

(andtheintellectualhistorian)tooneintriguingquestionhowmuchofthisreading

wasoriginaltoChūganandhowmuchistraceabletoknownChinesesources

169ThesephoneticcorrelationsholdinbothLateOldChinesethelanguageofZhuangziandMiddleMandarin(PulleyblankrsquosEarlyMandarin)whichreferstothelanguageoftheZhongyuanyinyun中原音韻compiledcirca1300whichisalsoaroundthetimeChūganwasinChinaNotsurprisinglytheyalsoholdinJapanesesolongasoneusesthegorsquoon呉音readingldquoninrdquofor壬170AsawholethepassageinwhichtheseideasarearticulatedisdenseandsignificantlymoredifficultthantheportionstranslatedearlierAcompletetranslationisventuredintheappendixtothischapter

104

WhileIhaveyettodiscoveranythingdirectlyparallelingKonpōroninthe

commentarialtraditionitisclearthatinterpretationsoftheKunandthePengin

termsofyin-yangtheorydidexistInhisZhuangziYanZhaikouyi莊子鬳齋口義the

aforementionedLinXiyirejectedsuchreadingsonthegroundsthattheywere

overwroughtunfortunatelyhiscommentsareterseanddonotgiveasenseofhow

theinterpretationshehadinmindwereconstructedphilosophicallyor

rhetorically171Moregenerallyawell-establishedpoeticsofnatureinwhichfish

embodiedyinandbirdsembodiedyangwasseeminglycommonknowledgeandthe

juxtapositionofthetwoanimalsinliteraturepredatesevenZhuangzi172Moreover

theYijingsymbolisminformingChūganrsquosKonpōroniscloselyconsonantwithseveral

importanttrendsinSong-eraYijingexegesisTheintellectualcultureofthe

NorthernSongDynasty(960-1126)evincedextraordinaryfascinationwith

divinatorychartsanddiagramsandYijinginterpretationduringtheerareflecteda

resurgentinterestintheXiangshu象數(ldquoImagesandNumbersrdquo)andChenwei讖緯

(ldquoPrognosticardquo)traditionsthatfirstemergedduringtheHan173TheDaoistpriest

ChenTuan陳摶(d989)aneclecticandapparentlyquitepopularfigureconversant

171LinremarksldquoThenamesKunandPengaresimplyallegoricalSomehaveexplicatedthembymeansofyinandyangbutallsuchinterpretationsareforcedandintroduceunnecessarycomplexitiesrdquo(鯤鵬之名亦寓言耳或以陰陽論之皆是強生節目)SeeZhuangzikouyi(TaipeiHongdaowenhuashiye1971)pp2-3172SeeAkatsukaKiyoshiZenshakukanbuntaikeiv16ldquoSōshirdquo(TokyoShueisha1974)pp26-7ForanearlyexampleoftheliteraryjuxtapositionofbirdswithfishAkatsukacitesthepoemldquoHanLurdquo早麓(ldquoTheFoothillsofMountHanrdquo)fromShijing詩經(Maono239)whichcontainsacoupletthatreads鳶飛戾天魚躍于淵ldquoThekitetakesflightandreaches(戻=至)theheavensandthefishfrolicinthedeeprdquo173SeeRichardJSmithFathomingtheCosmosandOrderingtheWorldTheYijing(I-ChingorClassicofChanges)andItsEvolutioninChina(CharlottesvilleUnivofVirginiaPress2008)p114

105

withbothBuddhismandtheConfucianclassicstaughtXiangshuideaswidelyandis

oftencreditedwithpromulgatingtheHetuandLuoshudiagrams174Connections

betweenYijingandZhuangziwerealsodeepandlongstandingcenturiesearlierthe

famedscholarandexegeteWangBi王弼(226-49)haddrawnheavilyonLaoziand

ZhuangziindevelopinganapproachtoYijingstudiesthateventuallybecamethe

schoolofldquoMeaningsandPrinciplesrdquo(Yili義理)aninfluentialalternativetothe

XiangshuschoolNearertoChūganrsquosowntimethepoetYeMengde葉夢得(1077-

1148)evenopinedthattheessenceofYijingisentirelycontainedinZhuangziand

anotherDaoistclassicLiezi列子175BeginningintheSixDynastiesera(220-589)

BuddhistwriterstoomadefruitfuluseofLaoziandZhuangzifewmoreextensively

thanSengzhao僧肇(384-414)176Aswillbeseenbelowtheenigmaticopening

passageofKonpōroncloselyparallelsportionsofSengzhaorsquosfamouscollectionof

essaysZhaolun肇論DuringtheTangDynastytheBuddhistscholasticfootprintin

YijingstudiesgrewdramaticallywithnotablecontributionsmadebyHuayan華嚴

(Kegon)exegetessuchasLiTongxuan李通玄(635-730)whocreativelyinvoked

bothYijingitselfandtheldquoYijingapocryphardquo(易緯)inordertoexplicatecertain

aspectsofHuayanphilosophy177Lestthisaccountingofplausibleinfluencesupon

Chūganrsquosthoughtgrowunmanageablylongwemayconcludebynotingthatthe

eminentdualmasterofHuayanandChanGuifengZongmi圭峰宗密(780-841)

174Ibidp114-15TheLuoshu洛書wasadiagramsimilartotheHetubutusedadifferentarrangementofcorrespondences175Ibidp133176SeeWangZhongyaoZhongguoFojiaoyuZhouyi(TaipeiDazhan2003)p100177Ibidpp256-68

106

perhapsthemostfamousBuddhistthinkerofhiseradeftlyglossedvarious

doctrinalconceptsfundamentaltoMahayanaBuddhismbywayofreferenceto

YijingZhuangziandLaozi178

ThefoundationslaidbySixDynastiesandTangtheoristswouldcontinueto

inspiresyncreticallymindedwritersoftheSongandYuaneraswhichwere

characterizedbytheincreasinglywidespreadparticipationofostensiblyldquoConfucianrdquo

scholarsinChanBuddhismandtheparticipationofChanprelatesintheacademic

studyofldquoexteriorrdquo(ienon-Buddhist)classicaltextsHencelikeanywell-placed

BuddhistscholarofthefourteenthcenturyChūganwasheirtoalongandfertile

intellectualtraditionthatincludedelementsofIndicphilosophynotablyYogācāra

andMādhyamikaphilosophical(andevenalchemical)Daoism179numerologyyin-

yangtheoryandConfucianethicsItwasatraditionofimmensebreadththatcould

bemarshaledinsupportofanextraordinaryvarietyofinterpretiveapproachesnot

leastofwhichwasallegoresis

178Ibid343-67SeealsoPeterNGregoryAnInquiryintotheOriginofHumanityAnAnnotatedTranslationofTsung-mirsquosYuumlanjenlunwithaModernCommentary(KurodaInstituteClassicsinEastAsianBuddhismHonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress1995)passim179FamousalchemicaltextssuchastheHan-eraZhouyicantongqi周易參同契(TokenfortheAgreementoftheThreeAccordingtotheZhouChanges)attesttothelongstandingconnectionbetweenYijingscholarshipandalchemicalDaoismandChenTuanwasakeyfigureinthedevelopmentoftheSong-eraldquoinneralchemyrdquo(neidan内丹)traditionSeeSmithFathomingtheCosmos106-7and115

107

InterpretationandAuthorialGenius

IntheChinesecommentarialtraditionatypeofreadingthatcanjustifiably

betermedldquoallegoricalrdquowasencouragedbymultiplefactorsthemostbasicofwhich

wasthepersistenttendencyofcommentatorstomakeevenanostensiblysimple

textsuchasapoemfromShijingmeansomethingotherthanitsmanifestsense

TheapproachwaswellknowntoJapanesescholarsoftheNaraandHeianperiods

andiscommonlyassociatedinbothChinaandJapanwithConfucianmoral

imperativestodiscover(andultimatelyprivilege)politicalmessagesinclassical

proseandpoetryFromalinguisticstandpointallegoresiswasfurtherabettedbya

processofterminologicalsedimentationwherebycertaintermsofartgradually

accretedmanylayersofmeaningthroughcenturiesofuseinchangingconceptual

environmentsThewordswerethusstronglypalimpsesticanditwasrelatively

easyforphilologicallyinclinedcommentatorstobringtolightlatentmeaningsof

specificwordsandphrasesTheeffectwasthustomultiplythenumberofpossible

newldquotextsrdquondashunderstoodfollowingMcGannasldquolacednetworksoflinguisticand

bibliographiccodesrdquondashthatcouldbewroughtfromthewordsofanexistingwork180

Yetanothersignificantfactorwastheenduring(post-Han)influenceofwhathas

beencalledbyWesternscholarsldquocorrelativecosmologyrdquoamodeoftaxonomic

thinkingconducivetotheproliferationofconnectionsbetweenseeminglydisparate

180JeromeMcGannTheTextualCondition(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1991)p13

108

phenomena181NeedlesstosayKonpōronmakesextensiveuseofthisparadigm

forginggeographicelementalandnumericalrelationshipsbetweenvariouskey

wordsintheZhuangzipassageitexplicates

Whilesymbolicrepresentationandfiguralreadingwereintegraltothe

Chineseinterpretivetraditionquestionswereraisedseveraldecadesagoregarding

thespecificnatureofthesymbolsandfiguresthemselvesThetypeofallegory

commonlyencounteredinChineseliteraturehasbeenheldbymanyscholarsto

differfundamentallyfromthatwhichpredominatesintheliteraturesoftheWest

TheformerasanalyzedbyAndrewPlaksissynecdochicthingsmayrepresent

otherthingsbutasaruleboththevehicleandthetenorinanymetaphoric

substitutionareofthesameontologicalorderwhereWesternallegoryldquolooks

upwardrdquotowardsaprivilegedmetaphysicalplaneChineseallegoryldquolooks

outwardrdquo182QuiteunlikehisWesterncounterparttheChinesepoethasthusbeen

judgedtoinhabitanessentiallymonisticcosmosinwhichnoabsoluteseparation

waspositedbetweentheldquohumanrdquoandtheldquodivinerdquobetweenphenomenaand

noumenaTotheextentthatsuchadescriptionisaccuratefiguresandsymbolsin

ChineseliterarytextsnecessarilyworkmetonymicallythereisasPaulineYuputit

nomovementtowardsldquoatranscendentrealmthatisautonomousanddifferentin

kindfromthesensoryworldofthepoetandhisreaderssimplybecausesucha

181ThephraseldquocorrelativecosmologyrdquoisnotatranslationofatraditionaltermbutarelativelyrecentneologismThecomplexofideasitattemptstocaptureisdenotedinhistoricalsourcessuchasHanshu漢書(111AD)andWenxuan文選(ca530)byphrasessuchasldquothejunctureofHeavenandManrdquo天人之際182SeeAndrewPlaksArchetypeandAllegoryintheDreamoftheRedChamber(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1976)p180

109

realmwasnotheldtoexistrdquo183Thepoetmoreoverwasnotacreatorassuchbut

anorganizerorexcavatorofestablishedtropesandfiguresthatembodiedpre-

existingrelationships184Yuhasevenappliedthispositiontothesymbolismfound

inBuddhist-inspiredpoetrycitingthenon-dualismofformandemptiness

articulatedintheHeartSutraandnotingthatldquotheapparentdichotomybetweenthis

worldandanothersamsaraandnirvanatheillusoryandtherealcouldbe

explainedbyBuddhistdialecticianswithintheirsystemoflsquodoubletruthrsquoasmerely

conventionaltruthrdquo185TheresultpredictablyisthattheBuddhistpoetlikehis

ldquoConfucianrdquocounterpartisheldnottohavebeenalludingtoarealmthatwas

fundamentallyotherThepointiselegantandpowerfullygermanetoour

understandingofaworklikeKonpōronthoughitmightbehedgedwiththeobvious

provisothatthemetaphysicalperspectivesoftheHeartSutraandother

PrajntildeāpāramitāsutrasneednotbeautomaticallymappedontoeveryBuddhistpoet

oreverypoeticinvocationofldquoemptinessrdquo(空)Morefundamentallythebroad

metaphysicalcommitmenttoanon-dualorganismiccosmosamongEastAsian

intellectualsdidnotinitselfmeantheabsenceofdiscoursesoftranscendence

whichattheveryleastservedheuristicandrhetoricalpurposeseveniftheymight

beshownbyanextendedjourneyontheviaphilosophicatodifferfromsimilar

discoursesintheWest

183PaulineYuldquoMetaphorandChinesePoetryrdquoChineseLiteratureEssaysArticlesReviews(CLEAR)32(Jul1981)p220184Ibidpp220223andpassim185Ibidpp223-24

110

NonethelessevenasChūganrsquosallegoresisimpliesthepossibilityof

transcendencethemetaphysicsbehinditmaystillbelabelednon-dualisticallthat

theKunwillbecomeiscontainedgerminallywithinitndashanalmosttooobvious

implicationofthenameKun(ldquoRoerdquo)ndashandnowheredoesChūganrsquosdiscussion

dependexplicitlyonthepresumedexistenceofldquohigherrdquoorotherwise

incommensurableordersofrealityByandlargethenKonpōronmaybesaidto

lookldquooutwardrdquoinpreciselythewayscharacteristicofcorrelationistexegeses

revealingaunifiedsocio-cosmicordergovernedbynaturallawsandpre-existing

correspondencesThereishoweveronesignificantrespectinwhichChūganrsquos

accountoftheKunandthePengdoesdepartfrombothpurelyyin-yang

correlationistandConfucianistallegoricalreadingsWhileheholdstheoverarching

purposeofthestorytobethesymbolicillustrationoftheprincipleof

transformationhealsoholdstheKunandthePengthemselvestobeingeniousand

entirelyfictitiousliterarycreationsofthehistoricalZhuangzi

ItseemsMasterZhuangwasabletoperceivetheprocessofchangedrivingthetransformationofthingsandelucidatetheiressentialnature186Thisiswhyhelefthis

186ldquoEssentialnaturerdquorendersseishō精性(Cjingxing)精seemsanalogoustoitsuseintermssuchasseiki精氣(jingqi)ldquoessentialpneumardquoandseishin精神 (jingshen)ldquoquintessentialspiritrdquo(thesetranslationsfollowCsikszentmihalyiedReadingsinHanChineseThoughtandMajoretalTheHuainanzirespectively)SeishōisnotaparticularlycommoncompoundthoughitdoesoccurinBuddhisttextsandwithespeciallyhighfrequencyintheHeroicValorSutra(首楞嚴經)ItisreminiscentofotherBuddhisttermstreatingvarioustypesofldquonaturerdquosuchastaishō體性(tixing)whichhasalsobeentranslatedasldquoessentialnaturerdquo(seeSwansonFoundationsofTrsquoienTrsquoaiPhilosophyp77)ChūganseemstobelievethatseishōisdifficultbutnotimpossibletounderstandthroughlanguagepresumablyotherbaserformsofnaturearemorereadilyaccessibleAndalthoughhedoesnotofferanexplicitcounterparttoldquoessentialnaturerdquooneisremindedofthedistinctionbetweenldquooriginalnaturerdquo(本然之性)andldquophysicalnaturerdquo(氣質之性)madebyZhuXi

111

traceinathingthatwasnotathingwhichwassufficienttoenablehimtoleavetraceswherenonecouldotherwisebeleft187HewasalsoabletotakeaccountofthevastnumberofnamesandnormsanddiscerntheirmysteriousprinciplesThisisthereasonhegroundedhiswordsinanamelessnameanditispreciselyhowhewasabletosaythatwhichcouldnotbesaid

蓋夫荘生能觀物化之變而明其精性故遺迹於無物之物足能迹所不能迹之迹也又籌名數之量而分其玄理故立言於無名之名是能言所不能言之言也

ToChūganZhuangziwasamastersymbolistwhousedfictionalizedcreatures

whichistosaycreatureswhosenames(名)asdeployedwithinthetextdidnothave

directreferentsoutsideitinordertoldquosaywhatcouldnotbesaidrdquoFictionalityitself

wasfundamentaltothisendeavorsincetousenamesinamannerthatsimply

denotedwellknownreal-worldreferentswouldbetoremainentirelywithinthe

associationalparadigmtypicaloftraditionalConfucianallegoryByemploying

signifiersinawaythatwasatoncedenotativelynewndashpriortoZhuangzithewords

ldquokunrdquoandldquopengrdquohadnrsquotbeenusedinparadoxicalfashiontonameagargantuanfish

andacontinent-sizedbirdndashyetwhichsimultaneouslypreservedandplayeddeftly

uponthereferentsthetermsoriginallydidpossessZhuangziachievedsomething

bothstylisticallyandconceptuallynovel

OnthisaccountatleastChūganrsquosreadingoftheepisodecomesremarkably

closetoPaulineYursquosconceptionoftheprototypicalWesternallegorywhichldquocannot

betakenatfacevalueasaliteralrecordofactualeventsrdquobutisratherldquoasystemof

signswhoseverymeaningconsistsinassertingtheirfictivenessandtheirfunction

187Thenounphrase迹所不能迹之迹mayberenderedmoreliterallyasldquotoleave[astrace](迹)thesortoftracethatcannotbeleftastrace(所不能迹之迹)rdquoorldquotoleave[astrace]tracesinaplacewherenotracesmaybeleftrdquodependingonhowonechoosestoconstrue所不能迹

112

assignifiersforsomethingbeyondthetextrdquo188Thislastqualificationofcourse

returnsustotheissueofmetaphysicsandthequestionathandbecomeswhether

ornotortowhatextenttheprincipleoftransformationmightmeaningfullybe

construedaslyingldquobeyondrdquothetextAlongstandingproblemfacingexegetes

workingonthetextsofphilosophicalDaoismwasthefactthattheDaowasboth

immanentandtranscendentitwasapproachablevialanguageinitseffectsor

ldquofunctionsrdquo(CyongJyō用)butnotinitsundifferentiatedtotalityastatethat

precedesandbydefinitionprecludesldquonamesrdquoofanysortYetintheworkof

renownedLaozicommentatorLuXisheng陸希聲(fl9thc)namesldquoareaccorded

valueinananagogicwaytheyaretheyongofDaotheyrelyonitandpermitthe

searchforthelsquofoundationrsquo(CtiJtai體)rdquo189Tothisextentnamesarepartofa

metaphysicalorderthatdoesnotadmitofanontologicaldualityinthemannerof

AbrahamicorPlatonicthoughtbutwhichinmostformulationsisnonetheless

hierarchicalChūgantoopositsaclearhierarchybetweentheDaoandthe

phenomenalworldofwhichlanguageisoneparticularconstituentAsthe

conditionofpossibilityforbothsensoryexperienceanddiscursivereasontheDao

cannotbeentirelycapturedndashldquoexhaustedrdquo(盡)ndashbyanyordinarydevicelinguistic

orotherwise190Yetldquothingsrdquo(物)whicharespecificinstantiationsoftheDaoand

188PaulineRYuldquoAllegoryAllegoresisandtheClassicofPoetryrdquoHarvardJournalofAsiaticStudies432(Dec1983)pp377-412189RobinetldquoTheDiverseInterpretationsoftheLaozirdquop147190IntheinterestofcompletenessitmightbenotedthatChūgandoesnotcommentonthepossibilityofexperiencingtheDaothroughmysticalunion

113

thusgesturetowardsitareamenabletoverbalexplicationatleastbysomeoneas

skilledasZhuangzi

ThosewhocansaysaywhatcannotbesaidthoseabletoleavetracesleavetraceswherenotracesmaybeleftNowtheDaoistheprincipleofspontaneousorderItcannoteitherwithwordsorwithsilencebewillfullymadeintosomethingwithdeterminateexistenceorwillfullydenieddeterminateexistenceZhuangzisaidldquoifspeakingwereenoughthenonecouldspendalldayspeakingandtherebyexhaustivelydescribetheDaoifspeakingwereinsufficientthentospendalldayspeakingwouldyieldanexhaustivedescriptionofthingsrdquo191ThingsrefertothetracesofnamesandwordsTheyembodytheprincipleofneitherspeakingnorremainingsilentOnlyZhuangziwasabletospeakaboutthemandfullyprobetheirlimits能言者言其所不能言能迹者迹其所不能迹夫道也者自然之理也不可使言之與默強有之強無之耳荘子曰言而足則終日言而盡道言而不足則終日言而盡物物也者名言之迹也非言非黙之理獨荘子能言而足盡其極而已

ThesearethememorableopeninglinesofKonpōronTheyfeatureseveralof

themostpotentandpolysemoustermsoftheDaoistcommentarialtraditionshizen

自然(Cziran)ri理(li)u有(you)mu無(wu)andbutsu物(wu)while

unambiguouslyaffirmingofthepoweroflanguageandZhuangzirsquossingularuse

thereofThephraseldquoneitherspeakingnorremainingsilentrdquo(非言非黙)isseenin

Zhuangzi2510AsrenderedbyVictorMair(1994)thatpassageendswiththe

followingstatementaboutthenatureoftheDaoldquoTheWayisthedelimitationof

thingsNeitherwordsnorsilencearesatisfactoryforconveyingitWithoutwords

andwithoutsilenceourdeliberationsreachtheirutmostlimitsrdquo(道物之極言默不

191Zhuangzi2510

114

足以載非言非默議有所極)192Thereisevidentlysomedisagreementamong

scholarsoverwhethertointerpretthestatementldquotheWayisthedelimitationof

thingsrdquo道物之極asMairdoesorwhethertotake道asbeingparalleltothenoun

phrase物之極ieldquotheDaoandthelimitofthingsrdquobutinanyeventthemessageis

thatneitherspeakingnorremainingsilentndashbothofwhichareultimatelydiscursive

strategiesndashcandothejobChūganhoweverseemsnottoregarddefianceof

discursiveexplicationasanintrinsicpropertyofthingsbutratheraresultofhuman

limitationswhichZhuangziwasabletoovercomeInthetranslationaboveldquothe

principleofneitherspeakingnorremainingsilentrdquo(非言非默之理)wasconstrued

astheoperativeprincipleofthingsItisalsopossibletoconstruethatphraseasa

topiconwhichtheensuingsentenceisacommentieldquo(Withrespectto)the

principlethatisneitheroneofspeechnorofsilenceonlyZhuangziwasableto

speakaboutitandfullyprobeitslimitsrdquoIneithercasetheclaimisthatZhuangzi

stoodaloneinhisabilitytouselanguagetorevealsomethingaboutthehidden

orderinformingphenomenalrealityAcompleteunderstandingofthisorderor

ldquoprinciplerdquowouldseemtoaffordthemostcompletediscursiveknowledgeofthe

Daopossiblesincesuchanunderstandingwouldrepresentamoregeneralldquometardquo-

physicalgraspofphysical(andsocial)phenomena193

192VictorHMairWanderingontheWayEarlyTaoistTalesandParablesofChuangTzu(NewYorkBantamBooks1994)p267193InthisandsimilarcontextsldquoprinciplerdquoisanoccultthoughstillimmanentaspectoftheDaoAsRobinetexplainstheDaoldquoactsthroughanaturalorderwhichsomecallli andwhichisalsooneofitsaspectsrdquo(ldquoTheDiverseInterpretationsoftheLaozirdquop149)

115

AnotherconceptcentraltoChūganrsquosessayisthatoftheldquotracerdquo迹(JsekiC

ji)avestigialrelationthroughwhichthingsandwordsremaincommensurableThe

termisparticularlyredolentofBuddhistphilosophicaldiscoursewhereitdenotes

externalindicationsorempiricalevidenceastraightforwardextensionofitsbasic

meaningoftracksorfootprintsChūganholdsthings(物)tobetheldquotracesofnames

andwordsrdquo(物也者名言之迹也)Thisprovocativeformulationappearstoinvert

therelationshipthatmightordinarilybeexpectedtoobtainbetweenlanguageand

thingswhoseexistencewouldotherwiseseembothlogicallyandtemporallyprior

tothatofthenamesandwordsdevisedtoidentifythemUnfortunatelyhedoesnot

expandupontheclaimorreturntoitelsewhereintheessayabsentfurther

evidenceaconservativereadingofChūganrsquospositionwouldsimplybethatheholds

ldquothingsrdquotobetheoutwardlysensiblesideofadipartiteidiographicrelationwords

andthingsarecoevalinsofarasanygivenldquothingrdquoisnrsquotperceivedassuchuntilitis

identifiedandidentificationisnecessarilyalinguisticactThetracerelation

providesthekeylinkbetweenwordsandobservablephenomenathatenablesthe

formertoldquoexhaustrdquothelatterwithrespecttothePengpassageitisthislinkthat

ultimatelymakespossibleZhuangzirsquoselucidationoftheprincipleoftransformation

Chūganinscribesthisthesiswithinalargeandlongstandingdiscourseon

languageandepistemologythatatleastinpartfindsitsoriginintheworkofthe

aforementionedSengzhaoSengzhaowasaneclecticBuddhistthinkeranda

talentedrhetoricianandChūgandrawsexplicitlyonhisstyleofexpositioninthe

veryfirstlineofKonpōronAsrenderedabovethislineproclaimsldquothosewhocan

saysaywhatthatcannotbesaidthoseabletoleavetracesleavetraceswhereno

116

tracesmaybeleftrdquo(能言者言其所不能言能迹者迹其所不能迹)Theenigmatic

wordingcloselyparallelsapassagefromalettertraditionallyincludedamongthe

fouressayscomprisingZhaoluninwhichSengzhaorepliestoquestionsposedto

himbyaneducatedandpiousaspirant194TherelevantportionreadsldquoHenceone

whoisskilledatspeakingwordsseekstosaythatwhichcannotbesaidonewhois

skilledatleavingtracesinvestigateshowtoleavetraceswherenotracesmaybeleftrdquo

(是以善言言者求言所不能言善迹迹者尋迹所不能迹)195Yettheclose

similaritiesindictionbelieasubtledifferenceinphilosophicalfocuswhereas

Sengzhaorsquosdiscussionofnamesandthingssoughttohighlightthearbitraryand

contingentnatureofthesignifyingprocessitselfChūganrsquossoughttoposition

Zhuangziastheultimatemasteroflanguagesomeonendashindeedtheonlyonendashwho

wasabletoexhaustthemysteriesofthingsthroughwordsThegoalofKonpōron

wasthusnottodeconstructaspurioushomologybetweennamesandphenomenal

realitybuttoreconstructthepathbywhichZhuangzigotfromtheformertoan

otherwiseinscrutableaspectofthelattertransformationassuchisnotathingbut

194ForacompletetranslationseeRafalFelburldquoEssaysofSengzhaordquoinThreeShortTreatisesbyVasubandhuSengzhaoandZongmi(MoragaBDKAmerica2017)pp47-135WalterLiebenthalChaoLunTheTreatisesofSeng-chao(HongKongHongKongUnivPress1968)pp81-100195Thephrase迹所不能迹mightbetakenas迹之所不能迹apartitivestructureinwhichthefirst迹isanounthesecondisaverbandthewholethingmeanssomethinglikeldquotracesofthesortthatcannotbeleftastracesrdquosimilarinmeaning(thoughnotinsyntax)to所不能迹之迹aboveAlternativelyitmaybereadsimplyasaverbphraseinwhichthefirst迹isatransitiveverbldquotoleaveastracerdquotakingthenounphrase所不能迹ldquothatwhichcannotbeleftastracerdquoorperhapsldquotheplacewherenotracemaybeleftrdquoasitsdirectobjectThelatterresultsinthetranslationgivenaboveldquotoleavetraceswherenotracesmaybeleftrdquo

117

aprinciplethatactsthroughanduponthingsandonewhoseoperationmaybe

communicatedgivensufficientmasteryoflanguage

Thusfartheanalysisundertakeninthepresentstudyhasnotaddressed

whatissurelyamongthemostobviousandenduringproblemsofhermeneutics

namelythattheexegesisofanyparableplacestheformitselfinquestionif

somethingismeanttobeunderstoodandmayinfactbeexplainedwhyofferonlya

symbolicorellipticalillustrationofitIfZhuangzirsquospurposehadbeentoelucidate

theprincipleoftransformationasChūganclaimswhydidhenotdosodirectlyvia

thesortofcorrelativeexpositionChūganhimselfemploystoldquodecoderdquotheKunand

thePengChūganprovidesnoexplicitanswerstothesequestionsthoughhis

commentssuggestatleasttwointriguingpossibilities196Thefirstandperhaps

mostcompellingpointheraisesregardingZhuangzirsquosuseofsymbolismisthatit

simplymakeshisworkmoreenjoyablethanapurelyexpositorytextofsimilar

importwouldbeandthatthispropertyenablesaqualitativelydifferentkindof

readingexperienceoneinwhichdelightseemsbothanenduntoitselfandanaidto

theacquisitionofknowledge

hellipClearlythenitwassimplyoneofZhuangzirsquosallegoriescouchedinthemostfancifulandfar-fetchedlanguageStupidConfuciansadheredinvaintothetracesandfailedtoglimpsetherealprincipleAretheynotoffendersagainstZhuangziWhatcouldmatch

196ItisworthpausingheretoemphasizethatChūganwouldneverhaveentertainedthepossibilitythatZhuangzididnotofferapurelyexpositoryaccountbecausehewasnrsquotabletodosoAssuchthefactthatmuchofwhatconstitutesldquocorrelativecosmologyrdquopostdatesZhuangzibyseveralcenturiesisnotespeciallyrelevantthevariouscorrelationsandcorrespondencesChūganpurportstorevealinthePengpassageweretohimfundamentalaspectsofnatureandtherecanbelittledoubtthatChūganwouldhaveassumedasamatterofcoursethatthehistoricalZhuangziwasperfectlyawareofallofthem

118

transformingoneselfintoapersonwithoutanameridinguponthisbirdbefriendingZhuangziintheboundlesswildsandfollowinghimasheroamsuntotheendsoftheEarthIsthisnotdelightfulhellip 是乃莊子寓言荒唐開誕之語耳愚儒徒泥乎言迹而不見眞理不亦為莊子罪人耶何當吾化成無名人而乘是鳥拍莊子肩於壙埌之野從遊於八極之表不亦快哉 ChūganhadalreadycriticizedldquolaterConfuciansrdquo後儒forfailingtolookbeyondthe

manifestsenseofthetextandherehetreatswithevengreatercondescensionthose

ConfucianswhofailtoappreciatethepleasureofidentificatoryexperienceItis

unfortunatethathedoesnotdevelopthispointfurtherasitrepresentsan

uncommonlystrongaffirmationofthevalueofdelighttoeducationZhuangziit

wouldseemsurpassesotherworksofphilosophybecauseitencouragesthe

dynamicinterplayofbothcognitiveandaffectivefacultiesThatsaidperhaps

Chūgandidnrsquotbelaborthepointbecausetodosowouldhaveweakenedtheraison

drsquoetreofhisownprojectoneneedharbornoRomanticprejudicesagainstallegory

toconcedethatthehabitsofminddrivingafinelywroughtcorrelationist

allegoresisareratherdifferentfromthosethatpermitareaderthepaidicjoyof

ldquoridinguponthePengbirdrdquoandldquobefriendingZhuangziintheboundlesswildsrdquo197

197InthisconnectionitmightbeobservedthatthereareperRogerCailloisrsquodefinitionsofludus(controlledrule-boundplay)andpaidia(uncontrolledfantasy)stronglyludicelementstotheapplicationofyin-yangcorrelativethinkingtotextualinterpretationInformulatingareadingbasedonyin-yangtheoryalargeandwellestablishedbodyofconventionsactasrulesthatstructureanddelimittherangeofpermissibleinterpretationsasatisfyinginterpretationisonethatsuccessfullyconnectstogetherasmanyelementsaspossiblewithoutviolatingtheconventionsSeeMeyerBarashtrRogerCailloisManPlayandGames(UrbanaUnivofIllinoisPress2001)p13

119

AnadditionalpointofinterestisChūganrsquosassertionthatincreatingtheKun

andthePengasfictionalcharactersZhuangzildquogroundedhiswordsinanameless

namerdquo(立言無名之名)TheldquonamesrdquoreferencedhereareKunandPengandthe

locutionsuggestssomethingakintoastrategyofdefamiliarizationAswehaveseen

thewordsldquokunrdquoandldquopengrdquoalreadypossessedreferentswhosequalitieswere

differentfromandinthecaseofldquokunrdquoverynearlyoppositetothoseascribedtothe

fictionalKunfishandPengbirdTheconceptualconnotationsofbothtermsalong

withthenumerousassociationseachhadwiththeotherfirestheimaginationina

waythatChūganclearlybelievesisproductiveofgreaterunderstandingZhuangzirsquos

carefullycraftedsymbolismiseffectivebecauseitencouragesreaderstomake

conceptualleapsItisworthnotingthatsuchapositionisbroadlyconsistentwith

viewsofparableespousedinotherhermeneuticaltraditionsearlyChantheorists

associatedwiththeNorthernSchoolforinstancerejectedtheliteralreadingsof

importanttechnicaltermsinfavorofallegoricalglossesdesignedtosupport

doctrinalpositionsthatwereinmanywaysatvariancewiththoseofIndian

Buddhism198FurtherafieldofChūganThomasAquinasopinedthatspiritualtruths

areusefullyveiledinsymbolandmetaphorbecausedoingsoldquodoesnotlettheminds

ofthosetowhomtherevelationhasbeenmaderestinthemetaphorsbutraises

198SeeJohnRMcRaeTheNorthernSchoolandtheFormationofEarlyChrsquoanBuddhism(KurodaInstituteStudiesinEastAsianBuddhismno3HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress1986)p198-99AccordingtoMcRaewhilemetaphorwasutilizedbyallschoolsofBuddhismthedeviceplayedanespeciallylargeroleinNorthernSchoolChanwithmostofthemetaphorsfoundinNorthernSchooltextsaimedattransformingallofBuddhismintoldquoanallegoryforthepracticeoflsquocontemplationofthemindrsquordquo(JkanshinCguanxin觀心)

120

themtotheknowledgeoftruthsrdquo199Aquinasrsquohandlingoftheissuereflectsof

courseanapproachtoscripturalallegorythatisrootedinanontologydifferent

fromthatofBuddhismandDaoismStillexegetesineachtraditionsharedthebasic

needtodetermineorthodoxyconstrueparablesldquocorrectlyrdquoasserttheirpedagogical

valueandattempttoexplainhowwordsandworldlythingscouldfiguretruths

whosevalueastruthstranscendedanyparticularmanifestationorinstantiation

thereofintherealmofordinaryexperience

Toreturntoapointraisedatthebeginningofthisinquiryitisnotable

thoughnotespeciallysurprisingthatChūganrsquosacademicappreciationofZhuangzi

seemstohavearisenlaterinlifeafterhisinitialperiodofscholarlyproductivity

duringthe1330sTherecanbelittledoubtthatChūganviewedZhuangziasa

seriousworkofphilosophyatleastifbythatismeantaworkwhosechiefaimwas

theinvestigationandadvancementofhumanknowledgeThereisalsolittledoubt

thathewasdeeplyimpressedwithwhathetooktobethesingularintellectand

rhetoricalpanacheofthehistoricalZhuangziConvenientlytheparableoftheKun

andthePengisheldinKonpōrontodemonstratethatworldlylearningandliterary

skillofpreciselythesortprizedbytheGozanintelligentsiawasthekeytoachieving

uncommoninsightintoacomplexnaturalorder

AhMasterZhuangHeperceivedthetransformationsexhaustedtheessencesaccountedforthenormsprobedthemysteriestotheirutmostextentandroamedfreelyacrossthewideworldWondrouslyhedroveallofexistenceintothetipofhisbrushndashverilythemyriadthingshadnowheretorunHisinfluencereachedevenunto

199SummaTheologica11i9QuotedinBrittanPoetrySymbolandAllegoryp31

121

thingsthatlayhidinthedarkwithoutsubstancewithoutformandwithoutnames200AndyethewasstillabletowondrouslyseekthesethingsoutdrivethemonandmakeallofthemintohisownendowmentWithhisprosehemadethembeatandmadethemdanceandinthisheglimpsedtheirsublimity吁莊生觀化盡精籌數極玄逍遙乎六合之表冥驅萬物入己筆舌萬物固無攸逃焉其餘波遠及於幽冥無象無質無形無名之物猶能冥搜之旁驅之而皆為己資文章鼓之舞之以見其玅也

ItisonlyafterthisencomiasticdescriptionofZhuangzirsquosaccomplishmentwhich

comesquiteneartheendoftheessaythatChūganproceedstoofferhisown

analysisoftheparableoftheKunandthePengAssummarizedpreviouslyChūgan

readstheparablethroughamultitudeoflaw-likenaturalcorrelationsorldquonormsrdquo數

andtakesittofiguretransformationThroughouthisreadinghereturnsrepeatedly

tothetwintropesofconcealmentandrevelationChūganrsquosZhuangzimarshalshis

extensiveknowledgeandrhetoricalabilitiestoexposewhatishiddenHe

investigatesandldquodrivesrdquo驅thethingsoftheworldasonedrivesahorseultimately

ldquomakingthemallintohisownendowmentrdquo皆為己資Chūgancomescloseto

personifyingtheldquomyriadthingsrdquo萬物whenhesaysthattheyldquohadnowheretorunrdquo

無攸逃201ratherasanomotheticallyinclinednaturalistmightdoinspeakingof

NatureasldquosurrenderinghersecretsrdquoHebookendshisaccountwithyetmorepraise

200TheideaofaldquonamelessrdquothingseemsacuriousandpossiblycontradictorynotiongivenChūganrsquosearlierdefinitionofthingsastracesofwordsandnamesReasoningasbeforethatathingisonlyrecognizedassuchinandthroughlanguageitmightbesupposedthatwhatChūganhasinmindherearesimplyphenomenandashldquothingsrdquointhebroadestsensendashthatnoonehasyetperceivedandwhichthushaveyettobenamed201 isequivalentinmeaninghereto所andthephrase無攸逃wouldlikelyhavebeenreadnogarurutokoronashiinJapanese

122

forZhuangzirsquosredoubtablelinguisticskills(JhitsuzetsuCbishe筆舌)whichareto

himnotmerelydecorativebutthemeansforcommunicatingperceptualinsights

thatarenormallyineffable

OhtoperceivethetransformationswithoutdependingonessencesTotraversethenormsinawaythatdidnotdependonbeingmysterious(玄)WhoelsecouldgothisfarWhatrsquosmoreitwasbymeansofthemarveloussubtletywithwhichhedevelopedtheseinhiswritingthathewasabletoexhaustthemandprobetheirlimitsAuthorsoflateragescouldnotevenattempttomatchhim吁觀化不以精步數不以玄則孰能造於此哉加之以其筆舌鼓舞之玅盡之極之後世作者不能企而及也

ThesearetheclosingwordsofKonpōronChūganrsquosdecisiontobookendhis

allegoricalreadingoftheKunandthePengwithyetmorepraisefortheircreator

suggeststhathewishedhisownaccounttobeseennotasanactofcreationassuch

butsimplyofrevelationandthatwhatitrevealsisnotonlythetruemeaningofa

parablebutthematchlessauthorialgeniusbehinditAtthesametimeand

particularlywhentakeninconjunctionwithhisearliercelebrationofidentificatory

delightthemoveexposesameasureofanxietyovertheactofinterpretationitself

FromamodernperspectiveChūganrsquosreadingdemonstratesthewaysinwhichyin-

yangcorrelativecosmologydramaticallyamplifiesthehermeneuticpotentialofa

textallowingappropriatelyconditionedreaderstolinkvariouselementsofthe

storyworldtoaplethoraofphenomenaoutsideitTheparadigmaticsubstitutions

licensedbythisapproachareinprincipleboundedbyyin-yangtheoryYetin

movingfreelyacrossanenormousrangeofentitiesandideasthechainsof

associationcangrowlonganddependingontheconnectionsbeingproposedthey

123

canthreatentobreakawayfromthesyntagmaticexpectationsthatwouldordinarily

structurethereadingprocess

InKonpōronthefirstchainofassociationswiththeKunwereasfollows

NorthernDarknessnorthwaterthenumber1thefirstEarthlyBranch(ieldquoratrdquo

子)childbeginningtheanimalldquoratrdquo(鼠)water(again)lurkingconcealmentthe

BlackTortoise(玄武)202Somelinksinthischainareperfectlysyntagmaticgiven

theelementsoftheparablethenumberonewaternorthandchildarejoinedin

thestorybythefactthattheKunisasinglefishlivinginanorthernbodyofwater

anditsnameisalsoawordthatadmitsldquoroerdquoasaprincipalmeaningStillitisplain

thatthiskindofapproachmightleadtoevenmorebaroqueinterpolationsand

ChūganwasprobablywellawarethattherehadalreadybeencriticismslikeLin

Xiyirsquosoftheapplicationofyin-yangtheorytoZhuangziRecallthatLinrsquosopinionof

yin-yangcorrelationistreadingswasthattheyinsisteduponintroducingldquoknotsrdquo(強

生節目)LinhadreadilygrantedthatthenamesKunandPengwereallegoricalthe

problemitwouldseemwasthatcorrelationistallegoresestendedtostraytoofar

fromthemanifestsenseofthetextandindoingsotheycreatedcomplexitieswhere

noneneedexistLinrsquosbasicpointishardtorefuteaheavilywroughtworklike

Konpōronisimplicitlybasedontheseeminglyunprovableassumptionthatthe

parableitexplicateswasalwaysintentionallycomplexalwayspossessedofasurfeit

ofmeaningthatwasnotcreativelyimputedbytheexegetebutintendedallalongby

itsauthorandnotimmediatelyapparentattheldquosurfacerdquolevelofdenotationItisan202SeethetranslationinAppendix1attheendofthischapterAtpresentIhavenotbeenabletodeducethesymbolicsignificanceofsomeoftheseandtheythereforedidnotfeatureinmyanalysisofChūganrsquosaccount

124

assumptionthatinthiscaseinevitablyrevealsmoreaboutChūganthanitdoes

aboutZhuangziwholikemanyancientwritersisknownalmostexclusively

throughthewritingascribedtohimMoregenerallyitalsobespeaksthe

precariousnessoftheinterpreterrsquospositionforitishardtobebothafaithfulinsider

andanactivecreatorbothconduitandsourcethecloserinterpretationcomesto

resembleauthorshipthefurthertheinterpreterisestrangedfromhisobject

TothisextenttheeffusivepraiseofZhuangziinoculatesChūganand

perhapshisreaderstooagainstthepossibilitythatitistheyandnottheNeo-

Confucianswhoaretherealoffendersdistortingthetextbyimposingextraneous

materialuponitKonpōronmakesnoclaimtomysticalorotherwisenon-discursive

accesstoZhuangzi(ortoZhuangzi)yetintheverycomplexityofitsinterpretation

itclearlypurportstoofferaninsiderrsquostakeontheKunandthePengWhatmakes

suchapositioncredibleatleastwithintheinterpretiveframeworkChūgan

developsisaratherremarkablepropertyheimputestothehistoricalZhuangzi

whoaccordingtohimwascapableofldquoprobingthemysteriestotheirutmostextentrdquo

(極玄)yetalsoabletoldquotraversethenormswithoutbeingmysteriousrdquo(步數不以玄)

ThiscommentseemsmeantinparttodistinguishtheapproachtakenbyZhuangzi

fromthattakenbyLaoziwhowascloselyassociatedwiththeconceptofldquomysteryrdquo

(CxuanJgen玄)onaccountoftheprominencethatnotionenjoysinthefamous

openingchapterofLaozi(Daodejing)203Stillmoreimportantlythehistorical

203ThatChūgantooassociatedLaozifirstandforemostwithmysteryissuggestedbytheopeningcoupletofashortpanegyricverse(JsanCzan贊)hededicatedtotheoldmasterldquoInmysteryhisthoughtsdidrightlyrestamindcontentandself-possessedhelliprdquo玄宜思潭澹泊心甘(GBZS440)

125

Zhuangzirsquosabilitytodowhathedidwithoutbeingmysteriousiswhatenables

ZhuangzitobeinterpretableintheordinarydiscursivesenseItisboththemeans

toachievingauniquefusionofaestheticandintellectualexperienceandthe

conditionofpossibilityforinterpretationinthefirstplaceanditissomethingwe

aretoldthatnootherauthor(作者)oflateragescouldmatchItisapitythat

Chūgandidnottry

126

Appendix1ACompleteTranslationofChūganrsquosCorrelativeAccountoftheKunandthePeng

WithrespecttothetermldquoNorthernDarknessrdquonorthrepresentsconcealment

accordingtotheHetudiagramitisthedirectioninwhichyangenergyliessunkand

concealedTheoneofHeavenbegetswaterinthenorthOneisthebeginningof

numbersinthesexegenarysystemitisthechild andmayalsobeglossed( )as

ldquobeginningrdquo Itrsquosspirit( )isthatoftherat ananimalthatlurksconcealedin

poolsofwaterInform( )itbelongstotheBlackTortoise anditstrigramiskan

(TheAbysmalWater)204IntheldquoHongFanrdquochapterofTheBookofHistoryitis

writtenthatwateristhatwhichsoaksanddescendsandinsoakinganddescendingit

makessaltrdquoThisdescribestheseaMing isalsoanamefortheseawhichbased

uponitsblackcoloriscalledming andwhichinitsdarkobscurity()becomes

hai 205ZhuangziusedthetermNorthernDarknessinordertoputintowordsthat

whichisdarkprofoundpossessedofahiddenessenceandistheplacewherethe

myriadthingsliedormantandconcealedAfishisacreatureofthewaterwhorsquosnature

istobesubmergedkunisaneggwhosebodyisamorphousandhasyettoassumethe

fullformofafishItlieslatentandconcealedandisextremelyminisculeYetthe

ambitionitnurturesisvastldquostretchingforwhoknowshowmanythousandlirdquoAlthough

onemightsay(thatkun)istinyandhiddenitrepresentsnonethelesstheseedofa

dragonTheloftyflairofZhuangzirsquosstylecanbeglimpsedhere

Thesubstanceofthefengbirdistobeofbrilliantvariegatedcolorsandtosoar

intotheheavensHowmeetitisthatitfliestothesouthSouthisthedirectionof

patternedbrightness()anditstrigramisli (TheClingingFire)Libelongstofire

204TheBlackTortoiseisoneoftheldquoFourCelestialAnimalsrdquo(四神)orldquoFourSymbolsrdquo(四象)mythologicalcreatureseachassociatedwithaseasonadigram(爻)atrigram(卦)acardinaldirectionandalsowithaspecificsetofsevenoftheTwenty-EightMansions(二十八宿)inChineseastronomy205Heretwowordsthatdenotethesea(溟海)areexplainedascognatewithtwowordsthatsuggestdarknessandobscurity(冥晦)

127

andfirehastheabilitytotransformthingsThusthetext(ofZhuangzi)saysldquo(theKun)

transformsintoabirdrdquoIntheldquoHongFanrdquochapterofTheBookofHistoryfireisthat

whichblazesandascendsandinblazingandascendingitbecomesbitterrdquoBitteristhe

tasteofthatwhichisburnt(jiao) andthePengisalsotermedjiaopeng afact

duesimplytoSimaXiangrursquosrhapsody206InformitbelongstotheVermillionBird

ofthesouth

IntheHetudiagramtheTwoofEarthbegetsfireTwoisdivisible being

divisibleitiseven andcomprisedofapair (peng)Thenumberoneisunitary

beingunitaryitisodd andasingularindividualamongmany (kun)207Forthis

reasonthebodyoftheKunissingularlyconceived( )andconcealedinthedarksea

ofthenorthThePenghastwowingsthatspreadsymmetricallyanditsoarsintothe

heavensandgoessouthWithrespecttopositionvis-agrave-visthesunnorthisren it

representsastateofpregnancy whereeggs (kunrsquoer)liesubmergedWith

respecttopositionvis-agrave-visthesunsouthisbing itrepresentsastateofbrightness

(bingyao)whereflocksofbirds (pengyu)ascendintothesky

206Likethefengabirdknownasthejiaoming焦明hasalsobeenassociatedwithZhuangzirsquosPengitappearsinSimaXiangrursquosfamousrhapsodyontheimperialhuntingpark(上林賦)andisrenderedldquoblazingfirebirdrdquobyDavidKnechtgesThealternatetermjiaopeng焦朋appearsinSimaXiangrursquosbiographyinHanshuwhetherChūganissimplyconflatingthepoem(asitappearsinWenxuan)withthebiographyorwhetherhewasusinganeditionofWenxuan(oranothersourcealtogether)inwhichthebirdinthepoemwasrenderedjiaopenginsteadofjiaomingisunclearThispartofChūganrsquosessayissomewhatperplexingatleastinsofarashewaspreviouslyquiteadamantthatZhuangzirsquosPengisnotidenticaltothefengandhereheseemstobedrawingconnectionsbetweenfeng鳳jiaopeng焦朋andpeng鵬notingtheassociationeachhaswithfireTheVermillionBirdisoneoftheFourCelestialAnimalsandisassociatedwithsouthfireandyang207ldquoSingularindividualamongmanyrdquoisanadmittedlycumbersomerenderingof昆thatattemptstoconveyChūganrsquosunderstandingofthecharacterwhichseemstobebasedmainlyonthesenseitpossessesintermssuchaskunchong昆蟲ldquo(aswarmormultitudeof)insectsrdquoandkunqun昆羣ldquomultituderdquoThissenseisobviouslypresentinkun鯤whenconstruedasldquoroerdquoandwhatChūganseemstobeemphasizingintheconnectionbetweenunity單oddness奇andkun昆isthesenseofbeingsmallanddiscreteevenifpartofalargergroup

128

129

Appendix2

IntheHetudiagramlinkedblackandwhitedotsrepresentnaturalnumbersfrom1to10Even(yin)numbersarerepresentedwithblackdotswhileodd(yang)numbersarerepresentedwithwhitedotsAdjacentpairsofyinandyangnumberscorrespondwiththefiveelements1and6withwater2and7withfire3and8withwood4and9withmetaland5and10withearthThesepairsaresaidtobecomprisedofasmallerldquobegettingnumberrdquo(生數)andalargerldquocompletednumberrdquo(成數)thecommondifferencebetweenwhichisalwaysfive

130

Chapter Four

Poems of Remembrance Poems of Social Engagement 1 Chūgan Engetsu and Early Gozan Poetry An Historical and Stylistic Overview

PoetrywasthecentralliteraryendeavorwithintheGozanmonasteriesso

muchsothatthemoderncoinageldquoFiveMountainsLiteraturerdquo(Gozanbungaku五山

文学)ubiquitousinsurveysofmedievalJapaneseliteratureisfrequentlyusedasif

poetrywereitsonlyconstituentThoughsomewhatmisleadingthisconvention

suggeststhelongstandingappreciationforboththequantityandartisticqualityof

thepoetrycollectionsintheFiveMountainscorpusthesecollectionshavegenerally

beenheldbymodernandearlymodernscholarstorepresentthezenithofmedieval

JapanesekanshiFormallyspeakingthevehiclesofchoiceamongGozanpoetswere

thegātha(JgeCji偈)astrictlyreligioustypeofverseintendedtoencapsulateand

conveydoctrinalpositionsandtheshi詩whichinitsfive-andseven-syllable

varietieshadbeenpracticedassiduouslyinJapansinceatleasttheeighthcentury

LikeeverynotablecontributortoGozanliteratureChūganwasanaccomplished

poetthathewasarguablyanevenbetterexpositorandessayistisbutoneofthe

idiosyncrasiesdistinguishinghimfromhiscontemporariesAnothermorespecific

totherealmofpoetrywashiswillingnesstothematizethepoliticaltumultofthe

eraandtouseunorthodoxoratleasthighlyuncommonpoeticformsandsyllabic

metersAlthoughtheprincipalcollectionofChūganrsquosworkTōkaiichiōshū東海一漚

131

集isdominatedbyexpositoryproseitrsquosfirstfasciclecontainsthreefu賦(lengthier

metricallyunregulatedpoemsusuallytermedldquorhapsodiesrdquo)whilethenextfive

contain227shialargenumberrelativetootherGozancollectionsMostofthe

majorstylesofshiarerepresentedincludingfive-andseven-syllableldquorecent-stylerdquo

quatrains(JzekkuCjueju絶句)regulatedverses(risshiluumlshi律詩)ldquoancient-stylerdquo

versesofvaryinglengthandevenhexasyllabicquatrains208Stylisticallythe

collectionishighlyvariableandbespeaksnosinglepreponderantsourceof

influenceorinspirationwhilesomescholarshavenotedChūganrsquosfondnessforHigh

Tang(c713-66)poetryothershaveemphasizedtheinfluenceofSong(960-1279)

models209MoreoverthefactthatheplayedaseminalroleinpopularizingSantishi

三體詩(JSantaishi)ananthologyofmostlyMid-andLateTang(c827-907)verse

plainlysuggestsinterestinthosestylesaswellInthepoemstreatedbelowthe

mostsalientthematicconnectionsaretobefoundwiththeworkofpoet-scholars

suchasOuyangXiu歐陽修(1007-72)andFanChengda範成大(1126-93)who

wereespeciallynotedfortheirattentiontosocialillsandthevicissitudesofplebian

life

208So-calledldquorecent-stylepoetryrdquo近體詩(JkintaishiCjintishi)isgovernedbyprosodicandstructuralconstraintsstricterthanthosethathadgovernedearlyshipoetryafterthefullestablishmentofrecent-styleverseduringtheTangthelessrule-boundvarietycametobetermedldquoancient-stylepoetryrdquo古體詩(kotaishigutishi)Shipoetryinthesix-syllablemeter(六言詩)isvastlylesscommonthanpenta-andheptasyllabicvarietiesChūganappearstohavebeenthefirstGozanfiguretousetheformandsomegeneralremarksregardingbothitshistoricaldevelopmentanditsadaptationofrecent-styletonalconventionswillbegiveninthefollowingchapter209SeeKagekiHideoGozanshishinokenkyū(TokyoKasamaShoin1977)p219

132

AsaresultofthisartisticorientationChūganoccupiesasingularniche

withintheroughly250-yearhistoryofGozanpoetryThishistoryisoftenheldto

comprisetwobroadepochsthefirstcharacterizedbygrowthandcreativitybegins

aroundthetimeofChūganrsquosbirthin1300andpeaksneartheturnofthefifteenth

centurythesecondmarkedunsurprisinglybystagnationanddeclinebeginsinthe

midfifteenthcenturyandroughlytracksthegradualeconomiccollapseoftheGozan

establishmentitselfTheeacutemigreacutemonkYishanYining一山一寧(JIsshanIchinei

1247-1317)whoarrivedinJapanasaYuanemissaryin1299isoftenidentifiedas

theprogenitoroftheGozanliterarymovement210Otherseminalwritersinclude

YishanrsquosJapanesediscipleSessonYūbai雪村友梅(1290-1348)whowouldspend

twenty-twoyearsinChinaandbecomeoneofthefirstmajorGozanpoetsand

KokanShiren虎関師錬(1278-1346)whosegroundbreakingtreatiseGenkō

shakusho元亨釋書constitutestheearliestgeneralhistoryofJapaneseBuddhism

TomanyscholarswhatdistinguishesGozanliterature(andindeedGozanmonastic

life)ofthistimefromthatofthelatefourteenthcenturyandbeyondisitsexplicitly

religiouscharacterwritersofthiseraincludingevengiftedlyricistslikeSesson

wereZenpriestsfirstandforemostnotliteratiwhohappenedtoresideinZen

temples211

210ThissuggestionseemstohaveoriginatedwithKamimuraKankō上村觀光(1873-1926)thefirstmodernscholartostudyandcollateasignificantfractionoftheGozancorpusitremainswidelyacceptedtodaySeeKamimuraGozanbungakushōshi(TokyoShōkabō1906)pp3-4211HagaKōshirōldquoZenbungakutoGozanbungakurdquoinYamagishiTokuheiedsNihonkanbungakushironkō(TokyoIwanamiShoten1974)pp409-415

133

Theimpetusbehindtheshiftawayfromreligiouslifeandtowardssecular

avocationswasironicallytheincreasingsuccessoftheZensectitselfWhile

AshikagapatronagebroughtthemajorGozanmonasteriesunprecedentedwealth

andpoliticalprominenceitalsodrewthemostartisticallyandintellectuallygifted

prelatesawayfromreligiouspraxisandintoelitesocialcircles212Thepivotalfigure

inthistrajectoryisZekkaiChūshin絶海中津(1336-1405)whoalongwithGidō

Shūshin義堂周信(1325-88)helpedmaketheso-calledKitayama北山erandashnamed

forthelavishprivateestateoftheshogunAshikagaYoshimitsu足利義満(r1368-

94)ndashaheydayofmedievalhighculture213FlourishingagenerationafterChūgan

Zekkairepresentstomanymodernscholarsthetriumphofsecularaestheticsover

religiousconvictionhisliteraryrenownbespeakstheapogeeofGozanpoetrywhile

alsoauguringthedecadencetocome214WhereasChūganisrelativelywellknown

tointellectualhistoriansbutfiguresonlymodestlyinmostsurveysofGozanpoetry

ZekkaiisalmostuniversallyregardedasthegreatestshimasterintheGozanmilieu

ThisappraisalisdueinlargeparttotheunusualesteemhisworkearnedinChina

tellinglyheistheonlyJapanesepoetinhistorytohaveoneofhispoemshonored

212SeeCollcuttFiveMountainspp98-102213ThisestatecontainsthefamoustempleRokuonji鹿苑寺betterknowntodayasKinkakuji金閣寺ldquoTheTempleoftheGoldenPavilionrdquoYoshimitsuisalsofamous(orinfamous)foracquiescingtothehierarchicaldiplomaticdemandsoftheMingcourtinordertoreestablishtraderelationswithChinaThemoveearnedhimthetitleldquoKingofJapanrdquo(日本國王)inChinaandtheenduringdisfavorofJapanesenationalists214HagaldquoZenbungakutoGozanbungakurdquop409HeinrichDumoulinZenBuddhismAHistoryJapan(BloomingtonWorldWisdom2005)pp169-77

134

witharesponsorialversebyareigningChineseemperor215Andalthoughmodern

criticswouldgenerallyavoidevaluatingJapaneseliterarySiniticmediasolelyonthe

basisoftheirfidelitytoChinesenormstherecanbelittledoubtthatZekkairsquos

historicalreputationhasbeenpredicatedonjustsuchacriterionInhisNihonshi

shi日本詩史(AHistoryofJapaneseShiPoetry1771)theearly-modernpoetand

scholarEmuraHokkai江村北海spokeofZekkai(andGidōShūshin)intermsthatif

somewhatpolemicalarenonethelessentirelyrecognizableinmuchscholarship

today

ZekkaiandGidō(Shūshin)areoftenmentionedtogetherandheldupasrivalsIread(Zekkairsquos)ShōkenkōsometimeagoandIhavealsoread(Gidōrsquos)KūgeshūItisclearthattheyarethetwogreatbulwarksofZen216Ifwersquoretalkingaboutwhoadvancedfurtherinlearning(學殖)thenitwouldseemthatGidōsurpassesZekkaiButintermsofpoetictalent(詩才)GidōisnomatchforZekkaiZekkairsquospoemsnotonlyhavenoequalintheancientandmedievalperiodsbuteventhefamouspoetsofrecenttimeswouldinalllikelihoodcastofftheirarmorandfleeintothenightThereasonisthatalthoughtheworksoftheancient(ieNaraandHeian-era)courtgentlemenarenotwithoutbeautifullinesandarrestingcoupletstheyarealsofulloffaultsanditisveryraretofindversesthatarebeautifultheentirewaythroughAndwhileimpeccableversesmayoccasionallybefoundtheyarestillonlypoemsofourcountrywhichwhen

215SeeInoguchiAtsushiShinshakukanbuntaikeivol45ldquoNihonkanshirdquopt1(TokyoMeijiShoin1972)p96OnZekkairsquosaudiencewiththeHongwuEmperor(MingTaizu)seeMicahSpencerHechtldquoConventionsofUnconventionalityrdquo(PhDDissUnivofHawairsquoi2005)pp124-30InbriefZekkaiappearedbeforetheemperorin1376toanswerquestionsonBuddhistdoctrineEvidentlycuriousaboutZekkairsquoshomelandtheemperorpointedtoamapofJapanandaskedaboutthefamoussiteofKumanowhereaccordingtolegendtheancientdivinerXuFu徐福traveledinsearchoftheelixirofimmortalityZekkaicomposedapoemattheemperorrsquosrequestandtheemperorgenerouslyauthoredaresponsorialverseofhisownBothversesthematizeKumanoandXuFursquoslegendaryjourneytheyaretranslatedinHechtpp125-29216ldquoThetwogreatbulwarksofZenrdquorendersthephrase二禅の壁壘FromcontextitseemsthatEmuramustmeanZenliteratibutitisalsopossiblethathedidnotentertainasharpdistinctionbetweenspiritualadvancementontheonehandandexcellenceinlettersontheotherandtookthelattertobeindicativeoftheformer

135

comparedtothoseoftheChinesearevastlyinferiorEventhepoetsoftodaycanseeforthemselvesthattheseareafteralljustJapanesepoemsperenniallyblightedbyunorthodoxiesofdictionButinthecaseofZekkaithisisnotso217絶海義堂世多く並稱して以て敵手と為す余嘗て蕉堅藁を讀み又空華集を讀む二禅の壁壘を審かにす學殖を論ずれば則ち義堂絶海に勝るに似たり詩才の如きは則ち義堂絶海の敵に非ず絶海の詩 古昔中世敵手無きのみに非ざる也近時の諸名家と雖も恐らくは甲を棄てて宵に遁れん何となれば則ち古昔朝紳の詠言佳句警聯無きには非ず然れども疵病雜陳全篇佳なるもの甚だ稀なり偶佳作有るも亦唯我邦の詩のみ之れを華人の詩に較ぶれば殊に 我邦の詩なり往往俗習を免れ難し絶海の如きは則ち然らず

WhileChūganrsquospoetryismorevoluminousandthematicallyvariegatedthan

Zekkairsquosithasrarelywoncomparableacclaimfromearly-modernormodern

scholars218NonethelessChūganrsquospoeticoeuvremuchlikehiscorpusofprose

remainsamongthemostcompellinginthehistoryofmedievalkanshicomprising

notonlyworksoneremitismreligiouscontemplationandscenesofnaturendash

commonthemesamongZenpoetsndashbutalsostridentpoliticalworkstreatingthe

effectsofpovertywarfareandsocialdislocationWhilesuchtopoiarewellwithin

theambitoftraditionalChinesepoetrytheyareseldomencounteredinpremodern

kanshiandareevenrarerinwakaEvenbytheeclecticstandardsofGozan

literatureChūganrsquosldquopoliticalrdquopoetryisentirelyuniqueinbothquantityandlyrical

217ShimizuShigeruetaledsShinNihonkotenbungakutaikeiv65ldquoNihonshishiGozandōshiwardquo(TokyoIwanamiShoten1991)pp77 218ThefamousMeiji-TaishoerasinologistandpoetKuboTenzui久保天随(1875-1934)istomyknowledgetheonlyliteraryfigureofnotetofavorChūganrsquospoetryoverZekkairsquosSeeInoguchiShinshakukanbuntaikeiv45pt1p48EmuramakesnomentionofChūganinNihonshishi

136

intensityperhapsnotsurprisinglyitisthistypeofpoetrythatismostoften

selectedtorepresenthiminmodernanthologiesofJapaneseliterarySiniticverse

WhilemanyofChūganrsquosthematicinclinationsadhereinthemaintoartistic

precedentsthatinsomecasesdateasfarbackastheEasternHan(25-220)andJin

(265-420)dynastiesothersreflectthecomparativelyrecentinnovationsoftheSong

DynastyIngeneralpoetsoftheSongweredistinguishedfromtheirTangandSix-

Dynastiespredecessorsbytheirwillingnesstotreatawidevarietyoftopicsdrawn

fromordinarylife219OnesuchtopicwasillnessandphysicalinfirmitywhichSong

poetsbuildinguponprecedentssetbyHanYuandMengJiaowouldapproachwith

extraordinarycandor220UnusuallyforaJapanesepoetofhiseraChūgantoowould

poeticizeillnessdetailinginversethebodilyexperienceofbeingsickwithmalaria

whileontourinChinaAlthoughthepiecetitledsimplyldquoMalariardquoisnotinany

sensealdquopoliticalrdquopoemitslanguagestructureandrelativelyearlydatemakeitan

especiallyfineintroductiontoChūganrsquospoeticsensibilitieswhichinmanyways

remainedquitestableevenashematuredstylisticallyoverthe1330sTheworkis

theonlyofitskindinTōkaiichiōshūandtomyknowledgenosimilarworksare

foundelsewhereinthecorpusofGozanpoetryUsefullyitillustratesmultiple

rhetoricalfeaturescommontoallbutoneofthepoemstreatedintheremainderof

thischapter

219RonaldEganldquoShiPoetryAncientandRecentStylesrdquoinZong-qiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetry(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2008)p308220StephenOwenThePoetryofMengChiaoandHanYu(NewHavenYaleUnivPress1975)passimPoemno13ofMengJiaorsquosseriesldquoAutumnMeditationsFifteenPoemsrdquo秋懷十五首analyzedonpp179-81isparticularlystrikinginthisregard

137

瘧疾

Malaria三尸謀疾疫 TheThreeCorpsesplotmalaise二竪穴胸膈 TheTwoChildrenburrowinsidemychest221老夫盍誅之 ldquoThisolrsquowightletrsquosputhimtodeathrdquo222陰蟲放毒螫 Hiddenpestswithpoisonbarbs熏熇氣相蒸 Inthehotsmokeoffumigationmyqiisbrazedaway風雷勢 Windandthunderroarswithfrighteningforce天地成 Thewholeworldbecomesaboilerandhotplate223濈濈汗流腋 Sweatstreamsfrommyarmpits俄爾輙送寒 ThensuddenlyIhavethechills凛凛氷底溺 Likebeingdrownedatthebottomofanicyriver衾裯重繒絖 Silkenfabricspiledatopmyquiltandbedsheets當暑莫之 Whentheweatherrsquoshotnothingismoredetestable胡為須臾間 Howinthespaceofaninstant陰陽忽變易 Canyinandyangchangeplacessoabruptly咳嗽和噴嚏 Coughingandsneezing涕泗交津液 Tearsandsnotmixedwithotherfluids224221TheThreeCorpsesalsoknownastheThreeWorms(三蟲)andTheTwoChildrenrefertospiritsresidinginsidethebodythoughttocauseillness222Thephraseldquooldfellowrdquo老夫(ClaofuJrōfu)hastorefertoChūganthoughhewasonlyinhistwentiesatthetimeThetranslationabovetakes盍as蓋ldquooughttordquoandconstruesthelineasaninterjectioninthevoiceoftheTwoChildrenAlternativelyif老夫istakenasafirstpersonsubjectpronoun(anattestedusage)and盍isunderstoodasaninterrogativepronounessentiallyequivalentto何thenthelinemightberenderedldquoHowamItoeliminatethemrdquo(withthereferentof之nowbeingtheTwoChildren)223Theactualcharacterthatappearsinthefinalpositionofthislineisnot butthe

variantform whosetypesetversionsarenotrecognizedbyMicrosoftWord224Thetermshinrsquoeki津液(Cjinye)isageneralreferenceforbodilyfluidsintraditionalChinesemedicinebyitselfthecharacter津mayrefereithertosalivaorperspirationandsincethelatterwasmentionedalreadyinlineeight(albeitwithadifferentword汗)wemightimaginephlegmtobeintendedhereThepreviouscompoundteishi涕泗(Ctisi)ldquotearsandsnotrdquohasalonghistoryinpoetryappearinginworksbyRuanJiandDuFuamongothers

138

反仄不蹔安 TossingandturningIcannotgetcomfortableforlong何當定枕席 WhenwillIfinallybeabletoresteasy起臥偕歎為 Sittinguporlyingdownbotharetaxingtodo動輙求扶掖 AgainandagainIaskforhelp眼眩混方圓 DizzyIcanrsquottellsquaresfromcircles顛倒視黒白 AndIconfoundblackandwhite平生茹蔬荀 AllmylifeIhaveeatengreensandshoots欣然口自適 FortunatelyIfindtheysuitmypalette今設五候鯖 NowIhavebeforemesomeFiveMarquisfishstew苦淡同氷蘗 Asbitterandblandasamealoficeandcork225少間倚繩牀 AfterawhileIreclineonafoldingchair痩質如乾腊 Irsquomasgauntasapieceofdriedmeat傍有相過者 Atmysidearesomewhorsquovecometovisit視吾疑欺魄 UponseeingmetheycouldswearIrsquomaghost終日口唅呀 AlldaylongImuttertomyself觸事多怒嚇 Contactwiththingsoftheworldentailssomuchangerandfear回心自省身 Iturnmymindinwardandreflectuponmyself萬里海外客 Atravelerfromfaracrossthesea所志無人知 ThefeelingsIharbornooneknows越語憐莊舃 InmyownldquoYuetonguerdquoIsympathizewithZhuangXi226

Genuinethematicinnovationisalmostalwaysaccompaniedbyatleastsome

liberalizationintherealmoflanguageThispoemwrittenwhenChūganwas

twenty-sixincludesmultiplewordsandphraseswellremovedfromthemainstream

ofJapanesekanshiwhichonthewholeemphasizedselectmodelsfromtheTangand

225ldquoFiveMarquisStewrdquo五侯鯖wasawellknownstewoffishandmeatherethecharacter鯖simplymeansldquostewrdquonotldquomackerelrdquo226ZhuangXiwasanativeofthecoastalstateofYue越whoservedasanofficialintheinlandstateofChu楚thoughsuccessfulandwellassimilatedherevertedtothedialectofhishomelandwhenillZhuangXiappearsinShijiinthememoirofZhangYi張儀andalsoinWangCanrsquosfamousrhapsodyldquoClimbingtheTowerrdquo(登樓)

139

Six-DynastieserasAndwhileeveryagehasitsiconoclastsalineofverseconsisting

simplyofldquocoughingandsneezingrdquo(咳嗽和噴嚏)ndashtheseremainthestandardterms

inmodernChinesendashprobablyfindsaneasierhomeinSongpoetrythaninthe

poetryofanypreviousepochIntermsofnarrativestructureldquoMalariardquolikeallof

Chūganrsquoslongpoemsislineartracingthepathoftheillnessfromonsettopartial

recoverywithnodisruptionsintemporalcontinuitySomewhatatypicallyfor

ChūganthelyricalldquoIrdquoispresentatleastimplicitlyineverysinglecoupletandin

mostlinestheobjectofdescriptionremainsthesubjectofenunciationInsumitis

anentirelyautobiographicalpieceThecoupletshavingtodowithphysical

symptomsarestrikingthattheyoccupyjustafractionofthepoemrsquostotallength

mightsuggestacautiousapproachtosuchdetaillestanunrelentingfixationonthe

morbidcasttooheavyashadowoverthewholeoftheworkAlternativelyitis

possiblethatChūganrsquosprimaryinterestwasnottheparticularharrowingdetailsof

theexperienceitselfbuttheensuingreflectionuponhumanfrailtyanddependency

towhichsuchanexperienceleadsIneithercasethecontrastproducesaneffect

commontoagreatmanyofChūganrsquospoemswhichoftenbringonekindofaesthetic

sensibilitytothereaderrsquosattentiononlytoabruptlywithdrawitinfavorofanother

Nowhereisthisrhetoricalstrategyemployedmorefrequentlyandmoreeffectively

thaninhispoliticalpoemswhicharebothsufficientlynumerousandartistically

compellingenoughtomeritextendedtreatment

140

2 A Country Divided A Future Uncertain Poetry in Times of Turmoil

1333-1343

Poemsofsocialcommentarysomewithastrongsubtextofpoliticalcriticism

begintofeatureprominentlyintheyear1333whichwitnessedthestunning

collapseoftheKamakuraShogunateandEmperorGo-Daigorsquostriumphantreturn

fromexileHavingonlyrecentlyreturnedfromChinaChūganwasstillinKyushuas

theseeventsunfoldedBythefifthmonthhehadtakenupresidenceatthewell-

knowntempleManjuji萬壽寺inBungoProvince227Atthebehestofhispatron

ŌtomoSadamunewhowasanallyofGo-DaigohedepartedthatautumnforHakata

ShortlythereafterheembarkedforKyotoinSadamunersquoscompanywherehewould

deliverhismemorialtotheemperorThejourneytookhimpastmultiplesitesof

localinterestandinsomecaseshistoricalorreligiousimportanceandit

occasionedaseriesoftencommemorativequatrainstwoofwhichspeakdirectlyto

theupheavalsofthetime

檀浦

Dannoura228

晚浦煙橫日影斜 Atduskonthebaymistspreadswidecastingshadowsaslantin

theeveningsun漁歌送恨落蘋花 Fishermenrsquossongsbetellinggrievancesofoldscattertheping

blossoms229

227InformationconcerningChūganrsquostravelsandthetemplesatwhichheresidedcomesmostlyfromhisBusshuEsaiZenjiChūganGetsuoshōjirekifu(hereafterjirekifu)GBSSv4pp611-32Thisisachronologicallyorganizedautobiographicalrecordcomprisedofbriefsummariesofvariouskeyeventsforeachyear228Thesiteofafamoustwelfth-centurybattle(seebelow)

141

封侯能有幾人得 Intheendhowmanycanwinenfeoffment戰骨乾枯堆白沙 Bonesofthewardeadliedriedandbleachedmoundsofwhite

sand230

鞆津TomoHarbor231

楸梧風冷海城秋 Throughcatalpaandparasoltreesthewindblowschillseaside

rampartsmantledinautumn燹火煙消灰未收 Thefiresthatragedinwarsmoldernolongerbuttheirashes

haveyettobecleared232229Thepingorbaiping白蘋(HydrocharisdubiaJtochikagami)isafloweringaquaticplantthatgrowsinshallowmuddywaterPerhapsbecausetheblossomsreachjustinchesabovethewaterrsquossurfacepoemsdescribingthemashavingldquofallenrdquoseemtoberelativelyrareTheinterpretationfollowedherewassuggestedbyKamimurawhosekuntenmarkingsinGBZSindicateaJapanesereadingofgyokauramiookuritehinkaootosuinwhich落isconstruedasatransitiveverbwithsubject漁歌andobject蘋花230GBZSv2pp32-33GBSSv4p327231AnhistoricallyimportantharborinwhatisnowHiroshimaPrefecture 232ThelastcoupletrecallsDuMursquosfamousquatrainldquoMooredontheQinhuaiRiverrdquo泊秦淮whosesecondcoupletreadsldquoSinginggirlsknownothingoftheshameofthecountryrsquosruinStillintoningfromacrosstheriverthetuneofRearGardenBlossomsrdquo商女不知亡國恨隔江猶唱後庭花ThespecificeventreferredtointhesecondlineofldquoTomoHarborrdquoisunclearafactthathasledtosomeconfusioninmodernsourcestreatingthispoemTheseriestowhichitbelongsendswithanoteseeminglywrittenbyChūganhimselfthatreadsldquoTheforegoingtenpoemswerecomposedaftertheGenkōDisturbancewhenIwasonmywayfromHakatatothecapitalrdquo右十首元弘亂後自博多上京道中作也Howevertheearliestrecordofaneventcorrespondingtothelanguageofthepoem(andindeedofamajorfortificationatTomoHarbor)isfrom1342intheBattleofTomo鞆合戦theDaigashimaFortress大可島城builtearlierthatyearonanislandjustoutsidetheharborwasattackedbyforcesoftheNorthernCourtandcompletelydestroyedItisconceivablethatincollatingthismaterialseveraldecadeslaterChūganmisrememberedwhenldquoTomoHarborrdquowascomposedontheotherhandthelocationhadbeenofstrategicandcommercialimportanceforcenturiesanditisequallypossiblethathesimplywitnessedtheaftermathofanearlieroutbreakofviolencethatoccurredaroundthetimetheshogunatefellIneithercasetheldquorampartsrdquomentionedinthepoemcannotrefertoTomoCastle鞆城whichwasconstructedundertheaegisoftheMōrifamilyinthe16thcentury

142

遊妓不知亡國事 Thecourtesansknownothingoftheruinationofthestate聲聲秦曲泛蘭舟 Singingtomusicalaccompanimenttheybobalongonbedizened

boats233

Thejuxtapositionofdescriptivecoupletswithcriticalordidacticonesisa

recurrentfeatureinChūganrsquospoliticalpoemsThisjuxtapositionmoreoveris

alwaysanunevenonewiththepoliticalstatementsinthesecondcouplet

unambiguouslyprivilegedoverthedescriptionofferedinthefirstStructurally

speakingthisisconsistentwithpopularpoeticpracticeoftheSongandYuaneras

accordingtothecompositionalprinciplesadvancedintheaforementionedSantishi

whichwascompiledaround1250bythepoetandtheoristZhouBi周弼(1194-

1255)thethirdlineofaquatrainisthedominantlineandthemostimportanttothe

overallsuccessofthepoem234InldquoDannourardquotheturninthethirdlinetowards

discursiveprosaiclanguagecomesneartowhatZhouBitermsldquoemptycontinuationrdquo

虛接whereinthefirstandsecondlinesofaquatrainarenon-affectiveorldquosolidrdquo實

whilethethirdrevealsthefeelingsoropinionsofthepoetandistermedldquoemptyrdquo

虛235ldquoEmptycontinuationrdquowasacommonstrategyandonethatgrantsspecial

prominencetothepoemrsquosdiscursiveldquopointrdquobysettingitinreliefagainstan

233GBZSv2p33GBSSv4p328234ZhouBirsquoscriticalcommentsaretranslatedandanalyzedbyStephenOweninReadingsinChineseLiteraryThought(CambridgeHarvard-YenchingInstitute1992)pp421-34235OwenReadingsinChineseLiteraryThoughtpp422-25AlthoughthefirstcoupletofldquoDannourardquoisheavyondescriptiontheuseofthetermldquogrievancerdquo恨inthesecondlinedoesimplyjudgmentandhencealyricalsubjecttotheextentthatitforeshadowsthepoliticalmessageofthesecondcouplettherupturebetweenthecoupletsisnottotalandthepoemisnotaperfectexampleofldquoemptycontinuationrdquo

143

ostensiblyobjectivenon-evaluativebackgroundChūganstructuredmanyofhis

quatrainsthiswayandinlightofhisnotedfondnessforSantishiitisreasonableto

positthatheusedthecollectionverymuchasZhouBihadintendednamelyasan

explicitlyldquowriterlyrdquoguidebooktopoeticcomposition

Fromanartisticstandpointthebrevityofthequatrainformmakesitabetter

vehicleforimagismthanforsocialcritiqueandldquoDannourardquoinparticularseems

almostcalculatedtofrustrateaestheticexpectationsinitiallyofferingthereaderthe

pleasureofdetachedimagisticdescriptiononlytosnatchitawaywiththe

impositionofabluntmoralmessageItisanapproachthatcontrastsmarkedlywith

thattakenbyotherGozanpoetswhogenerallyavoidedovertdidacticismeven

whencomposingpoemsthatfitthematicallyintotheldquohistoryrdquo(JeishiCyongshi咏

史)sub-genreWhiletheBattleofDannouramayhaveheldparticularsignificance

forChūganasanexampleofsenselessfeudalwarfarehewasnottheonlyGozan

poettomemorializetheeventinverseNolessafigurethanZekkaiChūshinwould

alsodososeveraldecadeslaterthoughtomuchdifferentartisticeffectandmost

likelywithmuchdifferentmotivationsinmindThecontrastbetweenthetwo

versesisinstructive

赤間関

Akamagaseki236 風物眼前朝暮愁 Thescenebeforemyeyesbringsgrieffrommorningtillevening 寒潮頻拍赤城頭 Acoldtideceaselesslypoundingruinsofredstoneramparts 236AlocationonthesouthwesterntipofHonshuinwhatistodaythecityofShimonosekiItoverlookedthewatersinwhichtheBattleofDannouraoccurred

144

怪岩奇石雲中寺 Fearsomecragsandcuriousrocksguardatempleintheclouds 新月斜陽海上舟 Underthenewmoonandthesettingsunaboatdriftsuponthe

sea 十萬義軍空寂戚 Arighteousarmyofhundredthousandvanishedintoemptiness 三千剣客去悠悠 Threethousandswordsmenlostforalltime 英雄骨朽干戈地 Bonesofheroeswitheredawayuponthebattlefield 相憶倚欄看白鷗 LostinremembranceIleanonthebalustradewatchingthe

gulls237

TheBattleofDannourawasthefinaldecisiveengagementoftheGenpeiWar

源平合戦(1180-85)anepisodeofstrifeandgenerallawlessnessframedprincipally

bythecontestbetweentwomilitaryhousestheMinamoto源andtheTaira平The

TairawhohadbeenfleeingwestwardafterlosingKyotoweresoundlydefeatedand

wouldneverrecovertheirspectacularriseandfallwouldinspirewriters

throughoutthemedievaleraandtheBattleofDannourawouldcometobeseenas

themostpoignantanddramaticofallhistoricalJapanesebattlesThiswasnot

simplybecauseitwaslargebythestandardsoftheerabutbecausetheannihilation

ofthenewlyascendantTairawastotalandbecausetheyoungEmperorAntoku(r

1180-83)bornofaTairamotherandbarelysixyearsoldatthetimewasamong

thethousandsdrownedinthemelee

BothldquoDannourardquoandldquoAkamagasekirdquotreatthesamehistoricaleventbut

theirdifferencesarestrikingwhereChūganspeaksonlyofthebonesofthewar

237GBZSv2p1920IriyaedldquoGozanbungakushūrdquopp96-97

145

deadZekkaispeaksofthebonesofheroeswhereZekkaiconcludeswithan

aestheticizationofviolencethatmovesthereaderfromhumanmortalitytothe

freedomofnatureChūgansimplysuggeststhatthewarwasamisguidedconflict

overalimitedresource(ldquoIntheendhowmanycouldwinenfeoffmentrdquo)Zekkairsquos

poemmaybeinterpretedasoneofspiritualconciliation(chinkon鎮魂)a

traditionalfunctionofmuchmedievalliteratureontheGenpeiWarChūganmay

havechoseninsteadtoemphasizethefutilityofthatconflictformoreimmediate

purposesalmostsurelyintendinghisversetobeseenbyGo-DaigoandSadamune

HereitshouldberemarkedthatinsofarastheGenpeiWarrepresentedexactlythe

sortofconflictmostantitheticaltoafundamentallystatistConfucianworldview

Chūgansurelysawnocontradictioninbemoaningitevenashebackedtheroyal

causeagainsttheKamakuraregimeinhismemorial

AsobservedpreviouslyChūganbegantoexpressmorecriticalviewsofGo-

Daigorsquosrevolutioninearly1334followinghisreturntoKamakurauponthesudden

deathofSadamuneWhathefoundwhenhearrivedwasatownscarredbyviolence

anddespoliationDuringthesummerof1333aforcegatheredbythewarlordNitta

Yoshisada(1301-38)hithertoaprincipalvassaloftheshogunatehadmarchedon

KamakuraandattackedtheHōjōgarrisonAccordingtothefamousaccountinthe

historicalchronicleTaiheiki太平記thefightingwasheavyandlastedforsome

dayswithdefeatimminentHōjōTakatokisetfiretonumerousadministrative

buildingsretreatedtothetempleTōshōjiandcommittedsuicidealongwithseveral

146

hundredofhismen238ApproximatelyfiveyearslaterChūganmemorializedthese

eventsinaseriesofheptasyllabicquatrainsandbemoanedtheongoingpolitical

disarray

惜陰偶作

ImpromptuVersesLamentingthePassageofTime

昔年是日鎌倉破 SeveralyearsagoonthisdaythecityofKamakurafell 所在伽藍氣像皆 Thetemplesthatweretherethesceneryndashallofitwasreduced

tonothing239 商女不知僧侶恨 Thepeddlergirlsknownotthemonksrsquogrievances 賣柴賣菜打官街 Sellingfirewoodandgreenstheyhawkupanddownstreetsonce

linedwithgovernmentoffices240 雨壓炎塵涼似秋 Raintampsthescorchingdustandthecoolnessfeelslikeautumn 無根緑樹翳林丘 Rootlessverdanttreesshadewoodedhills241 摩挲老眼看如畫 Strainingmyoldeyesitlooksjustlikeapainting 若箇濛濛佛也愁 ButinthisdrizzlymisteventheBuddhawouldfeelmelancholy

238Taiheiki102104239Thecharacter皆nearlyalwaysadverbialheredenotesaverbmeaningldquotobereducedtonothingrdquoIhavebeenunabletodiscovercomparableexamplesofthisusageinChinesetextsthoughthevernacularJapaneseexpressionsminaninasuldquoexhaustrdquoldquoreducetonaughtrdquoandminaninaruldquobeexhaustedrdquowereincommonusebythemid-thirteenthcenturyTheearliestexampleseemstobefromKokonchomonjū古今著聞集acollectionofsetsuwa説話from1254KamimuradoesnotindicateakunreadingforthecharacterwhileYamagishiTokuheisuggeststsukiruwhichimpliesaroughsynonymywith盡hiscompletekundokurenderingofthepoemmaybefoundinldquoGozanbungakushūEdokanshishūrdquopp90-91240ThiscoupletonceagainseemstodrawdirectlyonthesecondcoupletofDuMursquosldquoMooringontheQinhuaiRiverrdquo(seenote214)241Presumablymistisobscuringthelowerportionofthetreesmakingitappearasiftheywereldquorootlessrdquo

147

佛也愁時神更悲 InatimewheneventheBuddhafeelsmelancholythegodsmust

besadderstill腥風鼓海社簾吹 Afoulwindwhipstheseaandtheblindsoftheshrineareblown

open去年華表隨龍去 Lastyeartheornamentedcolumnsfollowedthedragonand

departed水稽天人作龜 Amidstabanefulfloodofexcessthatreachestheheavensmen

becomeasturtles 更無前代好衣冠 Gonemoreoverarethegoodgentryofagespast 滿眼氛埃暗社壇 Myeyesfillwithbalefulduststhatbenightthealtar 終古黃梅時節雨 Fromtimeimmemorialtheseasonofripeplumshasbrought

rain今朝特地著愁看 TodayhoweverIlookuponitwithasenseofanxiousgrief242 世事隆衰自有時 Theaffairsoftheworldflowandebbeachinitsowntime 山河是矣但人非 Mountainsandriversareconstantbutmanisnot 戰骨未収邊戍起 Bonesofthewardeadlieuncollectedasbordergarrisonsarise 鐡衣早晩復儒衣 Butthesuitsofarmorsoonerorlaterwillbeexchangedonce

againforConfucianrobes243

242IfthesubjectistakentobetheseasonitselfthelastlinemightberenderedldquoTodayhoweveritwears(著)amienofgrief(愁看)rdquoThebasicsenseofthelineseemstobethattherainyseasonusuallyahappytimeisnotsothisyeartheinvocationofrainmayalsobeseentocontinuethefloodmetaphorintroducedinthesecondverse243GBZSv2pp35-36GBSSv4p352ThefourthverseisfoundonlyinGBSSwhichalsoincludestwoadditionalversesinthisgroup

148

AsinldquoTomoHarborrdquowomengoingabouteverydayactivitiesarepresented

asfiguresofignorancewhiletheylacknotformaterialmeanstheyremain

oblivioustothesociopoliticalproblemsthatsoexerciseChūganInthefourthand

lastversethecorrosiveeffectofmilitancyisthematizedintermsreminiscentofhis

essaysGenminandGensōNotablythispoemalsoemploysastrikingtonalprosody

thatreinforcesitsmessagewheretheopeningcoupletadheresperfectlytothe

tonalconventionsofarecent-stylequatrainthesecondquiteunexpectedlybreaks

entirelywiththoseconventionsTheresultisadramaticandproductivedissonance

inwhichinitialfidelitytoprosodicrulesbuttressesthedetachedandaphoristic

qualityofthefirstcoupletwhilethesubsequentviolationofthemamplifiesthe

impassionedcriticaltenorofthesecond244

Thesecondthirdandfourthversesseemjoinedinnarrativecontinuitywith

thesecondfunctioningasamostlydescriptivepreambletotheothertwoIneffect

thethreepoemsevinceanextensionofthedescriptive-didacticmodeswitching

observedpreviouslyonthelevelofindividualcoupletsThethirdverseisarguably

themostinterestingandtheonlyonethatallowsaplausibledateofcompositionto

beadducedItsfirstcoupletframedclearlyasacontinuationofthepreviousverse

244Thetonaldistributionisasfollows仄仄平平仄仄平 平平仄仄仄平平 仄仄仄平平仄仄(theexpectedpatternis平平仄仄平平仄) 仄平仄仄仄平平(theexpectedpatternis仄仄平平仄仄平)SuchalterationwasbynomeansunprecedentedintheChinesetraditionitishighlightedonlytodemonstratethemannerinwhichtonalpatterningaformalpropertymaycontributeintegrallytoapoemrsquoscontent

149

isamongthefewinChūganrsquospoetrytoexplicitlymentionJapanesekamiWhat

becomesclearinthenextcoupletwhichasdetailedbelowseemsdrivenbyan

uncommonlybolddoubleentendreisthattheentirepoemisanacerbictakeonthe

presentconditionoftheJapaneseimperiumByearly1337EmperorGo-Daigohad

fledKyotofortheruralmountainsofYoshinowherehehastilyestablishedarival

courtthatwouldholdoutagainsttheAshikagaShogunateforthenexthalf

century245AssumingGo-DaigorsquosflighttoYoshinoisindeedwhatChūganis

referringtotheversemusthavebeencomposedsometimein1338Theterm

renderedasldquofloodofexcessrdquoiskōsui 水(Cjiangshui)arelativelyrarephrasethat

appearsmostfamouslyinMengzi

BoGuisaidldquoIexcelevenKingYuinwatermanagementrdquoMengzirepliedldquoYouaremistakensirInwatermanagementKingYufollowedthewayofwaterForthisreasonKingYuhadtheFourSeasashisreservoirButyouonlyhaveneighboringstatesasyourreservoirOpposingthecourseofthewateriswhatledtotheldquooverflowingwatersrdquo( )Theoverflowingwaterswerefloodingwaters(洪水)ThisissomethinghatedbybenevolentpeopleYouaremistakensir246白圭曰丹之治水也愈於禹孟子曰子過矣禹之治水水之道也是故禹以四海為壑今吾子以鄰國為壑水逆行謂之 水 水者洪水也仁人之所惡也吾子過矣

BoGuifailsbecauseheunlikethegreatKingYuattemptstocontrolwaterwithout

regardforitsnatureInlightofbothChūganrsquospreviouswritingsandtheother

versesinthisgrouptheimplicationofthepoemseemsobviouslikeBoGuirsquos

245ThisiswhatisreferredtoastheSouthernCourtitsestablishmentmarksthebeginningoftheso-calledNorthernandSouthernCourts(Nanbokuchō)南北朝erainJapanesehistorywhichcontinueduntilarapprochementbetweenthecourtswasreachedin1392246Mengzi6B11VanNordenMengzip168

150

misguidedapproachtomanagingwaterthepursuitofsuzeraintythroughmartial

preeminenceisaviolationthewayofthebenevolentman(仁人)andtheupheavals

ithaswroughtuponthecountryhavesaddenedthekamiThephraseldquomenbecome

asturtlesrdquoisintriguingandpossiblyquiteedgyAtfirstblanchldquoturtlerdquomayappear

anunsurprisingimageinacoupletthatcontainsfloodwatersandadragonsince

bothdragonsandturtlesareconventionallyassociatedwithwaterAconservative

interpretationofthelinemightthereforebethatpeoplenormallyterrestrial

creaturesareforcedtobecomeldquoamphibiousrdquoinordertosurvivethenewpolitical

environmentThewordldquoturtlerdquohowevercouldalsobeaninsultinvernacular

Chinesemeaningeitherldquobastardrdquoorldquocuckoldrdquo247Inthislightthelineseemsto

suggestthatpeoplehavebeendupedanddegradedamidstapowerstrugglethat

representsorhasunleashedadeluge(水)ofpoliticaldysfunctionItneednotbe

assumedthattheldquofloodofexcessrdquoisGo-DaigorsquosaloneChūgansurelywouldhave

laidagreatdealofblameupontheascendantAshikagawhorepresentedprecisely

thekindofauthorityheloathedndashyetanotherldquohegemonrdquo覇inastatestillwithouta

truekingEvensogiventhatldquodragonrdquoisamongthecommonesteuphemismsfor

247ThefirstsensederivesfromafolkbeliefaccordingtowhichmaleturtleswereincapableofcopulationrequiringfemaleturtlestomatewithsnakesinordertolaytheireggstherebymakingturtlesldquobastardsrdquobydefinitionAccordingtoMorohashiTetsujithesenseofldquoturtlerdquoassomethinglikeldquocuckoldrdquo(specificallyamanwhosewifeisengagedinextramaritalliaisonsorprostitution)datestotheTangasmightbeexpectedhowevertextualexamplesaremuchmoreplentifulinlaterperiodsAninformativeanalysisofvernacularinsultsinthenovelShuihuzhuan水滸傳(WaterMargin)theearliestportionsofwhichwereauthoredaroundthetimeChūganwasactiveisgiveninLiuPeipeildquolsquoShuihuzhuanrsquolimayanjiujiqizaiHuayuwenjiaoxuezhongdeyiyirdquo(MAThesisNationalChengchiUniversity2011)ldquoTurtlerdquoandrelatedtermsarecoveredonp39

151

emperorsandthedragoninthisverseseemsunambiguouslytobeGo-Daigothe

coupletmaywellbethemostdaringinhisoeuvre248

Continuingthefocusonthedeclineofoncehallowedinstitutionsthefourth

verselamentstheabsenceofestimableofficials(衣冠)andseeminglytheprofaning

ofthereligiousworldbycurrentevents(thisatanyratewouldappeartobethe

implicationoftheintriguinglocutionldquobalefuldustsbenightingthealtarrdquo)249The

termrenderedasldquoaltarrdquoisshadan社壇(Cshetan)thisisthebroadestandmost

elementarytranslationanditisconsistentwiththeuseofthewordinpre-and

earlyimperialChinaInaspecificallyJapanesecontexthowevershadanmayalso

denotetheraisedareaofearthonwhichthemainbuilding(shaden社殿)ofaShinto

shrineisbuiltItisreasonabletoassumethatthissensewouldhavebeeneasily

apprehendedbymostmedievalreadersespeciallyinlightoftheexplicitmentionof

kamiinthepreviousverseTotheextentthatterminologyassociatedwithkami

worshipleadssyntagmaticallytoJapanesekingshipandthetraditional

apotheosizedbodypoliticonemayreadilyinterpretthebenightingoftheldquoaltarrdquoto

figurethecorruptionorocclusionoftheimperialmajestyAltogetherthelanguage

mightseemtosuggestaratherromanticizedvisionoftheoldroyalorder

248Intheinterestofphilologicalcompletenessanadditionalandquitedifferenthistoricalmeaningofthephrase作龜isldquosetuptheturtlerdquoandreferstoplastromancyamethodofdivinationinwhichturtleplastronsareheatedandtheresultingcracksinterpretedItisnotimpossibletoconstruethelineonthebasisofthissenseforinstancebysupposingittomeanthatinuncertaintimespeopleturntodivinationHoweverthiswouldseemarathermildandanticlimacticconclusiontoalinethatbeganbyemphaticallydescribingastateoframpantmoralwaywardnessandmismanagementndashldquoabanefulfloodofexcessthatreachestheheavensrdquo( 水稽天)249Onldquobalefuldustsrdquo氛埃seenote252below

152

objectivelyspeakingJapanwasprobablygovernedaswellduringtheKamakura

periodasduringanyageofitspremodernhistoryEventheimperialcourtwhile

increasinglyovershadowedbytheshogunatewasatthattimeasubstantially

healthierinstitutionthanithadbecomebytimeofthispoemIndeedChūganmay

beimplicitlyadmittingasmuchthroughhisuseofthesomewhatelastictermzendai

(Cqiandai前代)whichcouldjustaseasilyrefertothepreviousageastoldquopastagesrdquo

ingeneralAndgiventheseeminglynostalgicreferenceinthefirstversetoldquostreets

(once)linedwithgovernmentofficesrdquo(官街)itisevenconceivablethatChūganwas

nolongerquitesoilldisposedtowardsthevanquishedKamakuraregimeashehad

beeninhisearlierwritingshavinggrownupinthevicinityofKamakuraitselfhe

couldnotbuthaverecalledthattheyearsofhisyouthwereatleastmarkedby

politicalstabilityifnotbyhisdesiredpoliticalorderInanyeventtheoverriding

themeoftheseversesndashdissolutionandlossonlevelsbothinstitutionalandspiritual

ndashwasonetowhichChūganwouldreturnfrequentlyduringtheyearsofcivilunrest

thatinauguratedtheturbulentMuromachiera

Yetregardlessofhisdistasteforshogunalauthorityorhishopeforunitary

imperialgovernanceChūgancouldseeaswellasanyonethatbytheendofthe

1330sthefightinghadsucceededonlyinmovingJapanevenfurtherfromthatideal

Inthewinterof1339Chūganassumedtheheadshipofthenewlybuilttemple

KichijojiandpubliclyembracedtheRinzailineageofDongyangDehuiDespitethe

hostilitythisprovokedtheearly1340swereaproductivetimehispoeticoutput

remainedhighandhishistoricalworkNihonshowhichwouldprobablyhave

requiredmanymonthsofresearchwascompletedin1341Thatyearalso

153

occasionedwhatisprobablyhismostfamoussinglepoemalengthymeditationon

thesufferingofthepoorduringanunusuallydestructiveblizzardThepieceis

amongthefinestworksofsocialengagementinmedievalJapaneseliteratureand

waspossiblythefirstofChūganrsquospoemstobetranslatedintoEnglish250

春雪

SpringSnow 辛巳二月二十五 Onthetwenty-fifthdayofthesecondmonthintheyearofjunior-

metalsnake(1341)相陽大雪深五尺 Sōyōrecordedasnowfallfivefeetdeep251初聞郭索歩窗前 AtfirstIheardasoundlikecrabsmarchingatthewindow俄驚樹杪風淅瀝 Thensoonaroseawindwhistlingthroughthetreetops252

250SeeBurtonWatsonJapaneseLiteratureinChinesevol2(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1976)pp28-29251ThefirsttwolinesdespiteseemingmorelikeparatextualheadnotesaretreatedinthevulgateeditionofTōkaiichiōshūandallsubsequentsourcesaspartofthepoemproperThisseemstobebecausetheentering-tonecharacter尺rhymeswiththeremainingfinalcharactersofeven-numberedlinesallofwhichareenteringtoneandinMiddleChineseconcludewiththeconsonantclusteriekiɛk252ThesoundofcrabsmarchingisanunusualfigureforthesoundsassociatedwithfallingsnowChūganseemstohavelikeditforitappearsintheopeningcoupletofanotherofhispoemsldquoExpressingMyFeelingsontheTopicofSnowrdquo題雪寄懐ldquoThemarchingofcrabsiswhatfirstIheardinthebamboosoutsidemywindowInadreamitrapsuponmyfreezingpillowasoundlonelyandsparserdquo蟹歩先聞窓外竹夢敲寒枕響疎々AlocusclassicusforthisfigurehasremainedelusiveIriyaYoshitakaremarksthatheisunawareofexampleselsewhereSeeldquoGozanbungakushūrdquop297Thewordkakusaku郭索(Cguosuo)doesappearinacoupletbyLinBu林逋(967-1028)ldquoThroughthegrassandmudcrabsgomarchingFrombecloudedtreescomecriesofthefrancolinrdquo草泥行郭索雲木叫鉤輈TherestofthispoemseemstohavebeenlostbutthecoupletiscitedwithadmirationbyOuyangXiuinhisGuitianlu歸田錄andagainbyShenKuo沈括(1031-1095)inhisfamousMengxibitan夢溪筆談(DreamPoolEssays)TherelevanceofthisissimplythatLinBuwasalreadymuchbelovedbyGozanpoetsandacoupletofLinrsquospraisedbyOuyangwouldstandanexcellentchanceofcirculatingwidelyamongthem

154

淅瀝轉作砰湃聲 Thenthewhistlingbecamearoaring百千雷霆鬭相撃 Athousandthunderclapsatwarwithoneanother253開窗昧目萬斛灰 Openingthewindowmygazewasdarkenedbyvastmassofash急掩扉頃便堆席 HurriedlyIshutthedoorandstackedupthemats254去年栽竹忽遭摧 ThebamboosIplantedlastyearwerecrushedinaninstant林木挫抑何是惜 Butwithwholestandsofwoodlandtreesbentandbowedwhat

useisthereinbewailingthem鎌倉城在海東南 InKamakurathecitybytheseasoutheastofhere古老皆言未嘗覿 Theoldmenallsaytheyrsquoveneverseenanythinglikethisbefore且如今年元日来 ThoughthefirstdayoftheNewYearhasdawned天弄陰機非旦夕 Heavenhasseenfittolooseitsmysteriousdesignanderaseall

distinctionbetweenthedawnandtheevening255陌上泥濘没牛尻 Onroadsthemudswallowsoxenuptotheirhindquarters故旧訪我難為屐 Impedingtheprogressofoldfriendswhotrytovisitme北客見慣能憑陵 Visitorsfromthenorthaccustomedtosuchconditions

shamelesslybullyandcadge土人縮頸不便僻 Localsmerelykeeptheirheadsdownunwillingtoactspeciously253ThiscoupletrecallslinesfromOuyangXiursquosldquoRhapsodyontheAutumnWindrdquo秋聲賦ldquoAtfirstitblewwithawhistlingshrillThensuddenlyitroaredlikeathunderinggalloprdquo初淅瀝以蕭颯忽奔騰而砰湃254WhiteashappearsinearlierChinesepoemsasametaphorforsnowHoweverashalsocarriesconnotationsofdeathandinthecontextofthispoemthesensethetermgeneratesisoneofforeboding255ThelinescontainamildpunonthefirstdayoftheNewYearwhichisconventionallytermedgantan(Cyuandan元旦)orldquoFirstDawnrdquoThecompoundterminki陰機(Cyinqi)renderedaboveasldquomysteriousdesignrdquoseemstobeparticularlycommoninpoemstreatingblizzardsItisfoundforinstanceinonebyHanYutitledldquoSnowintheYearofJunior-MetalHarerdquo(辛卯年雪)whichincludestheexactphrase弄陰機andinonebytheQingpoetQianQianyi錢謙益(1582-1664)alsotitledldquoSpringSnowrdquo(春雪)

155

咫尺鄰里少相過 Evenpeoplefromtheclosestneighboringvillagesseldomcrosspaths

百賈晝眠絶交易 Merchantssleeptillnoonandceaseconductingbusiness富門御冬蓄有余 Therichhaveamplestorestogetthemthroughthewinter机俎羅張厭脯腊 Withtraysandtablessplendidlyarrayedtheyhavetheirfillof

driedmeats銷金帳裡那知寒 Shutsafelybehindgoldencurtainswhatdotheyknowofthe

cold淺斟低唱情自適 Sippingwineandsingingsoftlytheyarecompletelyatease256窮家数日突無煙 Butfrompoorhousesnosmokerisesfordaysonend嬴臥陋巷同窀穸 Inmeanalleyshovelslielowlikerowsofgraves詩書萬巻徒撑腸 Allthepoemsandbooksintheworlddonothingtofillanempty

stomach竟不能療朝饑慼 Nevercouldtheyofferrelieffromthemorningrsquoshunger一束柴索價遼天 Forasinglebundleoffirewoodthegoingpriceishigherthanthe

heavens五合黄陳無處糴 Andameaslyfivecupsofstaleyellowedgrainarenowheretobe

bought或言雖晩瑞豊年 Somesaythatalthoughitcamelatetheblizzardbetokensayear

ofgoodharvests為我未免按剣戟 Buttomeitaugursnotbutfurtherresorttoswordsandspears257

256Thephraseldquosippingwineandsingingsoftlyrdquo淺斟低唱isacommonidiomthatappearsinnumerousSong-erapoemsincludingonebyFanChengda257HereChūganmaybemakingapunonthephrase為我(CweiwoJwagatame)whichhappensalsotodenoteYangZhursquosldquohedonistrdquophilosophyofself-preservation(inthismeaningthecompoundwouldgenerallybepronouncedigainJapanese)Ifthisissotheideawouldseemtobethatrampantself-interestperhapsintensifiedinthewakeoftheblizzardisultimatelywhatmakesthefightinginevitableAsaprepositionalphrase為我appearsinHanyuefuwiththemeaningofldquoonmy(orour)behalfrdquoandinChūganrsquospieceitisprobablybestunderstoodtomeansomethinglikeldquobymylightsrdquo

156

IntheJapanesekanshitraditionldquoSpringSnowrdquoisreminiscentofamasterful

seriesoftenpentasyllabicpoemstitledldquoFeelingtheColdEarlyrdquo寒早bySugawara

noMichizane菅原道眞(845-903)acourtscholaroftheHeianperiodwhoremains

oneofJapanrsquosmostwidelyappreciatedliterarySiniticpoetsAlltenpoemsbegin

withthelineldquoWhofeelsthecoldtheearliestrdquo何人寒氣早theythenproceedto

identifyvariouspeoplesuchaspeasantrunawaysorphansandelderlywidowers

whosewintertimesufferingisexacerbatedbytheirdifficultpersonalcircumstances

ThoughtheindividualsandsituationsMichizanedescribedwereinspiredbyhis

actualexperiencesasaprovincialgovernorthepoemsthemselvesbetraylittle

informationregardingthecontextoftheircompositionandtheartisticgazeofthe

poetisrarelyifeverintrusiveorinsistentTothisextenttheyareperhapsmore

aestheticallysatisfyingthanldquoSpringSnowrdquowhichdespitepossessinggreater

linguisticrichnessthanldquoDannourardquoandldquoTomoHarborrdquoshareswiththoseversesa

persistentlyldquosingulativerdquothrustthatanchorsitfirmlytoitshistoricalmoment258It

ishardtoconceiveofalesspoeticcoupletthantheonewithwhichldquoSpringSnowrdquo

beginsthismatter-of-factstartalongwiththestrictchronologicalorderinwhich

eventsarepresentedimpartstothepieceastronglydocumentaryordiaristicflavor

TheclosinglineforegroundsthelyricalldquoIrdquowhooffersfinaljudgmentonthe

significanceoftheeventsjustdescribedThisspeakerwhomthereaderisledby

conventiontoconstrueasChūganhimselfposesquestionsrelatesindirectquotes

258BycontrastMichizanersquospoemscomeclosertoldquoiterativediscoursesrdquowhereasinglediscourseevokesapluralityofsimilareventsSeeRichardHowardtransTzvetanTodorovIntroductiontoPoetics(MinneapolisUnivofMinnesotaPress1997)p31

157

andrecountsbothhisownresponsestotheblizzardandtheresponsesofothers

Asidefromldquocrabsmarchingatthewindowrdquoandtheconventionalsubstitutionofash

forsnowfigurativelanguageisalmostnonexistentparticularlyinthesecondhalfof

thepoemwherenearlyeverycoupletseemstoadvancesocialcritiqueDescription

tooiskepttoaminimumatleastifthattermistakentomeanthesortofdetached

non-evaluativetreatmentofobjectivephenomenainwhichsymbolismratiocination

andintertextualcodingiseschewed

ItiseasyenoughtounderstandtheserhetoricalfeaturesofldquoSpringSnowrdquoas

aconsequenceofChūganrsquospoliticalcommitmentswhichwhenarticulatedinverse

producedworksmoreorlessanalogousinspirittohisexpositoryproseSocial

protestisofcourseamongtheoldestestablishedfunctionsoftheshiandtothat

extentldquoSpringSnowrdquofitsreadilyintothebroaderChinesepoetictradition

Moreoverasanancient-styleshiwithnofixedlengthorstringentprosodic

requirementsldquoSpringSnowrdquoissubstantiallyfreerandmorecapaciousthantightly

knitrecent-stylequatrainssuchasldquoDannourardquoandldquoTomoHarborrdquoProseof

courseisfreerstillandsentimentslikethoseexpressedinthesecondhalfof

ldquoSpringSnowrdquowouldindeedbewellsuitedtothevariousnon-fictionalprosegenres

commonlyusedtolodgeprotestinmedievalJapanegge解mōshijō申状and

shūjō愁状Butbyexpressingtheminashithepoetautomaticallyunderscores

theiremotionalauthenticitywithoutcompromisingthehistoricalveracityofthe

eventsrelatedIncontradistinctiontoworksfromgenressuchasfushiwere

traditionallyreadasnon-fictionalemotionallysinceretreatmentsofthings

158

witnessedorexperiencedbythepoet259Whilethisassumptionofnon-fictionality

canprobablyberelaxedsomewhatforpost-Tangshi260ldquoSpringSnowrdquowouldstill

generallyhavebeenreadbyChūganrsquoscontemporariesasbothatruthfulaccountof

andaliterarymemorialtoreal-lifehardshipswitnessedfirsthandAdditionallyby

fusingmoralconcernwithaestheticexperiencepoemslaidclaimtoavastlylarger

readershipthanpracticaldocumentstypicallydidwhilealdquopeasantgrievance

reportrdquo(hyakushōshūjō百姓愁状)wasintendedtoelicitactionfromgovernment

officialsandestateproprietorsapoemwasintendedforposteritySolongasthe

shigenreremainedvitalevenoneassingulativeasldquoSpringSnowrdquowouldsurvivethe

passageoftimeintactandundiminisheditsinterventionistpotentialoperativenot

justontheleveloflogosbutalsoandindeedprimarilyonthelevelofpathos

InthemeanddictionampleprecedentforldquoSpringSnowrdquomaybefoundasfar

backastherealistpoetryoftheJianrsquoan建安era(196-220)particularlyinthework

ofpoetssuchasWangCan王粲(177-217)CaoZhi曹植(192-232)andtheslightly

laterFuXian傅咸(239-94)whosebriefpentasyllabicpieceldquoSufferingThrougha

RainySpellrdquo(愁霖詩)touchesonaverysimilarthemeandemploysstrikingly

similarmotifs

舉足沒泥濘Iliftupafootonlytosinkintothemuck市道無行車Ontheroadtothemarketnocartsgo

259StephenOwenTraditionalChinesePoetryandPoetics(TaipeiSouthernMaterialsCenter1985)pp3457260OwennotesthatsomeofLiShangyinrsquospoetrycomesveryneartofictionandthatSong-erapoetsnolongersharedthesamefaithastheirforebearsinanldquouncreateduniverserdquowheretraditionalmodesofpoeticexpressionweresimplyldquonaturalrdquoSeeTraditionalChinesePoetryandPoeticspp5288-89

159

蘭桂賤朽腐Orchidsandcinnamonarecheaperthanrottingtrash柴栗貴明珠Firewoodandmilletaremorepreciousthanlustrous

pearls261

ThelatterhalfofldquoSpringSnowrdquoispropelledbyaseriesoftropesthatwouldhave

beenimmediatelyrecognizabletoFuXianamillenniumbeforethedisparity

betweentherichandthepoorthedifficultiesingettingaroundandthepriceof

dailynecessitiesIfthereisanotablepointofthematicdifferenceintheway

ChineseandJapanesepoetshandledthistypeofmaterialitisthatpolitical

conditionsinChinaatleastduringerasofunityandstrongcentralgovernance

ofteninclinedpoetstheretofocusspecificallyontheroleoferrantgovernment

policiesincausingorexacerbatingpovertyBoJuyi白居易(772-846)probablythe

bestknownChinesepoetinpremodernJapanproduceddozensofintenselydidactic

poemssomeintheldquoNewMusicBureaurdquo(xinyuefu)genrebemoaningpeasant

hardshipsandexcoriatingofficialcorruption262Shipoetryexpressingsimilar

sentimentswascommonthroughouttheSongDynastybeginningwiththeworkof

earlyfiguressuchasOuyangXiuandWangAnshi王安石(1021-86)Bothwereelite

scholar-bureaucratswhoexpressedinverseharshcriticismsofgovernmentpolicies

theythoughtmisguided263AndFanChengdaapoetofotherwisehumble

261Taipingyulanv1ldquoTianburdquo11ldquoYuxiardquo262SeeKondōHaruoHaku-shimonjūtokokubungakushingafushinchūginnokenkyū(TokyoMeijishoin1990)LiaoMeiyunYuan-Baixinyuefuyanjiu(TaipeiTaiwanxueshengshuju1989)263FamousexamplesincludeWangrsquospoemldquoConfiscatingSaltrdquo(收鹽)whichdepictstheenforcementofthegovernmentsaltmonopolyandOuyangrsquospoemldquoThePeopleWhoEatDregsrdquo(食糟民)whichcriticizesthegovernmentmonopolyonwine-making

160

beginningsstillaspiredlikemostofhiscontemporariestoacareerintheofficial

bureaucracyanaspirationherealizedafterpassingtheimperialexaminationin

1154LikeOuyangXiuandWangAnshihispoeticoeuvrecontainsmanyverses

highlightingthesufferingofthepeasantryseveralofwhichmakereferencetotax

burdensndashathemealsoaddressedbyBoJuyi264

ThoughnotunknownsuchpoetrywasagooddeallesscommoninJapan

Whileseveralfactorsmightbeadducedtoexplainthisdifferenceinartistic

sensibilitytwoseemparticularlyrelevantFirstandmostparsimoniouslythe

numberofovertlyldquosociallyconsciousrdquoJapanesepoetswaslimitedbythefactthat

vernacularpoeticmediawereseldommarshaledforsocialcriticismalthoughthe

greatManrsquoyōshūpoetYamanouenoOkura山上憶良(c660-733)diddoexactlythat

hestandsfaroutsideofwhatbecamethemainstreamwakatradition265Second

andmoregermanetopresentpurposesprofessionalservicetoalargecentralized

bureaucraticstatewithwidespreadauthorityovertaxationandlandadministration

wasnotanavenueavailabletothemedievalJapanesepoetsincesuchastatesimply

didnotexistTherewasnoimperialexaminationsystemorcomparablemechanism

fordrawingmenoftalentintogovernmentserviceandeveniftherehadbeenthe

Kyotoauthoritiesevenbeforethewrenchingeventsofthe1330swereinno

positiontomakeandenforcepolicyonacountrywidescaleItistherefore

264SeeRonaldEganldquoShiPoetryAncientandRecentStylesrdquoinCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetryp324KondōHaku-shimonjūtokokubungakupp307-311265Justhowdifferenthewas(andremains)fromanyothermajorwakapoetisrevealedbythefactthatinjustonelongversehisfamousldquoDialogwiththeImpoverishedrdquo(ldquoHinkyūmondōnoutardquo貧窮問答歌)heuses30termsfoundnowhereelseinManrsquoyōshūndashacollectionofalmost4500poems

161

unsurprisingthatChūganrsquospoemconcludesnotbycastigatinggovernment

monopolies(therewerenone)orexcessivetaxationbutwithconcernoverthe

ever-presentpossibilityoflocalizedwarfare266

WhileldquoSpringSnowrdquomayhavedrawninspirationfromthewritingsofSong

DynastyintellectualssuchasFanChengdaandOuyangXiuthepoemisotherwise

consonantwithlongstandingrhetoricalconventionsregardingthetreatmentof

socialillsinshianditdoesnotrevealcharacteristicallySong-eraaesthetic

preferencesasplainlyassomeofChūganrsquosothercompositionsdoAndbecausefew

linesweresetinthedescriptivemodeldquoSpringSnowrdquoalsoevincesgreaterstylistic

uniformitythanapoemsuchasldquoDannourardquowhichswitchedfromacomparatively

staiddescriptivevignetteofflowersandfishermentoasubject-centeredmoral

argumentaboutfeudalcompetitionSuchmodeswitchingcreatescleavagesinthe

poemthatdisruptthereadingprocessandbeckonthereaderbacktothelevelof

narrativecontentalthoughtheapproachworksagainstaestheticreverieitmakes

forveryeffectivehomilyahortatorygenreinwhichChūganlikemostGozanliterati

266OppressivetaxationcouldofcoursebeaprobleminmedievalJapantoobutrarelyifeverbecauseofpoliciesadoptedbytheimperialcourtoreventheshogunateBythethirteenthcenturylegalrightstoagriculturalincome(shiki職)wereofmanifoldvarietyonagivenpropertymanydifferenttypesofshikiwouldbeheldbymanydifferentclaimantswhoseinterestsmighteasilycomeintoconflictWhilethehighnobilityortheshogunatemightclaimrightstoincomefromacertainpropertysotoomightmilitarygovernors(shugo)andtheirdeputies(shugo-dai)localestatestewards(jitō)estatesuperintendants(gesu)estatemanagers(tadokoro)andsoonMoreoftenthannotthosemostresponsibleforsqueezingtheresidentsofaparticularestatewerenotKyotoaristocratsbutjitōandotherldquomenofthelandrdquo(kokujin)Bytheearly15thcenturytaxesleviedbyshugowereoftenmoreonerousthanthoseleviedbytheMuromachishogunate

162

waseminentlyproficient267Whilethisfactisnotespeciallyrelevanttoworksthat

werenotintendedtoteachorpersuadeitiscentraltopoemswhosemanifestaimis

toimparttothereaderreligioustruthsSuchisthecasewithmanyverses

exchangedwithotherZenprelatesthesetendtounfoldratherlikesermonsand

theyresemblegāthasintheclarityoftheirdoctrinalargumentsThefollowing

poemwritteninresponsetoonefromfellowGozanluminaryBetsugenEnshi別源

円旨(1294-1364)isamongChūganrsquosfinestandillustratestheapproachwell

和答別源

HarmonizingReplytoBetsugen 窓間吐月夜沈々 Thewindowdisclosesthemoonasnightwearson 壁角光生藤一尋 Inacorneroftheroomitglintsinthelightmysix-footstaff 窮達与時倶有命 Frustrationandsuccessarrivewhentheywillasbothare

determinedbyfate268 行藏於世総無心 Actioninandwithdrawalfromtheworldmustalwaysbedonein

astateofno-mind 夢中誰謂彼非此 Whointhemidstofadreamwoulddeclarethatldquothatrdquoisnot

ldquothisrdquo 覺後方知古不今 Itisonlyuponwakingthatoneknowsthepastisnotthepresent 自笑未能除僻病 Ilaughatmyselfforbeingstillunabletoeliminatemywayward

habits 逸然乗興發高吟 IneaseandidlenessIfollowwherevermyinspirationleadsand

chantversesaloud

267Chūganmayhavebeenevenmoreadeptatdoctrinallyfocusedhomileticexpositionthanhispeersasreligiousdisquisitions(説)andcommentaries(疏)arefoundingreaternumbersinTōkaiichiōshūthaninmostGozancollections268Thephraseldquotobefatedrdquo有命isunderstoodasinLunyu125ldquoI(Zixia)haveheardthislsquoDeathandLifearemattersoffatewealthandworldlyhonorareinthehandsofHeavenrsquordquo商聞之矣死生有命富貴在天

163

Iftheopeningcoupletofthisversemaybeascribedaspecificrhetorical

functionitistoclearthemindandallowittorestinimagerythatisinsomeway

propadeuticaltotheensuingmessageThesuddenappearanceofthemoonitselfa

conventionalsymbolofenlightenmentrevealsinitslightanobjectthatisbotha

metonymfortheBuddhistpriesthoodandowingtoitssheen(ithasbeenrubbed

smoothoveryearsofuse)asymbolforoldageandtheworld-wisdomitbrings

Possessedofaquietdignitybefittingitssymbolicpotencythestaffconnectsone

prelatetoanotherandinturnconnectsanywould-bereadertothebroader

BuddhistepistemeHavingthussettheappropriatemoodChūganproceedstooffer

aseriesofthematicallytraditionalaphoristicstatementsaboutthenatureofaction

andindividualachievementBothldquofrustrationrdquo(窮)andldquosuccessrdquo(達)are

contingentuponbeingintherightplaceattherighttimeundersuchcircumstances

thechoicefacingtheprincipledscholariethatbetweenacting(行)intheworld

andwithdrawing(蔵)fromitisbestmadeinastateofnon-intentionalityHere

twoconceptsredolentofBuddhistthoughtldquono-mindrdquo無心andldquoawakeningrdquo覺are

marshaledtoaddresswhatisinessenceaclassicproblemofConfucianethicsactin

corruptedworldandriskbeingcorruptedorwithdrawandwaitforamore

opportunemomentInamovetypicalofZenliteraturethefinalcoupletresolves

thematterbylettingitgoandturnsinsteadtowardsprivatejoys

ThereismuchinthispoemthatspeaksdirectlytoChūganrsquospersonal

experiencestheidealisticscholar-vizieronceeagertoservehiscountryinaldquopublicrdquo

capacityisrejectedforhisbeliefsyetinturningwithinandreflectinguponhisown

164

shortcomingsheultimatelyachievesameasureofpeaceItisoftenthecasein

Chūganrsquospoetrythatplaintsofindividualmisfortuneandstatementsofself-

reflectionfeaturemostprominentlyinversesexchangedwithfriendsThisistobe

expectedalthoughworkssuchasldquoDannourardquoldquoSpringSnowrdquoandthepoems

comprisingldquoImpromptuVersesLamentingthePassageofTimerdquoallexpressthe

subjectivemoraljudgmentsoftheirauthortheymainlydescribesocietalas

opposedtoindividualmisfortunesandareaddressedtonooneinparticularThe

nextversewhichwascomposedforanotherofZhuxianFanxianrsquosJapanesedisciples

UnbōEitaku雲夢裔澤isessentiallyapersonallettersetinrhymingcoupletsIt

beginswithafamiliarrecountingofsocietalillsbutthennarrowsitsfocustothe

varioustrialsbesettingthetwofriendsaswithldquoSpringSnowrdquoitsadherencetothe

formalconventionsoftheshirendersitnotjustadescriptionofbutalsoamemorial

tothehardshipsitrecounts

送澤雲夢

SeeingoffTakuUnbō269乾坤干戈未息時 Atatimewhentheviolenceoftheworldremainsunabated氛埃眛目風橫起 Balefuldustsblownaslantcloudtheeyes270餓者轉死盈道路 Thestarvingdieinturnfillingtheroads

269ldquoTakuUnbōrdquo澤雲夢isaninvertedthree-characterabbreviationofUnbōEitaku雲夢裔澤theseabbreviationshadbeenacommonpracticeamongJapaneseliteratisinceantiquityAsnotedinthebiographicalintroductionChūganEngetsu中巌円月usuallybecomesldquoGetsuChūganrdquo月中巌270IriyaYoshitakaunderstandsthecompoundfunrsquoai氛埃(Cfenrsquoai)asldquodustofwarrdquo戦塵(senjinzhanchen)atermthatdoesappearelsewhereinChūganrsquospoetryItsbasicsenseissimplyldquofoulairrdquo

165

荒城白日狐狸嬉 Intheruinedcityfoxesandbadgerssportinbroaddaylight我問楽土在何許 WhereIaskisthereaplacefreefromsorrow一身可以安棲遲 ThatImightliveinpeaceandease固欲適他無所適 HowIhavewishedtogosomeplaceelsebutthereisnowhereto

go之子先我將何之 Thisfellowwhogoesbeforemendashwhereishegoing倉卒告別難為情 Withsuchahurriedpartingfeelingsareimpossibletoexpress袖出剡藤索吾詩 Itakefrommysleeveapieceofpaperandtrytocomeupwitha

verse浮雲流水無定跡 ldquoDriftingcloudsandflowingwaterleavenofixedtrace再得會合試難期 Thereisbutthefaintesthopethatwewillevermeetagainrdquo久厄艱危我羸臥 LongbesetbytroublesIlaydownillandgaunt磨墨揮毫皆不為 Irubinkandtakeupmybrushbutitisalltonoavail感君拳拳有厚意 Movedbytheearnestnessofyourconviction勉強起來拂烏皮 Iforcemyselfupandclearoffmydesk惜君學道不日成 Ilamentthatyourstudieswillsoonbecomplete如何早離金仙師 Howisitthatyoutakeleavesosoonofyourgoldensaintly

master271想君似我乏供給 Ithinkyoulikemeareinstraightenedestate不得已故得相辭 Andwethushavenochoicebuttosayourgoodbyes望君此去逢佳境 Ihopeafteryouleavehereyoufindaplaceofhappiness招我薯蕷同充饑 Invitemethenforsomewildyamsandletuseatourfill

together272271IeZhuxianFanxian272GBZSv2p7GBSSv4p335IriyaldquoGozanbungakushūrdquopp289-91

166

Asinthemoreexplicitlypoliticalpoemsencounteredalreadywarandsocial

unrestfigureprominentlybutthisversearrivesataconclusionthatisintriguingly

ambiguousThefinalcoupletoffersawarmentreatythatbespeaksatleastthe

possibilityofenjoymentamidstprivationyettherestofthepoemclearlybelies

Chūganrsquosconfidencethataldquoplaceofhappinessrdquocaninfactbefoundorthatthetwo

friendsreallywillseeeachotheragainOtherfeaturessuchasself-interrogation

andlanguagesuggestiveofeverydayspeecharehighlytypicalofChūganrsquoswork

whiletheinsertionofametacouplet(ldquoDriftingcloudsandflowingwaterleaveno

fixedtraceThereisbutthefaintesthopethatwewillevermeetagainrdquo)itselfpart

ofanekphrasticaccountofthewritingprocessisuniquetothispoemEvenby

ChūganrsquosstandardsthepieceisunusualintherangeoftopicsitcoversThegazeof

thepoetmovesgraduallyfromalargethematicspace(medievalJapan)anda

universaloratleastwidelysharedemotionalexperience(livingintimesofstrife)

toanintimatespace(theZenmonasticcommunity)andasinglemomentinthearc

ofaparticularfriendship

ForChūganpersonalexperienceandsocietalexperiencewereimbricatedto

adegreeunseeninthepoetryofhiscontemporariesThisisnotofcourse

equivalenttoclaimingthathefeltthesufferingofothersorthetumultofhisage

morekeenlythandidotherpoetsonlythathewasmorewillingthantheywereto

directlythematizeviolenceandsufferinginhisworkAtthispointitisnaturalto

wonderwhetherChūganeverdidexpressinpoetrythesamesortofadvocacyfor

unitaryimperialgovernancendashandforaroyalmonopolyonmilitaryforcendashthathe

167

espousedsoforcefullyinhismemorialtoGo-DaigoAsmightbeinferredfromthe

materialsurveyedherenearlyearlyeveryversethattouchesuponthepolitical

situationduringthe1330sseemstoechothedenunciationofwarandmilitarism

putforthintheldquoKeikenrdquochapterofChūseishiaworkthatlikemostofthepoems

treatedabovewaswrittenafter1333Onefeaturesharedbyallofthesepoemsis

thattheywereeitherunbiddenldquodeclarativerdquoresponsestoworldlyeventsor

ldquodialogicrdquoproductsofprivateexchangeswithclosefriendsYetfornotedGozan

writersespeciallythosepatronizedbyshogunsorpowerfulprovincialleaders

poetrynolessthanprosecouldsometimesserveentirelyprofessionalendsA

cleardemonstrationofthisisthenumberofinscriptions(JmeiCming銘)

preservedinGozancollectionsincludingTōkaiichiōshūthesemightbeengraved

uponnewlycasttemplebellsandothervaluedobjectsandtheyoftenconcluded

withformaltetrasyllabicpoemsInChūganrsquoscasethesocialandfinancialsupport

hereceivedfromSadamunecouldwarrantreciprocationintheformofpublicbelle-

lettristicsupportforŌtomofamilyobjectivesThatthisarrangementmighthave

resultedinatleastsomeldquopro-Kenmurevolutionrdquopoetryisrevealedbythefollowing

versewhichisuniqueinformandthematiccontent

軍士圖

SoldiersinFormation 沈而思 Immersedtheyponder呑而知 Imbibingtheyknow承歟乘歟 DowetakeitonDoweride兵莫持疑 Amongthesoldiersnotonehasdoubts笑而喜 Laughingtheyrejoice

168

嗔而恚 Scowlingtheyrage壯哉驕哉 HowstrongHowproud人馬美矣 Themenandthehorsesndashallsobeautiful273

Seeminglycraftedtoeulogizeadepartingarmyitisdifficulttooverstatehow

differentthispieceisfromanythingelseinTōkaiichiōshūItisclassifiedinthe1764

vulgateeditionasaformalpanegyricorsan(Czan贊)Thisappearstobeunique

tothateditionwhichwaspreparedbythepriestDaigeSōdatsuandpresumably

reflectshispersonalclassificatorychoices274Whilethelackofparatextual

informationprecludeseasycontextualizationwemightsurmisethatChūganwas

askedtocomposethepoemforaspecificcompanyofsoldiersperhapsone

marshaledbytheŌtomointheearlydaysoftheKenmuRevolutionThoughthe

brevityofeachutteranceandthemixingofmetersimpartstoeachhemisticha

staccatorhythmthepieceasawholeishighlysymmetricalandgovernedby

extremelytightparallelismThebeautyofstrongconfidentmenontheeveofbattle

isanunusualthemeforanykanshipoetparticularlyoneofChūganrsquosideological

temperbutasabenedictivepraisepoemldquoSoldiersinFormationrdquoisundeniably

successful

273GBSSv4p363GBZSv2p41274TheeightversesSōdatsugroupedundertheheadingsanarescatteredthroughoutTamamuraTakejirsquosmoderneditionofTōkaiichiōshūSōdatsuseemstohavelistedtheseversesassanbecauseoftheircontent(egofferingpraisetofamousfiguressuchasLanxiDaolongLaoziLieziZhuangziandConfucius)orbecauseoftheiruseofthesolemn-soundingtetrasyllabicmeterwhichisidentifiedasessentialtoaproperzaninthelatefifth-centurycriticaltreatiseWenxindiaolong文心雕龍

169

Withtheexceptionofthisversethepoemstreatedinthischapterare

broadlyunifiedbytheirattentiontopoliticalillsandpopularwelfareAcompelling

casecanbemadethatthewillingnesstotreatthesesubjectsatlengthwasChūganrsquos

mostnotablethematiccontributiontoJapanesekanshiandanoutstanding

contributiontoJapaneseliteraturemorebroadlyInitsunusualformldquoSoldiersin

FormationrdquoalsorevealsChūganrsquosequallynotablewillingnesstoventureoutsidethe

dominantpenta-andheptasyllabicmetersandexperimentwithmetrical

irregularityTheseexperimentsmoreoverwerenotconfinedtospecialsub-genres

suchaspraisepoemsorinscriptionsChūganexperimentedwithmetricalvarietyin

shitoocomposingaseriesofquatrainsintheunusualsix-syllablemeterEven

moreunusuallyforaJapanesepoethealsostudiedtheldquosonglyricrdquoorci詞whilein

ChinaandincludedacompositionofhisowninTōkaiichiōshūTheciwasamajor

poeticgenrebythe11thcenturyandthegradualexpansionofitsthematicand

stylisticrangeranksamongthemostculturallysignificanttrendsinChinese

literatureaftertheTangDynastyBeyondofferingfurthertestimonytotheartistic

adventurousnessofanindividualpoetthesepiecesshedlightonthescopeof

ChineseliteraryformsinmedievalJapan

170

Chapter Five

New Directions in Form Ci Poetry and Hexasyllabic Shi

ItisnosurprisethatinthehistoryofJapanesekanshipoemsinthefiveand

seven-syllablelineshouldpredominatealmosttotheexclusionofallothermeters

TheconcertedstudyofChinesepoetrybeganinJapanonlyintheseventhcentury

bywhichtimethepentasyllabicmeterhadbeendominantonthecontinentfor

severalhundredyearsandtheheptasyllabiclinewasrapidlygainingtraction

ThoughearlyJapanesekanshiwereoverwhelminglypentasyllabicbythemiddleof

theHeianperiod(794-1192)kanshianthologiescontainedmostlyheptasyllabic

eight-linepiecesthatgenerallyconformedtothecomplexrulesofrecent-style

regulatedverse275PerhapsbecausemostHeianpoetswerearistocratstrainedto

appreciatefinedistinctionsandtoupholdexactingstandardsofdecorumthe

prosodicconstraintsofregulatedversedidnotimmediatelygiveriseto

countervailingpressuresforgreaterartisticlibertyAsEdwardKamenshas

observedinrelationtovernacularJapanesepoetryofthesameeratheprotocolsof

publicaristocraticlifesometimesmeantthatcourtersrsquopoemswerenotsomuch

expressionsastheywereperformancesofexpression276

275SteinengerChineseLiteraryFormsinHeianJapanp85276KamensldquoTerrainsofTextinMid-HeianCourtCulturerdquoinAdolphsonetaledsHeianJapanCentersandPeripheries(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress2007)p136SeealsoHelenCraigMcCulloughBrocadebyNightKokinWakashūandtheCourtStyleinJapaneseClassicalPoetry(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1985)pp46-48andp421

171

So-calledldquoancient-stylerdquopoetrywhichdevelopedintandemwithrecent-

styleversebutwasprosodicallyfreerroseinpopularityduringthemedievalperiod

andwaswidelyfavoredbyZenliteratiWhilemanyGozancollectionsstillboasted

animpressivenumberofcarefullycraftedrecent-stylequatrainsregulatedverses

andeventheoccasionalextendedregulatedverse(JhairitsuCpailuuml排律)theless

ornamentedancient-stylewasseentofacilitatedirectlyricalexpressionandcould

beturnedeasilytocausesrangingfromreligiousdevotiontosocialcritiqueYet

withtheexceptionofreligiousencomiainscriptionsanddeathpoemsndashsmallbut

importantsub-genresthatfrequentlyusedthesolemnsoundingtetrasyllabicmeter

ndashfiveandseven-syllablelinesremainedthenorminmedievalJapanregardlessof

subjectmatterortonalprosodyTobroachapointthatwillbeaddressedingreater

detailbelowtheoverwhelmingdominanceamongkanshipoetsofpenta-and

heptasyllabicshiisatleastmildlysurprisingsinceJapaneseliteratiweregenerally

wellacquaintedwithcontemporarytrendsinChinaandnewerpoeticmediasuchas

theci詞(Jshitenshi塡詞)andqu(Jkyoku曲)whichemployedmixedsyllabic

meterswerecomposedbysomeofthesameChinesepoetsalreadywellregardedin

Japanfortheirshipoetry277

Atpresentrelativelylittleisknownaboutthepracticeofcipoetryin

medievalJapanorwhatinfluenceitmighthavehaduponJapanesekanshiasthe

277Owingtothehomophonybetweenthecharacters詞and詩inJapanesethecompoundtermtenshi塡詞whichliterallymeansldquofillingin(themusicalpiece)withlyricsrdquoispreferredwhenreferringtoci

172

topichasreceivedonlysporadicinterestfromscholarsmostofitquiterecent278

TheoldestknowncibyaJapanesepoetwascomposedbyEmperorSaga(r809-23)

andispreservedintheroyallycommissionedcollectionKeikokushū經國集(827)

despitethisearlyimprimaturtheformwouldnotreceivesustainedattentionin

JapanuntiltheearlyTokugawaperiod(1600-1868)279Fewcompletecifrombefore

theseventeenthcenturyremainandnonebutEmperorSagarsquosexplicitlyindicate

theirtunetitles(cipaishihai詞牌)Withouttheseaccurateidentificationrequires

theattentionofaspecialistasthecompositionsappearatfirstglancesimplytobe

unregulatedpoemsofmixedsyllabicmeterIndeedpremodernJapanesecollators

ofliterarycollectaneamayhavebeengenerallyunawareoforunconcernedwith

thehistoricalconnectionbetweenciandmusictheearliestclearindicationthata

Japanesepoetunderstoodcitobelyricssettomusicappearsinthesixteenth-

centuryworkNotesonAchievingPerfectiontheStudyofPoetry詩學大成抄bythe

GozanmonkIkōMyōan惟高妙安(1480-1568)280Whilethematerialconsidered

278SeeMatsuoHatsuko松尾肇子ldquoGozanZenrinniokerushinojuyōrdquo五山禅林における詞の受容Fengxu13(Dec2016)pp60-82NogawaHiroyuki野川博之ldquoGozanni-ryūgakusōnotenshiseisakuRyūzanChūgannoMokurengerdquo五山二留學僧の塡詞製作 龍山中巖の木蘭花Chūgokubungakukenkyū25(1999)pp96-109NogawaldquoChūganEngetsunoSōshishōkai中巖圓月の宋詞紹介Chūgokubungakukenkyū26(1999)pp71-84AnearlyinvestigationofciinJapanisKandaKiichirō神田喜一郎NihonniokeruChūgokubungaku日本における中国文学vol1ldquoNihontenshishiwardquo日本塡詞史話(TokyoNigensha1965)279SagarsquoscimaybefoundinGunshoruijūvol6p562ItissettothetuneldquoAFishingSongrdquo漁歌子andappearstobemodeledcloselyononebytheTangpoetZhangZhihe張志和(c730-810)280ThisworkcontainsJapaneseglossesandexplanationsofmaterialexcerptedfromthelateSongorearlyYuan-eratreatiseShixuedacheng詩學大成(AchievingPerfectionintheStudyofPoetry)SeeMatsuoldquoGozanZenrinniokerushinojuyōrdquopp61-62

173

belowmakesitnearlyimpossibletobelievethatIkōwasthefirsttograspthiseven

inChinatheactualmannerinwhichthecituneswereoriginallysunghadlongbeen

lostandthefewJapanesepoetswhoattemptedtocomposecimayhavesimplyseen

thetunepatternswhichdeterminedmeterrhymeplacementandthepositionof

tonesasakindofchallengenotunliketherequirementsofrecent-styleshi281

SignificantlyChūganrsquospersonalcollectionofwritingsTōkaiichiōshūisone

ofonlytwofromthemedievaleracurrentlyknowntoincludeacompleteciTōkai

ichiōshūhappensalsotobethefirstGozancollectiontofeaturequatrainssetinthe

unusualhexasyllabicmeterwhilesix-syllablelineswereusedfrequentlyinciand

quregularhexasyllabicshiwerequiterareinbothChinaandJapanThischapter

willexaminethesepiecestogetherwithanothercisettothesametunepatternby

oneofChūganrsquosoldercontemporariesandwillattempttosituatetheminrelation

torelevantChineseprecedentsScholarshiponthereceptionandcompositionofci

inpre-TokugawaJapanhasonlyjustbegunandthefactthatChūganrsquosciwasnot

indentifiedassuchuntil1999despiteTōkaiichiōshūhavingbeenavailableinprint

foralmost90yearsshouldsuggestthediscoveriesthatremaintobemadeamong

thevastbodyofGozanpoetryyettobesurveyedBecausebothciseemtohave

beencomposedinthe1320spredatingthehexasyllabicquatrainsbyadecadeor

moreouranalysiswillbeginthere

281OntherulesgoverningciseeMajiaBellSameildquoCiPoetryShortSongLyrics(Xiaoling)rdquoinZong-qiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetrypp245-48

174

兜率寺陋房夜為大風雨所擺搖醒而作 ComposedwhenIwasawakenedinmyramshackleroomatDoushuaiTemplewhich

thankstofiercewindandrainwasbeingjostledabout雨澎滂 Rainfallsinawildonslaught 海雷浪 Theroilingseahaththunderbrought 1313轆轆侵柴牀 Surgingandrumblingitassailsmybrushwoodcot 建瓴 Theeaveslikecaskswithwaterbrimming 潢盈庭 Poolsandpuddlesthegardenfilling 屋欲流兮動不停 Myhutrsquosabouttobewashedawayndashitshakeswithnorelenting 中正禪子住其中 ButwithinresidesthePrelateofBalanceandRectitude 至於此極未為窮 Whoevenbroughttothisextremeisnotamanentrapped睡受三禪天上樂 DozinghereceivesthejoyoftheThirdMeditationHeaven 夢覺又御冷然風 Wakingfromhisreverieheshieldshimselffromicydrafts282

PerhapsowingtotheextremerarityoftheciinJapanthevulgateeditionof

Tōkaiichiōshūwhichwascompiledin1764simplylisteditasanancient-styleshi

NogawaHiroyukihasidentifiedthepieceasonesettothetuneldquoLilyMagnoliasrdquo(木

蘭花)whichappearsinthecollectionHuajianjiandisgenerallytracedtotheFive-

DynastiespoetWeiChengban魏承班(d925)283AsisoftenthecaseinciChūganrsquos

compositionincorporateselementscommontomultiplepoeticgenresrepeateduse

ofthereduplicativebinomespengpang澎滂(Jhōbō)yinyin1313(inrsquoin)andlulu轆

轆(rokoroku)evoketheverbosestyleoffuorldquorhapsodiesrdquo(Jfu賦)whilethe

trisyllabiclinesrecallyuefu(Jgakufu樂府)Therhymeschemeismixedina

mannertypicalofciwhichusesstrophes(asopposedtocouplets)asthebasic

282GBSSv4p354283NogawaldquoGozanni-ryūgakusōnotenshiseisakurdquop105-06

175

structuralunit284HeretheendrhymesswitchinEarlyMandarinfromndashaŋ(滂浪

牀)inthefirstthreelinestondasheŋ(瓴庭停)inthefourthfifthandsixth285

Whereasinshinarrowlydefinedthesamesyllabicmeterisgenerally

retainedthroughouttheentiretyofthepoemciusuallyemploylinesofvariable

lengthThisenablesgreatvarietyinrhythmandreflectsthestructureofthemusic

towhichthelyricswereoriginallyset286Thespecific3+3+7syllabicpatternofthe

firsttwostrophesofChūganrsquosciisidentifiableasfarbackasHan-erayuefuandit

appearsincompositionssuchasDuFursquosfamousldquoBalladoftheArmyCartsrdquo(兵車行

c750)Whilethismediumlengthworkispredominantlyheptasyllabicitopens

withasinglestanzathatiscloselyanalogoustothestrophesfoundinci

車轔轔 Thecartsgoclikety-clack 馬蕭蕭 Thehorseswhinnyandneigh 行人弓箭各在腰Withbowsandarrowsattheirwaiststhesoldiersmarch

awayhellip287

284ThetermstropheindicatesaunitofverseendinginarhymeincitheymaybecomprisedofonetofourindividuallinesSeeSameildquoCiPoetryrdquop248285ReconstructedpronunciationshereandelsewherefollowEdwinGPulleyblankLexiconofReconstructedPronunciationinEarlyMiddleChineseLateMiddleChinese

andEarlyMandarin(VancouverUnivofBritishColumbiaPress1991)AsnotedinChapterThreeEarlyMandarinreferstothelanguageofthefourteenth-centuryrimebookZhongyuanyinyun中原音韻somescholarsincludingMichaelFullertermthislanguageMiddleMandarin286SameildquoCiPoetryrdquopp245-46287QTS21611ldquoBalladoftheArmyCartsrdquoisanancient-stylepoemofmixedmeter(雜言古詩)representativeofatypeofnarrativepoemtermedaldquosongballadrdquo(CgexingJkakō歌行)ExamplesmuchbelovedinJapanareBaiJuyirsquosldquoBalladoftheLuterdquo琵琶行andldquoSongofEverlastingSorrowrdquo長恨歌ldquoBalladoftheArmyCartsrdquoalsoappearsinthewellknown18thcenturyanthologyTangshisanbaishou唐詩三百首(ThreeHundredTangPoems)whereitisclassedasaheptasyllabicyuefu

176

ThelastfourlinesofChūganrsquosciwhichcompriseitssecondsectionorldquoverserdquo

(CqueJketsu )returnthereadertothetypeofprosodicsymmetry

characteristicofshiTheselinesinvokebothBuddhismandallusively

Confucianismwhilemaintainingtheplayfulchattyqualityofthefirstsection

Togethertheunbalancedhemistichesmirrortwodifferentaspectsofthepoetrsquos

psychologicalexperiencethequiescentjoyofmeditationpunctuatedbytheexciting

tumultofastorm

NogawatheorizesthatChūganwasfirstintroducedtocibytheexpatriate

monkRyūzanTokken龍山徳見(1284-1358)afellowZenprelatewhowasofa

differentRinzailineagebuthadalsostudiedunderGulinQingmao288Fora

JapanesemonkRyūzanwasunusuallywellestablishedintheChineseChan

communityandwashighlyfamiliarwiththeliterarycultureofthemajorsouthern

monasteriesHehadalreadybeenlivinginChinafor24yearswhenChūganmet

himattherenownedmonasteryYunyansi雲巖寺in1325andhewouldnotreturn

toJapanuntil1349Ryūzanhastohiscreditonesurvivingcithatisalsosettothe

tuneldquoLilyMagnoliasrdquoItsheavyuseofallusionandstronglyreligiouscharacter

makeitconsiderablyhardertointerpretthanChūganrsquosthesefeaturesalsosuggest

thattheworkwasprobablynotRyūzanrsquosfirstattemptatci

288RyūzanbelongedtotheHuanlong黄龍lineagewhileChūganbelongedtotheYangqi楊岐bothofwhicharoseintheNorthernSongGulinseemsnottohavebeenparticularlyconcernedwithestablishingconsistenttransmissionthroughasingledharmalineagereportedlyacceptingdisciplesprincipallyonthebasisoftheirskillincomposinggatha偈頌SeeNogawaldquoGozanni-ryūgakusōnotenshiseisakurdquop99

177

送有知客參黄龍 呉人 SeeingoffVisitorsrsquoOfficerYouWhoisGoingtoJointheHuanlongSchool

(HersquosaManofWu)289

蘇州有 WersquovegotlsquoeminSuzhou常州有 WersquovegotlsquoeminChangzhou 擬議思量成過咎 Exercisingthemindwithdeliberationistofallintoerror 收驢脚 Sowithdrawyourdonkeylegs 展佛手 AndextendyourBuddhahand 道火何曾燒著口 Evenifyouspeakfirehowcouldyourmouthbeburned 處處秋林落葉黃Everywhereautumnwoodsaredeckedwithfallenleavesofgold 處處春風鬧花柳Everywherevernalbreezesrousetheblossomsandwillows 還它有眼定古今 Ifyoudefertothoseoftrueinsighttodeterminepastandpresent六六元來八十九 Thensixbysixturnsouttobeeighty-nineafterall290

TotakethelastlinefirstNogawasupposesittobeadeliberatelynonsensical

propositionthatrepudiatesconventionaltruthThecharacters六六areconstrued

assixtimessixonthebasisofwhatwouldappeartobeasyntacticallyhomologous

linefromoneofGulinrsquospoems九九依然八十一whichplainlyseemstosayldquonineby

nineisasusualeighty-onerdquoToassumestrangenessorincomprehensibilitytobe

anintendedfeatureofthetextandnotaneffectofcurrentcriticallimitationsis

alwaysariskybusinessbutNogawarsquoshypothesisiscompellingsolongasRyūzanrsquos

lineisunderstoodtoworkgrammaticallylikeGulinrsquosthisinturnseemsa

reasonablesuppositionasitisunlikelythatacopyistrsquoserrorcouldresultin三十六

289ThetitleisdifficulttounderstandAzhike知客(Jshika)wasoneofthesixadministrativeofficersatatemple(六頭首)andwaschargedwithreceivingvisitorsYou有appearstobehisfamilynameandNogawabelievesthesmallercharacters呉人belowthetitleidentifyMrYouassomeonefromtheWuareatheopeninglinesofthepoemseemtopunhumorouslyonhisnameandplaceofbirth290GBSSv3p278

178

appearingas八十九Wemightofferfurthersupportfortheinterpretationby

notingthatifRyūzanrsquospurposewasindeedtopositanarithmeticidentitythatis

logicallyabsurdhehaschosenhisnumberswelleighty-nineisprimewhilethirty-

sixcontainsmoredivisorsthananyintegersmallerthanitmakingitaso-called

ldquoanti-primerdquoorhighlycompositenumber291

ThehumorousopeninglinesalludetoapopularNewYearrsquoscustominthe

SuzhouregionthehistoricalcenterofWu呉cultureonNewYearrsquosevechildren

wouldshoutmaichidai賣癡獃ldquoduncesforsalerdquoasiftoinvitebuyersfromother

regionstohelpreducethesurplusofidiotstraditionallyheldtoresideinWu292

Howexactlythisconnectsconceptuallywithwhatfollowsisdifficulttodetermineit

isconceivablethattheidiotsareinthiscasethosewhodoexercisetheirmindsin

ratiocinationandtherebyfallintoerrorNogawanotesthatthepracticeoflikening

onersquoshandstothoseoftheBuddhaandonersquoslegstothoseofadonkeyistraceable

tomethodsofChaninstructionusedbythepatriarchoftheHuanglongschool

291Thereremainsofcoursethepossibilitythatthereisinfactalegitimatearithmeticconnectionbetween六六and八十九(whateverthesecharactercombinationsaretakentomean)orthatthepurposeofthelineistopresentakindofnotationalpuzzleforthereadertointerpretandsolveIf六六and八十九areallowedtobereadasshorthandfortwodifferentmathematicaloperationsthensuchconnectionsmaybefoundegif八十九istakennotaseighty-ninebutastheproductof810and9and六六isallowedtomean6(sixfactorial)thenwewouldhavethelegitimaterelation6 5 4 3 2 1=8 10 9=720Moderngamesofthissortarequitecommonldquoperfect3srdquoforinstancepresentsexpressionssuchas333=7andasksreaderstocreatetrueequationsusingonlythesenumbersandbasicoperationseg(3divide3)+3=7292NogawaldquoGozanni-ryūgakusōnotenshiseisakurdquopp99-100ThecustomwasevidentlywidelyrecordedamongthecollectedworksofthepoetFanChengdawhosepossibleinfluenceuponChūganwasdiscussedinChapterFourisacientitledldquoSellingDuncesrdquo賣癡獃

179

Huinan慧南(1002-69)293Likethefinallineofthesecondversethefinallineofthe

firstversealsomakesaseeminglyparadoxicalclaimandtheoveralllessonofthe

poemseemstobethatrationaldiscursivethought(擬議思量)cannotleadto

enlightenment

Astheseexamplessuggestcimayemploysyntacticrhythmsandpatternsof

metricalvariationseeninolderformssuchasfuandyuefuandtheymayalso

includewholesectionsthataremetricallyregularandprosodicallyakintoshi294

Pointsofoverlapbetweentheciandshiwereinfactnumerousandlongstanding

andthegradualexpansionofthecirsquosthematicrangeduringtheSongDynasty

eventuallygaverisetocriticaldiscussionsofwhatitsproperpurviewoughttobe

vis-agrave-vistheolderandmoreprestigiousshi295EliteliteratilikeSuShibroughtthe

refinedsensibilitiesofshitotheciwhiletheleadingcipoetoftheNorthernSongLi

Qingzhao李清照(1084-1151)criticizedSursquoseffortsasyieldingldquonothingbutshi

withirregularlinesrdquo296BythetimeChūganarrivedinChinaithadlongbeenthe

casethatpoetsknownprimarilyforcomposingshiwouldalsocomposecievenif

fewwouldhavewishedthisfacttobeartooheavilyupontheirownliterary

293Ibidp102294NotethatinthesecondsectionofChūganrsquoscithecharactersattheendofthesecondandfourthlines風and窮behavepreciselyastheywouldbeexpectedtoinshibotharelevel-tonewordsandalthoughtheyareonlyslantrhymesinModern

MandarintheyrhymecompletelyinbothEarlyMandarin(fuŋkʰjuŋ)andMiddleChinese(fjywŋkɦiwŋ) 295OnconnectionsbetweenearlyciandshiseeShuen-fuLinldquoTheFormationofaDistinctGenericIdentityforTzrsquourdquoinPaulineYuedVoicesoftheSongLyricinChina(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1994)pp14-17296XindaLianldquoLongSongLyrics(Manci)rdquoinZong-qiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetryp263

180

legacy297Whileitisdifficulttoascertainwhetherornotthestudyofciplayeda

meaningfulroleinencouragingChūgantobemoreexperimentalinhisshiitseems

fittingthataftertryinghishandatcicompositionhewouldlaterventuretocompose

shiintheunorthodoxhexasyllabicmeterCimadefrequentuseofsix-character

linesandhexasyllabicshioftenusedlanguagethatwascomparativelycolloquial

andprosaicWeiShaoshenghassurmisedthatthedevelopmentofciwasinfact

influencedbyhexasyllabicshi298giventhatshiemployingthatparticularmeter

whilealwaysraredidbecomemoreprevalentaftertheTangitalsoseemspossible

thattheburgeoningpopularityofciamongseriouspoetslikeSuShifostered

increasedcompositionofsix-syllableshi

ThefourhexasyllabicshiincludedinTōkaiichiōshūareinformalvignettesof

ChūganrsquostravelsaroundaruralestateineasternJapantheyaredescriptivebutnot

austereusingordinarylanguageandavoidingtheimagisticdensityoftenassociated

withSongandYuan-eradescriptivepoetryThereisnoindicationastowhyhe

chosethisastheoccasiontoexperimentwithanovelsyllabicmeterbutinsofaras

hewasclearlycomfortabletreatingjourneysandlandscapesinverseitispossible

thathefeltanewventureinformwasmorelikelytobesuccessfulifthetopicwasa

familiarone

297SeeRonaldCEganldquoTheProblemoftheReputeofTzrsquouDuringtheNorthernSungrdquoinYuedVoicesoftheSongLyricpp191-225298WeiShaoshengLiuyanshitiyanjiu(BeijingSocialSciencesAcademicPress2010)pp183-203

181

利根山行春LateSpringintheMountainsofTone299

陰涯或有残雪 平平仄仄平仄春溪 平平仄仄平平風日乍寒乍暖 平仄仄平仄仄杖屨且留且之 仄仄仄平仄平ShadycragsndashsomewithremnantsnowSpringtimestreamsndashhalffullwithicefromthemeltWindandsunshinendashitrsquoscoldoneminuteandwarmthenextOutfittedforthehikeItarryandgotarryandgo白雲溶溶洩洩 仄平平平仄仄 流水潺潺湲湲 平仄平平平平乗興行春未盡 平仄仄平仄仄胡為倦烏先還 平平仄平平平WhitecloudsundulatingsoftlyStreamsbabblinggently300IshalltakeadvantageofthefactthatspringisnotyetoutHowcouldItireHowcouldIturnback301 299ldquoLatespringrdquorenders行春whichinthisusageliterallymeansldquodepartingspringrdquoAnothermorespecializedmeaningthatmayalsobegermaneisldquospringtimeinspectiontourrdquowhichdescribesthecustomofofficialsconductinginspectionsonfootorhorsebackoncewinterhadendedofplacesundertheirjurisdictionItwasnotuncommonforZenmonkstobetaskedwithadministrativedutiesontemplepropertiesoronestatesheldbyprivatepatronsgiventhatTonewasanŌtomofamilyshōenitispossiblethatsuchaninspectiontourwasthecontextforthetravelsdescribedinthepoems300TheimageryandheavyuseofreduplicativebinomesisstronglyreminiscentofacoupletbytheChanmonkZhengjue正覺(1091-1157)whichispartofthesixthverseofhisseriesldquoTwoHundredandFiveGathasrdquo偈頌二百零五

溶溶洩洩山上雲 Undulatingsoftlyndashthecloudsoverthemountain 潺潺湲湲山下水 Babblinggentlyndashthestreamatitsbase301Inthethirdlineif行春 istakentomeanldquospringtimeinspectiontourrdquothelinewouldmeanldquoIshalltakeadvantageofthefactthatmytourhasnotyetfinishedrdquo

182

枯藤屈曲蟲盤 平平仄仄平平怪石斕 仄仄平平仄平拒暘雪積巌罅 仄平仄仄平仄揺緑春囘燒痕 平仄平平平平DriedoutwisterialiecoiledlikewormsStrangerocksofvariegatedcolorsresemblecrouchingbeastsTheyblockthesunrsquosraysallowingsnowtoaccumulateinthecrevicesAmidstswayinggreenspringreturnstoreclaimgroundoncecharredbywildfire302 山深風俗淳朴 平仄平仄平仄民楽無懐之時 平仄平平平平溪梅別有風韻 平平仄仄平仄野質村姿更奇 仄仄平平仄平 DeepinthemountainscustomsaresimplePeopleareateaseasinthetimeofWuhuai303PlumblossomsinthevalleypossesseleganceunmatchedYettherusticityofthefieldsandbeautyofthevillagesismorecharmingstill

DatingtheseversesisdifficultbutthereferencetoToneinthetitlesuggests

theywerelikelycomposedafter1337Between1337and1359Chūganspentpart

ofnearlyeveryyearatoneoftwoŌtomofamilypropertiesineasternJapan

WisteriaValley(Fujigayatsu藤谷)andToneEstate利根庄thelatteramountainous

demesneinwhatistodayGunmaPrefectureToneEstatewasthesiteforthe

302ThelanguagehererecallsthelineldquoSittingdownIseethespringreturntogroundoncecharredbyfirerdquo坐看春回入燒痕fromaquatrainbythemonkHuihui慧暉(1097-1183)HuihuirsquospoemisincludedinthewellknownseriesNineteenVersesEulogizingtheOld頌古十九首compiledbytheChanmasterFaquan法全(1114-69)TheseriescontainsbothshiandcianditstitlemaybeanodtotheNineteenOldPoems古詩十九首afoundationalgroupofearlypentasyllabicshi303Wuhuaishi無懐氏(JMukaishi)isamythicalrulerwhoissometimesplacedinthegenerationjustafterFuxi伏羲andthecreatorgoddessNuwa女媧orasinShijiinthemuchlatergenerationjustprecedingtheYellowEmperorHiseraisinvokedheretofigurepeaceandpopularcontentment

183

templeKichijōji吉祥寺builtwithŌtomosupportin1339andheadedbyChūgan

andanattachedZenretreatcalledShishian止止庵304Theseplacesofferedprivacy

andrespiteduringthedifficulttimesfollowinghisrejectionoftheSōtōsectand

adoptionofDongyangDehuirsquoslineofRinzaiZenThefourversesarelistedinthe

vulgateeditionofTōkaiichiōshūashexasyllabicquatrains六言絶句Though

somewhatmorecommonthanhexasyllabicregulatedversesquatrainsinthismeter

arestillextremelyrareOftheapproximately48000shiintheQuanTangshi全唐

詩onlyabout150arehexasyllabicandthemostprolificuseroftheformZhang

Yue張説(667-730)iscreditedwithjusteightverses305Amongpoetsofwider

reputeWangWeiisknowntohavecomposedsevenhexasyllabicshiLiBaithree

andBaiJuyitwo306NostudyofwhichIamawareexaminestheprevalenceofthe

forminJapanthoughbecauseitspopularitywasrisinginChinathroughoutthe

SongDynastyitislikelythatmanyJapanesepoetswereawareofitAmongGozan

writerstheprincipalusersseemtohavebeenChūganandhisillustriousyounger

compatriotGidōShūshin(1325-88)wholeftnolessthaneleveninhismassive

collectionKūgeshū空華集307

304ThenameofboththetempleandtheretreatalludetotheaphorismldquoGoodfortuneliesinstoppingwhenitistimetostoprdquo吉祥止止whichisderivedfromZhuangzi21ldquoObservethevoidndashtheemptyroomemitsapurelightGoodfortuneliesinstoppingwhenitistimetostoprdquo瞻彼闋者虛室生白吉祥止止(trMairWanderingontheWayp33)GivenChūganrsquosabidinginterestinmoralbalanceandhisviewthatGo-DaigohaddisastrouslyoverplayedhishandintheKenmuRestorationthenamesarewellchosen 305Liuyanshitiyanjiup95306Ibid307GBZSv2pp472-73

184

Thereisdisagreementamongscholarsastowhetherpoemsofthismetercan

infactqualifyasrecent-stylepoetryatallwithsomeoptingtolimitthatdesignation

topenta-andheptasyllabicpoems308Intermsoftonalprosodyhexasyllabicshi

maysometimescontainlinesofwhichfourfiveorinsomecasesallsixwordsare

homotonousandtheso-calledldquoadherencerulerdquo(粘法)ofrecent-styleversewhich

helpstiecoupletstogetherisnotfollowedrigorously309Nonethelesshexasyllabic

shididgenerallyincorporateatleastsomeofthepatternsoftonalalteration

characteristicofrecent-styleversestrongtonalcontrastbetweenwordswithina

singlelineandbetweenlinesofasinglecoupletwasmorecommonthanthelack

thereofandhexasyllabicshialmostalwaysupheldtheessentiallyinviolablerecent-

stylerulethatevenlinesmustrhymeandthatrhymingwordsmustbeinlevel

tone310Thesimilaritieswereevidentlyenoughtomotivateatleastsome

premodernpoetstoincludesix-syllableshiintheircollectionsofquatrainsHong

MairsquosencyclopedicWanshouTangrenjuejuuml萬首唐人絶句(late12thc)forinstance

includes48suchversesndashstillamodestnumbergiventheimmensesizeofthe

work311Inanyeventtheboundarybetweenancient-styleandrecent-stylepoetry

washistoricallyratherfluidwithsomepoemscharacterizedasquatrainsor

308RenBantangTangshengshi(ShanghaiXinhuaShudian1982)309Therulestipulatesthatthefirsttwowordsofthelastlineofonecoupletshouldbeofthesametoneasthefirsttwowordsofthefirstlineofthesucceedingcouplet310Anoverviewoftheconventionsofrecent-stylepoetrymaybefoundinZong-QiCaildquoRecent-StyleShiPoetryPentasyllabicRegulatedVerserdquoinZong-QiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetry(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2008)pp161-77311WeiLiuyanshitiyanjiup150HongMai洪邁(1123-1202)aministerandscholarduringtheSouthernSonginitiallycompiledacollectionof5000TangquatrainsandpresentedittoEmperorXiaozong孝宗thiswassubsequentlyexpandedintoaworkof100volumescontaining100quatrainseachaboutthreequartersofwhichareheptasyllabic

185

regulatedversesbasedseeminglyonthefactthattheysomehowldquosoundedrdquolike

recent-stylepoemsdespitecontainingagreatmanytonalviolations312

Intermsoftheirgrammaticalstructurehexasyllabiclinesdonotscanin

thepatternstypicalofpenta-andheptasyllabiclinesproducingsyntacticrhythms

thatarenotonlystrikinglydifferentbutmorevariableaswell313Incipoetry

associatedwiththeschoolofldquoHeroicAbandonrdquo(ChaofangJgōhō豪放)thesix-

charactermeterwassometimesusedtoproducedramaticandhighlyimagisticlines

thatreliedonpureparataxisandavoidedfinalpredication

名月別枝驚鵲 Thefullmoonslantingbranchesastartledmagpie XinQiji辛棄疾(1140-1207) 孤村落日殘霞 Alonelyvillagethesettingsunlingeringhuesofpink輕烟老樹寒鴉 Lighthazeanagedtreeacrowinthecold BaiRenfu白仁甫(1226-1306)

WhiletheconventionsofclassicalChinesegrammardonotadmitofrigidly

definedpartsofspeechndashagivenwordmayfunctionasanounverbadjectiveor

adverbdependingoncontextandsyntacticpositionndashtheselineseffectivelycontain

312OwenReadingsinChineseLiteraryThoughtp432313ThedifferencesinsyntacticrhythmbetweenshiofdifferentmetersarenotnecessarilyapparentifreadingisdoneaccordingtoJapanesekundokuconventions(anymorethansuchdifferencesarenecessarilyapparentinEnglishtranslation)AsnotedintheintroductiontheworkingassumptionofthisstudyisthatChūganwasattentivetothewayhispoemssoundedinChineseEminentkanshipoetswereusuallywelltrainedinmattersoftonalprosodyeventhoughmostdidnotspeakChineseandtheassumptionthatChineseprosodywassignificantforapoetsuchasChūganwhobyallaccountsdidpossessnotableproficiencyinspeakingseemsespeciallywarranted

186

noverbssavethoseusedasparticiples(egthesettingsun落日)andtheyuseno

prepositionsparticlesorotherdevicestospecifygrammaticalrelationsThelines

scaninthe2+2+2semanticrhythmproducingadistinctivestaccatostyleChūganrsquos

versesworkdifferentlymakingfrequentuseofgrammaticalparticlesandfeaturing

linesthatconstitutecompleteornearlycompletesentencesInterestinglythismore

prosaicstylewasnotonlycommoninciandquwhichisunsurprisinggiventhe

vernacularoriginsofthoseformsbutwasalsoamainstayofhexasyllabicshiafact

WeiShaoshengbelievesmayreflecttheinfluenceoffu314Examplesreflectingthe

prosaicstylebyLiBaiWangJianWangWeiandmanyothereminentpoetsappear

plentifulwhenconsideredasafractionofthetotalnumberofsurvivinghexasyllabic

shiandtheversesofldquoLateSpringintheMountainsofTonerdquobearmanysimilarities

toarchetypessuchasthefollowing

題舒州山谷寺石牛洞 WrittenonShiniuGrottoatShanguTempleinShuPrefecture315

水泠泠而北出 Thewaterisclearandcoolandflowsnorth 山靡靡而旁圍 Thehillsarescatteredaboutandencirclethearea 欲窮源而不得 Iwantedtofindthesourcebutwasunabletogetit竟悵望以空歸 IntheendmyhopeswentunrealizedandIreturnedemptyhanded316 WangAnshi王安石(1021-86)314WeiLiuyanshitiyanjiup168 315ShanguTempleismorecommonlyknownasSanzuTemple三祖寺owingtothefactthattheThirdChanPatriarchSengcan僧璨(510-606)onceresidedthereShuPrefectureislocatedinthemodernAnhuiProvince316Ibidp168

187

田園樂七首

SevenPoemsontheJoysofFieldsandGardensno6

桃紅復含宿雨 Peachblossomsflushwithcolorstillholdlastnightrsquosrain柳緑更帶春烟 Willowslushandgreenremainmantledinspringtimemists 花落家僮未掃 Petalsliestrewnaboutandthehouseboyhasyettosweepthemaway鶯啼山客猶眠 Anoriolecallsoutbutthemountaintravelerstaysfastasleep317 WangWei王維(699-759)

OfthetwoWangWeirsquospoemisthemoredescriptiveandthelessinsistently

subject-centeredthoughineachlinewordssuchasldquostillrdquo(復更猶)andldquohasyettordquo

(未)underscorethepoetrsquospersonaljudgmentaboutthesceneSuchwasalsothe

casethroughoutthefirstverseofldquoLateSpringintheMountainsofTonerdquowhich

reliedheavilyuponsimilaradverbialexpressions(或半乍且)andinthesecond

versewhosesecondcoupletfeaturedtwointerrogativelocutions(胡為烏)318The

particlesandconjunctionsinWangAnshirsquosverse(而以)imparttoitastrongly

prosaicqualitythispointcanbeeasilyappreciatedbyimaginingthesecondlineas

onerephrasedinthepentasyllabicmeterwithout而where山靡靡而旁圍yields

ldquothehillsarescatteredaboutandencircletheareardquothetruncated山靡靡旁圍might

bestberenderedldquohillsscatteredaboutencircletheareardquoTogetherwiththeclearly

metaphoricalsecondcoupletndashthewordsldquosourcerdquo源andldquoemptyrdquo空areredolentof

Buddho-Daoistthoughtndashthepoemasawholecouldnotbemuchfurtherfromthe

317Ibidp74318Throughaprocessofparanomasticborrowingthecharacter烏isusedforitssoundwu(EarlyMandarinuMiddleChineseɁuǝ)torepresentthewordldquohowrdquo

188

austerenaturalisticmodeglimpsedinthelinesofHeroicAbandoncibyXinQijiand

BaiRenfu

ThepentasyllabicparaphraseofWangAnshirsquoslineadumbratesafeature

commonnotonlytoChūganrsquoshexasyllabicpoemsbuttohexasyllabicshimore

generallynamelyhowreadilyagreatmanylinesmayberecastintohypothetical

fiveorseven-syllablevariantswithnosubstantivechangeinmeaningForinstance

thefirstcoupletofChūganrsquosthirdverseldquoDriedoutwisterialiecoiledlikeworms

Strangerocksofvariegatedcolorsresemblecrouchingbeastsrdquomightberephrased

intheseven-syllablemeteras枯藤屈曲若蟲盤怪石斕斒似獣蹲whichsimply

makesexplicittherelationsoflikenessimpliedintheoriginalBothlinesnowscan

intheveryfamiliar2+2+3patternbetterstillsince若(ldquoasifrdquo)and似(ldquoto

resemblerdquo)areentering-tonewordsbothlinesnowalignperfectlywithrecent-style

tonalrequirementsSimilarlytheopeninglinesofthesecondverseldquoWhiteclouds

undulatingsoftlyStreamsbabblinggentlyrdquomightbeshortenedfrom白雲溶溶洩洩

流水潺潺湲湲to白雲溶洩洩流水潺湲湲althoughtheresultingtonaldistribution

doesnotaccordentirelywithrecent-styleconventionsthelinesscaneasilyand

theirmeaningremainsunchanged

Thisexercisemayseemlittlemorethanaspeculativeindulgencebutit

suggeststherelativeeasewithwhichaparticularpoeticimagemightberealizedin

multiplesyllabicmetersItalsoillustratesacompositionalstrategythatisinfact

knowntohaveinformedtheearlydevelopmentofpentasyllabicshipoetrynamely

theexpansionoffour-syllablelinesintofive-syllableequivalentsviatheuseof

particlesorbinomes(forinstanceusingdaolu道路forldquoroadrdquoinsteadofjustdao道

189

orlu路alone)319Historicallyofcourseheptasyllabicversewasrarebeforethe

TangDynastyandthusplayednoformativeroleinthedevelopmentofhexasyllabic

shiassuchButitseemsquitepossiblethatpentasyllabicpoetrymighthaveandin

anyeventbythetimeChūganwasactivetheseven-syllablelinehadbeendominant

inbothChinaandJapanformanycenturiesmakingmoreorlesscontinuous

interplaybetweenalloftheseformslikelyItisthereforeunsurprisingthatin

additiontotheapparentstylisticinfluenceofearlierhexasyllabicshiastockof

phrasesandpoeticimagesculledfromheptasyllabicpoemssuchasthosebythe

monksZhengjueandHuihuiseemalsotohaveinfluencedtheversesofldquoLateSpring

intheMountainsofTonerdquo

ConclusionCiandSiniticPoetryinMedievalJapan

ThecentralaimofthischapterhasbeentohighlightworksinTōkaiichiōshū

whoseformalpropertieswereunusualforSiniticverseinJapanandtoconsider

theminreferencetorelevantpoeticdevelopmentsinChinaChūganwasnotthe

onlyfigureintheGozanmovementtounderstandthesedevelopmentsbuthewas

evidentlymorewillingthanmostofhiscontemporariestoexperimentwiththemin

hisownverseoratleastmorewillingtopreservetheresultsforposterityYetin

lightoftheextraordinarypopularityandartisticvibrancythecihadachievedin

ChinabytheendofthetwelfthcenturyitsneartotalabsencefromGozan

collectionsisamongthemostcuriousfacetsofGozanliterarycultureandindeedof

319SeeStephenOwenTheMakingofEarlyChineseClassicalPoetry(CambridgeMAHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2006)p74

190

medievalkanshibunmoregenerallyTheproblemitshouldbenotedwasnotalack

ofbasicknowledgetheearliestandmostinfluentialanthologyofciZhaoCongzuorsquos

tenth-centuryHuajianji花間集islongknowntohavecirculatedamongGozan

literati320andseveralotherfamousworksthatdiscussorcontainexamplesofci

suchasShirenyuxie詩人玉屑andJuefanHuihongrsquosLinjianlu林間錄wereprinted

inJapanviawoodblockandpublishedbymajorGozanmonasteries321Giventhe

generalesteemaccordedtoChinesebellelettresitisthusrathersurprisingthat

notableJapanesepractitionersofcididnotappearuntiltheeighteenthcentury

nearlyamillenniumaftertheformrsquosemergenceinChina322

Multipleexplanationsmightbeadducedfortheapparentlackofinterestinci

amongpremodernJapanesepoetsthemostparsimoniousofwhichissimplythat

thenewformwastothemlargelysuperfluoustheshiremainedartistically

sufficientfortheirpurposesandfewJapanesepoetswereinclinedtostudyanew

formwhosemasterydemandedknowledgeofdozensoftunepatternsthat

determinedmeterrhymeschemeandtonalprosodyButtressingthispositionis

thefactthatkanshipoetsbyallindicationswereneverbesetbyasenseof

320SeeKandaKiichirōNihonniokeruChūgokubungakuvol1(TokyoNigensha1965)pp56-7321SucheditionsareknowntodayasldquoGozaneditionsrdquo(Gozan-ban五山版)SeeKandaNihonniokeruChūgokubungakup53322SeeChenZhuhui陳竺慧ldquoNomuraKōennolsquogashirsquotoShindainoshidansonoeibutsushiotegakarinirdquo野村篁園の「雅詞」と清代の詞壇その詠物詞を手がかりにWasedaDaigakudaigakuinbungakukenkyūkakiyō62(Mar2017)pp203-215AsChennotesevenintheEdoperiodciremainedaminorartformoflittleinteresttomostkanshipoetsThefirstJapanesetreatiseofcipoeticsTenshizufu塡詞図譜wascompiledbyTanomuraChikuden田能村竹田(1777-1835)andpublishedin1807

191

belatednessorBloomiananxietyvis-agrave-visthegreatChinesepoetsofthepastnor

didtheyfeelaneedtoescapefromtheweightofanoppressiveshitradition

Meaningfulparticipationinthattraditionwasaccomplishmentenoughandthefact

thatLiBaiorDuFuremainedunsurpassabledidnotdriveJapaneseshipoetsaway

fromthemediumortowardsconspicuousstylisticnovelty323

Anadditionalandperhapsevenmoresalientfactorthatmighthave

motivatedthearmrsquos-lengthapproachGozanmonkstooktocindashreadandreprint

thembutdonrsquotwriteyourownndashwastheformrsquoshistoricalassociationwithwomen

andtheentertainmentquarters324IndeedHuajianjiisdominatedbytheostensibly

femininethemesofloveandabandonment325andtotheextentthatthiscollection

wasthemajorsourceofinformationaboutciinearlymedievalJapanGozanpoets

mighthaveapprehendedtheformasaninherentlyfeminizedoneMoreoverwhile

mostmaleliteratiexpressedvaryingdegreesofdisapprovalforexcessive

indulgenceinciGozanmonksmighthavetakenspecialnoticeofthefactthatitwas

aChanmonkFayunFaxiu法雲法秀(1027-1090)whoofferedthegreatpoetHuang

Tingjian黃庭堅(1045-1105)afamousadmonitionagainstdabblingintheformat

all

323LestthisbethoughtsimplyareflectionofageneralconservatismamongJapaneseliteratiitisworthnotingthatintherealmofvernacularpoetryattemptstobreakfreefromcertaintraditionalpoeticstrictureswerebeingmadeatthistimebywakapoetsoftheKyōgyoku京極schoolandthedevelopmentofseriouslinkedverse(renga連歌)wouldsoonfundamentallytransformJapanesepoetryandpoetictheory324SameildquoCiPoetryShortSongLyrics(Xiaoling)rdquop245EganldquoTheProblemoftheReputeofTzrsquourdquopp194-207andpassim325Sameip251

192

hellipOnedaythedharmamastersaidtoLuzhi(HuangTingjian)ldquoTherersquosnoharminwritingasmanyshiasyoulikebutyoushouldstopcomposingeroticsongsandlittlecirdquoLuzhilaughedldquoTheyarejustwordsintheairIrsquomnotkillinganyoneandIrsquomnotstealingSurelyIwonrsquotbesentencedtooneoftheevildestiniesforwritingthesesongsrdquoThedharmamasterrepliedldquoIfyouusewickedwordstoarouselustinmenrsquosheartscausingthemtoignoreproprietyandviolatethelawthenyourwordswillbeasourceofcrimeandwrongandIrsquomafraidyouwillnotmerelybepunishedwithevildestiniesrdquoLuzhinoddedandsubsequentlystoppedwritingsongs326

AsithappenedHuangTingjiandidnotstopwritingcithoughinhisown

accountofthisexchangetheChanmasterisevenmoreexplicitinhiswarning

opiningthatrebirthintheHellofSlitTonguesawaitsthosewhouseoffensive

language327Notablythemasterisdecidedlyunconcernedwithshianditiseasyto

imagineZenmonksinJapanharboringasimilarprejudiceagainstthecievenasthey

pursuedshicompositionassiduouslyHadthecibeenasartisticallyprominentin

theeighthcenturyasitwasbythetwelfthitmighteasilyhavefoundquick

popularityamongNaraandHeianaristocratswhoatthetimewerethetastemakers

inthesmallworldofJapanesekanshibunandmuchenamoredwithpalace-styleshi

whosethematicsimilaritiestociweresubstantial328Andinsofarasmotifssuchas

clandestineromancesabandonmentandunrequitedloveemergewith

extraordinaryprominenceinvernacularJapaneseproseandpoetryoftheHeianera

itisquiteconceivablethatmalearistocratsofthetimemighthavebeenmore

326QuotedinEganldquoTheProblemoftheReputeofTzrsquourdquopp202withminororthographicchanges327Ibid328SeeKang-iSunChangTheEvolutionofChineseTrsquozuPoetryFromLateTrsquoangtoNorthernSung(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1980)p18citedinLinldquoTheFormationofaDistinctGenericIdentityforTrsquozurdquop16

193

amenabletostereotypicalcithemesthantheirmonasticcountrymenweretobe

fourcenturieslater

194

Conclusion

Gozan Literature in Retrospect

1 KanshibunandtheKokugaku国学LegacyInmodernformulationsofJapaneseliteraturetheGozancorpusoccupiesa

uniquepositiononethatisunquestionablycentraltothehistoryofJapanese

kanshibun漢詩文ndashpoetryandprosecomposedinthetrans-nationaltrans-

linguisticmediumofldquoliterarySiniticrdquondashandyetforthatveryreasonperipheralto

thecanonasawholeToasignificantdegreethisstateofaffairsistheresultofthe

monolingualandphonocentricimperativesthatbegantoinformtheconstructionof

aldquonativerdquoJapaneseliterarycanonintheeighteenthcenturyScholarsassociated

withthekokugaku国学orldquonativestudiesrdquomovementsoughttorecoverthe

indigenouslinguisticandculturalsensibilitiesofearlyJapanTheireffortswere

motivatednotsimplybyphilologicalcuriositythoughmanywereindeedgifted

philologistsbutbyanabidingdesiretodevelopanideologicalalternativetothe

Neo-ConfucianismascendantinTokugawa-eraintellectuallifeThoughcoloredby

ananti-Chineseandanti-BuddhistoutlookthatGozanliteratiwouldundoubtedly

havefoundbizarreanddistastefulthemovementwasextremelyproductive

kokugakuscholarsundertookrigoroushermeneuticalexaminationsofJapanese

textsthathadnotpreviouslyreceivedsuchattentionthemostculturally

consequentialofwhichwouldturnouttobethelittleknownmythohistorical

195

chronicleKojiki古事記(ARecordofAncientMatters712)Equallysignificanttothe

fieldofliterarystudiesweretheirreconsiderationsoffamousvernacularworksof

poetryandprosefictionsuchasIsemonogatari伊勢物語(TalesofIse9thc)Genji

monogatari源氏物語(TheTaleofGenjic1010)Manrsquoyōshū万葉集(Collectionof

MyriadLeaves759)andKokinwakashū古今和歌集(CollectionofJapanesePoems

AncientandModern905)Theseinvestigationslaidthegroundworkforsubstantial

advancesinlinguisticsandlexicography329AndacenturybeforeEnglishliterature

hadearnedaplaceintheBritishacademyalongsidetheGreekandLatinclassicsthe

effortsofkokugakuscholarshelpedestablishtheformalstudyofvernacular

JapaneseliteratureasanacademicenterpriseonparwiththestudyoftheChinese

classicswhichuntilthenhadbeentheonlyldquoclassicsrdquorecognizedassuchinJapan330

Bythelatenineteenthcenturythenativistimpetusbehindkokugakuhad

beenaugmentedbyaburgeoningnationalismasJapansoughttodefineitsplacein

329SeeSusanBurnsBeforetheNationKokugakuandtheImaginingofCommunityinEarlyModernJapan(DurhamDukeUnivPress2003)passimThisisnottosaythatkokugakuwasexclusivelyorevenprimarilyaphilologicalorldquotextualrdquomovementonlythatitsideologicalgoalsnecessitatedtheinterpretationoftextsandthatthisimperativeledtovariouscriticaladvances330Terminologicallyspeakingwordsoftentranslatedasldquoclassicsrdquo(tenseki典籍tenpun典墳)referredmostoftentoChinesetextsSimilarlywordssuchassaigaku才学ldquolearningrdquoreferrednotjusttoknowledgeingeneralbuttoknowledgeoftheChineseclassicsinparticularForexamplethepoetandloverAriwaranoNarihira在原業平(825-80)whoseadventuresarerecountedinIsemonogatariisdescribedinthehistoryNihonsandaijitsuroku日本三代實録asldquoratherbereftofsaigakubutexcellentatcomposingwakardquo略無才學善作倭歌WhiletheprecisemeaningofthislineisthesubjectofongoingdebatethetraditionalviewfirstputforthbykokugakuscholarshasbeenthatthecompilersofSandaijitsurokuwereappraisingNarihirainrelativetermsasbeingunremarkableinChineselearningbutdistinguishedinwakacompositionMeijiacademicsfromthelate1880sonwardwouldbegintofreelyapplythetermkoten古典ldquoclassicsrdquotovernacularJapaneseworks

196

theWestphalianworldorderEuropeanphonocentrismjibednicelywiththe

longstandinganti-logographicbentofkokugakuwhichhadfromitsinception

praisedJapanesekana(andSiddhamscript)whiledisparagingChinese

characters331AndEuropeannotionsofanessentialorganicrelationbetweena

peopletheirspokenlanguageandtheliteraturewroughtfromthatlanguagewere

easytoreconcilewiththeethnocentricclaimsofkokugakuscholarswhowereoften

atpainstoemphasizethealterityofallthingsChineseWhenKadanoAzumamaro

荷田春満(1669-1736)afoundingfigureinthekokugakumovementreferredto

Manrsquoyōshūasldquotheessenceofoutnationaltemperamentrdquo(国風の純粋)hewas

positingthepersistenceinJapaneseliteratureofwhatHippolyteTaine(1828-93)

wouldlateridentifyastheldquoinnateandhereditarydispositionsrdquothatbelongtoa

particularpeopleandaremanifestintheirliterature332Tainewasoneofseveral

WesterntheoristswhoseworkwouldbeenthusiasticallyreceivedbyMeiji-era

scholarsinJapanbothbecauseitansweredcontemporarypedagogicaland

ideologicalneedsandbecauseitdovetailednicelywithlongestablishednativist

convictionsInasimilarveinthereverenceshowntofolksongsbythepoetand

philosopherJohannGottfriedHerder(1744-1803)alignedneatlyinbothitsmotives

331SeeReganEMurphyldquoEsotericBuddhistTheoriesofLanguageinearlyKokugakuTheSōshakuoftheManrsquoyōdaishokirdquoJapaneseJournalofReligiousStudies361(2009)pp65-91332QuotedinWmTheodoredeBaryedSourcesofJapaneseTradition(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1958)pp513HVanLauntransHippolyteTaineHistoryofEnglishLiterature(LondonChattoandWindus1878)p10ThesedispositionscomprisewhatTainefamouslytermsldquolaracerdquothemeaningofwhichasexplainedbyhistorianNathalieRichardsisnotsomuchaldquodeacuteterminismebiologiquerdquobutaldquoformedrsquoespritcollectiverdquoSeeRichardsHippolyteTaineHistoriePsychologieLitteacuterature(ParisClassiquesGarnier2013)p145

197

anditscriticalnomenclaturewithkokugakuscholarsrsquovenerationofsimilarmediain

JapanHerderbelievedthatlanguagewasafoundationalevensacredconstituent

ofapeoplersquosidentityandhisnotionofthesprachgeist(spiritoflanguage)foundan

easyhomeamongMeiji-eratheoristslongaccustomedtotherevivifiedand

repurposednotionofkotodama言霊(thespiritofwords)whichhadbecomea

centralconceptinlateTokugawakokugakudiscourse

Theeventualresultoftheseinteractionswastheformationofanew

academicandideologicalventureknownaskokubungaku国文学orldquonational

literaturerdquowhichbythe1890shadbecomethedominantcriticalparadigm

governingthestudyofpremodernJapanesetextsThoughheirtomuchofthe

intellectuallegacyofkokugakukokubungakuassimilatedEuropeanideasabout

literaryformandhistorythattookthenation-stateasthepreeminentexpressionof

culturalandpoliticaldevelopmentThisimpartedtothedisciplinecertain

ideologicalobjectivesandformalinterestsnotsharedbyitspredecessorWhereas

kokugakuhadplacedparticularemphasisonwakapoetrykokubungaku

emphasizedJapaneseprosefictionwhichsharedmanyattributeswiththe

novelisticwritingthathadwonsuchesteemintheWestAndwhereaskokugaku

hadsoughttouncoveranauthenticprelapsarianYamatoidiomunsulliedby

continentalinfluenceskokubungakuendeavoredtopresentJapaneseliteratureas

theuniquelyidentifiableproductofatranshistoricalculturemore-or-less

coterminouswiththetraditionalgeopoliticalboundariesoftheJapaneseimperium

Inprinciplekokubungakuthushadthepotentialtobequitecapaciousasany

writtenartifactofarchipelaganoriginmightconceivablybeconstruedasfalling

198

withintheboundariesofldquoJapaneserdquoliteratureYetwhileitscanonwasindeed

largerthanthatofkokugakumainlybecauseitdidnotexcludeTokugawa-period

workskokubungakutoostruggledtoaccommodateJapanesekanshibunand

continuedtoprivilegevernaculargenresasthequintessenceofJapaneseliterary

expression

FortheleadinglightsofMeijikokubungakukanshibunwasitwouldseem

stilltooldquoChineserdquoAsearlyas1890thepioneeringkokubungakuscholarHaga

Yaichi芳賀矢一(1867-1927)haddefinedacircumlocutoryldquogracerdquo(yūbi優美)as

theessenceofJapaneseliteraryaestheticsincontrasttotheldquostrengthrdquo(yūsō勇壮)

ofChineseliteratureandtheldquoprecisionrdquo(seichi精緻)ofWesternliterature333

NearlytwentyyearslaterHagawouldarguestronglyfortheincorporationof

kanshibunintoacademictreatmentsofJapanrsquosnationalliterature334butbythenthe

dyehadlargelybeencastInpartkanshibunliteraturewasexcludedbyaesthetic

fiatitslanguagetostatetheobviousaspiredtoartisticeffectsdifferentfromthose

ofwakaormonogataritomostspecialistsofnationalliteratureevenwhenitwas

gooditwasnotreallyJapaneseFurtherpushingkanshibuntothemarginswas

kokubungakursquosformalfocusonthenovelAlthoughkanbunfictionwasnot333HagaYaichiandTachibanaSensaburōedsKokubungakutokuhoninHagaYaichisenshūhenshūiinkaiedHagaYaichisenshūvol2(TokyoKokugakuin1983)pp192-93AsimilarviewwaspropoundedbyMasaokaShikithoughinexplicitrelationtolanguagesheheldWesternlanguagestobeprecise(緻密)andgiventometiculousdescription(叙事詳細)Chinesetobeboldandmagnificent(雄渾雄大)andJapanesetobegracefulandfine(優美繊柔)SeeMatsuiToshihikoldquoMasaokaShikishūrdquoinNihonkindaibungakutaikeivol16(TokyoKadokawaShoten1972)p132334MatthewFraleighPluckingChrysanthemumsNarushimaRyūhokuandSiniticLiteraryTraditionsinModernJapan(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2016)pp6-7

199

unknownitwasvastlyoutweighedinquantityandqualitybyvernacularfictionIn

lightofboththeformidablelinguisticchallengesandlongstandingscholastic

prejudicesagainstfictionitselfitisprobablysafetosaythatthesmallminorityof

JapaneseBuddhistorConfucianliteratiwhopossessedsufficienttechnical

competenceinliterarySinitictocomposefictionalstoriesmarkedbycomplex

characterizationandpsychologicaldepthhadlittleinterestinactuallydoingso

WhileoutstandingJapanesekanshipoetsdidoccasionallyproduceworkssufficient

tomeetwithapprobationinChinandashZekkaiChūshinandAraiHakuseki(1657-1725)

arefamousexamplesndashthereistomyknowledgenoworkofliterarySinitic(or

vernacularChinese)fictionbyaJapaneseauthorthatiscomparableinqualityto

notableworksoffictionbyChineseauthorsortonotablevernacularJapanese

monogatari335

Thethornyissueoforiginalityposedyetanotherproblempremodern

JapanesehistoricalandphilosophicalwritingwasasdeeplysteepedinBuddhism

andConfucianismasEuropeanhistoryandphilosophywasinPlatonismand

AbrahamictheologyButwhilerepublicanRomeandtheancientGreekpoleis

bulkedlargeintheEuropeanimaginationtheywerelongextinctandbore

essentiallynorelationtothepolitiescontrollingItalyandthePeloponnesusinearly

335AsnotedinChapterFourZekkaiexchangedpoemswiththefoundingemperoroftheMingDynastyZhuYuanzhangForHakusekimattersunfoldedmoreserendipitouslyAcollectionofhispoemsseemstohavebeenbroughttotheRyūkyūKingdomandthensubsequentlytoChinawhereaHanlinacademyscholarZhengRenyue鄭任鑰appraisedithighlyandwrotealaudatoryprefaceSeeBurtonWatsonJapaneseLiteratureinChinese(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1976)v2pp13-14andYoshikawaKōjirōHōchōfushiRongozakkiAraiHakusekiitsuji(TokyoShinchosha1971)pp81-193

200

moderntimesBycontrastChinesedynastiesincludingeventheMongolYuan

(1280-1368)andManchuQing(1644-1912)purportedtoupholdidealsofroyal

paramountcyandculturalexcellencethatinprincipleextendedasfarbackasthe

ZhouDynasty(1046-256BC)QingrulerspartookextensivelyofChinesehigh

cultureadoptingBeijingastheircapitalcityandretainingthebasicbureaucratic

machineryoftheirvanquishedMingpredecessorsItwasanapproachthat

contrastsmarkedlywiththatoftheroughlycontemporaneousOttomanrulersof

GreeceandithelpedfosterthesensethatldquoChinardquoasapoliticalandculturalentity

wascharacterizedbyanextraordinarydegreeofcontinuitycertainlyfarhigher

thanthatwhichcharacterizedthevariousearlymodernEuropeanstateswhose

landswereoncehometotheMediterraneancivilizationsofantiquityThissenseof

anldquoeternalrdquoChinalongnotedinEuropeanwritingsonAsiawasalsoverymucha

partofthepremodernandearly-modernJapaneseimaginationInthisconnection

itisillustrativetocontrasttherelationshipthatearly-modernEuropeanpowers

enjoyedwiththefruitsofGreco-RomanculturewithJapanrsquosrelationshiptothe

ChineseculturallegacyWhereastheformerwaslargelycuratorialandrarelyif

evermarkedbychauvinismonthepartofEuropeansthelatterwascomplicated

fromtheoutsetby6thand7th-centuryJapaneserulersrsquodesireforpoliticalparity

withtheSuiandTangcourtsEventheopenhostilitydisplayedtwelvecenturies

laterbyjingoistickokugakupartisansfoundasympatheticdomesticaudiencein

partbecauseQingChinaremainedageopoliticalcompetitortoJapan

FinallythehistoricallegacyofGozanwritersmustbeunderstoodin

referencenotonlytoJapaneseattitudestowardsChinaandtheChineselanguage

201

butalsototheebbingfortunesofinstitutionalBuddhismduringtheTokugawaera

(1600-1868)FormallyspeakingBuddhismwasanldquoestablishedrdquoreligionatleast

insofarastheTokugawashogunatedeterminedtoextirpateChristianityinthe

wakeoftheShimabaraRebellion(1637-38)legislatedtheuseoftemplesascenters

ofcompulsoryreligiousregistrationOntheintellectualfronthoweverthefaith

wasincreasinglyonthedefensiveasNeo-Confucianandkokugakupolemicistsndash

ideologicallyalignedinthisparticularinstancendashattackedbothitstenetsandits

institutionalstructure336Asearlyas1666thedaimyoofOkayamadomainIkeda

Mitsumasaorderedthat598Buddhisttemplesbeabolishedandthatreligious

registrationattemples(tera-uke)bediscontinuedinfavorofregistrationatShinto

shrines(shinshoku-uke)337Similarpolicieswerecarriedoutbyotherdaimyo

sometimesundertheaegisofpromotingShintoandalwayswithaneyetowards

strengtheningdomainalfinancesbyreturningtemplelandstothetaxrollsBythe

endoftheTokugawaperiodactsofviolenceagainsttempleshadoccurredin

multipledomainsandfurtherdespoliationofBuddhistpropertyfollowedinthe

yearsaftertheshogunatersquosdissolution338TheMeijireformersfortheirpartdid

notactuallyseekthewholesaleeradicationofBuddhismndashtheinfamousslogan

haibutsukishaku癈佛毀釋ldquoAbolishtheBuddhaandDestroyShakyamunirdquowasnot

officialpolicyYettheyleftlittledoubtthatBuddhismwasatbesttobeseenasan

unessentialelementintheculturallifeofthenewnationandatworstasan

336SeeMartinCollcuttldquoBuddhismTheThreatofEradicationrdquoinMariusBJansenandGilbertRozmanedsJapaninTransitionFromTokugawatoMeiji(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1986)pp143-167337Ibidp146338Ibidp146

202

unwelcomeadulteranttoShintofromwhichitwastoberigorouslyseparated339

ThiscleavingofBuddhismfromShintoshinbutsubunri神佛分離wasofficialpolicy

anditbroughttoanendalmostamillenniumofinstitutionalreligioussyncretism340

Morethanthisithelpedinstantiateinthereligiousrealmthesamepursuitofpurity

andnationalessencethatsooftenpropelledkokubungakudiscourse

AsaresultoftheseprocessestheGozancorpuswasmultiplyalienatedfrom

themodernunderstandingofJapaneseliteratureitslanguage(oratleastits

orthographyndashmoreonthisbelow)wasChineseitsdominantgenreswereshi

poetryandnon-fictionalexpositoryproseanditseclecticsubjectmatteraimed

mostlyateliteaudienceswasheldtoreflectvaluesthatwerefundamentallyalien

andpossiblyevenanathematotheindigenousJapaneseVolksgeistFully

integratingtheworksofleadingGozanliteratiintotheJapanesecanonwasthus

ideologicallyfraughtinawaythatforexampletheintegrationintotheEnglish

canonofWilliamofOccamrsquostheologicalandscientificwritingswhichareinLatin

wasnotThebroadexclusionofGozanliteratureandotherliterarySiniticwritings

meantthatanimmensevolumeofshipoetryalongwithanimposingbodyof

scholarshipinareassuchasstatutorylawandpoliticalphilosophywasassigneda

moremarginalpositionthanithadinfactoccupiedhistorically341Evenmore

339Ibidpp150-51340Ibidpp151341ThecentralityofkanbuntextstopremodernJapaneseeducationisdetailedextensivelyinHaruoShiraneldquoCurriculumandCompetingCanonsrdquoinShiraneandTomikoYodaedsInventingtheClassics(StanfordStanfordUnivPress2000)pp220-249InsomecaseskanbuntextsconstitutedtheentiretyofacurriculumandoccupiedthebulkofextracurricularreadingTheAshikagagakkōaninfluentialinstitutionofcollegiateeducationforsamuraimaintainedacurriculumcomprised

203

perniciouslybyfosteringtheimpressionthatpremodernandearly-modernJapan

producedhighlyoriginalvernacularpoetsandprosewritersbutnotjuristsand

philosophersthemonolingualcharacterofthekokubungakucanonabetted

essentialistandanti-rationalistclaimsaccordingtowhichJapanunlikeChinaand

theWestwasacultureofaffectiveimmediacynotdiscursivereason

Whilesuchclaimsprovedremarkablydurablecontinuingeventodaytohold

securepurchaseuponthenationalistimaginationitwouldbemisleadingtoimply

thatideologicalfactorsaloneexplaintherelegationofkanshibuntotheperipheryof

theJapanesecanontheydonotNolessgermaneisthesimplefactthatachieving

masteryofliterarySiniticwashardcomparativelyspeakingforJapanesewriters

Evenwithextensiveformaltrainingitisnomeanfeattowriteartfullyinamedium

developedtotranscribealanguagedrasticallydifferentfromthatwhichonespeaks

AndevenifweassumeasiscommoninmuchcurrentscholarshiponJapanese

kanshibunthateducatedwritershadsothoroughlyinternalizedthekundoku訓読

methodsthroughwhichliterarySiniticscriptwasrealizedinJapaneseastomakeits

useldquosecondnaturerdquoitmuststillberememberedthatasaproductivemedium

literarySiniticisnotanalternativeorthographyfortheJapaneselanguageinits

entiretyRatheritisanalternativeorthographyforkundokubun訓読文itselfwhich

isbutoneveryparticularregisterofJapaneseItisofcoursetheoreticallypossible

ofbothBuddhistandsecularChinesetextswiththelatterassuminganincreasinglydominantpositioninthe15thcenturyAsShiraneobserves76percentoftheuniversityrsquosbooktitleswereworksofChineseliteraturephilosophyanddivination16percentwereBuddhisttextsand7percentwereJapanesetextsthatmoreoftenthannotwerewrittenwhollyorpartlyinkanbunegWakanrōeishūAzumakagamiandGoseibaishikimoku

204

thataJapanesewriterrsquosinnermonologuemightbeinsomethingquitecloseto

kundokubuninwhichcasehecouldeasilyputhisthoughtstopaperusingliterary

SiniticwhathecouldnotdowithliterarySinitichoweveristranscribethespoken

languageofanyeraofJapanesehistory342

Therelevanceofthisfacttotheskillofkanshibunwritersortheliterary

valueoftheirworksisdifficulttoassessdisinterestedlyasanysuchassessmentwill

appeartoimplyeithersupportfororresistancetothekokubungakuvalorizationof

vernacularlanguageTraditionallyofcoursethemostcommonassumptionamong

criticshasbeenthatalthoughJapanesekanshipoetsmightpossessestimable

technicalproficiencytheircompositionswillgenerallylacktheartisticpanacheand

ldquoauthenticityrdquoofvernacularJapanesepoemsOnceagaintheproblemwithsucha

conclusionisnotthatitisdemonstrablyfalsebutthatitspremiseonlyinvites

furtherquestionsIfoneprizesspontaneityabovecraftorbelievesthatan

ldquoauthenticrdquopoeticvoicenecessarilyemploysthepoetrsquosspokenlanguagethen

kanshiwillfallshortbydefinitionYetinthecontextofpremodernJapanese

literatureonemaywellaskwhythelineshouldbedrawnatkanshiawakapoetof

thenineteenthcenturymightchoosetocomposeinthelanguageoftheninthwhich

isgrammaticallyneartomodernJapaneseinmanyrespectsbutisnonethelessa

verylongwayfromvernacularSuchcompositionsmoreovermayinvolveasmuch

mentationandcraftasthetypicalkanshiparticularlyforwakapoetswhoarepartial

tothecomplexregimeofwordplaysandrhetoricaldevicesdevelopedoverthe

courseoftheHeianperiod(794-1185)Itisalsoworthrememberingthatdebates342TheseandrelatedpointsaredevelopedmorefullyintheappendedessayldquoKanshibunKundokuandtheJapaneseLanguagerdquo

205

regardingtheartisticmeritofversescomposedspontaneouslyasopposedtothose

carefullyworkedandreworkedoverlongerperiodsoftimehadbeencommonplace

forcenturiesinbothChineseshiandJapanesewakacriticism343Andwhilesome

post-Heianwakapoetsdidaspiretoamoredirectunembellishedstylethefact

remainsthatagreatmanypremodernJapanesepoetsgrantedasecureplaceinthe

kokugakuandkokubungakucanonsweremastersofcraftsticklersforconvention

andeverywherereliantuponanimmensebodyofacquiredtextualknowledge

Henceifunusualartisticqualityorldquoauthenticityrdquoaretheparamountcriteriafor

admissionintothecanonitbecomesdifficulttojustifyconsigningkanshitothe

marginsunlessoneispreparedtodothesametomanymajorwakapoetsofthe

conservativeNijōschoolforexample

Suchanapproachtoclassicalliteraturewouldofcourseresultina

dramaticallysmallerandartisticallyimpoverishedcanonNijōwakaareproperly

canonicalnotbecausetheyappearbrilliantwhenderacinatedfromtheirhistorical

context(theyusuallydonot)butbecausetheywerevaluedhighlybygenerationsof

poetsschooledtoappreciatetheparticularqualitiesoftraditionalcourtlyverse

Thefactthatsuchpoetrygenerallyfailstosatisfymodernaestheticsensibilities

oughtnotbematerialtoitscanonicityespeciallysincethecanonisnotprimarily

envisionedbymodernreadersasprescriptiveandldquowriterlyrdquoinnatureGozan

kanshitooisworthyofstudyandappreciationbecauseitconstitutestheverybestof

343SeeStephenOwenTheEndoftheChineseMiddleAgesEssaysinMid-TangLiteraryCulture(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1996)pp107-129EsperanzaRamirez-ChristensenMurmuredConversationsATreatiseonPoetryandBuddhismbythePoet-MonkShinkei(StanfordStanfordUnivPress2008)pp36-3953-5568-60

206

anesteemedgenrethatwaspracticedcontinuouslyinJapanforovertencenturies

ifitisnotagenrethatanswersadequatelytomodernneedsthecontemporarypoet

mayfreelyabandonitbutforthecritictodothesamewouldbetolettheaesthetic

preferencesofthelasthundredyearsguidethecriticalevaluationofthelast

thousand

Suchconsiderationsnotwithstandingworksofliteraturethatseemingly

transcendtheaestheticandideologicalvaluesthatgovernedtheirproductionare

rightlydeservingofspecialattentionTheseareworksthatlaterreadersmay

approachontheirowntermsandwhichareaestheticallyrewardingevenwhenread

withminimalknowledgeofthesemioticsysteminwhichtheirvarioussymbolsand

motifsoriginallyencodedmeaningInsofarasthepoetryandproseofGozanwriters

rarelysatisfiesthiscriterionthemodernstudentofGozanliteraturemuststillface

thequestionofwhythisimposingcorpusisworthyofintensivestudyOneanswer

wouldreturnusimmediatelytotheissueofcanonformationinthelonguedureacuteeof

JapaneseliteraryhistoryGozanliteratureappearsofminorimportancenotbecause

ofitslowintrinsicqualitybutbecauseitwasexcludedfromearly-modernand

moderncanonsdespitepossessingimpressivethematicbreadthandconceptual

richnessItsometimeshappensinthehistoryofliteraturethattextscanbe

extremelyimportantwithoutbeingparticularlyldquogoodrdquo(earlyMeijiexperimentsin

approximatingthestyleofEuropeanfictionmightbeadducedasonesuchexample)

inthebestGozankanshiwefindtheconverseworksthatwerequitegoodbythe

standardsoftheshigenrendashinthebestcasesevenearningtheesteemofcriticsin

Chinandashbutwhichwerenotenormouslyimportanttothesubsequenttrajectoryof

207

Japaneseletters344EventhishoweverprobablyunderstatesthecaseforGozan

literatureforifitappearstodaytohavebeenlittlemorethanacul-de-sacin

Japaneseliteraryhistoryitbearsemphasizingthatduringthefourteenthand

fifteenthcenturiesleadingGozanliteratiwereinfactveryimportantfigureswho

helpedshapetheelitecultureofthateraandtheirwritingsyieldinsightsinto

medievalJapanesepoeticshermeneuticsandpoliticalthoughtunavailable

anywhereelseTheprincipalsubjectoftheforegoingstudyChūganEngetsu

illustratesthiswithparticularclarityEvenifoneerrsonthesideoftraditional

criticsandremainsskepticaloftheartisticmeritofawrittenmediumsofar

removedfromthespokenvernacularinthematteroforiginalityatleasttherecan

benodoubtthatChūganwasamongthemostoriginalthinkersinallofJapanese

history

SomeGozanwritingsmoreoverdidinfluencedevelopmentsbeyondthe

medievalperiodForinstanceincontradistinctiontoliteratifromhereditary

scholarfamiliesGozanliteratieagerlyembracedSongNeo-Confucianismandwere

thefirsttoproduceannotatedJapaneseeditionsofsuchfoundationalworksasZhu

344HerethereadermightaskwhethertheldquostandardsoftheshigenrerdquowhichhistoricallyspeakingderivedentirelyfromChinesemodelsconstituteanappropriatecriterionforevaluatingJapaneseshiIbelievetheydoandthatmostGozanwriterswouldhavesaidthesame(theidiosyncraticBanriShūku(1428-1502)mightbeoneexception)ItwasnotuntiltheTokugawaperiodthatJapanesekanshipoetsinordertobettertreatthequotidianaspectsofEdosocietybegantowidelyembracerhetoricthatdeviatedmarkedlyfromChinesepoeticnormsOnBanrirsquospoetryseeDavidPollackZenPoemsoftheFiveMountains(AARStudiesinReligionno37NewYorkTheCrossroadPublishingCo1985)p146ForatreatmentofQing-DynastyChineseviewsofldquoJapanizedrdquo(和習)Tokugawa-erakanshiseeGuoYing(HanshiyuhexicongldquoDongyingshixuanrdquodaoRibendeshigezijue(XiamenXiamenDaxuechubanshe2013)pp202-24andpassim

208

XirsquosCommentsontheFourBooksinSectionsandSentences(Sishuzhangjujizhu四書

章句集注)345Gozanscholarshipwouldappearintheworkofphilosophers

FujiwaraSeika(1561-1619)HayashiRazan(1583-1657)andYamazakiAnsai

(1619-82)andisthereforeimmediatelyrelevanttothestudyofNeo-Confucian

thoughtduringtheearlyTokugawaeraFinallyitshouldnotbeforgottenthatfew

Japaneseliterarymovementswhethermodernorpremodernhaverangedsofreely

acrosssovastanepistemeBuddhismConfucianismDaoismandcorrelative

cosmologyformtheintellectualmatrixoftheGozanwriterwhoseprincipalgenres

includedexpositoryessays(ron論)religiouscommentaries(sho疏)sermonsor

disquisitions(setsu説)inscriptions(mei銘)poeticrhapsodies(fu賦)ldquoclassicalrdquo

Chinesepoetry(shi詩)devotionalverses(ge偈)andinthecaseofChūganroyal

memorials(hyō表)Itisacorpusthatgenerouslyrewardscriticalinquirymaking

uniquecontributionstothestudyofintertextualityandphilosophicalsyncretism

withinaspecificallypremoderntransnationalcontext

345Shishokunten四書訓点byGiyōHōshū岐陽方秀(1361-1424)istheseminalworkinthisareabutseveralothernotableGozanscholarslecturedonNeo-Confuciantopicsafactdemonstratedbythemanysurvivingshōmotsu(altshōmono抄物)whichrecordthecontentoftheselecturesSeeYamagishiTokuheiedNihonkotenbungakutaikeivol89ldquoGozanbungakushūEdokanshishūrdquo(TokyoIwanamiShoten1966)pp14-21andAishinImaedaldquoTheZenSectsrdquoinKazuoKasaharaedPaulMcCarthyandGaynorSekimoritransAHistoryofJapaneseReligion(TokyoKosei2002)pp227-54

209

Appendix

Kanshibun Kundoku and the Japanese Language

Theanalysisofkanbun漢文proseandkanshi漢詩poetryleadsquicklyto

conceptualandterminologicaldifficultiessurroundinglanguageandorthography

Sincethe1990sthesedifficultieshavemotivatedseveralnotablechangesinthe

nomenclatureusedbyAnglophonescholarsofEastAsianliteratureswhereitwas

oncecommontoseekanbunrenderedsimplyasldquoChineserdquoandkanshiasldquopoetryin

ChineserdquophraseologiesthatdonotusethewordldquoChineserdquosuchasldquoLiterarySiniticrdquo

ldquoSino-JapaneserdquoldquoSiniticpoetryrdquoandthelikearenowprevalent346Eventheonce

ubiquitoustermldquoChinesecharacterrdquohasbeenreplacedinrecentscholarshipbythe

neologismldquoSinographrdquoandforreasonsthatwillbeaddressedbelowtheJapanese

termskanbunandkanshiarethemselvesoftenavoidedThesechangesreflect

greaterrecognitionoftwofundamentalpointsThefirstisthatthetrans-regional

reachandtrans-culturalimpactofldquoSiniticrdquowritingmakesitusefultodevelopa

nomenclaturethatdoesnotcalltomindaculturalorgeopoliticalconstructas

specificasphraseologiesinvolvingldquoChinardquoorldquoChineserdquomightHeretheskeptical

346ThephraseldquoliterarySiniticrdquoseemstohavebeenpopularizedfirstbyVictorHMairseeldquoBuddhismandtheRiseoftheWrittenVernacularinEastAsiaTheMakingofNationalLanguagesrdquoTheJournalofAsianStudies533(Aug1994)pp707-751ldquoSino-JapaneserdquoisthepreferredtranslationofkanbunforJohnTimothyWixtedseeldquoKanbunHistoriesofJapaneseLiteratureandJapanologistsrdquoinSino-JapaneseStudies102(April1998)pp23-31ldquoSiniticpoetryrdquoisusedbyMatthewFraleighandmanyothercurrentscholarstorenderkanshiseeFraleighPluckingChrysanthemumsNarushimaRyūhokuandSiniticLiteraryTraditionsinModern

Japan(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2016)p20

210

readerwillnodoubtopinethattheshiftismerelycosmeticsincethemodern

EnglishtermChinaalongwiththeJapaneseShinaPersianCīnīSanskritCīnaand

LatinSina(fromwhichisderivedtherootSino-)areallthoughttohavearisenfrom

thesamesourcenamelytheancientstateofQin秦orconceivablythestateofJing

荊347NonethelessitisdifficulttodenythatldquoSinographrdquoandsimilarneologismsdo

notsuggestmodern-daylinguisticorpolitico-culturalreferentssoreadilyTheir

relativeopacityinthisregardmakesthemwellsuitedtoapplicationinmore

specializedacademiccontextswherethemildinconvenienceofnewvocabulary

maybepreferabletotheconnotativebaggageentailedbymorecommonterms

Thesecondfundamentalpointisthatcaremustbetakentoavoidconflating

orthographywithlanguageAsamodeofinscriptionkanbunwassothoroughly

adaptedtotheJapaneselanguageviathedevelopmentofkundoku訓読that

Japanesewritersofkanbunproseandkanshipoetryneedneverhaveconceivedof

themselvesaswritinginalanguagethatwasanythingotherthanldquoJapaneserdquono

matterhowcloselythetextstheyproducedhappenedultimatelytoconformto

orthodoxChineseusageAndtheldquodomesticityrdquoofkanbunemergeswitheven

greaterclarityoutsidetherealmofhighliteratureTocountlesspremodern

governmentofficialsmerchantsandliteratewarriorskanbunbroadlyconceived

347EndymionPWilkinsonChineseHistoryAManual(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2000)p753SeealsoJoshuaAFogelldquoNewThoughtsonanOldControversyShinaasaToponymforChinardquoSino-PlatonicPapers29(Aug2012)SuZhongxiang positedthenameofthestateofJingastheoriginofthetermZhina支那whichwasfirstusedbyIndianmonksandcenturieslatergainedcurrencyinearly-modernJapanSeeldquoLunlsquoZhinarsquoyicideqiyuanyuJingdelishihewenhuardquoamp$13Lishiyanjiu134(April1979)pp34-48citedinFogelp13

211

wassimplythemostnaturalmediumofrecordforawidevarietyofordinary

workadaypurposesWhetherthedocumentstheyproducedusedSinographsin

accordancewiththesemanticandsyntacticnormsoflanguagessuchasOldChinese

(c600BCndash0AD)MiddleChinese(c0ndash800AD)ortheearlyandmiddlestages

ofMandarin(800ndash1600AD)orwhethertheywouldhavebeenintelligibleatallto

adenizenofthecontinentwasentirelyimmaterialtotheirutilityinJapan

Inthisconnectionitisimportanttorememberthatthewordldquokanbunrdquoisa

superordinatetermthatcanbeappliedtoanextremelywidespectrumoftextsIn

modernJapanesenomenclatureoneendofthisspectrumisoccupiedbywhatare

sometimescalledjunkanbun純漢文orldquopurekanbunrdquotextstheseareentirely

logographicandadherecloselytoconventionsofusagetypicalofwhatiscalled

wenyanwen文言文inmodernChinaandldquoliteraryChineserdquoorldquoclassicalChineserdquoin

theWestThisisthekindofwritingthatpredominatesthroughoutsuchworksas

Nihonshoki日本書紀(c720)Honchōmonzui本朝文粋(mid11thc)andmost

Japaneseanthologiesofshi詩poetryTherestofthespectrumisoccupiedbytexts

thatuseChinesecharactersinwaysthatdepartinvaryingdegreesfromthenorms

ofliteraryChineseSuchtextsaresometimesassignedtocategoriessetexplicitly

againstjunkanbunsuchaswashūkanbun和習漢文(ldquoJapanizedkanbunrdquo)orhentai

kanbun変体漢文(ldquodeviantkanbunrdquo)Alternativelythewritingstylemaybe

describedinreferencetoatextualcategoryofwhichitischaracteristiceg

kirokutaikanbun記録体漢文(ldquodocument-stylekanbunrdquo)whichfromapurely

linguisticperspectiveissynonymouswithldquoJapanizedrdquoorldquodeviantrdquokanbunandis

212

simplyanalternativetermonemightencounterinthefieldofJapanesediplomatics

(komonjogaku古文書学)FinallyperhapsbecauseJapanrsquosoldestextant

mythohistoricalworkKojiki古事記(710)haslongreceivedspecialvenerationits

scriptisoftendescribedasldquokanbunthatbendstherulesrdquo(hensokunokanbun変則

の漢文)amorerespectfulphraseologythanldquohentaikanbunrdquo

Worksemployinganytypeofkanbunmayofcoursebeenunciatedorldquoread

outrdquoinliteraryJapaneseviatheapplicationofkundokurulesSignificantlyfor

presentpurposesalthoughkundokuisoftenunderstoodprimarilyasamethodof

translationalreadingitcouldalsoserveasasetofinstructionsmdashaldquoprogramrdquoof

sortsmdashforcomposinginkanbunwithoutanydirectknowledgeoftheChinese

languageassuchMoreinterestingstillisthefactthatthekanbuntextresulting

fromsuchaprocedureneednotbeldquodeviantrdquoorldquoJapanizedrdquoatallToreiteratea

pointraisedearlieraJapaneseauthorwithprofoundexpertiseintheconventionsof

kundokuyetentirelyignorantofanyChinesedialectcouldintheorywriteatextin

kanbunthatisindistinguishablefromliteraryChinesetextswrittenbyChinese

authorsThepowerofkundokuisthustwo-folditenablesessentiallyanyliterary

ChinesetexttobereadasifitwereencodingmeaninginJapanesealbeitinarather

specializedregisterofJapanese(moreonthisbelow)anditenablesanauthor

speakingorthinkinginthatregistertowriteldquoJapaneserdquousingSinographsina

mannerfullyconsistentwithChineselinguisticnorms

ItisforthisreasonthatDavidLuriehascautionedagainstinvokingtheterms

ldquoJapaneserdquoandldquoChineserdquotodistinguishbetweensaythelanguageofKojikiandthat

ofNihonshokibothofwhicharewrittenentirelyinSinographsForwhileitistrue

213

thatthelatteradheresmorecloselytoliteraryChinesenormsandcanberead

smoothlyasChinesebothtextsareequallyrealizablethroughkundokuandthus

equallyreadableasJapanese348EvenaChineseworksuchastheeclecticHuainanzi

淮南子animportantsourceforthecompilersofNihonshokicouldbeapprehended

asaJapanesetextbyareaderhighlyskilledinkundokuyetsomehowunawareof

Huainanzirsquoscontinentalprovenance

Kundokuisindeedanastonishingachievementinlinguistictechnology

utterlywithoutparallelinWesternlanguagesandmoreextensivelydevelopedthan

similarsystemsknowntohaveexistedinKoreaandVietnam349Moreoverin

specificallylinguistic(asopposedtoculturalorldquoliteraryrdquo)termstheexistenceof

kundokuundeniablyunderminesthecommoncomparisonofkanbuninJapanto

LatininEuropeasLuriehasobservedwhileanearlymodernEnglishwritermight

beextremelyproficientinLatintherewasnosystematicsetofstructuralandlexical

equivalencesallowinghimtomentallyprocesswrittenLatinasEnglishYetforthe

purposesofthisstudyandforthestudyofJapanesekanshibunmoregenerallyI

believecautionisinorderwhenoptingfornomenclaturesthatinattemptingto

redressthesimplisticsuppositionsofearlierscholarshipeschewreferenceto

348LurieRealmsofLiteracyEarlyJapanandtheHistoryofWriting(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2011)p180349MethodsanalogoustokundokuareknowntohaveemergedontheKoreanPeninsulasometimepriortotheiremergenceinJapananditislikelythateacutemigreacutescholarsfromPaekcheplayedaninstrumentalroleindevelopingandpopularizingthesemethodsonthearchipelagoJapanesekundokuisuniquenotbecauseitwastheearliestsuchsystembutbecauseithasbeenincontinuousattesteduseforwelloveramillenniumanditscomplexarrayofrulesandconventionsarewelldocumentedEventodayitremainstheprincipalvehiclethroughwhichstudentsinmodernJapanbeginlearningliteraryChinese

214

ldquoChineserdquo(orldquokanbunrdquo)altogetherMypurposeisnottorejectattractiveneologistic

alternativessuchasldquoliterarySiniticrdquowhichhappenstobeanexcellentparaphrase

ofldquojunkanbunrdquoandwhichIusefrequentlythroughoutthisstudyHoweverinthe

remainderofthisessayIwillattempttohighlightsomepotentialshortcomingsof

thenewterminologyandtoarguebrieflyfortheongoingutilityoftheever

capacioussuperordinatetermldquokanbunrdquoinWestern-languageJapanological

scholarshipIwillalsoofferabriefdefensewithinspecificparametersoftheold

practiceofdescribingJapaneseworksofliterarySiniticasldquoChineserdquo

2 Between Style and Language Kundokubun and Literary Sinitic

ldquoPeople[inearlyJapan]oftendidnotreallyknowwhatlanguagetheywerewritinginChineseorJapaneseandweareofteninnobetterpositiontomakeajudgmentonthequestionwhenwestudysomeofthedocumentstheyproducedrdquo

RAMiller1967350

ldquoFromthevantagepointofscriptbothBaiJuyirsquosandMichizanersquospoemscanbecharacterizedasldquoChineserdquobutreadaloudby[MiddleCaptain]TadanobutheyarejustasequallyldquoJapaneserdquo

BrianSteininger2017351

350TheJapaneseLanguage(ChicagoUnivofChicagoPress1967)p131351ChineseLiteraryFormsinHeianJapanPoeticsandPractice(CambridgeHarvardUniversityAsiaCenter2017)p8

215

ThecourtscholarandstatesmanSugawaranoMichizane菅原道真(845-

903)wasamongthefinestshipoetsofHeianJapanThedegreetowhichhiswritten

worksmaybeviewedaslinguisticallyJapaneseoratleastnotasexclusively

Chinesedependsuponthedegreetowhichlogographicscriptcanbeunderstoodto

representtheJapaneselanguageSincekundokuclearlyliesatthecruxofthematter

itwillproveusefultoexpanduponthepointsbroachedaboveandinvestigateits

propertiesmorecloselyTobeginitisimportanttorecognizethatthekundoku

registerisnoticeablydifferentfromthatofvernacularJapaneseproseandpoetryof

anytimeperiodadmittingmanyphraseologiesfoundnowhereelseintheJapanese

language352Thekundokuregisterevenincludessomephraseologiesthatstrictly

speakingareungrammaticalbythestandardsofvernacularJapanese353Whilea

352ItmightbeobjectedthatourcurrentunderstandingoftheprecisekundokurulestaughtindifferenttimeperiodsoratparticulartemplesoracademiesistooincompletetopositsuchawholesaledisjunctionbetweenkundokuandvernacularJapaneseItistruethatthekundokumethodswidelytaughttodaygenerallyrepresentconventionscurrentinthenineteenthcenturyandthatthetechniquesofagreatmanypremodernschoolsofkundokuhavebeenlosttohistorySomesurelyhewednearertovernaculardictionthanothersbutaswillbeshownbelowanytruekundokusystemndashonethatpermitsboththereadingandcompositionoflogographiclocutionsndashwillrunupagainstchallengesthatmakedeparturesfromvernacularJapaneseusageessentiallyinevitableAtbottomthisisbecausevernacularJapanesecannotbefullyencodedlogographicallyatleastsolongastheonlylogographsatyourdisposalareldquoSinographsrdquo353Anexampleistheenunciationofthepossessiveparticlenousedtoglossthecharacter之insentencessuchas仕王之人ldquoapersonwhoservesthekingrdquoThismaybereadviakundokuasldquoŌnitsukaurunohitordquodespitethefactthattheparticlenoisnotusedinvernacularJapanesetosubordinatenounstoverbssuchrelativeclausesareformedbydirectlymodifyingthesubordinatenounwiththeverbinaspecificconjugationcalledtherentaikei連体形HeretheJapaneseverbtsukau(tsukafu)whichisthekundokuglossfor仕isalreadyinitsrentaikeiformtsukauru(tsukafuru)makingnosemanticallysuperfluousandindeedgrammaticallyldquowrongrdquoThoughtheviolationdoesnotcompromiseintelligibilitytheeffectisperhapsakintosayinginEnglishsomethingalongthelinesofldquoapersonwhodoesservesthekingrdquo

216

fullaccountingofthesefeatureswouldnecessitatetoolengthyadigressionclose

examinationofoneexampleshouldhelpclarifyboththepowerandthelimitations

ofkundokuasaninterlingualmediumAsamethodoftranslationalreading

kundokuiseasilyappliedtoalogographiclocutionsuchasthis王為臣之所尊ldquothe

kingisesteemedbyhisministerrdquoWhiledifferentkundokutraditionscanbe

expectedtoproducedifferentrenderingstwobroadapproachesmaybeidentified

namelythatofmetaphraseandthatofparaphraseTheformerseekstopreservea

senseofalterityandtomaintainmaximumlinguisticfidelitytothesourcetext

theseprioritiesleadtoaJapaneserenditionsuchasŌshinnotōtomutokorotonasu

王臣の尊む所と為すThelatterbycontrastmightresultinthesomewhatmore

liberalŌwashinnitōtomaru王は臣に尊まるThissentenceuseseveryday

JapanesegrammarandbetraysnoconnectiontologographicwritingorldquoChineserdquo

savepossiblyforthetermsldquokingrdquoandldquoministerrdquowhichdoappearfrequentlyinthe

ChineseclassicsBothoftheseapproachesareinfacttaughtinmodernkanbun

textbooksasequallyvalidstandardwaysofhandlingtheliteraryChineseldquopassiverdquo

constructionX為Y(之)所VwhichmeansldquoXisV-edbyYrdquo354Yetitisapparent

howdramaticallythetworenditionsdifferThemetaphraseattemptstoaccountfor

asmanylexicalelementsintheoriginalsentenceaspossibleandconsequentlyit

354TechnicallythisstructureshouldprobablynotbelabeledldquopassiverdquoasitsimplymeansldquoXisthatwhichYV-srdquoTheword所constituteswhathistoricallinguistEdwinPulleyblanktermsaldquorelativepronounrdquoitsfunctionistotransformtheverborverbphraseitprecedesintoanounphraseeg買=ldquotobuyrdquo所買=ldquothatwhichonebuysrdquoorldquothatwhichisboughtrdquoForpedagogicalpurposeshoweverthisconstructionisoftenpresentedinbothEnglish-languageandJapanese-languagetextbooksofliteraryChineseasoneofseveralgrammaticalpatternsexpressingthepassivevoice

217

departsfromvernacularJapaneseusageparticularlyinitscharacteristic(though

notungrammatical)useoftokorotorenderthespecialpronoun所355Likea

smudgeonaphotographoramicrophoneboominamoviescenethepresenceof

lexicalelementsredolentofthekundokuregisterisalinguisticpunctumreminding

thereaderthattheotherwiseJapaneselocutionldquotōtomutokorotonasurdquois

stylisticallyconnectedtotheworldofkanbun

BycontrastthesecondreadingconstitutesavernacularJapaneseparaphrase

completewithpostpositionalparticles(wani)notpresentanywhereintheoriginal

alongwithaJapaneseverbconjugationthatexpressesthepassivevoiceChineseof

courseisanuninflectedlanguageandhasnoverbconjugationswhatsoever

Consideredtogetherthesetworenderingsof王為臣之所尊revealthedifficultyin

acceptingtheviewthatkundokucaneverbequiteasldquoinvisiblerdquoassomescholars

haveimpliedeitheronemustoptforametaphrasethatinFriedrich

Schleiermacherrsquosterminologywillgenerateatleastamildsenseofldquoalienationrdquoin

thetargetlanguageoronemustoptforaparaphraseandtherebyldquonaturalizerdquothe

355Like所inEarlyChinesethebasicsenseoftheJapanesewordtokoroisldquoplacerdquoorldquolocationrdquoItadmitsawiderangeofextendedusesincludingdesignatingaldquopointintimerdquooraldquopartrdquoofsomething(egomoshirokarikerutokoro=ldquothepartIfounddelightfulrdquo)BythemedievalperiodusesderivingfromtheliterarySinitic所constructionareseeninworksofJapaneseprosethatseekspecificallytoreplicatetheformalauthoritativeregisterofliterarySiniticHenceinthefirstchapterofHeikemonogatariwehaveminkannoureurutokorooshirazarishikaba=ldquobecause(rulerslikeZhaoGaoofQinandWangMangofHan)wereignorantofthepeoplersquosdistresshelliprdquoTheuseoftokorotomakerelativeclausessuchastsukurutokoronoteraldquothetemplesthatwerebuiltrdquostemsdirectlyfromkundokupracticessomethingveryneartothiswasalmostcertainlyhowtheliterarySiniticphrase所造之寺whichappearsinBook25ofNihonshoki(Taika188)wasenunciatedSuchrelativeclausesarefoundoccasionallyinvernacularproseegkorosutokoronotorildquothebirdsthathekilledrdquo(Tsurezuregusa162)butarefarlesscommonthanalternatives

218

sourcetext356ThefirstapproachmakeskundokuvisiblebyusingJapanesewordsin

distinctiveorunusualwayswhileinthelatterkundokubecomesvisibleduringits

applicationtothesourcetextbecauseoftheinterpolationofwordsorgrammatical

elementsnotpresentthere

Significantlythissameslippageisalsoseenwhenkundokuisused

productivelyasameanstofacilitatelogographicwritingSupposethataJapanese

writerseekstorepresenttheJapanesesentencemukowashūtonihomeraretari

(ldquothegroomwaspraisedbyhisfather-in-lawrdquo)entirelylogographicallywhichisto

sayinldquogoodrdquokanbunthatupholdsliteraryChinesenormsHowmighthedoit

Therearemanyoptionsandthishappenstobequiteaneasysentencetohandle

butanyrepresentationourwriterchooseswillinevitablyendupelidingsome

elementsofJapanesegrammarSinographsareafterallclosedmorphemesthat

cannotbedeclinedorconjugatedorotherwisealteredanditisimpossibleto

modifythemwithothercharacterstoeffectivelyindicateallJapaneseinflectional

endingsEventhesimplestJapanesesentencewilltypicallyinvolvechoicesoftense

andmodalitythatmusteitherbeleftunexpressedinkanbunormustbe

approximatedimperfectlybyadverbialauxiliariesManyofthemostcommon

Japaneseinflectingsuffixessuchaskiritsunurashimeriandnumerousothers

havenoconventionalkanbunequivalentsmeaningthatthevastbulkofJapanese

356OntheldquoinvisibilityrdquoofkundokuseeSemizuYukinoldquoInvisibleTranslationReadingChineseTextsinAncientJapanrdquoinTranslatingOtherspp283-295

219

locutionsthatarenotalreadyinthekundokuregistercannotbefullyencodedin

kanbunatall357

AdditionallytherearealsoawiderangeofJapaneselocutionsthatcanbe

encodedinkanbunbutonlywiththeinclusionoflexicalelementsthatareeither

awkwardornonsensicalinliterarySiniticForinstanceletusimaginealocution

suchasldquoLordTokihirahasnowboardedtheboatrdquoAsentencewiththismeaning

couldconceivablyappearinaJapanesehistoricaldocumentasTokihira-donowa

funeninorashimetamaiowannuandbewritteninkanbunas時平殿令乘給船畢

ManyelementshereareunusualinliterarySiniticandthecharacters令～給which

mayappearinavarietyofpositionsandrendertheJapanesehonorificconstruction

shimetamaumakenosensewhatsoever358Andwecouldgofurtherstillsuppose

357ThisproblemmayofcoursebesolvedifonedepartsfromliterarySiniticandallowsdesemanticizedcharacterstobemixedinaswiththeso-calledsenmyō-gaki宣命書きorldquoproclamationstylerdquoofwritingusedduringtheNaraandearlyHeianperiodsInthisstylethelocutionmukowashūtonihomeraretarimightbewritten婿者舅仁褒良礼多利wherethedesemanticizedcharactersaremadegraphicallysmallerndashacommontechniqueinsenmyō-gakindashandfunctionlikeokuriganainmodernJapaneseIndeedthisapproachdemonstratesthatanessentiallymodernmixofgraphicallydistinctlogographicandphonographicscriptorderedaccordingtoJapanesesyntaxwashituponquiteearly358Inmedievalandearly-moderndocumentssomeattestedexamplesofldquodeviantrdquokanbuncomestrikinglyclosetovernacularChineseeg見了返給mi-owaritekaeshitamauldquo(he)returneditafterlookingitoverrdquoHere給isstillconstruedasthehonorificsuffixtamauYetthesentencecanbereadinmodernMandarinwith給pronouncedasgei(areadingnotusedinclassicalChinese)andinterpretedtomeansomethinglikeldquo(he)lookedatitandgaveitbackrdquoTheexampleistakenfromKarikomeHitoshi苅米一志Nihon-shiomanabutamenokomonjokokirokukundokuhō日本史を学ぶための古文書古記録訓読法(TokyoYoshikawaKōbunkan2016)p73VocabularyitemsdrawnfromvernacularChinesesuchasjinmo甚麼(ldquowhatrdquo)andshashi這些(ldquothistheserdquo)doappearinZenwritingsanditseemspossiblethatcertainidiosyncraticusagesobservedinldquodeviantrdquokanbunwereadaptedfromorinspiredbyvernacularChinese

220

thetextweretosayTokihira-donowaeumajikarikeruonnaomotometamaikemuldquoIt

wouldseemLordTokihirapursuedaladywhowasimpossibletowinrdquoSucha

sentencemayofcoursebetranslatedintokanbunwhetherldquopurerdquoorldquodeviantrdquobut

itcannotbewritteninkanbun

Returningfinallytothesomewhateasierchallengeposedinitiallyour

hypotheticalwritermightverywellchoosetorepresentthesentencemukowashūto

nihomerarekerias婿為舅之所褒whichhappenstosharetheexactsamestructure

astheearlierexample王為臣之所尊forwhichweadvancedtwopossiblekundoku

renderingsNotethelackofanyexplicitmarkerindicatingthepasttenseThisisin

factentirelynormallocutionsinliterarySinitictypicallyrelyuponcontextandthe

readerrsquoscommonsenseforthedeterminationoftensewhichmeansthatanyother

representationourwriterchooseseg婿褒於舅婿被舅褒etcwillbeunableto

provideametaphrasetheJapaneseinflectionalendingkeri359

Thepointoftheforegoingissimplytosaythatifwewishtoavoida

nomenclaturethatoveremphasizesthealterityofkanbunorthatimpliestoofacilea

dichotomybetweenwhatisnativeandwhatisforeignwemustalsorecognizethat

asamediumofinscriptionkanbunbyitselfcanonlyeverrepresentaspecific

registeroftheJapaneselanguageandthattheaccuracyofsucharepresentationwill

oftencomeattheexpenseoffidelitytoliterarySiniticnormsSowhatisthe

359Theverbalprefix被whichmayindicatethepassivevoiceinmodernMandarinbutisgenerallynotusedassuchinorthodoxliterarySiniticbecameacommonplaceindicatoroftheJapanesepassiveconjugation~ruraruinldquoJapanizedrdquokanbunwritingsofthemedievalandearly-modernperiodsSincethisconjugationmayalsobeusedasanhonorific被wasusedinthissenseaswellwiththecommonhonorificverbnasarufrequentlyseenas被成or被為inhistoricaldocuments

221

current-dayscholartodoMyprovisionalansweristwofoldFirstretaintheterm

kanbunanditsrelatives(kanshikanshibun)whilerecognizingthatlike

innumerableothertermstocapturetheattentionofculturalandliterarytheorists

(ldquonationrdquoldquosignrdquoldquotextrdquoetc)thesedenotesomethingmorecomplexthanhas

traditionallybeenappreciatedUsefullykanbunandkanshimaystillbeunderstood

toencodemeaninginJapanesendashbearinginmindthelitanyoflimitationsoutlined

abovendashyetthetermsthemselvesmakenoclaimonwhetheranindividualauthorof

apurelylogographicworkthoughtofhimselfaswritinginJapaneseorinChinese

ThephrasesldquoLiterarySiniticrdquoandldquoSiniticpoetryrdquoareofcourseusefulinthisway

toobuttheyaresuitedexclusivelytologographicworksintelligiblethroughoutthe

Sinosphereandarequiteinapplicabletowritingsinldquodeviantrdquokanbun

AdmittedlytheJapanesetermscomeatapriceThecentraldownsidetoa

termsuchaskanbunisthatitparticipatesinexorablyinthefamousdyadicrelation

ofldquowa-kanrdquo和漢mostfrequentlyandovertlybybeingpairedwiththetermwabun

和文ldquoJapaneseproserdquoInmodernusagethewa-kandyadtendstoimplyan

ontologyinwhichculturalandlinguisticphenomenafromanyeraareyokedtoan

ostensiblytranshistoricalJapanesenationalidentitywaisldquoJapaneserdquoinalltheways

salienttothemodernprojectofunitinglanguagecultureandethnicityunderthe

rubricofnationhood360Itneedhardlybesaidthatsuchaviewencourages

kan(bun)tobeconceivedofassomethingculturallyandlinguisticallynon-Japanese

anarrowandanachronisticconceptionthatisbeliedpartlybytheinterlingual

360AdetailedanalysisoftheseissuesisgiveninJasonWebbldquoBeyondWa-KanNarratingKanshiReceptionandSociolectsofPoetryrdquoinProceedingsfortheAssociationofJapaneseLiteraryStudies5(Summer2004)pp245-259

222

propertiesofkundokuandunderminedcompletelybytheenormouswelterof

historicaldocumentsthatwhilewritteninkanbunareonlyunderstandableas

JapaneselinguisticartifactsStillitisimportantthatadeconstructionofthe

metaphysicsinformingmodernnationhoodnotleadtotheequallymisguidednotion

thatpremodernJapaneseliteratipossessednosenseofldquoJapanrdquoasasingular

geopoliticalentityorofldquoJapaneserdquoasameaningfulculturalandlinguisticcategory

Evidenceofaconsciousnessthatabsentaconvenientadjectivalformoftheword

ldquocountryrdquocanmostreasonablybecalledldquonationalrdquoisidentifiableamong

archipelaganelitesforasfarbackasthetextualrecordextends361Thisinitself

doesnotconstituteareasontoapproveofthetermskanbunandkanshiitisnoted

onlytorejectthepositionthatmereparticipationinmoderndiscoursesconcerning

nationalidentityandnationalliteraturemustfatallycompromisethem

Somescholarshaveavoidedthetermkanbunbecauseitsliteralmeaning

ldquoHan(Chinese)writingrdquoseemstoeffacetheinterlingualcharacteroflogographic

writinginJapanThisisafairpointthoughsomeoftheproposedalternativessuch

361ItisinterestingtonoteinthisconnectionthatthetermldquointernationalrdquoiswidelyusedincurrentscholarshiptodescribeintercoursebetweenpremodernEastAsianpolitiesItsWestphalianringnotwithstandingsuchadescriptionisnotaltogetherinaccurateforanimaginedcommunityinthesenseofBenedictAndersonneednotbeheldtoexistamongageneralpopulaceforsomethingquitesimilartobepresentamongthesmallcadreofindividualsinvolvedindomesticadministrationdiplomacyandoverseastradeWithrespecttolanguageinparticularakeenawarenessofthelinguisticdifferencesbetweenwhatwasspokenonthearchipelagoandwhatcouldbesetdowninorthodoxliterarySiniticispossiblysuggestedbyŌnoYasumarorsquosfamousprefacetoKojikiIbelievethatitisthoughLurieconteststhisinterpretationForhisargumentsseeRealmsofLiteracypp247-50andtheextensivediscussionofYasumarorsquosprefaceinLurieldquoTheOriginsofWritinginEarlyJapanFromthe1sttothe8thCenturyCErdquo(PhDDissertationColumbiaUniversity2001)pp300-10

223

asdescribingproseorpoetryasldquoChinese-stylerdquo362seemtopresenttheirown

problemsHerethephraseldquoChinesestylerdquoisreallynolessvaguethantheldquokanrdquoin

kanbunorkanshiandthehighlyelastictermldquostylerdquobegsadditionalquestionsFor

instancepracticalkanbundocumentsthoughsetexclusivelyinSinographsmayuse

mostlyJapanesevocabularyandshowlittletonoawarenessofChineseliterarystyle

ConverselysomeJapaneseproseworksoftheMeijiperiodwerecomposedina

registerveryneartokundokubuncompletewithvocabularydrawndirectlyfrom

theChineseclassics363ArebothldquoChinesestylerdquoalbeitindifferentwaysOrdoes

onlyone(orperhapsneither)qualifyassuchAgainmypurposeisnottorejectout

ofhandthephraseldquoChinesestylerdquowhichisusefulinasmuchasitclearlyindicates

someconnectiontotheChineseliterarytraditionwithoutplacingtheworkit

describesexclusivelywithinthattraditionThispointleadstothethorniest

questionofallnamelywhetherworksbyJapaneseauthorsthatdocomportwith

literaryChinesenormscaneverbelegitimatelytermedldquoChineserdquo

ThequestionhaspracticalaswellastheoreticalimplicationsInthesummer

of2000theLibraryofCongressadoptedanewclassificationschemeforkanshibun

materialsmovingfromascript-basedSinocentricsystemtoonebasedsquarelyon

362FraleighnotesthatsomescholarshaveusedthephraseldquoChinese-stylepoetryrdquotodenoteshicomposedbynon-ChineseauthorsincontradistinctiontoldquoChinesepoetryrdquowhichisreservedforshicomposedbyChineseauthorsSeePluckingChrysanthemumsp20363ForexampleNiwaJunrsquoichirōrsquosKaryūshunwa花柳春話(1877)aJapanesetranslationofEdwardBulwer-LyttonrsquosErnestMaltraverscleavessocloselytothekundokuregisterthatitslanguageissaidtobeldquokanbunkuzushirdquo漢文崩しastylemeanttoreplicatethekundokurenderingofliterarySiniticForanexaminationofthistextseeIndraLevySirensoftheWesternShoreTheWesternesqueFemmeFataleTranslationandVernacularStyleinModernJapaneseLiterature(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2006)pp29-31

224

nationalprovenancePriortothatdatesuchmaterialshadbeenshelvedaccording

toChinesedynasticchronologyandinterfiledwithworksbyChineseandKorean

authorstoWesternbibliographerstheseworkswereunifiedbythefactthatthey

wereallwritteninclassicalChinese364Thechangebearssignificantlyuponour

earlierdiscussionofterminologyforbyshelvingcollectionsofshipoetryby

JapaneseauthorsalongsidecollectionsofwakafromthesameperiodofJapanese

historythenewarrangementstronglyimpliesthatbothareequallyapartof

ldquoJapaneseliteraturerdquoanditatleastleavesopenthepossibilitythattheformermay

evenbeviewedaslinguisticallyJapaneseThenewapproachseemstomean

improvementovertheoldthoughitdoesunavoidablyreinforcethenationasthe

preeminentframeworkfororganizingliteraryscholarshipsomethingthatmaybe

especiallymisleadingwhendealingwithworksinliterarySiniticIndeeditisquite

conceivablethatprominentGozanliteratisuchasZekkaiChūshin絶海中津(1336-

1405)orRyūzanTokken龍山徳見(1284-1358)mightwellhavepreferredtheir

workstoappearwiththoseoftheircontemporarieswhetherJapaneseChineseor

KoreanwhoalsowroteinliterarySinitic365Allwereheirtoaculturallegacywhose

fountainheadwasChinabutwhosescopewaspan-Asianandallwouldhaveviewed

themselvesasoperatingwithinabroadlyConfucianintellectualepistemethatby

364OnthisseeFraleighPluckingChrysanthemumspp7-8365ZekkaiissometimesregardedasthegreatestshipoetinJapanesehistoryhehadthehonorofexchangingpoemswiththefirstemperoroftheMingDynastywhowascuriousaboutJapanandsummonedZekkaiforanaudiencein1376RyūzanemigratedtoChinain1301whenhewasseventeenandbecamewellestablishedintheChancommunityhedidnotreturntoJapanforalmost50years

225

theTangDynastywasbeingreferencedwithcharacteristicpithandsolemnityas

ldquoThisCulturerdquo(CsiwenJshibunKsimun斯文)

Therelevanceofthistotheproblemathandissimplythatweshouldbeopen

tothepossibilitythatatleastinsomecasestheEnglishphraseldquoinChineserdquomight

comeclosesttoconveyinghowapremodernJapanesewriterofliterarySinitic

actuallyconceivedofhisownenterpriseIndeedeventoadedicatedshipoetofthe

TokugawaperiodwhohadalmostsurelyneverleftJapanandmightneverhave

studiedspokenChinesetheapplicationtoonersquospoetryoftheepithetldquoJapanizedrdquo

washū和習和臭wasascathingindictment366Tobesuretheselfimageof

premodernkanshibunwriterslargelyirrecoverableanyhowprovidesnolinguistic

reasonatalltousethewordldquoChineserdquoinreferencetotheirworksAfteralla

languageinSaussureantermsissimplyasystemofrulesthroughwhichverbal

meaning-makingisaccomplishedandaswehavealreadyseenkundokuisasystem

thatallowsatleastapartialtransmutationofChineseintoJapaneseandviceversa

ThismeansthatalocutionwritteninliterarySiniticmustqualifyasaparoleinboth

languagessimultaneouslyrenderingthetermldquoChineserdquoincompletebyitselfYet

masteryofliterarySiniticasamodeofinscriptionnecessarilyimpliesmasteryofthe

rulesndashsyntacticsemanticandpragmaticndashofthelanguageofliteraryChinese

HereitisimportanttonotethatalthoughliteraryChineseunlikeMiddleChineseor

Mandarinisaconventionalizedwrittenlanguagewithnouniquephonologyitis

rootedinthespokenvernacularofWarringStatesChinaandcertainlyqualifiesasa

366FraleighPluckingChrysanthemumsp8

226

ldquolanguagerdquo367TothisextentaJapaneseauthorcapableofproducingalogographic

textconsistentwiththenormsofliteraryChineseevenifhedoessoentirelyby

renderingkundokubunintokanbunmustnecessarilyknowtheliteraryChinese

languageItisinthissenseofknowingtherulesthatitisdefensibletoclaimthat

themostimportantculturalachievementinearlyJapanwasindeedldquothemasteryof

theChineselanguagerdquo368

367MichaelFullerAnIntroductiontoLiteraryChinese(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter1999)p1368EdwinCranstonldquoAsukaandNaraCultureLiteracyLiteratureandMusicrdquoinTheCambridgeHistoryofJapanvol1(CambridgeUKCambridgeUnivPress1993)p453TheaccuracyofthestatementcouldofcoursebeimprovedbyspecifyingldquoliteraryrdquoChinese

227

BibliographyAkatsukaKiyoshi赤塚忠Zenshakukanbuntaikei全釈漢文大系vol16ldquoSōshirdquo荘子(TokyoShueisha1974)ArbuckleGaryldquoInevitableTreasonDongZhongshursquosTheoryofHistoricalCyclesandEarlyAttemptstoInvalidatetheHanMandaterdquoJournaloftheAmericanOrientalSociety1154(1995)pp585-97AshikagaEnjutsu足利衍述KamakuraMuromachijidainojukyō鎌倉室町時代の儒教(TokyoNihonKotenZenshūKankōkai1932)BattenBruceGatewaytoJapan(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress2006)BerryMaryElizabethTheCultureofCivilWarinKyoto(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1994)BolPeterKldquoThisCultureofOursrdquoIntellectualTransitionsinTrsquoangandSungChina(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1992)BorgenRobertSugawaranoMichizaneandtheEarlyHeianCourt(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress1994)BrittanSimonPoetrySymbolandAllegory(CharlottesvilleUnivofVirginiaPress2003)BurnsSusanBeforetheNationKokugakuandtheImaginingofCommunityinEarlyModernJapan(DurhamDukeUnivPress2003)CaiZong-QildquoRecent-StyleShiPoetryPentasyllabicRegulatedVerserdquoinZong-QiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetry(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2008)pp161-77CailloisRogerMeyerBarashtransManPlayandGames(UrbanaUnivofIllinoisPress2001)ChangKang-iSunTheEvolutionofChineseTrsquozuPoetryFromLateTrsquoangtoNorthernSung(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1980)ChenShuifeng陳水逢Ribenwenmingkaihuashiluumle日本文明開化史略(TaipeiTaiwanshangwuyinshuguan1993)

228

ChenZhuhui陳竺慧ldquoNomuraKōennolsquogashirsquotoShindainoshidansonoeibutsushiotegakarinirdquo野村篁園の「雅詞」と清代の詞壇その詠物詞を手がかりにWasedaDaigakudaigakuinbungakukenkyūkakiyō62(Mar2017)pp203-215CollcuttMartinldquoBuddhismTheThreatofEradicationrdquoinMariusBJansenandGilbertRozmanedsJapaninTransitionFromTokugawatoMeiji(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1986)pp143-167mdashmdashmdashFiveMountainsTheRinzaiZenMonasticInstitutioninMedievalJapan(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1981)CranstonEdwinldquoAsukaandNaraCultureLiteracyLiteratureandMusicrdquoinTheCambridgeHistoryofJapanvol1(CambridgeUKCambridgeUnivPress1993)CsikszentmihalyiMarkReadingsinHanChineseThought(IndianapolisHackett2006)mdashmdashmdashandPhillipJIvanhoeedsReligiousandPhilosophicalAspectsoftheLaozi(NewYorkSUNYSeriesinChinesePhilosophyandCulture1999)deBaryWmTheodoreedSourcesofJapaneseTradition(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1958)DumoulinHeinrichZenBuddhismAHistoryvol2(BloomingtonWorldWisdom1994)EganRonaldCldquoTheProblemoftheReputeofTzrsquouDuringtheNorthernSungrdquoinYuedVoicesoftheSongLyricpp191-225mdashmdashmdashldquoShiPoetryAncientandRecentStylesrdquoinCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetrypp308-25FelburRafalldquoEssaysofSengzhaordquoinThreeShortTreatisesbyVasubandhuSengzhaoandZongmi(MoragaBDKAmerica2017)pp47-135FraleighMatthewPluckingChrysanthemumsNarushimaRyūhokuandSiniticLiteraryTraditionsinModernJapan(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2016)FullerMichaelAnIntroductiontoLiteraryChinese(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter1999)GobleAndrewEdmundKenmuGo-DaigorsquosRevolution(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1996)

229

mdashmdashmdashldquoSocialChangeKnowledgeandHistoryHanazonorsquosAdmonitionstotheCrownPrincerdquoHarvardJournalofAsiaticStudies551(1995)pp61-128GregoryPeterNAnInquiryintotheOriginofHumanityAnAnnotatedTranslationofTsung-mirsquosYuumlanjenlunwithaModernCommentary(KurodaInstituteClassicsinEastAsianBuddhismHonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress1995)GuoYing(HanshiyuhexicongldquoDongyingshixuanrdquodaoRibendeshigezijue(XiamenXiamenDaxuechubanshe2013)HagaKōshirō芳賀幸四郎ldquoZenbungakutoGozanbungakurdquo禅文学と五山文学inYamagishiTokuheiedsNihonkanbungakushironkō日本漢文学史論考(TokyoIwanamiShoten1974)HagiwaraTatsuoldquoShintōtheWayoftheKamirdquoinKasaharaKazuoedAHistoryofJapaneseReligion(TokyoKōsei2001)pp299-314HechtMicahSpencerldquoConventionsofUnconventionalityTheRhetoricofReclusioninKitayamaJapaneseFiveMountainsLiteraturerdquo(PhDDissertationUnivofHawairsquoi2005)HurstIIIGCameronldquoTheKōbuPolityCourt-BakufuRelationsinKamakuraJapanrdquoinJefferyPMassedCourtandBakufuinJapanEssaysinKamakuraHistory(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1982)pp3-28ImaedaAishinldquoTheZenSectsrdquoinKazuoKasaharaedPaulMcCarthyandGaynorSekimoritransAHistoryofJapaneseReligion(TokyoKosei2002)pp227-54InoueMasamichiHonpōchūseimadeniokeruMōshijuyōshinokenkyū本邦中世までにおける孟子受容史の研究(TokyoKazamaShobō1972)IriyaYoshitaka入矢義高etaledsNihonshisōtaikei日本思想大系vol16ldquoChūseiZenkenoshisōrdquo中世禅家の思想(TokyoIwanamiShoten1972)mdashmdashmdashedGozanbungakushū五山文学集(1990)KagekiHideo蔭木英雄Gozanshishinokenkyū五山詩史の研究(TokyoKasamaShoin1977)KamensEdwardldquoTerrainsofTextinMid-HeianCourtCulturerdquoinMikaelAdolphsonetaledsHeianJapanCentersandPeripheries(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress2007)pp129-52

230

KamimuraKankō上村觀光Gozanbungakuzenshū五山文學全集vol2(TokyoGozanBungakuZenshūKankōkai1936)mdashmdashmdashGozanbungakushōshi五山文學小史(TokyoShōkabō1906)KandaKiichirō神田喜一郎NihonniokeruChūgokubungaku日本における中国文学vol1(TokyoNigensha1965)KarataniKōjinKanoAyakoandJosephMurphytransldquoOnthePowertoConstructrdquoinKarataniKōjinOriginsofModernJapaneseLiterature(DurhamDukeUnivPress1993)pp136-72KarikomeHitoshi苅米一志Nihon-shiomanabutamenokomonjokokirokukundokuhō日本史を学ぶための古文書古記録訓読法(TokyoYoshikawaKōbunkan2016)KasamatsuHitoshietaledsNihonshisōtaikei日本思想大系vol22ldquoChūseiseijishakaishisōrdquo中世政治社会思想pt2(TokyoIwanamiShoten1981)KawaguchiHisao川口久雄Heianchōnokanbungaku平安朝の漢文学(TokyoYoshikawaKōbunkan1981)KitamuraSawakichi北村澤吉Gozanbungakushikō五山文学史稿(TokyoFūzanbō1941)KondōHaruo近藤春雄Haku-shimonjūtokokubungakushingafushinchūginnokenkyū白氏文集と国文学新楽府秦中吟の研究(TokyoMeijishoin1990)KurozumiMakotoDavidLurietransldquoKangakuWritingandInstitutionalAuthorityrdquoinHaruoShiraneedInventingtheClassicsModernityNationalIdentityandJapaneseLiterature(StanfordStanfordUnivPress2000)pp201-19LaFleurWilliamRTheKarmaofWords(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1983)LevyIndraSirensoftheWesternShoreTheWesternesqueFemmeFataleTranslationandVernacularStyleinModernJapaneseLiterature(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2006)LianXindaldquoLongSongLyrics(Manci)rdquoinZong-qiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetry(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2008)pp262-85LiaoMeiyun廖美雲Yuan-Baixinyuefuyanjiu元白新樂府研究(TaipeiTaiwanxueshengshuju1989)

231

LiebenthalWalterChaoLunTheTreatisesofSeng-chao(HongKongHongKongUnivPress1968)LinShuen-fuldquoTheFormationofaDistinctGenericIdentityforTzrsquourdquoinPaulineYuedVoicesoftheSongLyricinChina(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1994)pp3-29LiuPeipei劉佩佩ldquolsquoShuihuzhuanrsquolimayanjiujiqizaiHuayuwenjiaoxuezhongdeyiyirdquo《水滸傳》詈罵語研究及其在華語文教學中的意義(MAThesisNationalChengchiUniversity2011)LoeweMichaelDongZhongshuAlsquoConfucianrsquoHeritageandtheChunqiuFanlu(BostonBrill2011)mdashmdashmdashDivinationMythologyandMonarchyinHanChina(NewYorkCambridgeUnivPress1994)mdashmdashmdashldquoImperialSovereigntyDongZhongshursquosContributionandHisPredecessorsrdquoinSRSchramedFoundationsandLimitsofStatePowerinChina(LondonSchoolofOrientalandAfricanStudiesUnivofLondon1987)pp33-57LurieDavidBarnettldquoTheOriginsofWritinginEarlyJapanFromthe1sttothe8thCenturyCErdquo(PhDDissertationColumbiaUniversity2001)mdashmdashmdashRealmsofLiteracyEarlyJapanandtheHistoryofWriting(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2011)MairVictorHldquoBuddhismandtheRiseoftheWrittenVernacularinEastAsiaTheMakingofNationalLanguagesrdquoTheJournalofAsianStudies533(Aug1994)pp707-51mdashmdashmdashWanderingontheWayEarlyTaoistTalesandParablesofChuangTzu(NewYorkBantamBooks1994)MajorJohnSetaledsTheHuainanziAGuidetotheTheoryandPracticeofGovernmentinEarlyHanChina(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2010)MaruyamaMasaoMikisoHanetransStudiesintheIntellectualHistoryofTokugawaJapan(TokyoTheUnivofTokyoPress1974)MatsuiToshihiko松井利彦ldquoMasaokaShikishūrdquo正岡子規集inItōSei伊藤整edNihonkindaibungakutaikei日本近代文学大系vol16(TokyoKadokawaShoten1972)

232

MatsuoHatsuko松尾肇子ldquoGozanZenrinniokerushinojuyōrdquo五山禅林における詞の受容Fengxu風絮13(Dec2016)pp60-82McCulloughHelenCraigBrocadebyNightKokinWakashūandtheCourtStyleinJapaneseClassicalPoetry(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1985)McGannJeromeTheTextualCondition(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1991)McRaeJohnRTheNorthernSchoolandtheFormationofEarlyChrsquoanBuddhism(KurodaInstituteStudiesinEastAsianBuddhismno3HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress1986)MurphyReganEldquoEsotericBuddhistTheoriesofLanguageinearlyKokugakuTheSōshakuoftheManrsquoyōdaishokirdquoJapaneseJournalofReligiousStudies361(2009)pp65-91NakajimaChiaki中島千秋Shinshakukanbuntaikei新釈漢文大系vol80ldquoMonzenfuhenrdquo文選賦篇pt2(TokyoMeijiShoin1977)NienhauserJrWilliamHetaledsTheGrandScribersquosRecordsvol1(BloomingtonIndianaUnivPress1994)NogawaHiroyuki野川博之ldquoGozanni-ryūgakusōnotenshiseisakuRyūzanChūgannoMokurengerdquo五山二留學僧の塡詞製作 龍山中巖の木蘭花Chūgokubungakukenkyū中国文学研究25(1999)pp96-109mdashmdashmdashldquoChūganEngetsunoSōshishōkai中巖圓月の宋詞紹介Chūgokubungakukenkyū中国文学研究26(1999)pp71-84OwenStephenTheEndoftheChineseMiddleAgesEssaysinMid-TangLiteraryCulture(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1996)mdashmdashmdashTraditionalChinesePoetryandPoetics(TaipeiSouthernMaterialsCenter1985)mdashmdashmdashReadingsinChineseLiteraryThought(CambridgeHarvard-YenchingInstitute1992)mdashmdashmdashThePoetryofMengChiaoandHanYu(NewHavenYaleUnivPress1975)PlaksAndrewArchetypeandAllegoryintheDreamoftheRedChamber(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1976)PollackDavidZenPoemsoftheFiveMountains(AARStudiesinReligionno37NewYorkTheCrossroadPublishingCo1985)

233

PulleyblankEdwinGLexiconofReconstructedPronunciationinEarlyMiddleChineseLateMiddleChineseandEarlyMandarin(VancouverUnivofBritishColumbiaPress1991)Ramirez-ChristensenEsperanzaMurmuredConversationsATreatiseonPoetryandBuddhismbythePoet-MonkShinkei(StanfordStanfordUnivPress2008)RenBantang任半塘Tangshengshi唐聲詩(ShanghaiXinhuaShudian1982)SameiMajiaBellldquoCiPoetryShortSongLyrics(Xiaoling)rdquoinZong-qiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetrypp245-48SchirokauerConradABriefHistoryofChineseandJapaneseCivilizations(SanDiegoHarcourtBraceJovanovich1989)SchoferJonathanWldquoVirtuesinXunzirsquosThoughtrdquoinTCKlineandPhilipJIvanhoeedsVirtueNatureandMoralAgencyintheXunzi(IndianapolisHackett2000)pp69-88SemizuYukinoldquoInvisibleTranslationReadingChineseTextsinAncientJapanrdquoinTheoHermansTranslatingOthers(ManchesterStJeromePublishing2006)SharfRobertHComingtoTermswithChineseBuddhismAReadingoftheTreasureStoreTreatise(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress2002)ShihVincentYu-chungTheLiteraryMindandtheCarvingofDragonsAStudyofThoughtandPatterninChineseLiterature(HongKongTheChineseUniversityPress1983)ShimizuShigeru清水茂etaledsShinNihonkotenbungakutaikei新日本古典文学大系vol65ldquoNihonshishiGozandōshiwardquo日本詩史五山堂史話(TokyoIwanamiShoten1991)ShiraneHaruoldquoCurriculumandCompetingCanonsrdquoinShiraneandTomikoYodaedsInventingtheClassics(StanfordStanfordUnivPress2000)pp220-249SlingerlandEdwardAnalects(IndianapolisHackett2003)SmithRichardJFathomingtheCosmosandOrderingtheWorldTheYijing(I-ChingorClassicofChanges)andItsEvolutioninChina(CharlottesvilleUnivofVirginiaPress2008)SteinengerBrianChineseLiteraryFormsinHeianJapanPoeticsandPractice(CambridgeHarvardUniversityAsiaCenter2017)

234

SuZhongxiangldquoLunlsquoZhinarsquoyicideqiyuanyuJingdelishihewenhuardquoamp$13Lishiyanjiu134(April1979)pp34-48SunRongcheng孫容成ldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquo中巌円月の思想と文学(PhDDissBeijingForeignStudiesUniversity2012)TamakakeHiroyuki玉懸博之Nihonchūseishisōshikenkyū日本中世思想史研究(TokyoPerikansha1998)TamamuraTakeji玉村竹二Gozanbungakushinshū五山文學新集vol4(TokyoTōkyōDaigakuShuppankai1969)TillmanHoytClevelandUtilitarianConfucianismChrsquoenLiangrsquosChallengetoChuHsi(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1982)TzvetanTodorovIntroductiontoPoetics(MinneapolisUnivofMinnesotaPress1997)UenoTakeshi上野武ldquoWajinnokigentoGonoTaihakudensetsurdquo倭人の起源と呉の太伯伝説inKishiToshio岸俊男MoriKōichi森浩一andŌbayashiTaryō大林太良edsNihonnokodai日本の古代vol1ldquoWajintōjōrdquo倭人登場(TokyoChūōKōron1985)UryMarianldquoGenkōShakushoJapanrsquosFirstComprehensiveHistoryofBuddhismAPartialTranslationwithIntroductionandNotesrdquo(PhDdissUniversityofCaliforniaBerkeley1970)VanNordenBryanWMengziWithSelectionsfromTraditionalCommentaries(IndianapolisHackett2008)WangShumin王叔岷Zhuangzijiaoquan莊子校詮vol1(TaibeiZhongyangYanjiuyuanLishiYuyanYanjiusuo1988)WangZhongyao王仲堯ZhongguoFojiaoyuZhouyi中國佛教與周易(TaipeiDazhan2003)WatsonBurtonJapaneseLiteratureinChinesevol1(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1976)WebbJasonPldquoBeyondWa-KanNarratingKanshiReceptionandSociolectsofPoetryrdquoinProceedingsfortheAssociationofJapaneseLiteraryStudies5(Summer2004)pp245-59

235

WechslerHowardJldquoTheConfucianTeacherWangTrsquoung(584-617)OneThousandYearsofControversyrdquoTrsquooungPaoLXIII(1977)pp225-272WeiShaosheng衛紹生Liuyanshitiyanjiu (BeijingSocialSciencesAcademicPress2010)WilkinsonEndymionPChineseHistoryAManual(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2000)WixtedJohnTimothyldquoKanbunHistoriesofJapaneseLiteratureandJapanologistsrdquoinSino-JapaneseStudies102(April1998)pp23-31WongKwok-yiuldquoBetweenPoliticsandMetaphysicsOntheChangingReceptionofWangTrsquoungintheTrsquoang-SungIntellectualTransitionsrdquoMonumentaSericavol55(2007)pp61-97HagaYaichi芳賀矢一andTachibanaSensaburō立花銑三郎edsKokubungakutokuhon國文學讀本inHagaYaichisenshūhenshūiinkaiedHagaYaichisenshū芳賀矢一選集vol2(TokyoKokugakuinDaigaku1983) YajimaGenryō矢島玄亮Nihonkokukenzaishomokurokushūshōtokenkyū日本国見在書目録 集証と研究(TokyoKyūkoShoin1984)YamagishiTokuhei山岸徳平edNKBTv89ldquoGozanbungakushūEdokanshishūrdquo五山文学集江戸漢詩集(TokyoIwanamiShoten1966)YoshikawaKōjirō吉川幸次郎HōchōfushiRongozakkiAraiHakusekiitsuji鳳鳥不至論語雑記新井白石逸事(TokyoShinchosha1971)YuPaulineRldquoMetaphorandChinesePoetryrdquoChineseLiteratureEssaysArticlesReviews(CLEAR)32(Jul1981)pp205-224mdashmdashmdashldquoAllegoryAllegoresisandtheClassicofPoetryrdquoHarvardJournalofAsiaticStudies432(Dec1983)pp377-412YueTianlei岳天雷ldquoZhuXilunlsquoquanrsquordquo朱熹論「權」Zhongguowenhuayanjiusuoxuebao中國文化研究所學報No56(Jan2013)pp169-85ZhangPei張沛Zhongshuojiaozhu中説校注(BeijingZhonghuaShuju2013)

1

Biographical Introduction

ChūganEngetsu中巌円月(1300-75)wasaJapanesemonkoftheRinzai臨済

sectofZenBuddhismHeemergedasanearlyleaderintheliteraryandintellectual

movementknowntodayasGozanbungaku五山文学ldquoFiveMountainsLiteraturerdquo

aftertheso-calledldquoFiveMountainsandTenTemplesrdquo五山十刹systemofranking

andorganizingZenmonasticestablishmentsBornintheeasterncityofKamakura

totheTsuchiya土屋familyanoffshootoftheonce-powerfulTaira平hischildhood

appearstohavebeenadifficultonemarkedbyillnessandfamilialupheavalHis

briefautobiographicalchronicle(jirekifu自歴譜)recordsthatasaninfanthewas

takenbyawetnursetoMusashiProvinceafterhisfatherwassentintoexilefor

unspecifiedreasons1Attheageofeighthewasentrustedbyhisgrandmotherto

thetempleJufukuji寿福寺inKamakurawherehebeganhistraininginthe

priesthoodasachildacolyte(僧童)Thetextdoesnotspecifywhatthisearliest

periodofinstructionwaslikebutthreeyearslaterheevidentlybegantoreceivea

formalseculareducationunderthesupervisionofapriestnamedDōkei道恵The

curriculumincludedTheClassicofFilialPiety(孝経)andAnalects(論語)both

standardworksinEastAsianeducationandalsoTheNineChaptersonthe

MathematicalArt(Jiuzhangsuanshu九章算術)aworkwhoseinfluenceonEast

1ChuganrsquosautobiographicalchroniclemaybefoundinTamamuraTakeji玉村竹二Gozanbungakushinshū五山文學新集(TokyoTōkyōDaigakuShuppankai1969)vol4pp611-32

2

AsianmathematicswascomparabletothatofEuclidrsquosElementsintheWest2Atthe

ageof13hetookthetonsureandmovedtotheSanbōin三寶院inKyotowherehe

studiedesotericBuddhism(mikkyō密教)whichincludedmeditationontheMatrix-

storeandDiamondRealmMandalas(Taizōkaimandara胎蔵界曼荼羅Kongōkai

mandara金剛界曼荼羅)3

ShortlythereafterheshiftedhisinteresttoZenwhichhadestablisheditself

asadistinctsectoverthecourseofthepreviouscenturyTiesbetweentheJapanese

andChineseZenestablishmentswerestrongandin1318Chūganlikemany

promisingmonksbeforeandafterattemptedtotraveltoChinaAtthetimehewas

residingatEngakuji円覚寺amajorZentempleinKamakurafoundedbythe

expatriatemonkWuxueZuyuan無學祖元(JMugakuSogen)in12824Chūgan

madethelengthyjourneyfromKamakuratothesouthernportcityofHakataand

althoughheapparentlyfoundashipthatwasheadingforhispreferreddestination

ofJiangnanforreasonsunspecifiedhewasrefusedpassagebytheshiprsquoscaptain5

Thedelaywouldprovefortuitoushoweverasitwouldlateraffordhimthe

2TheJiuzhangsuanshu(Jkyūshōsanjutsu)islistedintheNihonkenzaishomokuroku日本見在書目録abibliographicsourcefromtheearlyHeianperiodHistorianofmathematicsFujiwaraMatsusaburo(1881-1946)onceobservedthatChūganrsquosreferencestotheJiuzhangsuanshuoffertheonlydirectevidencethattheworkwasstillstudiedinJapanduringthemedievaleraThepaucityofsuchreferencesnotwithstandingifamathematicallyinclinedyouthatatempleinKamakurahadaccesstotheworkandateachertoteachittohimthenitseemslikelythatboththetextitselfandmathematicseducationmoregenerallywerereasonablyprevalentinmajorBuddhistmonasticcenters3Jirekifu(hereafterJRF)Shōwa1(1312)Shōwa2(1313)4WuxuehadbeenanadvisortothemostpowerfulmilitaryleaderinJapanHōjōTokimune北条時宗(1251-84)duringtheMongolinvasionsof1274and1281andhisinfluenceupontheearlyGozansystemwassubstantial5JRFp614Bunpo2(1318)Gozanbungakushinshūvol4p614

3

opportunitytoassociatecloselywithKokanShiren虎関師錬(1278-1345)whowas

inseclusioninKyotocompletingGenkōshakusho元亨釈書(1322)anexhaustive

historyofBuddhisminJapan6ChūganwasamongtheonlyvisitorsKokanaccepted

andtheirmeetingsaregenerallythoughttohavebeenamajorinfluenceonthe

youngChūganrsquosintellectualdevelopment7

ChūganwasfinallyabletotraveltoChinain1324sixyearsafterhisfirst

attemptHevisitedseveralimportantChantemplesandwastheonlyJapanese

monktoreceivethesealofenlightenment(CyinkeJinka印可)fromDongyang

Dehui東陽徳輝(flearly14thc)aLinjimasterinthelineofDahuiZonggao大慧宗

杲(1089-1163)8DongyangappointedChūgantothepostofsecretary(記室)atthe

templeDazhishouShengchansi大智寿聖禅寺anunusualachievementforaforeign

monk9AfternearlyeightyearsabroadChūganreturnedtoJapanduringthe

summerof1332residingtemporarilyatKenkōji顯孝寺inHakatabefore

accompanyinghispatronŌtomoSadamune大友貞宗(d1334)toKyotothe

followingyearOpinionatedandheadstrongbyhisownaccounthewasintensely

activepoliticallysubmittingtwoessaysandamemorialtoEmperorGo-Daigoin

1333Go-Daigohadformedacoalitionofwarriorleadersandrebelledagainstthe

6MarianUryldquoGenkōShakushoJapanrsquosFirstComprehensiveHistoryofBuddhismAPartialTranslationwithIntroductionandNotesrdquo(PhDdissUniversityofCaliforniaBerkeley1970)7InoguchiAtsushi猪口篤志ldquoNihonkanshirdquo日本漢詩inShinshakukanbuntaikei新釈漢文大系(TokyoMeijiShoin1972)vol45p84UryPoemsoftheFiveMountains(1977)p638SeeHeinrichDumoulinZenBuddhismAHistory(BloomingtonWorldWisdom1994)vol2p182n889IriyaYoshitaka入矢義高edGozanbungakushū五山文学集(1990)p235

4

KamakurashogunateandChūganwasdeeplyconcernedaboutboththeimmediate

directionofGo-Daigorsquosrevolutionandthelong-termprospectsforanincreasingly

militarizedJapan

In1334ChūganreturnedtoKamakurafollowingthesuddendeathof

SadamunewhohadbeenanallyofGo-Daigoandwasinstrumentalinfacilitating

ChūganrsquosaccesstothethroneTheŌtomofamilywouldcontinuetoprovide

financialbackingtoChūganevenashisviewsontherevolutionsouredIn1339

threeyearsafterGo-DaigorsquosnascentregimecollapsedSadamunersquosheirUjiyasu氏泰

backedconstructionofthetempleKichijōji吉祥寺locatedonafamilydemesnein

theprovinceofKōzuke上野andaskedChūgantoassumeitsheadshipThough

Chūganrsquosinvolvementinpoliticsseemstohavediminishedinthe1340she

regainedaccesstothehighestechelonsofsocietywhenKichijōjiwasnamedan

ImperiallyVowedTemple(goganji御願寺)in1352Forthenexttwodecadeshe

traveledalmostconstantlymovingnearlyeveryyearbetweenKyushuKyoto

KōzukeProvinceandthecityofKamakuraThesejourneyswerelengthyandnot

alwayswelcomebuthehadbecomebythistimeanldquoeminentmonkrdquo(kōsō高僧)

andwasextendednumerousinvitationstoresideatthemostinfluentialtemplesof

thedayincludingManjuji萬壽寺inBungoProvinceManjujiinKyotoTōjiji等持寺

Kenninji建仁寺andKamakurarsquosKenchōji建長寺thehighestrankedtempleinthe

KamakuraGozan

Throughouthislifeandevenduringtimeswhenhisprofessionalfortunes

werelookingdownChūganremainedaprominentpoetandintellectualIn1341

5

hefamouslyearnedtheireofculturalnativistsbywritingAHistoryofJapan(Nihon

sho日本書)sadlynolongerextantinwhichheclaimedthattheJapaneseimperial

familywasdescendednotfromgodsbutfromimmigrantcontinentalnobility

UndoubtedlyhissinglegreatestworkisthephilosophicaltreatiseChūseishi中正子

(1334)whichisamongthemostimportantJapaneseintellectualworksofpre-

TokugawatimesItiscomprisedoftenchaptersthateachaddressdistincttopics

includingConfucianethicseffectivegovernanceandthelegitimateuseofmilitary

forceanumerologicalexpositionofthelunarandsolarcalendarsthebirthand

deathoflivingbeingsandtheThreeLearningsofZen(sangaku三学)iethe

precepts(kai戒)meditation(jō定)andthewisdomgleanedfromstudying

Buddhistteachings(e慧)Thechapterongovernanceandtheuseofforceis

translatedinChapterTwoofthepresentstudy

WhileothernotablefiguresintheGozanmilieuinparticularGidōShūshin義

堂周信(1325-88)andZekkaiChūshin絶海中津(1334-1405)eclipseChūganin

fametodaysuchwasnotalwaysthecaseForinstancethenotedNeo-Confucian

scholarFujiwaraSeika藤原惺窩(1561-1619)declaredthatwhenitcametosheer

breadthoflearning(gakushiki学識)ChūganrankedfirstamongallGozanliterati10

Thisassessmentisnotoutofstepwiththelaudatoryviewsexpressedbysomeof

ChūganrsquoscontemporariesincludingtheLinji(Rinzai)masterZhuxianFanxian竺仙

10SeeInoguchip48

6

梵僊(1292-1348)aredoubtablescholarofNeo-Confucianisminhisownright11

ZhuxianwhohadcometoJapanatthebehestofŌtomoSadamunejudgedChūgan

tobelearnedinboththeinnerandouterclassics(ieBuddhistandnon-Buddhist

texts)andnotedthathisexpertiseextendedtotheldquomanymastersandhundred

schoolsrdquo(zhuzibaijia諸子百家)ofearlyChinesethoughtastronomygeography

andyin-yangtheory12AndwhileitisprobablytruethatChūganwasknownbyhis

contemporariesmoreforhisexpositorywritingthanforhispoetrythecreativity

andiconoclasmcharacterizinghisphilosophicaloeuvrearepresentinequal

measureinhisverseHetreatedsubjectssuchasillnessdeathandpovertywith

strikingcandorandspecificity(seeChapterFour)andheisoneofonlytwo

medievalJapanesepoetsknowntohavecomposedci詞avernacularformthatwas

practicedavidlyinSongandYuanChinabutwhichisalmostentirelyabsentfrom

thetraditionofSiniticpoetryinJapan(seeChapterFive)

ThepoeticvoicethatemergesfromChūganrsquosnon-occasionaldeclarative

versesisaconflictedoneattimessupremelyconfidentandmorallyrighteousandat

timesbesiegedbypessimismandselfdoubtChūganwastheonlyearlyGozan

figuretoopineatlengthaboutmoralandpoliticalproblemsanditishispoemson

thesetopicsthatmostdistinguishhimfromhiscontemporariesMuchofhisself

imageseemstohavebeenshapedbythebeliefthathealonefullyunderstoodthe

predicamentfacingJapaninthewakeofthefailedKenmuRestorationChūganrsquos

11SeeAshikagaEnjutsu足利衍述KamakuraMuromachijidainojukyō鎌倉室町時代の儒教(TokyoNihonKotenZenshūKankōkai1932)pp211and25512如中巌者学通内外乃至諸子百家天文地理陰陽之説Ashikagap255

7

poetryofsocialengagementwillbeexaminedinChapterFourbutanappreciation

ofhissensibilitiesmaybequicklygleanedfrompoemssuchasthis

藤陰雜興

UndertheShadeofWisteriaVariousInspirationsNo10邪靡堆國三千歳 InthecountryofYamataithreethousandyearsold帝册姫宗百代傳 Theimperialcharterhasbeentransmittedforahundred

generationsthroughthescionofJi海畔紅桑花片落 Bytheseashorearedcopperleafpetalfalls鴈奴驚火呌荒田 Asentinelgoosestartledattheblazesoundsthealarmover

fallowfields13

ChūganbelievedtheJapaneseimperiallinetoberelatedtotheJiclanroyal

progenitorsoftheZhouDynastyandheevenpositedeuhemeristicallythatthe

indigenousldquoShintordquodeityKunitokotachinoMikoto國常立尊wasinfactavery

mortaldescendantofTaibo太伯legendaryfounderofthestateofWu呉Thetwo

coupletsofthisshortpoemaredifficulttointegratewithoutresortingtosymbolism

theimageofacopperleafblossomontheseashoreisexceptionallyuncommonbut

itdoesoccurinaverylongpoembytheDaoistpoetCaoTang曹唐(c797-866)and

isjuxtaposedtheretoanimageofgreatbutlongdeadChineseemperors14The

13Smallandeasilyalarmedaldquosentinelgooserdquo(鴈奴)issonamedbecauseitsfunctionwithintheflockistocalloutandwarnofdangerCopperleaf(Jenokigusa)petalsarebrightred14ThepoemisldquoAPoemonWanderingImmortalsinNinety-EightCoupletsrdquo(小游仙詩九十八首QTSjuan6411)andtherelevantlinereadsldquoWhereindeatharetheFirstQinEmperorandHanWudiBytheseashoreredcopperleafblossomsopenastheywillrdquo秦皇漢武死何處海畔紅桑花自開

8

connectionisspeculativebutpromisingasthepoliticalpositionsChūganarticulates

inhisprosemakeitplausibletoidentifythesentinelgooseasChūganhimself

whosewarningsabouttheimpendingbreakdownofJapanrsquosimperialinstitutionfall

ondeafearsMoreoftenthannoteventhislevelofsymbolismwasavoidedinfavor

ofastillmoredirectstylethatleftnodoubtastoChūganrsquosstanceonmatters

擬古

InImitationofOld

浩浩劫末風 OrsquoerthewasteblowsthewindoftheLastDays塵土飛蓬蓬 Dustanddirtflyinachaoticroar天上日色薄 Highintheskythesunshinespale人間是非隆 Intheworldofmenbothrightandwrongflourish螻蟻逐臭穢 Molecricketsandantschaseafterputridfilth凰鳳棲梧桐 Whilephoenixesroostintheirparasoltrees獨有方外士 Butalonethereisamanwhostandsapartfromothers俛仰白雲中 Helooksuphelooksdownathomeinhiswhitecloudabode

Thoughknownmoreforsocialengagementthanforself-reflectionChūgan

couldbeascriticalofhimselfashewasofthewiderworldInseveralversesfrom

the1340sandlaterhereproveshimselfandhintsattheongoingenmityhereceived

fromsomeofhiscontemporariesThisenmitystemmedprimarilyfromhishugely

controversialdecisiontoswitchsectarianaffiliationsin1339WhenKichiōjiwas

builtChūganpubliclyabandonedtheSōtōlineofhisinitialmasterDongmingHuiri

東明惠日(JTōmeiErsquonichi1272-1340)infavoroftheRinzailineofDongyang

Dehui東陽德輝(fl1330s)alesserknownfigurewithwhomhehadstudiedbriefly

whileinChinaDespitethedoctrinallydiversebroadlyecumenicalcharacterof

medievalJapanesereligionsectarianloyaltieswerestrongandcompetitioncould

9

beintenseanalogousperhapsatthemilderendtothecompetitionbetween

businessfirmsinthesameindustryandattheextremeendtothatbetweenmilitary

housesThemoveprovokedbitterattacksfromformerfriendsandcolleagues(and

evenanallegedknifeattack)andwouldaffectChūganrsquospersonalandprofessional

lifefordecadesthereafter

藤陰雜興

UndertheShadeofWisteriaVariousInspirations No6 閒花野草亦朝人 Evenflowerssproutingincrevicesandgrassesgrowingonthe

moorspayobeisancetomen余獨何心忌混塵 SowhydoIalonedetestthispollutedworld小子更休勤學我 Disciplesyoumustceaseatoncealleffortstotakeafterme誤來四十六年身 Someonewhohasspentinerrortheforty-sixyearsofhislifeNo7臨危獨念故交顧 IntimesofdangerIreminiscealoneoffriendsfrombygonedays何処世途非履氷 Whereinthisworldisthereapaththatisnrsquotliketreadingonice只得胸中無我愛 Icanonlyresolvetoexpungefrommyheartthesensethatthe

selfisprecious不干身外有人憎 Andstandunperturbedbytheillwillofothers

TheresentmentbredbyChūganrsquostransgressionseemstohavebeen

surprisinglytenaciousInthewinterof1362asChūganwasabouttobegin

meditationwithacolytesatKenninjioneormoreunknownassailantsshottwo

10

arrowsathimbothofwhichfortunatelymissed15Whiledetailssurroundingthe

incidentarescantmodernscholarsgenerallyascribethisapparentassassination

attempttohisdecisiontoabandonDongmingrsquoslineagenearlytwenty-fiveyears

earlier

Chūganperseveredandin1370hewasaskedtotakeupresidenceatKyotorsquos

Nanzenji南禅寺thehighestrankingtempleintheKyotoGozanOwingperhapsto

hisagehefoundtheassignmentuncongenialandldquofirmlydeclineditrefusingto

moverdquo堅辭不起andchoseinsteadtoremainatthenearbyRyūkōji龍興寺16As

lateas1373hewasaskedbyHosokawaYoriyuki細川頼之thentheshogunal

deputy(kanrei管領)andoneofthemostpowerfulmeninJapanforassistance

rebuildingTenryūji天龍寺afteritwaspartlydestroyedinafireChūganagain

refusedthistimeexplicitlyonaccountofageHecontinuedwritingwellintothe

nextyearcomposingtwocommemorativefuneraryaddresses(祭)forfellowZen

monksMuganSoō夢巖祖應(d1374)andJōzanSozen定山祖禅(1298-1374)17

Thatwinterheisreportedtohavedevelopedaldquoslightailmentrdquo微恙Whetherthe

descriptionwasgenuineormeioticChūgandiedearlythefollowingyearhis

recordedageseventy-sixbytheJapanesecountAccordingtoasupplementary

accountinhisJirekifuwhenhebecamedeliriousanddeathwasclearlyathandthe

attendantpriestsaskedtheirmasterforafinalpoemChūganmusteredwhat15JRFKōan2(1362)NotethatbeginningwiththefirstyearofRyakuō暦応ChūgandateshischronicleaccordingtotheregnaldesignationsoftheNorthernDynasty16JRFŌan3(1370)17JRFŌan6-8(1373-75)ThesearenolongerextantandwereapparentlydictatedbyChūganbutwrittendownbysomeoneelse(seenote18below)

11

strengthhecouldandrepliedthathehadalreadysaidtoomanybalefulthings

throughouthislifeandthattherewasnopointinsayinganythingmoreAfterthus

refusingtherequesthediedpeacefullyatnoonthatsameday18

18Chūganrsquosfinalcommentsaretranscribedas吾平生口禍不少今尚何言去去presumablyspokenaloudassomethinglikeWareheizeikuchinowazawaisukunakarazuimanaonaniokaiwanSaresare(ldquoOverthecourseofmylifemymouthhasgottenmeintotroublemorethanafewtimeswhatmoreistheretosaynowBeoffrdquo)ThiswasrecordedbyadiscipleKenDōshi inChūganrsquosautobiographicalchronicleInashortpostscripttothetextheinformsthereaderthatbecauseChūganhadstoppedwritingat68yearsofagehe(KenDōshi)hadtakenituponhimselftosupplyadditionalinformationregardingthelastyearsofhismasterrsquoslifePresumablyitwasheorotherattendantpriestswhoactuallytranscribedthefuneraryaddressesChūgancomposedforMuganandJōzanThenameKenDōshiisprobablyaninvertedabbreviationofanamecomprisedoffourcharactersThiswasstandardpracticethenameChūganEngetsu中巌円月forinstanceisoftengivenas月中巌

12

Chapter One

Political Suasion in a Time of Crisis The Memorials of Chūgan Engetsu and Yoshida Sadafusa

國者天下之利用也人主者天下之利勢也 Thestateisthemostefficaciousinstrumentintheworldandtoberulerofmenisthemostefficaciouspowerintheworld19 Xunzi

IntheearlyfourteenthcenturyJapaneseintellectualsandaristocrats(the

formernotalwaysasubsetofthelatter)begandevotingsubstantialattentionto

questionsthatuntilthenhadfiguredonlyminimallyinJapanesepoliticaldiscourse

suchaswhetherornotthelegitimacyandperpetualcontinuityoftheimperial

institutionwasguaranteedbyitspurportedlydivineoriginsunderwhat

circumstancesrecoursetoarmswasmorallyacceptableandtowhatextent

conceptsoflegitimatesovereigntydrawnfromtheChinesepoliticaltraditionmight

(ormightnot)usefullyinformgovernanceinJapan20ChūganEngetsuwasamong

thebrightestlightsofthemedievalintellectualmilieuandhiscontributionsto

questionssuchasthesearebothhighlyoriginalandextensiveindeedintermsof

genericandthematicbreadthChūganrsquoswritingisunrivalledbyanyothermedieval

19EricLHuttonXunzi(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress2014)p9920SeeAndrewEdmundGobleKenmuGo-DaigorsquosRevolution(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1996)pp20-29andTamakakeHiroyukiNihonchūseishisōshikenkyū(TokyoPerikansha1998)passim

13

JapanesefigurerangingfreelyacrosspoliticalandnaturalphilosophyBuddhist

doctrineandmultiplestylesofChinesepoetryThischapterwillexaminehisviews

onsocietyandstatecraftduringthetumultuousyearsoftheKenmuRestoration

(1333-36)awatershedmomentofinstitutionalruptureandintellectualcreativity

AsnotedintheintroductionChūganrsquosabilitiesearnedhimthepatronageofthe

powerfulprovincialleaderŌtomoSadamuneanduponreturningtoJapanin1332

fromaneight-yearsojourninChinahequicklybecameanactivepartisanin

EmperorGo-DaigorsquosstruggleforanewnationalorderHedrewuponavariedmix

ofChinesetextsbearingupontheestablishmentmaintenanceandbreakdownof

politicalauthorityinanefforttoinfluenceGo-DaigorsquospoliciesThata33year-old

prelatewithnoaristocraticheritagewouldhavesuchanopportunityinthefirst

placeisindicativeofboththenewfoundstatusofZenandthepossibilitiesofferedby

theuniquecircumstancesofthe1330sThoughturbulenttheyearsprecedingand

immediatelyfollowingtheKenmuRestorationwerehighlyproductiveintellectually

notonlyforChūganbutalsoforfellowZenluminaryMusōSoseki夢窓疎石(1275-

1351)21theearlytheoristofShinto(andTendaipriest)Jihen慈遍(flmid14thc)22

21SeeforinstanceMusōrsquosreflectionsonGo-DaigorsquosriseandfallasrecordedinMusōKokushigoroku夢窓国師語録(Taishōdaizōkyōvol80pp463c24-464b21)AtranslationoftherelevantsectionmaybefoundinWmTheodoredeBaryetaledsSourcesofJapaneseTradition(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1958)pp265-5822JihenwasoneofseveralearlymedievalfiguresinvolvedinarticulatingShintothroughtheconceptsandnomenclatureofesotericBuddhismHisprimaryworksincludeKujihongigengi旧事本紀玄義(TheProfoundMeaningoftheSendaikujihongi1332)andToyoashiharajinpūwaki豊葦原神風和記(HarmoniousRecordoftheDivineWaysofJapan1340)ThesehaveyettobetranslatedintoEnglishJihenrsquosthoughtistreatedinsomedetailinTamakakeNihonchūseishisōshikenkyūpp200-227

14

andthenativistscholarandproponentofIseShintoKitabatakeChikafusa北畠親房

(1293-1354)ChikafusarsquoslengthyandinfluentialtreatiseonJapaneseimperial

successionJinnōshōtōki神皇正統記(1343)treatssomeofthesameconcernsthat

Chūganaddressesalbeitfromwithinasubstantiallydifferentconceptualand

ideologicalframework

Thewritingsexaminedinthischapterwereallcomposedduringthe

formativemonthsofGo-Daigorsquosrestorationgovernmentfromtheautumnof1333

tothespringof1334andwereeithersubmitteddirectlytotheemperororwritten

withhiminmindastheimpliedreaderTheypermitanedifyingglimpseinto

Chūganrsquosrhetoricalstyleandpoliticalorientationwhichwaseclecticbut

thoroughlyldquoConfucianrdquoinoneimportantsensenamelyinhisconvictionthatthe

existenceofanautonomousmilitaryeliteconstitutedagrossdistortionoftheideal

socialorderToChūganthemilitarywasndashorshouldproperlybendashnothingmore

thananarmofroyalauthoritytobeemployedattheexclusivediscretionofthe

sovereignandheascribedmanyoftheillsofhisdaytoJapanrsquosdeviationfromthis

idealFittinglyfortheagehewasalsocommittedtothepositionthatcertain

historicalmomentsaresofraughtastobenegotiableonlythroughradicalaction

thatldquorevolutionizesrdquoortransforms(革)existingsociopoliticalarrangements

ChūganrsquosviewsonrevolutionwouldcometodifferfromGo-Daigorsquosasthe

Kenmuregimetookshapebutinbroadmeasuretheywerenicelyconsonantwith

theemperorrsquosgrandpoliticalambitionsandbeliefsaboutsovereigntyThroughout

1333atleastChūganseemstohavethoroughlyembracedGo-DaigorsquoscauseIn

Decemberofthatyearhesubmittedtotheemperoramemorial(JhyōCbiao表)

15

alongwithtwoshortessaysinwhichheoutlinedthecrisisfacingJapanand

presentedhisideasforreformThefirstpiecetobeconsideredbelowisanessay

entitledGenmin原民ldquoEstablishingtheFundamentsofthePeoplerdquowhichtreatsthe

idealsocialorderandthedangersrampantmilitarizationposestoit23Stylistically

thepiecewasheavilyinfluencedbythewritingsofHanYu韓愈(768-824)authorof

thesimilarlytitledYuandao原道oneofthemostinfluentialcriticalessaysin

Chineseliteraryhistory24HanYuwasamongtheearliestchampionsoftheclassical

guwen古文(Jkobun)styleinlieuofthepianliwen駢儷文(Jbenreibun)styleof

rhymedparallelproseCriticsofpianliwenarguedthatithadbecomevacuousand

overwroughtandtheysoughtinitsplaceamediumshornofornamentationand

easiertounderstandThelinguisticclaritythatcharacterizedtheguwenstylewas

lessanenduntoitselfthananaestheticmanifestationoftheideologydrivingthe

wholeofthefugu復古orldquoreturntoantiquityrdquomovementandtoHanYuandother

guwenauthorsclassicisminlanguagecomprisedanimportantelementinabroader

culturaltraditionalismonethatprovidedanaptvehiclefortheConfucianrevival

theysoughttobringaboutinthepoliticalsphere25ByChūganrsquosdaythedebate

overtherelativemeritsofpianliwenandguwenwasanoldoneandtheliterary

23Thewordgen原inthetitleisaverb(usuallyreadmotozukuortazunuinJapanese)whichisusedinthesenseoforiginatingorbasingoneselfinsomethingorinvestigatingsomethingdowntoitsoriginsThemeaningofthephrase原民thussubsumestheideasofldquobasingoneselforonersquospoliciesinthepeoplerdquoldquomakingthepeoplefundamentalrdquoandalsoofldquogettingtothebottomrdquoofhowmin民asasocialconceptistobeunderstood24SeePeterKBolldquoThisCultureofOursrdquoIntellectualTransitionsinTrsquoangandSungChina(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1992)pp128-31BolrendersthetitleoftheessayldquoFindingtheSourceforTaordquo25Ibidpp22-23

16

historyoftheTangFiveDynastiesandSongperiodswasrepletewithfine

practitionersofbothstylesTheSongerawitnessedtheeventualacceptanceof

guwenproseforuseonthejinshi進士examinationsadevelopmentindicativeofthe

esteemthestylehadgainedintheeyesofleadingscholar-officials26Andwhileits

importancetotheworldofJapanesekanbunwascomparativelyminorevidence

suggeststhattheguwen-pianliwendebatewasknowntoJapaneseliteratifromat

leastthemid-Heianperiod27GenerallyspeakingmedievalJapanesewritersdrew

stylisticinspirationfromasubstantiallylargerandmorediversebodyofChinese

textsthantheirHeianpredecessorshadworkssuchasWenxuanwhichhadso

heavilyinfluencedHeiankanbunnowexistedalongsideZizhitongjian資治通鑑

(ComprehensiveMirrorinAidofGovernance1084)XinTangshu新唐書(New

HistoryoftheTang1060)andmanyothertextsreflectiveofSong-eraaestheticand

intellectualdevelopmentsChūganprobablyusedtheguwenstylemoreadroitly

thananyofhiscontemporarieshismodelsinexpositoryproseappeartohavebeen

drawnpredominantlyfromtheTangandearlySongwithHanYursquoswritingexerting

particularstylisticinfluenceEvenChūganrsquoshighappraisaloftheSongpolymath

OuyangXiu歐陽修(1007-72)authorofXinTangshuhasbeenascribedbyone

pioneeringscholarofGozanliteraturetoOuyangrsquosnoteddevotiontoHanYu28

ThatChūganwouldsoadmireandultimatelyimitateHanYursquosrhetoric

bespeakshiswillingnesstoseparateformfromideologicalcontentandreflectsthe26DieterKuhnTheAgeofConfucianRule(CambridgeMABelknapPressofHarvardUnivPress2009)p13027KawaguchiHisaoHeianchōnokanbungaku(TokyoYoshikawaKōbunkan1981)pp129-3628KitamuraSawakichiGozanbungakushikō(TokyoFūzanbō1941)p219

17

comparativelyliberalapproachtoChinesehighculturetakenbythemedievalZen

establishmentEverybitthenativistintellectualHanYuwasacontumeliouscritic

ofBuddhismandastaunchsupporterofConfucianorthodoxypositionshe

articulatedpithily(andwithnosmallmeasureofvitriol)inYuandaoChūgantoo

wasanavidproponentofConfucianismitmightevenbesuggestedthathiswide-

rangingphilosophicaloeuvreisbroadlyunifiedbythepursuitofaConfucian-

Buddhistsynthesis29oratleastthatsuchapursuitguidedhismostnotableworks30

ButwhereHanYuemployedguwentoindictBuddhismasanadulteranttoChinese

cultureChūganusedittoaffirmBuddhismrsquosvaluetostateandsocietyinJapan

Inasmuchasmodernistexpositorywritingtendstoproceedfromtheassumption

thatlanguageisorshouldbeatransparentvalue-neutralmediumforconveying

ideasChūganrsquosadoptionofHanYursquoslucidlanguagetomakepro-Buddhist

argumentsisinacertainsensequitemodernToChūganBuddhismnolessthan

Confucianismwasbeneficialinpartbecauseofitssalubriouseffectsuponmorality

ButBuddhismalsoaddresseditselftophenomenathatlayoutsideConfucianismrsquos

traditionalpurviewandinmedievalJapantheconceptofkarmaanditscorollaries

providedbyfarthemostcomprehensiveandinfluentialepistemicbasisfor

understandingthehumancondition31Asismadeclearintheveryshortpiece

29ThisargumentseemstohavebeenmadefirstbyAshikagaEnjutsuseehisKamakuraMuromachijidainojukyō(TokyoNihonKotenZenshūKankōkai1932)pp21125530InoueMasamichiHonpōchūseimadeniokeruMōshijuyōshinokenkyū(TokyoKazamaShobō1972)pp261-6231BuddhismrsquosroleasthepreeminentparadigmshapingthemedievalepistemeistreatedinWilliamRLaFleurTheKarmaofWords(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1983)

18

Gensō原僧acompanionessaysubmittedtoEmperorGo-DaigoalongsideGenmin

Chūgandoesbelievethatwhenfarmersormerchantsabandontheirlivelihoodsand

nominallybecomemonkstheeffectisdetrimentalnotonlytothepriesthoodbut

alsotonationaleconomicwelfare32StillsomeknowledgeofBuddhistprinciples

amongthepopulaceisheldtobringbenefitstostateandsocietyassubstantialas

thosebroughtbyknowledgeoftheFourBooksreliableweightsandmeasuresand

anadequatemilitaryallofwhichhecitesapprovinglyatthebeginningofGenmin

ThemainthesisofGenministhatexcessivemilitarizationandaburgeoning

interestinmartialpursuitsacrossallsegmentsofsocietyisthekeysociopolitical

crisisconfrontingJapaninthe1330sThoughhewilllaterlaymuchoftheblamefor

thisphenomenonuponGo-Daigohimselfherehesimplyrecommendsthatthefour

Confucianldquoclassesrdquoandmembersoftheclergybeguidedbacktotheirpropersocial

rolesandthatonlypersonswithaspecificgovernmentmandatetobeararmsbe

permittedtodosoArdentlyopposedtobothpopularmilitancyandtheexistenceof

anautonomouswarrioreliteChūganasksrhetoricallywhetherthecountryeven

hasaldquomilitaryrdquoatallwhichtohimdenotesabranchofgovernmentthatprovides

forthenationaldefensebutisalwaysandeverywheresubordinatetothethrone

ChūganwilldevelopthislineofcritiquefurtherinhismemorialtoGo-Daigoandhe

willadvanceitwithgreaterconceptualsophisticationinhisfamousphilosophical

treatiseChūseishi中正子(TheMasterofBalanceandRectitude1334)whereitis

repurposedtocriticizetheemperordirectlyInsofarasGenminwasintended

simplytoprovideGo-DaigowithasuccinctoverviewofJapanrsquosproblemsasChūgan

32Atranslationofthisessayisgivenintheappendixtothischapter

19

sawthemitisofsomewhatlessconceptualandrhetoricalinterestthaneither

ChūseishiorthememorialNonethelessitsclarityandrelativesimplicitymakeita

usefulintroductiontothosetextsandanidealpointfromwhichtoapproach

ChūganrsquosworldviewduringtheinitialmonthsofGo-Daigorsquosrestorationgovernment

EstablishingtheFundamentsofthePeople33 Acrossthewideworldpeopleattendtotheirbasicdutiesandperfecttheir

craftsandtheircountriesbecomeprosperousandstrongFarmerssowcropsandplant

vegetablesandfruitingtreesArtisansmanagetheirestablishmentsandproduce

variouswaresMerchantsfacilitatethedistributionofgoodsfromwheretheyare

plentifultowheretheyarescarceOfficialsdraftgovernmentregulationsThe

credibilityoftheImperialsealandthereliabilityofweightsandmeasureshelpprevent

fraudanddeceptionTheteachingsculledfromtheBookofSongstheBookofHistory

theClassicofRitesandtheClassicofMusicservetoreformcrueltyandgreedArms

andfortificationsservetoforestallinvasionandplunderThusitisthatifthemasses

pursuetheirlivelihoodsandsupportthoseabovethemtherewillbenoinstancesof

peopleresortingtounprincipledmeanstokeepthemselvesfedandthecountrywillbe

prosperousandstrongThisishowthingsoughttobe

33ThetranslationisbasedonthetextfoundinTamamuraTakejirsquosGozanbungakushinshū(TokyoTokyoDaigakuShuppankai1970)p393AlsoconsultedwasKamimuraKankōrsquosGozanbungakuzenshū(TokyoGozanBungakuZenshūKankōkai1936)vol2pp104-5TamamurarsquoseditionofChūganrsquosworksisthemostcompletecurrentlyavailableitsprincipalsourcelikeKamimurarsquosisthe1764woodblockeditionofthecollectaneaofChūganrsquosworksTōkaiichiōshū東海一漚集(ABubbleontheEasternSea)ThiseditionwascollatedandpreparedforpublicationbythepriestDaigeSōdatsu大解宗脱(1706-62)attheHarimaDaizōinmonasteryandwhileitisgenerallyregardedasthevulgate(rufubon流布本)itomitsmuchandTamamurahasthereforesupplementeditwithadditionalmanuscriptcopiesofTōkaiichiōshūhousedatthetempleHōjōji法常寺andtheHistoriographicalInstituteattheUniversityofTokyo

20

Buddhismwasintroduced(toChina)intheHaneraandeversinceithasenabled

peopletogainaprofoundunderstandingoftheprinciplesgoverningnaturefatelife

anddeathandithasalsoilluminatedthekarmicrootsofgoodandillfortuneThusthe

peoplelovedgoodnessandtrustedtheywouldberewardedtheyeschewedwhatwas

notgoodandavoidedcalamitySomethingthatbenefitsthecountrywithoutharming

thepeoplecanonlyenhancetheprosperityandstrengthoftheformerLookingatour

owncountrytodayamongthepeopletherearenonewhodonotdonarmorandtake

upweaponsThecommonersarenegligentinattendingtotheirproperlivelihoodsand

theyattackandroboneanotherinthepursuitofgainAndastothosewhocuttheir

hairandenterthepriesthoodtheytooviewithoneanotherthroughforceofarmsand

abandontheirpropercallingOfallthedisastersthatmaybefallacountrynone

surpassesthisThepurposeofamilitaryistosuppressdisturbancestheverycharacter

forldquomilitaryrdquo(武)iscomposedofldquostoprdquo(止)andldquoweaponrdquo(戈)Yetthedisturbances

wefacetodaycannotbesuppressedCanwesaythatourcountryevenhasamilitary

OnesidehasstoutshieldsandsharpspearsbutsodoestheothersideHardnessis

pittedagainsthardnessandsharpnessagainstsharpnesswithbothsideshaving

comparablestrengthSincethestrengthofbothsidesisequaleachremainsunchecked

ThesearethefactsTheDiscoursesofZhourelatethefollowing

ldquoThekingsofoldglorifiedvirtueandwerenotquicktoflaunttheirmilitary

powerFlauntingmilitarypowerleadstoitsirresponsibleuseandifmilitarypowerisusedirresponsiblythenroyalauthoritywillnotberespectedrdquo34

34TheldquoDiscoursesofZhourdquo(周語)comprisethefirstsectionoftheGuoyu國語ThepassageuponwhichChugandrawsreadsasfollows穆王將征犬戎祭公謀父諫曰 「不可先王耀德不觀兵夫兵戢而時動動則威觀則玩玩則無震 ldquoKingMuwasabouttoattacktheQuanrongtribebutMoufuDukeofZhairemonstratedwithhimsayinglsquoThekingsofoldglorifiedvirtueandwerenotquicktoflaunttheirmilitarypowerIfmilitarypowerisheldbackanddeployedonlyattheappropriatetimesthen(royalauthority)willbefearedifmilitarypowerisflauntedthenitwillbeusedirresponsiblyandifitisusedirresponsiblynonewillrespect(royalauthority)rsquordquo

21

Sincethisisalreadythecase(inJapan)whatshouldbedoneItwouldbebest

foryourmajestytodecreethatanyonewhoisnotasoldieroftheimperialgovernment

shallbepunishedforbearingarmsandthatofficialsfarmersartisansmerchantsas

wellasmembersoftheclergymustdevotethemselvestotheperfectionoftheir

respectivecallingsIfthisisdoneitwillstrengthenandenrichthecountryandthereis

perhapshopeafterall

淳世之民各務本修業故國富且強矣所以農者播禾穀種菜果工者營棟宇造器皿賈者通其有無土者布其政令符璽秤斛之信以防其欺負詩書禮樂之教以正其狠戾甲兵干城之威以禁其侵奪然而百姓各修其業而奉其上則國無有徒為苟食者故富強也宜矣漢氏以降加以佛法使民精通性命死生之理且知禍福因果之道然而百姓好善賴慶忌不善而避殃故有利于國無害于民是以國益富且強矣今觀國朝民無不衣甲手兵者百姓皆怠其業互相侵奪以為利也若夫出家斷髮者亦以堅甲利兵相誇而廢其本業也禍亂之大莫之過焉武也者戡定禍亂也其為文也止戈也然今有如斯禍亂而不能勘定者可言國有武乎 彼亦堅甲利兵也以堅敵堅以利敵利其勢均矣勢均則不可制止也宜矣周語有之先王耀德不觀兵夫兵觀則翫翫則無震既然今宜奈之何 宜當 敕差有司如非官軍者衣甲手兵則誅之使彼士農工賈及釋氏之流各務本修業則富強之國其庶幾乎

Thepoliticalorderofthefourteenthcenturyandbeyondwoulddevelopin

preciselythedirectionChūganfearedandforreasonsthatseeminretrospectfar

beyondthereachofcourtpolicyAmodernreaderparticularlyoneinsensitiveto

thestylisticconventionsgoverningworksofcounselsubmitteddirectlytothe

thronecouldbeforgivenforseeinginChūganrsquosrecommendationsanaiumlveand

simplisticfaithinthepowerofimperiallegislationYettheKamakurashogunate

oncethepreeminentpowerinthecountryhadbeeneffectivelydestroyedsix

monthsbeforeGenminwaswrittenandintermsofmilitaryresourcesandthe

abilitytoprojectpowerGo-DaigorsquosincipientregimenowstoodunrivalledAnd

whiledevelopmentalnarrativesofmedievalJapanesehistorytendtopositan

22

inexorableriseofthewarriorsandconcomitantinevitabilityofautonomouswarrior

governmentthereisverylittleevidencethatfightingmenofthefourteenthcentury

sawtheircollectivepositionasdependentuponthecontinuedexistenceofa

shogunate35MoreoverwhileChūganrsquosagewascertainlyoneofchangeand

tribulationitwasnotyetoneofendemicviolenceandirreparablefragmentation

evenifcertainsociopoliticaltrendssuggestedtokeenobserversthatsuchafatewas

drawingnearHencetoanintellectualwhowasdisinclinedtosupportwarrior

governmentanddeeplyconcernedwiththespreadofsoldieryamongthepopulace

thethroneofferedthebestandmostlogicalhopeforstemmingthesetrendsand

restoringthepropersocialorderTheimperialcourtwasafterallthemost

enduringlocusofauthorityonthearchipelagoprovidingsociallegibilitythrough

officesranksandthedisseminationofhighcultureeventotheveryinstitutions

mostresponsibleforerodingitsmilitarymightandmaterialprerogativesviz

shogunalgovernmentsandinfluentialwarriorhouses

Chūganexpandsuponthecrisisofmilitarismandtheroleofthecourtin

addressingitinhismemorialtoGo-Daigoatextthatexpoundsthesamebasic

worldviewasGenminthoughfarmorestridentlyItisbothunusuallylengthyand

inplacesexceptionallybluntbythestandardsofextantJapanesememorialswhich

datepredominantlyfromtheHeianperiodandtendneithertoutilizetheguwen

stylenortreatsociopoliticalissuesasseriousasthosetakenupbyChūganThese

andotheraspectsoftheworkwillbeanalyzedindetailbelowitisworth

emphasizingattheoutsethoweverthatChūganrsquosmemorialconstitutesarareand

35GobleKenmuppxvi136266-67

23

valuableexampleofagenrethatwhileesteemedintheChinesetraditionandlong

practicedbyJapanesearistocratshasreceivedminimalattentioninstudiesof

JapanesekanshibunMoreoveritillustratesthewaysinwhichtheChinese

historicalexperiencecouldbemarshaledforpoliticalsuasionduringatransitional

momentinJapanesehistoryonewhoseepochalsignificancewasdifficultto

appreciateinreferencetothedomesticrecordalone

OnthistheeleventhdayoftheeleventhmonthIEngetsuTransmitteroftheDharmadohumblyandrespectfullyofferthismemorial36

Yourmajestyitismyhumblecontentionthatamongkingstherearethosewho

succeedahumanpredecessorcontinuehislineandkeepthingsunchangedandthere

arethosewhoreceiveHeavenrsquosmandateadaptskillfullytotheexigenciesofthe

moment(通變)andbringaboutrevolution(革)Examplesoftheformerincludethe

rulerswhocontinuedtheirlinesduringtheXiaYinandZhoudynastiesExamplesof

thelatterincludeTangwhodeposedJieandKingWuwhovanquishedZhou37Thus

doesYijingsayldquoTherevolutionsofTangandWuwereinaccordancewithHeavenand

inresponsetothepeoplerdquo38ButwhysimplystopatTangandWuGaozuandShizuof

HanTaizongofTangandTaizuofSongwereallmenofthissortAsWenZhongzi

opinedldquoifoneadaptsskillfullytochangingcircumstancestherealmwillbefreeofbad

36ThedatecorrespondstoDecember191333intheJuliancalendarThetextmaybefoundinGozanbungakushinshūvol4pp380-81andGozanbungakutaikeivol2pp86-8737ChengTang成湯wasthefirstruleroftheYin(Shang)DynastyanddeposedJie桀thelastruleroftheXiaWu武wasthefirstruleroftheZhouDynastyanddeposedZhou紂thelastruleroftheShang38湯武革命順乎天而應於人ThisfamouslinefromYijingisstilloftencitedindictionariesandencyclopediasasthelocusclassicusforthetermgemingkakumei革命ldquorevolutionrdquo

24

lawsbutifonecleavesstubbornlytofixednormsthentherealmwillbebereftof

beneficentteachingsrdquo39

Intheirperfectionoftransformativeteachings(教化)andregulativenorms(法度)theThreeDynasties(XiaShangandZhou)weresurpassedbynoneYetafterthe

regulationshadbeenineffectforalongperiodoftimetheybecamecorruptedonceit

wasunderstoodtheregulationshadindeedbecomecorruptedtheywerereformed(革)

Thisisthemeansbywhich(thereformers)adaptedtocircumstanceThusitwasthat

whentheregulationsoftheXiabecamecorruptedTangofYinreformedthemand

whentheregulationsoftheYinbecamecorruptedWuofZhoureformedthemAfter

theZhouhadfallenintodeclineitsregulationsslippedintoextremecorruptionandit

wasthenthatWeiYangenteredthestateofQinandreformeditsregulations40One

yearafterthereformswereenactedthenumberofpeopleinthecapitaldecryingthe

newlawsreachedintothethousandsandtheprinceevenviolatedthemWeiYang

opinedthatthereasontheregulationswerenotbeingsuccessfullyimplementedwas

thattheprincehimselfdidnotabidebythemAstherulerrsquosheirtheprincecouldnot

bepunishedbuthischiefadviserwaspunishedcorporallyandhistutorwastattooed41

AlmostovernightallthepeopleofQinsubmittedtothenewlawsTenyearslater

nonedaredtoevenpickupvaluablesdroppedontheroadsandthemountainswere

freeofbanditsThepeoplewerebraveinfightingwarsthatwereinthepublicinterest

(公)butreticenttoindulgeprivate(私)quarrelsThosewhohadoncecalledthenew

lawsunsuitablenowthoughtthemmostexpedientYetafterQinunifiedtherealmit

39通其變天下無弊法執其方天下無善教WenZhongzi文中子istheposthumousnameofthephilosopherWangTong王通(584-617)anditisalsothetitleoftheworkWenzhongzialternativelyknownasZhongshuo中説(DiscoursesontheMean)whichrecordshisresponsestoquestionsaskedbydisciplesThequotecomesfromthefourthchapterldquoZhouGongrdquo周公WangTongrsquosimportancetoChūganisdiscussedbelow 40WeiYang衛鞅(390-338BCE)betterknownasShangYang商鞅wasthearchitectofnumerousimportantreformsinthestateofQinAlongwithShenBuhaiandHanFeizihecontributedsignificantlytothedevelopmentofwhatwouldcometobeknownaslegalism41Theadviserwaspunishedbyhavinghisnosecutoff

25

lostsightoftheneedtomakeperiodicchangestoitslawstheevilsthatresultedwere

extremeandviolenceandcrueltyprevailed

HencetheQinlastedjusttwogenerationsbeforebeingdestroyedTheHan

thenassumedsuzeraintybutforoverseventyyearstheyfoundthatdespitetheir

effortstobringthesituationundercontrolnomethodseemedviableWhenlawswere

promulgatedwickednessonlygrewwhendecreeswereissuedfraudanddeceit

followedAlasitcouldnothavebeenotherwiseTheremnantsoftheQinwerea

peoplewhosecustomswereheartlessandperversewhichiswhytheyresisted(the

impositionoflawsbytheHan)ItwasforthisreasonthanDongZhongshusaidthe

followinginhisrescript

ldquoIfoneusesboilingwatertocalmboilingwaterthewaterwillonlyfrothandbubblemoreandwhenazitherhasfallenirreparablyoutoftuneonehasnochoicebuttoremovethestringsandreplacethemonlythenwillitbemadeplayableWhenagovernmenthasutterlylostitsauthoritythereisnochoicebuttotransformitonlythenmayorderbereestablishedrdquo42

DongZhongshursquoswordsarerightonthemarkItismycontentionifImaybeso

boldthatYourMajestyhasinheritedhisperspicacity(明)fromWenofZhouand

receivedhisvirtue(德)fromJimmu43Youhaverevivedthekinglywayandabolished

militaryhegemony(覇)44Youbringcomforttothefarthestcornersoftherealmand

42如以湯止湯湯愈甚琴瑟不調甚者必解而更張之乃可鼓也為政而不行甚者必變而更化之乃可理也ThequoteisfromDongZhongshursquosfirstrescript(ce册)SeeHanshu562504-05 43VirtueisthemostcommonEnglishtranslationof德butitfailstosufficientlyconveythesenseofsuasivetransformativepowerinherentinthetermArthurWaleyhasusedldquopowerrdquotorender德whichisquiteaccurateifthepowerinquestionisunderstoodtoarisefrommoralexcellenceThoughldquovirtuerdquowillbeusedhereforclaritysomethinglikeldquomoralcharismardquomightbemoreappropriateparticularlywhenappliedtoarulerSeeJonathanWSchoferldquoVirtuesinXunzirsquosThoughtrdquoinTCKlineandPhilipJIvanhoeedsVirtueNatureandMoralAgencyintheXunzi(IndianapolisHackett2000)pp69-88JohnSMayoretaledsandtransTheHuainanzi(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2010)pp872-7344TheconceptofhegemonyandthefigureofthehegemonaretreatedfurtherbelowChūganusesthetermtopejorativelycharacterizewarriorpoweringeneralandtheKamakurashogunateinparticular

26

embracetherudestofyourpeopleAllthedenizensofthislandrightlypayyouhumble

obeisanceWhobutanenlightenedsagaciousrulerndashonewhohasreceivedHeavenrsquos

mandatendashcouldaccomplishsuchathingSadlytherealmistodaybesetbytheevilsof

theKantōsuzerainswhosepolityhasstoodforoverahundredyearsThepeoplehave

graduallysunkintovicebecomingavariciousandwaywardintheirhabitsThisiswhy

lawsuitsfillthecourtsfrommorningtonightWorsestillthenumberofthosewho

wouldconspireinrebellionhasgrownlargeInotherwordsthingsherearenowas

theywereinChinawhentheHansucceededtheQinitisatimewhenordermaybe

restoredonlythroughrevolutionIhavenoknowledgeregardingtheearliestbeginning

ofHeavenandEarthButifyourmajestyweretoabolishmilitaryhegemonyandrevive

thewayofthekingwouldthisnotbethebeginningofanachievementndashhereinour

timendashthatwouldringoutfortenthousandgenerationsHowcanweaffordnotto

reformthebanefulscourgeofoutmodedways45

AlasIambutalonemustardweedinamountainforestandIwillultimately

decaytonothingalongsidethegrassesandthetreesIamnotboundbyworldly

interestsandonemaywonderwhyIhaveofferedthesewordscourtingtrouble

throughmyimpertinenceInpointoffactIdosoonlyforthebenefitoftherealm(天下)notformyself(身)TrulyIdosoforposteritynottobaskinthegloryofa

momentrsquosfameItismyhumblecontentionthatifyourmajestywilltaketoheartthe

greatwordsofDongZhongshuandWangTongandacceptthesincerityofmycounsel

thentherealmwillprosperformyriadagestocomeImyselfhavenoauthoritytoact

soIhavecomposedtwoessaysGenminandGensōforyourmajestyrsquosperusalIfyou

findanyoftheideasespousedthereintobeofusepleaseissuearoyaledict

commandingyourofficialstoseethattheyareputintoeffectTheforegoingisoffered

mosthumblywithutmostreverenceandtrepidation45陛下除覇興王不乃萬世鴻業之始固在斯時乎舊法之弊不可革耶Ifthereferentof覇istakenspecificallytobetheKamakuraregimewhichwasdestroyedapproximatelysixmonthsearlierthefirstpartmightberenderedldquodoesnotyourmajestyrsquosabolitionofmilitaryhegemonyandrevivalofthewayofthekingconstitutethebeginningofanachievementndashhereinourtimendashthatwillringoutfortenthousandgenerationsrdquo

27

上 建武天子表 十一月日傳法臣僧圓月謹昧死上書 皇帝陛下竊以王者受禪於人者襲其統而沿之得命於天者通其變而革之受禪於人者如夏后殷周之克繼者也得命於天者湯放桀武王伐紂之類皆是也故易曰湯武革命順乎天而應於人豈止湯武而已漢高祖世祖唐太宗宋太祖皆其人也文中子曰通其變天下無幣法執其方天下無善教教化法度之成三代莫之踰者然久則其法又弊法弊則革之所以通其變也所以夏法弊則殷湯革之殷法弊則周武革之周之衰時法之弊甚時衞鞅入秦變其法行之期年國都言新法之不便者以千數於是太子犯法鞅言法之不行自上犯之太子君嗣也不可施刑輒刑其傳黥其師明日秦人皆趍令行之十年秦國道不拾遺山無盜賊民勇於公戰怯於私鬪然後其初言不便者來言令便也然而秦得天下之後弗能知複變其法之理故弊甚極至暴酷是以二世而亡 漢繼秦之後七十餘歲雖欲理之無可奈何 法出而奸生令下而詐起則無它以秦之遺民習俗薄惡民人抵冒也是故董仲舒對策曰如以湯止湯湯愈甚琴瑟不調甚者必解而更張之乃可鼓也為政而不行甚者必變而更化之乃可理也仲舒之言至矣哉恭惟陛下明繼周文德承神武興王除覇柔遠包荒高田之下厚地之上莫不賓順非聰明睿知得命於天者孰能與於此哉然今天下為關東所伯百數十歲之弊積焉斯民漸漬惡俗貪饕 故自朝至暮獄訟滿庭又沙上偶語者亦多矣乃與漢繼秦之時偶相同也更化則可理之時也天地之初臣不得而知之陛下除覇興王不乃萬世鴻業之始固在斯時乎舊法之弊可不革耶 臣是山林一芥宜當與草木共朽也實為天下不為身也實為萬世不為一時名望之榮也伏望陛下感董生王通之至言而收臣懇誠則天下萬世之幸矣臣不自揆輒撰原民原僧二篇以塵睿覧如有可采敕有司施行之謹奉書以聞某誠惶誠恐

Chūgandesignatesthispieceahyō表(Cbiao)aparticulartypeofmemorial

understoodtoconveyopinionsandpolicyviewsunlikethemoreexplicitly

admonitorysō奏(zou)46AshedoesinGenminChūgandetailsthemalaiseafflicting

46Anextendeddiscussionofthehistoryandliteraryqualitiesofroyalmemorialsmaybefoundinchapters22and23ofWenxindiaolong文心雕龍aseminalworkofliterarytheorybytheLiang-erascholarLiuXie劉 (465-522AD)Thebiaoistreatedinchapter22

28

contemporaryJapanesesocietyplacingtheonussquarelyupontherecentlytoppled

Kamakuraregimeandbuttressinghispositionwithexamplesdrawnfromthe

ChineseexperienceGo-Daigorsquosrevolutionarymomentiscastinthemostelevated

termsimaginablewithinthegrandsweepofEastAsianhistorylikenedtothe

epochaltransitionsfromtheShangDynastytotheZhouandtheQintotheHan

Suchrhetoricimmediatelysuggeststhattherecentupheavalsbesettingboththe

shogunateaninstitutionwithnocloseanalogueinChinaandtheJapanesecourt

whichinformandfunctionhadcometodifferdramaticallyfromChinarsquosmight

nonethelessbeunderstoodinbroadlyldquoChineserdquotermsauguringthefallofone

nationalorderandtheriseofanotherInasmuchasthisreadingflattersEmperor

Go-DaigoandunderscoresthegravityofhishistoricalsituationitservesChūganrsquos

purposewell

AnevenmoreaccurateiflessdramaticapplicationoftheChinesehistorical

experiencetofourteenthcenturyJapanissuggestedbyChūganrsquosuseoftheterm

ldquohegemonrdquo(覇)incontradistinctiontoldquokingrdquo(王)Asnotedabovetheprimary

referentsfortheformeraretheKamakuraregimeandthemodelofindependent

warriorgovernanceitrepresentedThehegemonsofclassicalConfucian

historiographyrefertorulersinpre-imperialChinawhowhilepoliticallyand

militarilysuccessfuldidnotconformtothemoralidealsofrulershipespousedby

theru儒classicists47Thehegemonsarementionedinnumerouscanonicaltexts

47SeeHuttonXunzippxxiv-xxvTheusualtranslationforruinEnglishisldquoConfucianrdquothoughinthetreatmentofearlytextsthisissometimesreplacedbytermssuchasldquoclassicistrdquoldquoclassicalstudiesscholarrdquoorsimplyleftuntranslatedTheruwereexpertsinZhouperiodritualandversedinthetextsandtraditions

29

includingLunyuMengziandespeciallyXunziwhichdevotesanentirechapterto

clarifyingthedifferencebetweenthemandtruekingsForthephilosopherXunzi荀

子(XunKuang荀況313-238BC)thehegemonwasbetterthanatyrantkingbut

stillfarfromidealMengzi孟子(MengKe孟軻372-289BC)perhapsthemost

influentialruthinkerbesidesConfuciushimselfemphasizedtheirrelianceonbrute

power(力)overmoralcapacityorldquovirtuerdquo(徳)andappraisedtheminthefollowing

terms

OnewhousespowerasasubstituteforbenevolenceisaHegemonandaHegemonneedstohavealargestateOnewhousesvirtuetoeffectbenevolenceisaKingandaKingdoesnotdepend(forhissuccess)onthesizeofhisstate48以力假仁者霸霸必有大國以德行仁者王王不待大

BythetimeoftextssuchasMengziandXunzithehegemonwasan

establishedfigureofrule-by-mightandalthoughtheyarosealmosttwothousand

yearsbeforetheKamakurashogunatetheirdevelopmentduringtheZhouerais

similarenoughtothatofwarriorpowerinJapantosustainacomparisonthatisnot

onlyrhetoricallyeffectivebutlogicallycompellingaswellAsexplainedbyEdward

SlingerlandthehegemonwasapositionfirstrecognizedbytheZhoukingsin681

BCwhenDukeHuanofQiwasgiventhisappointmentinordertoleadtheChinese

defenseagainstbarbarianinvasionwhiletheyweretheoreticallyregentsofthe

Zhoumonarchthehegemonsinfactruledindependentlyandthepostitself

associatedwithConfuciusSeeMarkCsikszentmihalyiReadingsinHanChineseThought(IndianapolisHackett2006)p18448Mengzi2A3

30

representedanimportanterosionofZhouroyalauthority49AsChūganwaswell

awaresomethingquitesimilarmightbesaidabouttheshogunateaninstitution

nominallycaptainedbyamilitarydictatorbearingthetitleSei-itaishōgun征夷大将

軍ldquoGeneralissimooftheExpeditionaryForceAgainsttheBarbariansrdquoa

commissionoriginallygrantedintheNaraandearlyHeianperiodstocommanders

leadingJapaneseforcesagainstunassimilatedpeoplesinnorthernHonshuFor

ChūgantheKamakurashogunatewasnotlikeadynastythathadlostthelegitimate

righttogovernratheritwasakintothepolitiesofZhou-erahegemonsmorally

illegitimateinthiscapacityfromthebeginningMoreoveritisclearthattheterm

ldquohegemonrdquo(orldquohegemonyrdquo)asusedinthememorialwouldapplyinprincipletoany

systemofrulebyautonomouswarriorsuzerainsandthatChgūanrsquosdiscussionof

Go-Daigorsquoscentralaccomplishmentndashrevivingthekinglywayandabolishing

militaryhegemonyndashwasintendedbothasacelebrationoftheemperorrsquos

achievementsandasaprescriptionforthestateofaffairshehopedwouldobtainin

perpetuityundertheneworder

AnothernotableandinthecontextofJapanesethoughtfairlyunusual

featureofthememorialistheprominenceChūganaccordstotheWesternHan

thinkerDongZhongshu董仲舒(179-104BC)Asadvisertotheillustrious

EmperorWu武(r141-87BC)DongadvancedavisionofConfucianismthat

quicklybecameacentralpillarofHanpoliticaltheoryandstatecraftAttheheartof

hissyncreticphilosophywasanactiveHeavenwhoselawsgovernnotonlythe

naturalworldbuthumanaffairsaswellalongwithanabidingbeliefinthedynamic49EdwardSlingerlandAnalects(IndianapolisHackett2003)p239

31

interrelatednessofseeminglydisparatesocialandnaturalphenomena50Notunlike

DongChūganhopedtoshapethedecisionsofamatureandvigoroussovereignwho

waswillingtoembracecoercioninordertoremakethepoliticallandscapeTheaim

ofhismemorialtoGo-Daigowastoofferintellectualjustificationforrevolutionan

endtowhichYijingstudiesandDongrsquosperspectiveonhistoricalchangewasnicely

suitedInparticularDonghadarguedthatsovereignswhoaccededuringperiods

whentheworldiswellgoverneddonotalterthewayoftheirforebearsbutthose

whocometopowerduringtimesofdisorderdo51TheHanaccordingtoDong

ldquosucceededaftergreatdisorderrdquo(漢繼大亂之後)anditisthereforerightand

properthattheyshouldaltersomeofthenormsthathadprevailedduringtheZhou

justastheZhouadynastyalsobornofdisorderhaddoneamillenniumbefore52

AlthoughChūgandoesnotexplicitlyapplyDongrsquostheoryofhistorical

cyclicalitytoJapanitseemsclearthatinmattersofthemeanddictionhewas

stronglyinspiredbythefamoustriptychofldquoresponsesrdquo(對策)inwhichDong

50SeeMichaelLoeweDivinationMythologyandMonarchyinHanChina(NewYorkCambridgeUnivPress1994)pp134-41andldquoImperialSovereigntyDongZhongshursquosContributionandHisPredecessorsrdquoinSRSchramedFoundationsandLimitsofStatePowerinChina(LondonSchoolofOrientalandAfricanStudiesUnivofLondon1987)pp33-5751SeeGaryArbuckleldquoInevitableTreasonDongZhongshursquosTheoryofHistoricalCyclesandEarlyAttemptstoInvalidatetheHanMandaterdquoJournaloftheAmericanOrientalSociety1154(1995)pp585-9752Ibidpp591-92DongeffectivelyignorestheQinseeminglyregardingitinArbucklersquoswordsasanldquohistoricalmiscarriagerdquoThepeacefulsuccessionswerefromYaotoShunShuntoYuandYutohissonconstruedinthisschemaasthefirstformalruleroftheXiathedynastiestosucceedbyconquestweretheShangZhouandHan

32

outlinedhiscyclicaltheorytoEmperorWu53Thequestionsandresponsesare

preservedinHanshu漢書(TheHistoryoftheHan)afoundationaltextlongstudied

byJapaneseintellectualsandonetowhichChūganwouldundoubtedlyhavehad

ampleaccesslongbeforehisjourneytoChinaOtherworksbyDongZhongshualso

seemtohavebeenknowninJapansinceatleastthelateninthcenturyasonetext

attributedtohimismentionedinthebibliographicresourceNihonkokugenzaisho

mokuroku日本国見在書目録acatalogueofChinesetextsheldinJapan54Overall

howeverDongdoesnotappeartohaveenjoyedparticularprominenceinJapanese

politicalthoughtthisdespitewidespreadinterestamongJapaneseliteratiinboth

theinterpretationofomensandtheSpringandAutumnAnnalsaworkcentralto

Dongrsquosscholarshipandpolicypositions55InnoothertextofwhichIhave

knowledgedoesDongZhongshufeaturemorecentrallythanhedoesinChūganrsquos

53AnanalysisofthesetextsisgiveninMichaelLoeweDongZhongshuAlsquoConfucianrsquoHeritageandtheChunqiuFanlu(BostonBrill2011)pp83-10154Compiledca891byFujiwaranoSukeyo藤原佐世theworklists1579separateChineseworksthattotalalmost17000fasciclesCuriouslythemostfamoustracttraditionallyascribedtoDongChunqiufanlu春秋繁露(LuxuriantDewofTheSpringandAutumnAnnals)isnotamongthemtheoneworkbearinghisnameistitledChunqiuzaiyiDongZhongshuzhan春秋灾異董仲舒占whichIhavenotfoundelsewhereAtentativetranslationmightbePrognosticationsofDongZhongshuConcerningDisastersandAnomaliesAppearinginTheSpringandAutumnAnnals55InJapanTheSpringandAutumnAnnals(Chunqiu春秋)andtheZuoCommentary(Zuozhuan左傳)hadbeenaformalpartofthestateuniversitycurriculumsinceitsinceptioneachmentionedexplicitlyassuchintheRegulationsoftheYōrōEra(養老令718)Themid-ninthcenturylegaltextRyōnoshūge令集解acompilationofexpansionsandexplanatoryglossesontheYōrōregulationsnotesthattheGongyang公羊andGuliang穀梁commentarieshadalsobecomederigueurNihonkokugenzaishomokurokulistsnolessthan33separateworksonChunqiuanditscommentaries

33

memorialandinfewotherperiodsofJapanesehistorycouldhisthoughthavebeen

morereadilyapplied

WhiletheworkofDongZhongshuwasquiteclearlyknowninJapanevenif

seldomstudiedindepthWangTonghasleftalmostnotracewhatsoeverinthe

worldofJapanesekanshibunoutsideofChūganrsquoswritingWenzhongziisabsent

altogetherfromNihonkokugenzaishomokurokuandacomputersearchofthevast

bodyofofficialdocumentsandcourtierdiariesdigitizedinrecentyearsrevealsnot

asingleexplicitmentionofitexceptinChūganrsquosmemorial56Theonlyother

referencetoWenzhongziofwhichIamawareoccursinthediaryoftheinimitable

EmperorHanazono花園(1297-1348r1308-18)whoafterperusingitinthe

summerof1324assessedWangTongasbeingonparwithXunziandYangXiong57

56DongZhongshudoesnotfaredramaticallybetterinthisregardthanWangTongbuthisChunqiufanluwhilenotlistedinNihonkokugenzaishomokurokuisquotedonceinMinkeiki民経記thediaryofthehigh-rankingofficialKadenokōjiTsunemitsu勘解由小路経光(1212-74)andalsoinaspecialreport(kanjin勘申)submittedbyFujiwaranoAtsumitsu藤原敦光(1063-1144)toEmperorSutoku崇徳in1135apparentlyinresponsetothelatterrsquosquestionsregardingportentsoffamineandsicknessThisreportwasincludedinthemid-twelfthcenturyHonchōzokumonzui本朝続文粹athoroughlyannotatedversionofitmaybefoundinYamagishietaledsKodaiseijishakaishisō(TokyoIwanamishoten2001)pp169-84TheHistoriographicalInstituteattheUniversityofTokyomaintainsasearchabledatabasethatincludesthedocumentcollectionsHeianibunKamakuraibunandDaiNihonkomonjoalongwithdigitizedversionsofdozensofdiariesandrecordsfromtheNaraHeianandKamakuraperiodsSeehttpwwwaphiu-tokyoacjpshipsshipscontroller57Hanazonotennōshinki花園天皇宸記Shōchū1412SeeAndrewEGobleldquoSocialChangeKnowledgeandHistoryHanazonorsquosAdmonitionstotheCrownPrincerdquoHarvardJournalofAsiaticStudies551(1995)p103ItisofinteresttonotethatcomparisonsofWangTongwithMengziXunziandYangXiongbecamecommoninChinaduringtheNorthernSongwhenWenzhongzibegantoappearonthecivilserviceexaminationsOnthisseeWongKwok-yiuldquoBetweenPoliticsandMetaphysicsOntheChangingReceptionofWangTrsquoungintheTrsquoang-SungIntellectualTransitionsrdquoMonumentaSericavol55(2007)pp61-97

34

LikeDongZhongshuWangTongsoughttounitemultiplestrandsofclassical

ChinesethoughtunderanessentiallyConfucianphilosophicalrubricandhedrew

heavilyonZhongyong中庸(TheDoctrineoftheMean)YijingChunqiuandthework

ofDongZhongshuhimselfYetWangattemptedsomethingthataWesternHan

figurelikeDongcouldnothaveintegratingintohissystemnotonlythoseparticular

textsandmodesofdiscourseidentifiedprincipallywithConfucianismandDaoism

butalsothoseassociatedwithBuddhismWenzhongziquotesdirectlyfromthe

AvatamsakaSutra(CHuayanjingJKegonkyō華厳經)andtheverychapteron

whichChūgandrawsinhismemorialcontainsanexchangebetweenWangandone

ofhisdisciplesinwhichWangidentifiedtheBuddha佛asasage聖人58The

unificationofConfucianismDaoismandBuddhismcollectivelystyledtheldquoThree

Creedsrdquo(CSanjiaoJSankyō三教)intherealmsofaestheticsmetaphysicsethics

andstatecraftwouldbecomearecurringtropeinmedievalJapanesethoughtandit

isquitelikelythatWenzhongziwasasignalworktoayoungChūganseekinga

holisticunderstandingofthevicissitudesofhisage59

MorethanthisChūganmayhaveseenhimselfasanintellectualheirtoWang

TongandaspiredtocontinuehislegacyinJapanChgūanrsquosphilosophicalmagnum

opusaportionofwhichwillbeconsideredbelowistheaforementionedChūseishi

58SeeZhangPeiZhongshuojiaozhu(BeijingZhonghuaShuju2013)pp11and114ThecontextseemstosuggestthatthebuddhainquestionisthehistoricalBuddhabuttheidentificationmightbeinterpretedassimplybeingbetweenabuddhaandasage59NotinfrequentlyConfucianismwasreplacedinthemedievalJapaneseversionoftheldquoThreeCreedsrdquobyrecentlydevelopednotionsofShintotheformulationofwhichowedmuchtoesotericBuddhismmountainasceticism(Shugendō修験道)andoldertraditionsofkamiworshipthathadnotpreviouslybeensystematized

35

中正子whichwascomposedseveralmonthsafterGenminandthememorialtoGo-

DaigoTheworktakesitstitlefromapseudonymousfictionalcharacterwho

representsChūganrsquosownviewsindialogicexchangesNotonlyisthename

ChūseishildquoTheMasterofBalanceandRectituderdquoimmediatelysuggestiveofWang

TongrsquosposthumousmonikerWenzhongzi文中子ldquoTheMasterofCultureand

BalancerdquoChūganrsquosworkisalsostructuredinpreciselythemannerofWenzhongzi

andcoverssimilarmaterialIntheopeningchapterofChūseishitheMasterof

BalanceandRectitudeevenopinesthatWangTongwasldquoremarkablysimilarrdquoto

Confucius60ItisprobablynotunreasonabletoassumethatChūganwhowas34at

thetimeandinthebeginningofhismostcreativeandexperimentalperiodhoped

thathetoomightsomedaybeaccordedcomparableapprobation

ANoteonGenreandStyleChūganrsquosMemorialintheContextofMedieval

JapaneseKanbun

GiventhesingularcircumstancesconfrontingJapaneseelitesand

intellectualsinthe1330sitisperhapsnotsurprisingthatintermsofcontent

60王氏後夫子千載而生然甚俏焉SeeIriyaYoshitakaedldquoChūseishirdquoinIchikawaHakugenetaledsChūseiZenkenoshisō(TokyoIwanamishoten1972)pp128and172ChūganseemstohavemeantthisasagenuinecomplimentoratleastasaneutraldescriptionofWangTongrsquosapproachtoscholarshipWangTongwashoweverinfamousforhisovertemulationofConfuciusinseeminglyeveryaspectofhislifestylesomethingforwhichhewascriticizedbylaterscholarsparticularlythoseassociatedwiththeDaoxuemovementSeeHowardJWechslerldquoTheConfucianTeacherWangTrsquoung(584-617)OneThousandYearsofControversyrdquoTrsquooungPaoLXIII(1977)pp225-272andHoytClevelandTillmanUtilitarianConfucianismChrsquoenLiangrsquosChallengetoChuHsi(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1982)pp106-7

36

ChūganrsquosmemorialstandswellapartfrommostextantJapaneseexamplesofthe

genreOver40hyōbyJapaneseauthorsarepreservedintheinfluentialeleventh-

centurykanshibunanthologyHonchōmonzui本朝文粹(TheLiteraryEssenceofOur

Court)anddozensmoremaybefoundinprivatecollectionssuchasKankebunsō管

家文草 andToshibunshū whichrecordthewritingsofnotedliterati

SugawaranoMichizane菅原道真(845-903)andMiyakonoYoshika都良香(c838-

79)respectivelyAllofthesememorialsarebyaristocratsandthevastbulkare

formaldeclinations(jici辭)ofofficialappointmentsSuchdeclinationsfrequently

offeredmoreasdemonstrationsofhumilitythanasearnestrefusalsrepresenta

majortraditionalfunctionofthehyō61AlthoughMichizanedidcomposesomevery

briefhyōthataddressedissuesofgovernmentpolicyndashinoneherequeststhatan

additionalprofessorofliterature(monjōhakase文章博士)beappointedatthe

universityndashnonespeaktofundamentalpoliticalreformorbearuponthetotalityof

statesocietyandkingshipinJapanWereonetosearchfortextsbyJapanese

authorssimilarinbothintentandcontenttoChūganrsquosmemorialthelikeliest

candidateswouldnotbeHeian-erahyōbutratherworksofpoliticalcounseloffered

bycontemporariessuchasYoshidaSadafusa吉田定房(1274-1338)Amemberof

thehighnobility(kugyō公卿)Sadafusawasamongthemosteducatedmenofhis

generationandservedasroyalvizierandtutorintheChineseclassicstoEmperor

61SometimesappointeeswouldoffernotonebutthreedeclinationsfollowingtheexampleofDukeWenofJin(c771-476BC)whothricerefusedanofferofenfeoffment(册)beforeeventuallyacceptingitThispracticewasapparentlyfollowedfaithfullybysomeJapaneseofficialsasmemorialsofdeclinationlabeledldquofirstrdquoldquosecondrdquoandldquothirdrdquoarenotuncommoninHonchōmonzui

37

Go-DaigoIn1324hedraftedaten-pointldquokotogaki-stylerdquomemorial(sōjō奏狀)

analyzedindetailbelowinwhichhewarnedGo-Daigoagainstchallengingthe

bakufumilitarily62Thepieceisthoughtfulandlearnedexemplifyingwellthe

traditionofChineselearningwithinthearistocracyandillustratingtheimportance

oftheChinesehistoricallegacytopoliticalsuasioninJapanOlderanaloguesmight

alsobesoughtinkanmon(勘文)agenrewithouttheliterarypatinaofthehyōbut

usedfrequentlybyJapanesearistocratstoofferopinionsandrecommendationson

mattersofcourtpolicy

Altogetherthehyōseemstohavebeenagenrefarmorecommonly

composedbyHeian-period(794-1185)courtiersthanbymedievalliteratiand

predominantlyforpurposesotherthanremonstrationorpolicyproposalToa

muchgreaterextentthanotheresteemedChineseliteraryforms(egshi詩ron

(lun)論sho(shu)書san(zan)贊andfu賦)memorialsandperhapsthehyōmost

especiallyseemtohaveremainedinJapananichegenretiedcloselytoa

continentalcultureofofficialdomoneinwhicheducatedministerspliedtheir

serviceswithinasingularstatistauthoritystructureatwhoseapexstoodtheoffice

andpersonaoftheemperorThismodelofgovernancemetwithrespectable

successinJapanduringtheNara(710-94)andearlyHeianerasandwasinavery

62SeeKasamatsuHiroshietaledsChūseiseijishakaishisōvol2(TokyoIwanamiShoten1981)pp149-154Intheso-calledkotogaki事書きorkajōgaki箇条書きformateachentrybeginshitotsuhellipnokoto一 hellip 事ldquoItemIntheMatterofhelliprdquoorinlegalpreamblesldquoItemWhereashelliprdquoForexamplethefirstentryinSadafusarsquosmemorialopenswiththecaption一王者以仁勝暴事whichmightbereadaloudinJapaneseasHitotsuōwajinwomottebōnikatsukotoldquoItemThataKingOvercomesViolencewithBenevolencerdquoNotallJapanesememorialsbearingthesōzhuangdesignationarestructuredlikethis

38

basicsensethemodeltowhichChūganandGo-DaigoweremostattractedButby

thetimeChūganwaswritingsuchapolityhadlongsincebeentransformedbyboth

auniquelyJapaneseapparatusofstatistauthorityndashthebakufu幕府orldquoshogunaterdquo

ndashandnumeroussourcesofmorelocalizedldquolordlyrdquoauthoritysuchaswealthy

familiesandreligiousinstitutions63DuringtheMuromachiperiod(1338-1573)

eventheshogunatecouldmakenopretensetoanythingresemblingabsolute

nationalsuzeraintyandfunctionedinsteadasaninterdependentpart(albeitavery

powerfulone)inwhathasbeentermedaldquosystemoflordlycorporationsrdquo64Thisis

nottosaythateducatedaristocraticministersceaseddischargingthefunctionsof

theirHeianpredecessorstheycertainlydidnotButthecourtwasnolongeratthe

centeroftextualproductionanditsrelativeretreatfromleadershipinthisarea

roughlytracksthetrajectoryofitsfortunesasaninstitutionwhichexceptingthe

briefrevivalincourtauthoritybetween1321and1336declinedmarkedlyoverthe

courseoftheKamakuraperiodandfellstillfurtherinthecenturiesthatfollowed65

ThroughouttheMuromachiperiodhighlytrainedBuddhistscholar-priests

grewnotonlytooutnumberaristocraticministersandmembersofthehereditary

hakase博士scholarfamiliesbutalsotooutpacethemintheproductionofpoetry

63UseofthetermslordlyandstatistfollowMaryElizabethBerryTheCultureofCivilWarinKyoto(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1994)64Ibidpxxvii65SeeGCameronHurstIIIldquoTheKōbuPolityCourt-BakufuRelationsinKamakuraJapanrdquoinJefferyPMassedCourtandBakufuinJapanEssaysinKamakuraHistory(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1982)pp3-28GermanetoGo-DaigorsquospoliticalorientationwastheKamakurashogunatersquosroleineffectivelysplittingtheimperialfamilyintotworivallineseachdependingforincomeontheirowndiminishedportfoliosofestates

39

andexpositoryproseinChinese66WorkintheseareasbyfigureslikeChūgan

ZekkaiChūshinMusōSosekiGidōShūshin義堂周信(1325-88)Hanazonoand

manyothersreachedheightsofartistryandintellectualsophisticationunexcelledby

eventhegreatestofHeianliteratiOnamoremundanelevelkanbunremainedthe

mediumofchoiceinawidevarietyofpracticalcontextsandthecharacteristic

socialtrendsoftheagemostnotablythedecentralizationofauthorityand

expansionofthecommercialeconomymotivatedanimpressiveefflorescenceof

familyprecepts(kakun家訓)privatestatutorycodesforthemanagementoffamily

properties(egthemasterfulMunakatakotogakijōjō宗像事書条々of1312)along

withagalaxyoflegalrecordscontractsbillsofsaleandotherdocumenttypesseen

eitherlessfrequentlyornotatallinearlierepochs

Moreoverinasmuchastheliterarykanshibuntraditionduringthemedieval

erawasshapedlessbyaristocratsthanbymembersoftheclergysomeofwhom

hadspentextendedperiodsoftimeinChinaandwereproficientinbothldquoclassicalrdquo

ChineseandtheSongvernacularthereisprobablymorestylisticdiversityin

literarykanshibunofthistimethaninthatoftheHeianperiodTheprosestyleof

Chūganrsquosmemorialnolessthanitsboldsubjectmatterdistinguishesitfromits

HeianpredecessorsAsalreadynotedChūganpreferredtowriteinadirectguwen-

inspiredstylealthoughsomeofMichizanersquoshyōarerelativelystraightforwardthey

allfarbrieferthanChūganrsquosandtheexamplesofthegenreinHonchōmonzuitend

toexemplifythehighlywroughtpianwenstyleofparallelproseBycontrast

66KurozumiMakotoDavidLurietransldquoKangakuWritingandInstitutionalAuthorityrdquoinHaruoShiraneedInventingtheClassicsModernityNationalIdentityandJapaneseLiterature(StanfordStanfordUnivPress2000)p210

40

Chūganrsquosmemorialisnotonlydirectbutseemsalmostcolloquialinplacesasinthe

portioncitedabovewherehetellsGo-Daigothatrestoringthekinglywayinthisera

would(ordid)constituteaparticularlygrandachievementInthisexamplethe

phraseldquoespeciallyinthistimerdquo固在斯時isinsertedintotherhetoricalquestionina

waythatsuggeststheurgencyofaspokenutterance

陛下除覇興王不乃萬世鴻業之始固在斯時乎舊法之弊可不革耶 IfyourmajestyabolishesmilitaryhegemonyandrevivesthewayofthekingwouldthisnotbethebeginningofanachievementndashhereinourtimendashthatwouldringoutforathousandgenerationsHowcanweaffordnottoreformthebanefulscourgeofouroutmodedways67

TodayChūganrsquosmemorialstandsasasingularexampleofpolitical

argumentationinmedievalJapanandtestifiesimplicitlytotheopportunitiesfor

bothsocialadvancementandideologicalexperimentationpresentedbyGo-Daigorsquos

ambitionsArtisticallyitillustratestheconventionsofagenrethatwaspracticed

almostexclusivelybymembersofthearistocracyandwhichseemstohavebecome

lesscommoninthemedievalerathanithadbeeninHeiantimeswhentheimperial

courtwasatitsculturalapogeeWhileupholdingcertainconventionscommonto

67ReadaccordingtoJapanesekundokuconventionsthephrase固在斯時isseeminglyquitesimple(makotonikonotokiniari)butinreadingtheentirelocutionthesituationiscomplicatedbytheneedtoadjusttheconjugationof在(ari)whenrenderingthenegativestructure不乃hellip乎whichwouldresultinsomethinglikeHeikahaonozokiōookosuwasunawachibanseikōgyōnohajimemakotonikonotokiniarankaJapanesereadersuntrainedinldquoChineserdquoassuchreliedlargelyuponkundokurulestoconstruekanbuntextsdespitetheoftenstiltedqualityofsuchrenderingsmostwereaurallycomprehensibletothosefamiliarwiththeconventionsForanextendedinvestigationofkundokuandrelatedmattersseetheappendixattheendofthisstudy

41

earlierJapanesememorialsitalsodemonstrateseconomyofdictionandclarityof

expressionstylisticsensibilitiesthatareperhapsbettersuitedtoprovidingactual

policyadvicethantheellipticalflourishesfrequentlyfoundinHeian-eraparallel

proseSignificantlynosimilarmemorialsbyotherJapanesefiguresintheGozan

milieusurviveTherenownedChineseeacutemigreacutemonkMingjiChujun(MinkiSoshun

明極楚俊1262-1336)didofferacongratulatoryhyōtoGo-Daigouponhisre-

acquisitionofpowerin1333butthiswasacelebratorypiecenotintendedto

advanceaprogramofreform68ThatChūganwasseeminglytheonlyGozanfigure

tohavecomposedsuchalengthyandideologicallyinsistentmemorialspeaksto

bothhisownpoliticalconvictionsunusuallystrongbythestandardsofhiseraand

totheuniquecircumstancesofthe1330sYetwhileChūganrsquosmemorialundeniably

evincestheidiosyncrasiesofbothitsauthoranditshistoricalmomentidiosyncrasy

isonlylegibleinreferencetowhatiscustomaryWhateverpowersofperlocution

thememorialmightbeseentopossessariseprincipallyfromcitationsand

rhetoricalconventionsthatsituateitsquarelywithinanesteemedgenericlineage

embracingcountlesstextsofsimilarimportwrittenbyprincipledcouncilorsboth

ChineseandJapaneseinagespast

68SeeSunRongchengldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquo(PhDDissBeijingForeignStudiesUniversity2012)p98ThisisnottosaythatMingjihadnopoliticalagendaitisknownthathegavelectureswhichGo-Daigoattendedinwhichheadvocatedformilitarypreparedness(ifnotmilitancy)amongtheBuddhistmonasticcommunityAsSunnotesGo-DaigomayhavewelcomedthematerialsupportthatarmedmonksfriendlytohiscausecouldprovidebuttheideadoesrepresentanideologicaldifferencebetweenMingjiandChūganwhoopposedsoldieryamongmonks

42

ViolenceVirtueandRoyalLegitimacyTheMemorialofYoshidaSadafusa

AnillustrativecomplementtothesuasivestrategiesemployedinChūganrsquos

hyōwhichprovidedrealadviceonmattersofpolicybutwasnotremonstrativeor

criticalofGo-Daigoisprovidedbytheaforementionedmemorial(sōjō)ofYoshida

SadafusaWrittenin1324inoppositiontoGo-Daigorsquosplantomovemilitarily

againsttheshogunatethistextsoughtnottoflattertheemperorrsquoshistorical

positionbuttorelativizeitTraditionallythesō(奏Czou)wasanadmonitory

genrethatwasemployedoccasionallybyNaraandHeian-periodofficialsbutfor

purposestypicallyunrelatedtoremonstrationItshistoryinChinareachesbackat

leastamillenniumbeforeitsappearanceinJapanaccordingtoLiuXieldquothezoursquos

functioninaccusationandimpeachmentistoclarifythelawandridthestateof

evilhellipsinceitisitspurposetoexposeevilanimpeachmentmemorialcannothelp

butbesevereandharshrdquo(若乃按劾之奏所以明憲清國 hellip 術在糾惡勢必深

峭)69

TheevilsthatSadafusawishedtoexposewereprincipallythosethatresult

frommisguidedmilitaryadventuresHisviewsonJapanesekingshipandthe

responsibilitiesofsovereigntywereheavilyinfluencedbytheChinesephilosophical

andhistoriographicaltraditionwhichtohimofferedbothhistoricaldataand

69SeeVincentYu-chungShihTheLiteraryMindandtheCarvingofDragonsAStudyofThoughtandPatterninChineseLiterature(HongKongTheChineseUniversityPress1983)pp256-57ItisworthnotingherethatgenericterminologyisnotalwaysappliedrigidlyandshouldnotbetakenasdeterminativeofcontentinHeianJapanworksdesignatedsōjōareapttobeelegantlywordedpetitionsforcourtpromotionnotstridentmemorialsofimpeachmentInthisregardSadafusarsquossōjōissomewhatuniqueandcloserinspirittoLiuXiersquosnotionofthezou

43

philosophicalfirstprinciplesthatwereapplicabletocontemporaryJapanTwo

worksinparticularMengziandShijiloomespeciallylargeThisofcourseis

somethinghehasincommonwithChūganAltogetherhismemorialoffersa

valuableglimpseintopoliticalsuasionwithintheroyalcircleandillustrateshowat

leastoneeducatedministerunderstoodboththestrategicandtheethical

implicationsofmakingwarwiththeshogunate70

ThoughitwouldseemthatdisagreementspersistregardingYourMajestyrsquos

intentiontofoundanewstateIsubmitthatthewillofHeavenremainsunknownand

themostopportunemomentforactionisimpossibletoascertainRetracingthehistory

ofbothChinaandJapanIshallanswerYourMajestyrsquosrequestforcounselwithmyown

humbleobservationsThereislittletogainandmuchtoloseandsoIventureto

presentmyearnestsuggestionsdaringtoincurtherefromthefullmeasureofYour

Majestyrsquosdispleasure

国家草創事叡念雖似有議天命未知時機難測和漢両朝先蹤今就 勅命粗愚管小益多損試献数箇之鯁議敢犯十分之逆鱗矣1 ThataKingOvercomesViolencewithHumanity

70ThetranslationthatfollowsisbaseduponthetextinKasamatsuetaledsChūseiseijishakaishisōpt2(Nihonshisōtaikei22TokyoIwanamiShoten1981)pp148-54KasamatsuandSatōShinrsquoichihaveprovidedhelpfulannotationswhichhavebeenreproducedhereadditionalnoteshavebeenappendedtotermsorpassagesthatpresentparticularinterpretivechallengesThetextisalsoincludedinZokugunshoruijū(seeldquoJōshūbōzōnikki淨修坊雜日記rdquoZGSRJ92531pt2)butnoauthorisspecifiedItwasnotuntil1940thatscholarsMatsumotoShūji松本周二andMurataMasashi村田正志identifiedtheworkasSadafusarsquosaconclusionthatremainswidelyacceptedtodayOnthisseeSatōShinrsquoichirsquosexplanatoryintroductiontotheworkinCSSSpt2391-92

44

Inthewayoftheaccomplishedperson(shijin至人)itishumanity(jin仁)thatcomes

firstInmanifestinghumanityconcretelythemostfundamentalthingistonotkillThis

iswhatismeantinMengzibythenotionthattherealmmaybepacifiedbybeing

unified71ThefirstemperorofQinmobilizedallthepeoplewithinhisbordersandset

themupontheSixKingdomsTakingadvantageoftheunrestinShandonghewas

ultimatelyabletoconsumethewholeofChinaAndyethisregimeperishedintwo

generationsCaoCaoofWeiSimaYiofJinLiuYuofLiuSongXiaoDaochengof

SouthernQiXiaoYanofLiangYangJianofSuindashallofthesemenfoundeddynastiesbut

theirdescendantswouldnotbeperformingtheancestralsacrificesforlongThisis

becausetheyreliedonforceofarmstosolidifytheirpositionandmadetyrannyand

violencetheirfoundationGaozuofHanGuangwuofLatterHanandTaizongofTang

allfollowedthewayoftheFormerKingsandpossessedheartsofhumanityandloveAs

thestatestheyestablishedeachenduredforcenturiescantherebeanydoubtthat

Menciuswasright

一王者以仁勝暴事 至人之道只仁為先仁之為躰不殺為基孟子所謂天下定于一是也秦始皇駈境内之民当六国之役乗于山東之擾乱暫雖呑海内二世兮滅魏曹操晉司馬懿宋劉裕齊蕭道成梁蕭衍隨楊堅皆雖為草創之主子孫永不血食是皆以兵革為固以暴虐為基之故也漢高祖後漢光武唐太宗皆遵先王之道抱仁愛之心社稷各數百年孟子之言豈徒然乎

ThisfirstarticleimplicitlypresentsGo-Daigowithachoicebeamartialruler

whosesuccesswillbeshortlivedorbeavirtuousrulerwhosepolitywillendurefor

71ThereferenceistoMengzi1A7ldquoMengzihadanaudiencewithKingXiangofLiangWhenMengzilefthesaidtosomeotherslsquoWhenIlookedupathimhedidnotseemlikearulerofpeopleWhenIapproachedhimIdidnotseeanythingawe-inspiringinhimHesimplyblurtedoutlsquoHowcantheworldbepacifiedrsquoIrespondedlsquoItcanbepacifiedbybeingunifiedrsquoThekingaskedlsquoWhocanunifyitrsquoIrepliedlsquoOnewhodoesnothaveatasteforkillingpeoplecanunifyithelliprsquordquoSeeVanNordenMengziWithSelectionsfromTraditionalCommentariesp7

45

generationsNoteworthyistheprideofplacegiventoMenciusathinkerwhois

typicallyassociatedwiththeviewthatpoliticallegitimacyiscontingentuponthe

moralfitnessoftherulerthatSadafusaforegroundsMenciusinthefirstarticleof

hismemorialimpliesunmistakablythatheseesGo-Daigorsquosruleandprobably

Japanesekingshipingeneralassubjecttothesameforcesthatbearuponkingship

elsewhereEventheMengzientryhecitespresentsarulerthatwhilenottyrannical

isnotparticularlyprescienteitherSadafusaiscertainlyromanticizingthelegacies

ofHanGaozuHanGuangwuandTangTaizongbutsuchwasstandardpracticein

tractsofpoliticalsuasion

2 ThattheManpowerofthePopulaceMustNotbeWastedTheQinemperorbuiltlavishlyonMountLiandtheSuiemperordebauchedin

Jiangdu72Thesealoneexemplifyarroganceanddissolutionhowmuchmoredotheir

militaryadventures

一不費民力役事 秦皇營驪山之侈隨帝專江都之遊尚是驕逸之甚也何況於軍旅之事乎

3 ThatUndertakingsWhichImperilPeoplersquosLivesMustBeTreatedSolemnly

72ThereferencesaretotheenormousmausoleumQinShihuanghadconstructedforhimselffamoustodayforthe1974discoveryofanarmyofterracottastatuesinterredonitsgroundsandtoaluxuriousdetachedpalacebuiltatYangzhoubyEmperorYangofSui

46

Akingisthemotherandfatheroftheentirepopulacehemakesthewholeoftherealm

hishouseandthepeoplehischildrenHowcouldalovingfatherpossiblywishtosend

hisowninnocentprogenytodieuponthetipsofspearsHowmanypeoplewillbesent

totheirdeathsbeforeorderisreturnedtotherealmOhhowIgrievetothinkofit

一重人死命事 王者萬民之父母也以天下為家以民庶為子使無罪之子孫死鋒鏑之下豈慈父之意乎天下草昧之間萬民役死幾多乎嗟呼哀哉

IntheseshortarticlesSadafusacitestwowell-knownexamplesofwasteand

immoralityinordertomakethepointthateventhesebadactspaleincomparison

tomisguidedmilitaryventuresHethenoffersanemotionallychargedexhortation

thataltogetherbypassestheldquostrategicrdquoquestionofwhetherornotwaragainst

Kamakuramightactuallysucceedandinsteadpointstothehumancostofwaging

suchawar

4 ThatldquoHeavenlyomensarenotasgoodasadvantagesofterrainandadvantagesofterrainarenotasgoodasharmonywiththepeoplerdquo73ThesearewordsthatMenciuswroteInrecenttimestheorderoftherealmissuch

thatofahundredpartsninetyarecontrolledbywarriorhouses(武家)Intermsof

martialcouragethepeopleinourShandongareeachworthathousandmenhow

couldthedelicatebabiesoftheKinaibepittedagainstthosemightyKanto

barbarians74Theutterimpossibilityofthisneedsnofurthercomment

73Mengzi2B1TranslationgiveninVanNordenMengziWithSelectionsfromTraditionalCommentariesp5074ldquoOurShandongrdquoisasomewhatspeculativetranslationbasedontheassumptionthatSadafusaisusingShandong(ldquoEastoftheMountainsrdquo山東)whichbecametheterritorialbaseoftheQinempirefollowingitsconquestofQiasananaloguefor

47

一天時不如地利々々不如人和事 孟子書有此言矣頃年天下之躰百分兮九十者武家之有也戰士勇山東之民一兮當千豈以皇畿近州之嬰兒對東關蛮夷之勇健乎此事之不可亦叵言矣

5 ConcerningtheYellowEmperorrsquosPunitiveExpeditionChiyouwouldnotobeyimperialcommandssotheYellowEmperormountedan

expeditionagainsthim75TodaycanthewarriorsoftheKantobecountedonnotto

contraveneHeavenlyprinciple(Noofcoursenot)Thisisthefirstreasonforthe

impossibility(ofmountingasimilarexpeditionagainsttheKamakuraBakufu)

一皇帝征伐事 蚩尤不用帝命故征伐之今時關東之武士無逆天理之志歟其不可一也

InthisarticleandinthethreethatfollowSadafusaappealstoexamples

fromChinesehistorytocharacterizeGo-DaigorsquostenuouspositionHedoessorather

terselypresumablybecausehismessageisentirelycleartoGo-DaigoTheissuein

ArticleFiveseemstobethatwhiletheYellowEmperorneededtoenlisttheaidof

theldquofeudallordsrdquo(諸侯)ndashandsuccessfullydidsondashinordertoeffecthissubjugation

ofChiyouGo-Daigocouldnotcountonreceivingsimilarsupportfromeastern

easternJapanwhichbySadafusarsquostimewasalreadylongrenownedforthestrengthofitsfightingmen75Chiyou蚩尤ldquoTheWounderrdquowasapowerfullocalleaderwhowouldnotsubmittothenascentpoliticalorderledbytheYellowEmperorSadafusaislikelydrawingupontheinformationatthebeginningoftheFiveEmperors(五帝紀)sectionofShiji

ldquoChiyoufomentedrebellionandwouldnotobeyimperialcommandsThustheYellowEmperorproceededtocalluptroopsfromamongthefeudallordsanddidbattlewithChiyouinthewildsofZhulueventuallycapturingandkillinghimrdquo(Shiji13)

48

warriorswerehetochallengeKamakuraThatiseventhoughthereexistinthe

historicalrecordexamplesofsuccessful(andmorallyjustifiable)actsofmilitary

conquestpresentcircumstanceswillnotpermitGo-Daigotoenjoysimilarresults

6 ConcerningShunrsquosPacificationofTheSanMiaoTheMiaopeopleswouldnotsubmitandsoShunconqueredthemHoweverhis

conquestwasunsuccessfulHenceheputintoeffectthePlanofYufosteringculture

andvirtueandtherebygettingtheMiaotoyieldthisiswhatldquodancingunderfeathered

bannersonthepalacestepsrdquorefersto76Thisisthesecondreasonfortheimpossibility

(ofchallengingtheBakufu)

一舜服其三苗事 苗民不服故舜征之而無成功遂用禹之謀修文德服苗民舞于羽於兩階是也其不可二也

7 ConcerningChengDeposingJieDragonsdescendedintotheXiacourtandghostsweptonthefrontier77(Jie)

imprisonedTangatXiataiand(Tang)drovethepeopleawayfromvice78ChengTang

76ldquoTheemperorthenspreadwidecultureandvirtueandtheydancedunderfeatheredbannersonthepalacestepsrdquo帝乃誕敷文德舞于羽于兩階 (ShujingldquoDaYuMordquo大禹謨)Thetermsldquoculturerdquo文andldquovirtuerdquo德arevastlymorecomplexthaneitherofthesetranslationsconveyforpresentpurposesitisnotunreasonabletothinkof文德asacompoundusedbySadafusatomeansomethinglikeldquocivilvirtuerdquoiethesortofvirtueassociatedwithgovernancethroughmoralprobitynotthroughforceInasectionofChūseishitobeconsideredinthenextchapterChūgansets文德explicitlyoppositeofldquomilitarystrategyrdquo武略withtheformerconstitutingaguidingprincipleofgoodgovernmentandthelatteramereexpedient77ThisarticledrawsuponShijiandpossiblyShujing書經andwhileitsgeneralthrustisclearsomelinesaredifficulttoparseThefirstclauseintheopeninglinereferstotheappearanceofamaleandfemaledragonduringthetimeofEmperorKongjiaadissoluteandincompetentsovereignwhosereignasdescribedinShiji

49

receivedtheMandatefromHeavenandbanishedJietoMingtiaoandinthiswaywas

abletobuttresshisvirtue79AtpresentsignsportendingtheKantōrsquosfallhaveyetto

appearandwehaveyettohearofwidespreadanxietyandsufferingamongthe

populaceHowcouldYourMajestyrsquosdelicatesubjectsbemadereadytostrikeata

powerstillfavoredbyfortuneThisisthethirdreason(thatchallengingtheshogunate

isimpossible)

一湯取桀事

marksthebeginningoftheendfortheXiaDynastyKongjiareportedlyldquodelightedinfollowingghostsandspiritsandengaginginlicentiousanddisorderlyactionsrdquo(好方鬼神事淫亂)hewasunabletocareforthedragonsandlostthesupportoftheHuanlong豢龍(ldquoDragonRaisingrdquo)ClanSeeWilliamHNienhauserJretaledsTheGrandScribersquosRecordsvol1(BloomingtonIndianaUnivPress1994)p37UnfortunatelyIhavenotbeenabletolocatethereferenceforSadafusarsquosmentionofghostsweepingonthefrontierandSatoandKasamatsuoffernoexplanatorygloss78囚湯於夏臺驅民於無罪AlthoughparallelismwouldseemtosuggestthattheimpliedsubjectofthesecondsentenceisalsoJiesuchaninterpretationisdifficulttojustifyonhistoricalgroundsThoughthespecificlocution驅民於無罪seemstobeuniquetothismemorialSadafusawasprobablyrememberingtheldquoDeclarationofTangrdquo(湯誓)aspeechinShujingwhosecontentissummarizedintheShijisectionuponwhichhedrawsinthisandthefollowingarticleTangaccusesJieofhavingcommittedmanycrimesandtriestopersuadeaskepticalpeoplethathisoverthrowoftheXiaisthusjustifiableSadafusarsquosclaimthatthepeoplewereldquodrivenrdquotoastateofldquoinnocencerdquoisprobablybestunderstoodtomeanthattheywereimpelledtosupportTanginhisquestforaneworderThephrase無罪mightplausiblybeconstruedasmeaningtheonewhoiswithoutoffenseieTangThisdoesallowasomewhatstrongercasetobemadefortakingJieastheimpliedsubjectwhothroughhistyranny(inadvertently)ldquodroverdquothepeopletowardTang79成湯受命於天放桀於鳴條而有輔德SatoandKasamatsuconstrue而ascontrastiveandthusreadthephrase而有輔德asmeaningsomethinglikeldquobuthepossessedbuttressingvirtuerdquo(theirkundokuglossreadsしかるに輔德あり)Byitselfthephrase有輔德couldmeanldquotohavethemeansofbuttressingonersquosvirtuerdquoorldquotohavethatwhichbuttressesonersquosvirtuerdquo(ineithercaseanabbreviationof有所輔德)orldquotohavelsquobuttressingvirtuersquordquotaking輔德asacompoundobjectof有SatoandKasamatsursquosrenditionactuallymakesSadafusarsquosrebukeofGo-DaigoevensharperunlikeTangwhohadthemandatefromHeavenandthesupportofthepeopleGo-Daigopossessesnocomparableldquobuttressingvirtuerdquoforhiscause

50

龍降于夏庭鬼泣于國境囚湯於夏台駈民於無罪成湯受命於天放桀於鳴条而有輔德今時關東之妖孼未見萬民之愁苦未聞豈以微弱之王民伺天縱之武運哉其不可三也 8 ConcerningKingWuDeposingZhow80HemadetheMarquisofJiuintodriedstripsofmeatandtheMarquisofEinto

mincemeathedebauchedinapoolfilledwithwineandhungmeatinsuchabundanceit

resembledtreesinaforestHewasespeciallypreferentialtowardshisconsortDaJiand

enjoyedlongnightsofmusicandmerrimentHeinstitutedcruelpenallawsincluding

immolationinthefirepit(paoluohōraku )81ButtherewasKingWenaleader

whohadreceivedtheMandateandwhohadpentuphisgrievanceswhileinternedat

Youli82NextcamethesagaciousrulerKingWuwhosworehisoathofcommandat

80FollowingconventionthenameofthelasttyrantkingoftheShangDynastyZhou紂willberomanizedwithalsquowrsquoinsteadoftheotherwiseexpectedlsquoursquotodistinguishitfromZhou周81AbronzepillarwaslaidacrossafirepitandthecondemnedweremadetowalkacrossituntiltheyfellintothefireSeeTheGrandScribersquosRecordsvol1p50n111TheactsSadafusamentionsaredescribedinShiji3105-106百姓怨望而諸侯有畔者於是紂乃重刑辟有炮格之法hellip九侯有好女入之紂九侯女不喜淫肘怒殺之而醢九侯鄂侯爭之彊辨之疾并脯鄂侯ldquoThefamiliesofthehundredcognomenswerefilledwithresentmentandhatredandamongthefeudallordstherewerethosewhowereagainsthimZhowthenincreasedtheseverityofhispunishmentsandhadamethodofroastingpeopleonarackhellipTheMarquisofJiuhadafitdaughterwhoheputinZhowrsquosserviceTheMarquisofJiursquosdaughterwasnotinterestedindebaucheryZhowbecameangryandkilledherHemadetheMarquisofJiuintomincemeatTheMarquisofEremonstratedstronglyandarguedforcefullysoZhowalsohadhimmadeintodriedmeatstripsrdquo(TheGrandScribersquosRecordsvol1p50)82FearingthesupportKingWenwasreceivingfromthefeudallordsZhowimprisonedhiminanareacalledYoulilocatedinmodernHenanInanattempttosecuretheirmasterrsquosfreedomKingWenrsquosvassalscollectedvarioustreasures(andattractivewomen)topresenttoZhowwhowassoimpressedwiththegiftsthathepardonedWenKingWenthenknownsimplyasLordoftheWest西伯becameoneofthemostrespectedleadersofhisdayandevenconvincedZhowtoabolishimmolationIntimemostoftheotherfeudallordsswitchedtheirallegiancefromZhowtoWenwhosesonKingWu武woulddealthefinalblowtoZhowandbring

51

Mengjin83ButinourpresentMandate-alteringyearnosignsportendingtheKantorsquos

demisehaveappearedafactwhichIhavealreadystatedabove84Thisisthefourth

reason(thattheshogunateshouldnotbechallenged)85

一武王放肘事 脯九侯醢鄂侯瀝酒池掛肉林嬖愛妲己成長夜之樂以苛酷之刑法修炮烙之命爰有文王受命之君績憂於牖里繼以武王聖明之主發蹤於孟津革命之今時關東無妖其議聞上其不可四也 9 ConcerningtheHistoricalVicissitudesofOurImperialCourtInChinathefortunesofthethronehavetimeandagainbeensubjecttodeclineand

resurgenceThisislikelyduesimplytothefactthatdifferentfamilieskeepappearing

(toclaimpower)Inourcountrykings(setsuri刹利)comefromjustonelineasaresult

eventhoughthethronemaygrowweakerwitheachpassingdaynoresurgencecanbe

expectedThisissomethingthatYourMajestymustsurelyperceive86Particularlyafter

theHōgenera(1156-58)theMinamotoandTairafamilieseachmonopolizedpowerand

theauthorityofthethronegraduallydeclinedDuringtheGenryakuerathecaptainof

theRightPalaceGuardsLordYoritomopacifiedtherealmandswallowedupterritories

theShangDynastytoanendKingWenisthusoftenconsideredthehonoraryfounderofthesucceedingZhou周Dynasty83發蹤於孟津Mengjin盟津(alt孟津)waswhereKingWugatheredanarmyproclaimedhimselfheirtoWenandmadeaspeechbeforetheassembledlords84革命之今時關東無妖其儀聞上ThenotionofaldquoMandate-alteringrdquoyearreferstothekōshiorkinoe-ne甲子yearthefirstinthesexagenarycyclewhichinthiscasecorrespondstothefirstyearofShōchūor132485AfterproclaiminghimselfheirandannouncinghiswillingnesstodeposeZhowtheassembledlordsallsaidldquoZhowcanbechastisedrdquoButWustillrefusedtolaunchhiscampaignwaitingtwomoreyearstodosobywhichtimeZhowrsquosrulehadbecomeevenworseSadafusarsquospointseemstobethatevenKingWuwaitedfortheopportunitytostrikeattackingZhowonlywhenvictorywascertain86是聖徳之所觀見也Here聖徳meanssomethinglikeldquosagely(intellectual)capacityrdquosimilarinusageandmeaningto叡念whichSadafusauseselsewhereInessenceheissayingldquoyourownintelligenceshouldtellyouthataresurgenceofimperialpowerisunrealisticrdquo

52

largeandsmallAftertheShōkyūera(1219-21)LordYoshitokitooksolecontrolofthe

reinsofgovernment

Theabilitytoremoveasovereign(三通)orhisheir(儲貳)andtodemoteor

promotegrandministers(高槐)andsupremegenerals(大樹)areallthingsthatarise

frommilitarypowerAtpresentifYourMajestyrsquosambitionsarenotinaccordancewith

thepatternofthetimescantherebeanydoubtofaswiftandresoundingdefeatThe

imperiallinewillbenearlywipedoutTheverysafetyofthecourtitselfisnowatstake

howcanYourMajestynotreflectonthis

一本朝時運興衰事 異朝紹運之躰頗多中興蓋是異姓更出故而已本朝刹利天祚一種故陵遲日甚中興無期是聖德之所觀見也就中保元之後源平遞專國權皇威漸損元曆年中右大將賴朝卿平定天下并吞國邦承久之後義時朝臣專持國柄通三儲貳之廢立高槐大樹之黜陟事皆出自武威今時草創之 叡念若不叶時機者怱有敗北之憂歟天嗣殆盡此乎本朝安否在于此時豈不迴 聖慮哉

DepartingfromthethrustofpreviousarticlesSadafusamakesnoappeal

heretoConfucianmoralityortofamousrulersofChineseantiquityAmongthe

notablefeaturesofthisarticleisitsunusualnomenclatureofkingshipSadafusa

firstusesthesomewhatunusualwordsetsuriatermthatrefersspecificallytothe

KshatriyacastefromwhichIndianmonarchsaredrawntodescribeJapaneserulers

InasmuchasJapaneselexicalitemsofIndicorigintendtocarryBuddhistovertones

thetermmaybeseentoinscribeJapanesekingshipwithinapoliticalcosmology

differentfromthatwhichunderpinsdomesticnotionsofimperialdivinitySetsuriis

followedbyanothercomparativelyexoticwordofsimilarimporttsūsan通三(C

tongsan)whichoccursinHanshuItrefersliterallytothethreefundamental

activitiesofsoundrulendashselectingmenoftalentharmonizingwiththewillofthe

53

peopleandadaptingtotheexigenciesofthetimesbyakindofmetonymic

extensionitalsodenotesthesovereignhimselfAgaintheimplicationseemstobe

thatGo-DaigoinparticularandJapanesesovereignsmoregenerallyoccupyafully

historical(andhistoricizable)realminwhichgoodjudgmentanddecisionmaking

matter

10 ThattheHolyFortunesofRetiredSovereignsandthePowerofWarriorHousesMustEachRuntheirCourseAfterEmperorKōninassumedpowertheroyallinewasagainunified87Andalthough

EmperorHeizeiEmperorSagaandEmperorJunnawerebrothersruleoftherealm

eventuallyreturnedtothedescendantsofEmperorNinmeiThesonsoftheTenryaku

Emperor(EmperorMurakami)ReizeiandEnrsquoyūeachpracticedabdicationinfavorofa

non-linealdescendantbutintimetherealmreturnedonceagaintoEnrsquoyūrsquosline88From

thenuntilnowroyallinesspawnedfrombrothershaveoccasionallyemergedbut

ultimatelyeverythinghasstayedwithinthesamefamily89Thisischaracteristicofthe

87AfterthedeathofEmperorTenchi(r668-72)asuccessiondisputearoseinvolvinghissonPrinceŌtomoandhisyoungerbrotherPrinceŌamaPrinceŌamawasvictoriousandtookthethroneasEmperorTenmu(r673-86)severalofthesovereignswhoreignedduringtheeighthcenturywerehislinealdescendantsEmperorKōnin(r770-81)wasagrandsonofTenchiandallthesovereignswhofollowedhimwerehis(andhenceTenchirsquos)linealdescendantsTraditionalcommentatorsincludingKitabatakeChikafusahaveseenKōninrsquosascensionasareturntothecorrectlineofsuccession88ldquoAbdicationinfavorofanon-linealdescendantrdquorendersyūjō揖譲HereSadafusahighlightsthefactthatReizeiabdicatedinfavorofhisbrotherEnrsquoyūwhointurnabdicatedinfavorofhisnephewKazanYūjōiscloseinmeaningtozenjō禅譲aconceptinearlyChinesepoliticalthoughtdescribingatransferofruleinwhichthekingyieldsthethronevoluntarilytothemostvirtuouspersonintherealm 89或舅姨或兄弟之皇統時々雖出始終遂入于一家HereSadafusamentionsnotonlyroyallinesissuingfrombrothers( )butfromaffinalrelatives(kyūi )aswellThebasicsenseof iseitheramaternaluncleoronersquoswifersquosbrother indicateseitheramaternalauntoronersquoswifersquossisterandthecompound referstounclesandauntsonthemotherrsquossideSatoandKasamatsuoffernoglossonthisbutiftakenliterallyaroyallineissuingfromaffinalrelativeswouldseemtoimplya

54

JapanesecourtaloneAsregardstheaugustlineageestablishedbytheKangenEmperor

(Go-Saga)itwashisdecisiontoestablish(thelineof)EmperorKameyamaasthe

orthodoxlinethisissomethingunderstoodthroughouttherealm90EvenifEmperor

Go-Fukakusarsquoslineshouldunexpectedlyholdswayforthreeorfourreignsintheend

rulewillreturnassuredlytoYourMajestyrsquosimperialline91Thisisnodoubtbecausethe

EarthcannothavetwosovereignsanymorethanHeavencanhavetwosuns92

violationoftheprincipleofpatrilinealdescentThecomplexityofroyalfiliationandgeneralacceptanceofendogamywithintheextendedroyalfamilymakesmanythingspossiblebutatpresentitisuncleartomewhichsovereignsSadafusamighthaveinmindorifthenotionofaldquoroyallineagerdquo皇統issuingfromldquoaffinalrelativesrdquo(assumingthisiswhatismeantby舅姨)iseventenableandIhavethusavoidedthematterinthetranslationpendingmoreinformation90KameyamaandGo-FukakusawerescionsofGo-SagaandfullbrothersChikafusatooreportsthatGo-SagaintendedtohaveKameyamarsquoslineinheritthethrone91後深草院不慮雖及三四代始終定歸當代之皇胤歟Rhetoricalquestionsarecommoninhortatorywritingheretheimpliedanswerisaffirmativeyes(rule)willassuredlyreturntoyourroyallineThetermtōdai當代mayindicateeitherthepresentageorthecurrentheadofafamilysynonymousinthelattersensewithtōshu當主Whicheverisemphasizedintranslationthegistisunchanged(sinceGo-Daigocurrentlyoccupiesthethrone)IhavetakenthefirstclauseasconditionalbecausedoingsoreconcilesitnicelywiththenextsentenceHoweveritmightalsobetakenasadeclarativestatementaboutpasthistorywhichwouldbemoreinkeepingwiththeprecedingcommentsSadafusamadeaboutJapanesesovereignsInthisreadingtheclausemightbeconstruedasareferencetothefactthatpriortoGo-Daigorsquosaccessionthreeoutoffoursovereigns(FushimiGo-FushimiandHanazono)weresonsorgrandsonsofGo-FukakusaThisreadingdoeshoweverchangethesenseofthesentencethatfollows(seebelow)92蓋天無二日地無二主之故也Thesignificanceofthisdependsonwhetherweunderstandthepreviouslinetomeanthatrulewilleventuallyreturntothelegitimateline(iethatofKameyamaandthusGo-Daigo)orthatrulealreadyhasreturnedtothatlineTheformerworkswellif後深草院不慮雖及三四代istakenasaconditionalclausewhilethelatterisbetterifthatclauseistakenasastatementoffactldquoThough(thelineof)Go-Fukakusaunexpectedlyenjoyedarunofthreeorfourreigns(rule)hasnowdefinitivelyreturnedtoYourMajestyrsquoslinerdquoThisseemsastraightforwardreadingbutitbearsupontheinterpretationofthenextsentenceInsayingthatrulehasdefinitivelyreturnedtothelegitimatelineldquobecauseEarthcannomorehavetwosovereignsthanHeavencanhavetwosunsrdquoSadafusamightbeclaimingthattheBunpōCompromiseandthepracticeofalternatingruleisoroughttobeathingofthepastWhilesuchamessagewouldbecongenialtoGo-DaigorsquosambitionsitseemsoutofstepwiththeconservativetackSadafusatakes

55

MoreovertheDaoistswarnagainstthreesuccessivegenerationsholdingthe

positionofgeneral93TheKantōhascommandedthemilitarymightoftherealmfor

sevenoreightgenerationsalreadybutjustasitwaxesmustitnotalsowaneMakeno

useofarmsnowandinsteadwaitpatientlyfortheopportunemomentThisaboveall

istheessentialpointIwishtoconvey

一仙洞聖運武家權威可有其期事 光仁馭俗之後 皇胤既一統平城嵯峨淳和皆三人雖履皇位天下歸于仁明之余裔 天曆皇胤冷泉円融各兩三代遞雖有揖譲之義天下歸円融自尒以降或舅姨或兄弟之皇統時時雖出始終遂入于一家是本朝之故實而已寛元之聖統以亀山院為正統之条天下知之而後深草院不慮雖及三四代始終定歸當代之皇胤歟蓋天無二日地無二主之故也兼又三世之將道家所肆也關東天下兵馬元帥之權既七八代定有日月盈蝕之期歟不用兵革暫俟時運是大義而已

Theprecedingarticlesareclearenoughingeneraltermsthoughtherearesurely

omissions(漏脱)andambiguities(依違)Theseviews(意見)werewrittenand

everywhereelseHenceadifferentreadingalsobasedontheassumptionthattheclause後深草院不慮雖及三四代expressesahistoricalfactmightunderstandSadafusarsquosmessagetobethatrulehasrightfullyreturnedtothelegitimatelineandnowitistheheadofthatlinenotGo-FukakusarsquoswhoreignsunchallengedatthecenterofthepoliticalcosmosldquoyoursquorealreadyinchargeYourMajestydonrsquotgolookingforawaryoudonrsquotneedrdquo93三世之將道家所肆SatoandKasamatsusuggestthisderivesfromapassageinHouHanshuthatisidenticalinmeaning三世為將到家所忌ThenotionitselfisrelatedinmanyclassicalChinesesourcesthebiographyofWangJian王翦inShijiascribesthetaboototheaccumulatedldquoinauspiciousnessrdquo(不祥)thatresultsfrommultiplegenerationsbeinginvolvedinkillingldquohellipSomeonesaidlsquoWangLi(WangJianrsquosgrandson)isafamousgeneralofQinLeadingtroopsofmightyQintoattackthenewlycreatedZhaoheiscertaintotakethemrsquoAstrangersaidlsquoNotsoThosewhoserveasgeneralsforthethirdgenerationarecertaintogodownindefeatWhyaretheycertaintogodownBecausetheykilledandattackedmanyandtheirdescendantswillsuffertheevilfortunethatcomesfromthisrsquohellip或曰「王離秦之名將也今將彊秦之兵攻新造之趙舉之必矣」客曰「不然夫為將三世者必敗必敗者何也必其所殺伐多矣其後受其不祥今王離已三世將矣」(Shiji7313TranslationgiveninTheGrandScribersquosRecordsvol1p50)

56

submittedlastyearonthetwenty-firstdayofthesixthmonthThatdocumentwaskept

insidethepalaceIhaveheardarumortotheeffectthattheretiredsovereigntookit

forhimselfSurelyitwillsurfaceagainsomedayWhileitiscertainthatsomesentences

havebeenaddedandotherssubtractedandthatthingssaidinthebeginning(ofthe

firstdocument)mightnowbeattheend(ofthisone)thereisnodiscrepancy(between

thetwopieces)asconcernstheirbasicthrustHavingwrittenallthisdowncarelesslyin

travelerrsquoslodgingsIamchagrinedatwhatothersmightthink94

以前條々大概取意定有漏脱依違歟此意見去年六月廿一日狀也件狀者在禁中御調度之內仙洞被取置之由風聞定有出現之期歟文章增減首尾錯亂雖為勿論粗肝要旨趣者更不可有相違者也旅宿楚忽馳筆之間外見旁有憚矣

ThelastarticleofSadafusarsquosmemorialconcludeswitharatherlengthy

meditationontherecenthistoryoftheimperiumandtheshogunateThelessonis

bynowafamiliaroneeverythingthatwaxesmustalsowaneandpatienceis

everywherepreferabletoimpulsivenessWherepreviousarticlesappealedto

moralitythisoneappealstotwopolitico-cosmologicalideasinanefforttostayGo-

DaigorsquoshandThefirstisthatJapaneseimperialruledespiteoccasionaldeviations

alwaysreturnstothesolerightfullinendashsuchisthedefiningfeatureoftheJapanese

imperiumSadafusaexhibitsnoneoftheskepticismthatsomeothercontemporary

94ThisadmissionbySadafusathatthepresenttextisinfactacopyapparentlyfrommemoryofanearlierdocumentthathenolongerpossessesmightbeseentocompromiseitshistoricalveracityThecounterpointtothisconcernisthatifthisdocumentreallywassignificantlydifferentthananoriginalwhichwasstillextantandpossiblyinthepossessionoftheretiredsovereignthentherewouldbenopointinassertingasimilitudethatcouldbeeasilydisprovenLikewiseifSadafusaisdissemblingandhadforsomereasondestroyedtheoriginalorknewofitsdestructiontherewouldbenopointinevenbroachingitsexistenceitwouldbeeasiertosimplypassthisoneofftoposterityastheauthenticoriginal

57

thinkersmostnotablyEmperorHanazonohadexpressedconcerningtheperpetual

continuityoftheimperialfamilyIfsuchapositionseemsnaiumlveitshouldbe

rememberedthatSadafusarsquosobjectivewasentirelyperlocutionaryhesoughtto

dissuadeGo-Daigofromchallengingtheshogunatemilitarilyandmayhave

emphasizedthevauntedcontinuityoftheJapaneseroyalfamilyinordertoconvince

Go-Daigothathislinethelegitimatelinewouldultimatelywinoutregardless

makingbloodshedinthepresententirelyunnecessaryThesecondmajorconceptis

thatmilitarypoweritselfisinherentlypollutingSadafusacitestheldquoDaoistrdquobelief

thatwhentherankofgeneral(將)isheldbythesamefamilyforthreeormore

generationstheresultismisfortuneanddefeatafactthatsuggeststheKantois

overdueforafallTheoverallargumentseemstobethatimperialpowerwillonce

againriseandwarriorpowerwillinevitablyrecedeTotheextentthatsuch

processeseventhosewithanalmostldquokarmicrdquoinevitabilityareshapedbyhuman

decisionmakingSadafusaissurelywellawarethatarmedconflictmightplaya

pivotalroleinbringingaboutpoliticalchangeButheisalsoadamantthroughout

thatunderpresentcircumstanceswarwiththeshogunatewouldbeadisasterfor

boththecourtandthepopulaceatlargeandthuscounselsGo-Daigotowaituntil

conditionsaremorefavorable

IntheendGo-Daigowouldnotbedeniedandinearly1331Sadafusa

steadfastinhisownconvictionswouldbetraytheemperorrsquosplottotheshogunate

ItispossiblethatSadafusahaddecidedthatloyaltytothesystemndashincludingeven

theshogunatendashmustoutweighpersonalloyaltytotheemperoralternativelyhe

maysimplyhavewantednopartofwhathefeltwasarashanddestructivecauseIn

58

oneofthemorestrikingturnaboutsinthehistoryofJapanesecourtpoliticsa

victoriousGo-DaigowouldnotonlyforgiveSadafusabutin1333wouldreinstate

himasamajorfigureinhisnewregime95Nosubsequentwritingsattesttowhat

Sadafusathenalmost60thoughtawaitedtherealmunderGo-Daigorsquosuncontested

ruleYetamongthoseclosetotheemperortheprevailingmoodin1333seemsto

havebeenoneofconfidenceandtheinitialstepsGo-Daigotooktowards

consolidatinghispowerweremarkedmostlybyconciliationnotretributionTo

Chūgancertainly1333wasayearofpossibilitiesGo-Daigorsquosrevolutionhadfor

themomentsucceededspectacularlyforaConfucianmonarchistlikeChūganand

probablyforSadafusatooanimperialrestorationpromisedopportunitiesforsocial

andinstitutionalreformundreamtofjustadecadebeforeThechallengesinplacing

thenascentpolityonafirmfootingwouldproveimmensehoweverandthings

wouldnotturnoutastherestorationistshadhopedLessthanayearlatera

frustratedChūganwouldholdGo-Daigoresponsibleformismanaginghisown

revolutionHearticulatedhiscriticismsinafictionalizeddialoguemodeledonthose

inMengziitistothisworkwhichisaworldapartfromroyalmemorialsandunlike

anythingknownpreviouslyinJapanesekanshibunthatwenowturn

95SeeGobleKenmup139

59

AppendixEstablishingtheFundamentsofMonkhood

AlongwithGenminChūgansubmittedtoGo-DaigoacompanionessaytitledGensō

原僧(EstablishingtheFundamentsofMonkhood)Thepieceaddressestheproblems

thatarisewhenboundariesbetweenmonksandlaypersonsbecomeblurredandit

offersadefenseoftheBuddhistpracticeoftonsuringandshavingwhichhadlong

beentheobjectofcriticismbycertainorthodoxConfucianswhovieweditasa

desecrationofthenaturalbodyItalsotakesuptheoldissueofmembersofthefour

traditionalclassesabandoningtheirvocationsforthepriesthoodamatterof

concerntobothecclesiasticalauthoritiesandgovernmentpolicymakers

EstablishingtheFundamentsofMonkhood96

Istheconceptofshukke(出家)simplysynonymouswiththecuttingofones

hairNoofcoursenotShukkeinvolvesleavingbehindonesabodeinthisdefiled

worldrenouncingworldlysentimentsandembracingthe(Buddhist)WayThe

Confucians(儒)saythatonemustneverdareinjureanypartofthebodydotheynot97

YetBuddhistteachingstipulatesthatonemustbetonsuredandshavenistherereally

nogoodreasonforthisIfweimagineasituationwhereamonkrsquosouterappearance

werethesameasthatofthelaitythenordinarypeoplewouldbeunabletodistinguish

themonksandpaythemtheappropriaterespectFortheirpartmonkswholookedno

96TextinGozanbungakushinshūpp394-5Gozanbungakuzenshūvol2pp105-697Deliberatelyharmingthebodycouldbeconstruedasaviolationofonersquosfilialobligationssincethebodywasagiftfromonersquosparentstakentotheextremethisviewwasthebasisforproscriptionsagainstshavingandcuttingthehair

60

differentfromthelaitywouldbeabletoconcealthemselvesamongthegeneral

populationandactwithoutshameinwayscontrarytotheirvowsHenceweBuddhists

moveabouttheworldtonsuredandshavenWhenordinarypeopleseeamonkwith

thatestimablyroundhead(圓顱之士)theyareinspiredwithasenseofrespectand

themonkthankstohisdifferentappearancecannotconcealhimselfinthecrowdand

hethereforedaresnotactinwayscontrarytohisvowsWhenmonksdonotactagainst

theirvowsthewayofBuddhismflourishesandwhenordinarypeopleharborfeelings

ofrespectforthemonkstheirownfortunesbrighten

TheteachingsoftheBuddha(釋氏之教)mostdefinitelypossessarationale(由)

Yettodaytherearethosewhotakereligiousorders(出家)butdonotfullybase

themselvesinthisrationaletheysimplychopofftheirhairandcallthemselvesmonks

Thefourclassesofofficialsfarmersartisansandmerchantshaveallseensomeoftheir

numbercastasidetheirrightfuloccupationsandlackinganyunderstandingofwhyone

becomesamonkmakevacuousclaimstohavetakenordersSuchunscrupuloushead-

shaverscanbefoundineveryhouseholdTheseimpostorsarenotonlymiscreantsin

theeyesoftheConfucians98theyareawickedlotdoingnefariousharmtotheBuddhist

LawaswellTheresultofthistrendistheinabilitytodistinguishmonksfromlaypersons

andmoreoverthediminutionofofficialsfarmersartisansandmerchantsanda

correspondingincreaseinthenumberofidlepersonswhichissurelydamagingtothe

state(國家)

出家也者斷髮云乎哉出離俗塵之家疎于世情親于道情之稱也儒不云乎身體髮膚不敢毀傷然則佛之教剃髪除鬚其無由乎 曰若使爾形質同彼在俗之人則俗不知所以擇而敬之僧亦以爾形質不與俗異故藏身於俗中以行非法之事而無所羞也是以吾佛教剃除鬚髮表而出之是故俗見彼圓顱之士殊生恭敬之心僧以爾形質異諸人而不可藏身故不敢行非法之事僧不行非法之事則其道愈隆焉俗生恭敬之心則其福愈昌焉釋氏之教固有由也今稱出家者不本其由而止斷髮而已士農工賈之民皆廢其業不知所以為僧偷空名於出家縱意斷髮者戸有諸非唯為儒者罪人而已抑又為弊佛法之魔族也僧亦斷髮俗亦斷髮何異之有 且夫士農工賈之民漸少而徒爾不用之人愈多亦為國家之害矣

98Presumablybecausetheyabandontheirpropersocialroles

61

UnlikeGenminGensōmakesnoexplicitpolicyrecommendationsbutsimplypoints

outaproblemAlthoughtheConfucianopponentsoftonsuringcomeoffas

shortsightedChūganrsquosharshestcriticismisnotdirectedatthembutatthe

opportunistswhotrytojointhepriesthoodsimplybyshavingtheirheadsand

proclaimingthemselvesmonksItisacritiquecouchedintermsthatareultimately

quiteConfucianthetonsureisdefendedbyreferencetoitspositiveeffectsuponthe

moralityofmonksanditsabilitytoengenderaldquosenseofreverencerdquo(恭敬之心)

amongthepopulaceinturnthephenomenonoffaithlesspersonsnominallyjoining

theclergyiscriticizedbyreferencetoitseconomiccoststothecountryasawhole

Chūganishowevercarefulnottoimpugnthevalueofpriestsorthepriesthoodas

suchandhislanguagealwaysmakesclearthattheobjectsofhiscriticismarethose

wholdquofailtobasethemselvesintherationalerdquo(不本其由)forshavingtheheadthose

wholdquodonotunderstandwhyonebecomesamonkrdquo(不知所以為僧)andthosewho

ldquounscrupulouslychopofftheirhairrdquo(縱意斷髮)Inotherwordsampleroomisleft

forpersonsofsincerereligiousinclinationtoenterthepriesthoodlegitimately

62

Chapter Two Figuring Moral Kingship Constant Norms and Expedient Policies in Chūganrsquos Chūseishi

ChūganrsquosmemorialalongwiththeessaysGenminandGensōwerecomposed

inlate1333followingthedestructionoftheKamakurashogunateandthe

triumphalreturnofGo-DaigotoKyotoAtthispointtheinstitutionaloutlinesofGo-

Daigorsquosnewregimehadyettobefullyarticulatedandmanagingthemultiplicityof

conflictinginterestsandoverlappingclaimswasalreadyprovingdifficult

particularlyasconcernedthedispositionoflandrights99Chūganrsquosforegroundingof

theconceptoftsūhen通變(Ctongbian)ldquoskillfuladaptiontotheexigenciesofthe

momentrdquocouldnothavebeenmoreappositeForhispartGo-Daigoseemstohave

embodiedtheprinciplewellremainingflexibleandwillingtocompromisewhen

particularpolicieswerenotworkingasexpectedThoughChūganwasnotoneof

Go-DaigorsquosclosestadvisorshispresenceattheprominentKyototempleNanzenji

affordedhimaclose-upviewofthingsasthenascentordertookshapeHoweverin

Januaryof1334ŌtomoSadamuneChūganrsquosprincipalpatrondiedunexpectedly

ChūganleftKyotoalmostimmediatelyandtookupresidenceatEngakujiin

KamakuraHerehewouldwritewhatistodayhisbestknownworkTheMasterof

99SeeGobleKenmupp145-172andpassim

63

BalanceandRectitude(Chūseishi中正子)aneclectictreatisecomprisedoften

chaptersthatcovertopicsrangingfromConfucianethicstohorologyandBuddhist

doctrineOfparticularinteresttothepresentdiscussionisthesecondchapter

ldquoKeikenrdquo經權orldquoTheConstantandtheExpedientrdquoThechapterbeginswiththe

MasterofBalanceandRectitudeadramatizationofChūganhimselftravelingtothe

fictionalldquoLandofMobrdquo(Ukanokuni烏何之國)andinstructingitsbenightedruler

EnduringMulberry(Hōsōshi包桑氏)ontheimportanceofdistinguishingbetween

establishednormsofmorality(JkeiCjing經)andexpedientpoliciesorstratagems

(JkenCquan權)100Theepisodeismeantasasimpleallegoryforthesituationat

Go-DaigorsquoscourtasChūganperceiveditwithEnduringMulberryrepresentingGo-

DaigoonthewholetheldquoKeikenrdquochapterismoretheoreticalthanGenminGensōor

thememorialandunlikethosetextsitmakesgreateruseofallusionandlessof

directcitationItalsoprovidesthefirstinklingthatChūganwasnolongersanguine

abouttheprospectsforGo-Daigorsquosregime

TheConstantandtheExpedient101

TheMasterofBalanceandRectitudewenttotheLandofMobItsruler

EnduringMulberrywelcomedhimandinquiredthuslyldquoDisturbancesoftherealmcan

onlybestoppedbyforceofarmsHenceIhavebeenfondofarmssinceIwasyoung

100ThenameldquoLandofMobrdquowasintendedbyChūganasapunontheChinesetermwuhe烏合whichhasthesamepronunciationas烏何itdenotesliterallyamurderofcrowsandisusedmetaphoricallytodescribeanunrulymoborrabbleThenameEnduringMulberryderivesfromYijingandwillbeanalyzedbelow 101ThetranslationisbasedonIriyaYoshitakarsquosannotatededitionofChūseishiinIchikawaHakugenetaledsChūseiZenkenoshisō(TokyoIwanamishoten1972)pp123-70

64

andthepeopleofmycountryarefondofthemtooBysevenyearsofagemypeople

areabletowieldswordsandbyagetenthankstothisskilltheycanbesentintobattle

WhenitcomestomilitarymattersIcansaysimplythatIhavepouredmywholeheart

intothem102Andyetourbanditsandrobbershavenotyetbeenchasedawayandin

everycornerarmscannotbelaiddownWhyisthissordquo

TheMasterofBalanceandRectituderespondedsayingldquoDoesYourMajesty

knowaboutthewayoftheconstantandthewayoftheexpedientThekingreplied

ldquoNoIdonotbutIwouldliketohearwhatyouhavetosayrdquoTheMasterofBalanceand

RectitudethenrespondedasfollowsldquoThewayoftheconstantandtheexpedient(經權之道)isthekeytogoverningacountryTheconstant(經)referstothatwhichis

enduring(常)itiswhatcannotbealteredTheexpedientisnotfixedanditcannotlast

forlongThewayoftheconstantmustnotbeheldjealouslybutmustbemade

manifesttoallthepeopleoftherealmBytheexpedientismeantthatwhichruns

countertotheconstantbutinsodoingcompletestheWaySomethingthat

contravenestheconstantbutdoesnotcompletetheWaycannotbetheexpedient

Theconstantiscivilvirtue(文德)theexpedientismilitarystratagems(武略)

Theinceptionofmilitarystratagemswasnottheultimateintent(意)ofthesagesthe

sagesonlyputthemintoeffectbecausetheycouldnotbutdootherwiseSomething

thatisputintoeffectbutneverdiscontinuedcannotbethewayofmilitary

stratagems103If(militarystratagems)areputintoeffectandthendiscontinuedthe

orderrevertsbacktothatofcivilvirtueThisispreciselythemeritoftheexpedient

Whenthewayofcivilvirtueandconstantnorms(經常)isspreadwidelythroughoutthe

realmandmeasuressuchasmilitarystratagemsandotherexpedienciesarenot

undertakenthentheorderofYaoandShunwillobtainautomaticallyIwilltryto

explainthisfurtherIbeseechYourHighnesstolistencarefullyrdquo

102ThissentencedirectlyparallelsKingHuirsquoscommenttoMengzithatwithrespectto(thegovernanceof)hiscountryhehasldquopouredhiswholeheartintoitrdquo梁惠王曰寡人之於國也盡心焉耳矣(Mengzi1A31)103Inotherwordslegitimateldquomilitarystratagemsrdquo武略areemployedwhennecessarybutdiscontinuedthereafter

65

ThekingrepliedldquoYouhavemyfullattentionrdquo

TheMasterofBalanceandRectitudecontinuedldquoBroadlyspeakinghuman

beingsarebornintothisworldfundamentallydifferentfromthebirdsandbeaststhey

havenottalonsandteethwithwhichtocatchthethingstheywantnorhavethey

feathersandfurwithwhichtowardoffthecoldOfnecessitytheymustrelyonother

thingstonourishtheirlifeTheyformcommunitiesandpursuetheirlivelihoodsbut

whentheirpursuitscannotbesatisfiedamindsetofcompetitivestrifewillbegintoset

inThesagesofoldintheirloftyperspicacityactedbymeansofthecivilvirtuesof

humaneness(仁)love(愛)propriety(禮)anddeference(譲)Themassesresponded

tothemweretransformedandsubmittedtotheminsubmittingtothemthemasses

flockedtogether(群)andcalledthemlsquorulersrsquo(君)Therulerstooktheaforementioned

civilvirtuesandappliedthemuniversallytothewholeoftherealmthepeopleofthe

realmgravitated(往)tothemandcalledtheserulerslsquokingsrsquo(王)Thekingswerethose

whodevotedthemselvestothecultivationofcivilvirtueandeffulgentlytransformed

(旺化)thecommonpeople104

HencethatwhichisenduringandunalterableisthewayoftheconstantIfthe

kingsweretofallintolaxityandlosewhatisenduringthenthepeoplewouldalso

becomelaxandceaseholdingtowhatisrightIfthedegreeoftheirlaxityweresmall

theywouldbepunishedwithwhipsandcanesiflargetheywouldbebroughttoheel

104InthesesentencesChūgansuggestsetymologicalconnectionsbetweenwordsbasedonhomophoniesldquorulerrdquo君(CjunJkun)isimpliedtobecognatewithldquoflockrdquo群(qungun)andldquokingrdquo王(wangō)isimpliedtobecognatewithbothldquotogotowardsrdquo往(wangō)andldquoradiantrdquo旺(wangō)Theetymologicalassociationofldquorulerrdquo君withldquoflockrdquo群occursinBaihutong白虎通(ComprehensiveDiscussionsintheWhiteTigerHallc97AD)andtheseminalsecond-centurydictionaryShuowenjiezi説文解字glossesldquokingrdquo王asldquohetowhomtherealmreturnsrdquo(王天下所歸往也)Theadditionalassociationof王with旺doesnotseemtobetraditionalandmaysimplybeadisplayofverbaldexteritybyChūgan旺isnotonlyhomophonouswith王butalsosynonymous(andhomophonous)withthecomparativelyrarecharacter暀(wangō)whosegraphicstructureobviouslyresembles往

66

bypunitivemilitaryaction105Thisisthewayofexpedientmeasures(權謀之道)Hence

itisdesirablethatthewayoftheconstantbeelevatedandthewayoftheexpedientbe

heldinabeyanceThewaythatoughttobeelevatedis(whatis)implementedduring

timesofpoliticalstabilitythewaythatoughttobeheldinabeyanceis(whatis)putinto

effectduringtimesofdisorder

NowthepoliticalorderofYaoandShuncannotalwaysobtainandasaresult

thewayoftheexpedientcannotalwaysbeheldinabeyanceThusitisthat

punishmentsmaycometobecarriedoutandforceofarmsmayrisetothefore

Disorderissuppressedbyforceofarmsinordertocompletethewayofconstantnorms

assuchmilitarypowerismaintainedinorderthatitinspireaweandtrepidationBut

displayingittotherealmovertlyisunacceptableInthewordsofMasterZuoldquoIf

(militarypower)isdisplayedovertlyitwillbeusedirresponsiblyandifitisused

irresponsiblyitwillloseitsawesomenessrdquo106NowYourMajestyfailstopracticethe

wayofculture(文道)andblithelydispatchestroopsoutamongstthepeopleofyour

countryndashpeoplewhofortheirpartfeelnoparticularsenseofaweandtrepidation

Thisisthereasonthebanditsandrobbershavenotbeenchasedawayandwhythefour

cornersremainunsettledAndifthingsremainlikethisyouwilllosenotonlytheway

oftheconstantbutthewayoftheexpedientaswell

Losingthewayoftheexpedientyouspeakofhavingldquopouredyourwholeheart

intomilitarymattersrdquoWithduehumilityImustconfessthatItrulypityyourmajesty

Ingeneralifonewishestoseethewayofconstantnormsputintoeffectthroughout

thewholerealmoneoughtnotbesecretiveaboutitifonedoesnotwishtosee

expedientmeasuresexercisedovertlyonecannotbutbesecretiveaboutthem

Nowadaysthosewhocultivatethecivilvirtuesarefewandthosewhotalkabout

militarymattersaremanyTheonestalkingaboutmilitarymattersmeetwithsuccessin105大則甲兵之威征之Theideaseemstobethatiflaxityorresistancetogovernmentcontrolwerewidespreadthroughoutanentirecommunitysoldierswouldbedispatchedtoforcethepopulationbackintocompliance106左氏之語曰示則翫々則無威IhavenotbeenabletolocatethisquoteinZuozhuanorinanyothertextbutitsbasicthrustisidenticaltothequotefromGuoyuthatappearedinGenmin

67

theworldwhiletheonescultivatingcivilvirtuesfindthemselvesinstraightenedestate

Ifhighrankingcourtiersstateofficialsandcommonfolksuchasfarmersandmerchants

allengageinmartialpursuitsnonewillbesatisfieduntiltheyhavewonallfor

themselves(不奪不厭)andthecountrywillbeimperiled107 Touseanexamplesupposewehaveahouseholdinwhichallthechildrenand

servantsarethoroughlyinstructedintheconstantvirtuesofbenevolenceand

righteousnessShouldoneofthechildrenorservantsactdisobedientlythetaskof

censuringthemormetingoutcorporalpunishmentmaybedelegatedtoastewardof

theeldestsonthiswillinstillaweandtrepidationinthemandreflectsthewayof

expedientstrategiesButifthechildrenandservantsallwieldwhipsandcanes

themselvesandresistcensureorpunishmentwhatsenseofaweandtrepidationwould

theyhaveInthissituationtothink(happily)tooneselfldquomyhouseisaccomplishedin

martialpursuitsrdquowouldbeapathtocompletedisorderYourMajestyitwouldbemost

fittingifyouweretotakethisillustrationofgoverningahouseholdextrapolatefromit

andunderstanditsrelevancetoindividualprovincesandindeedtotheentirerealmrdquo

ThekingwasgreatlypleasedandofferedlavishgiftsTheMasterofBalanceand

Rectitudewouldnotacceptthemandtookhisleave

中正子適烏何之國其君包桑氏為迎而問曰夫天下之動非武不止是以寡人自幼好武國中之民亦好武民生而七歳能舞劍十歳者可以出征是寡人之於武可言盡心焉耳矣然國之盜賊未去四邊甲兵未休何如 對曰大王且知夫經權之道乎 王曰未也願聞其説對曰經權之道治國之大端也經常也不可變者也權者非常也不可長者也經之道不可秘吝也示諸天下之民可也權也者反經而合其道者也反而不合則非權也

經者文德也權者武略也武略之設非聖人意聖人不獲已而作焉作而不止非武略之道也作而止則歸文德是則權之功也文德經常之道誕敷天下而武略權謀之備不行於國則堯舜之治可以坐致吾嘗論之大王請聽之王曰寡人之望也

107ThislineriffsonceagainonthefamousopeningchapterofMengziwhichrecordsMengzirsquoscounseltoKingHuiofLiangMengziopinesthatifthekingprizesprofitoradvantage(利)overrighteousness(義)hispeoplewilldothesameandldquononewillbesatisfieduntiltheyhavewonallforthemselvesrdquoSeeMengzi1A1

68

凡人生天地之間實與禽獸相異無爪牙以供嗜好無羽毛以禦寒暑必假它物以養其生於是聚而有求求之不足爭心將作古之聖人卓然而行以仁愛禮讓之文德眾心感之化而附之附而成群謂之君君以斯文德普施天下天下之人歸而往之謂之王王者專修文德旺化諸人者也是以為常而不可變者經之道也王者之心苟怠而失常則民心亦怠而不守常繇是小則鞭扑之刑行之大則甲兵之威征之是則權謀之道也是故經之道欲舉權之道欲措可舉之道治世而施可措之道亂世而為夫堯舜之治不能常有所以權之道不能措之由是刑罰行焉甲兵興焉然而戡定禍亂以合經常之道故甲兵之具以有威懲也然而示諸天下則不可也左氏之語曰示則翫々則無威是也

今王不修文道而翫兵於國中之民々無以威懲之心故盜賊不去四邊不安宜也如是則不惟無經之道而已兼失權之道也權之道失之而謂於武盡心焉耳矣月也竊為大王惜之凡經常之道欲普行之天下不可秘也權謀之事不欲普示諸天下不可不秘今則修文者寡講武者眾講武者達修文者窮卿大夫士庶民農工賈客皆為武者不奪不厭而國危矣假令有一家者以仁義之經普教諸兒及臧獲其兒若臧獲或有悖者委其長子可用者叱之鞭之而威懲之則權謀之道也若其諸兒及臧獲咸手鞭而叱則抗鞭何威懲之有 而自以為吾家能武則大亂之道也大王以治家之喩推而知之於國且天下則可也大王喜厚幣遣之中正子不受而去

IntermsofcontenttheldquoKeikenrdquochaptercoversfamiliargroundChūgan

defendstheuseofforcewhencircumstancesrequireitbutemphasizesthesocially

corrosiveeffectsofexcessivemilitarizationItdepartsfrombothGenminandthe

memorialhoweverinitsexplicitinvocationofthebun-bu文武(Cwen-wu)binary

whichisitselfpositedasaspecialcaseofthemoregeneralkei-ken經權(jing-quan)

relationItalsodiffersinfromthosetextsinmoreadamantlyemphasizingthe

subordinationofthemartialtothecivilTheadjustmentmayseemaminoronebut

itisthefirstofseveralindicationsinChūseishithatby1334Chūganhadmisgivings

aboutthedirectionGo-DaigorsquosrevolutionwastakingTheviewespousedinldquoKeikenrdquo

thatthemartialaspectofkingshipshouldnotbeopenlydisplayedmighteasilybe

readasanargumentdirectedagainstanynumberofactionstakenbyGo-Daigonot

leastofwhichwashisdecisiontostylehisseventhregnaleraldquoKenmurdquo建武or

69

ldquoBuildingtheMilitaryrdquoWhilethecharactermu武hadappearedoccasionallyinthe

posthumousimperialtitles(shigō諡号tsuigō追号)ofJapaneserulersitsusebya

reigningJapanesesovereignindesignatinganewregnalerawasunprecedented108

NotcoincidentallyldquoKenmurdquo(CJianwu)wasalsothenameforthefirstregnaleraof

EmperorGuangwu光武thefirstsovereignoftheLaterHandynastyAsAndrew

GoblehasobservedGo-Daigowouldcertainlyhavefoundtheparallelswithhisown

situationcompellingthefoundingoftheLaterHanbymembersoftheFormerHan

rulinghouseconstitutedtheonlyexampleinChinesehistoryofthereacquisitionof

nationalhegemonybyadynastythathadbeenpreviouslyoverthrown109InJapan

whilethenominalsupremacyoftheimperialfamilyhadremainedunquestioned

theroughly100yearsbetweentheJōkyūWarof1221andGo-Daigorsquosrevolution

mightwellbecastasaninterregnumofsortsalbeitonecharacterizednotbythe

destructionoftheimperialinstitutionassuchbutbyitsincreasingsubordinationto

anautonomousmilitarygovernment110Go-Daigowouldrescuethethronefrom

thispredicamentandhewoulddosonotbyananachronisticturntoanidealized

imperialpastinwhichanidentifiableldquowarriorclassrdquoplayednoessentialpartbutby

embracingwarriorsandactivelyintegratingthemintohisnewnationalpolity111

TothisextentitmightbearguedthatwhileGo-Daigoisoftencast

(inaccurately)asabackward-lookingquixoticsovereignunawarethatthetideof

108WhilemostposthumoustitleswereselectedretrospectivelyGo-Daigotruetohispersonalityexplicitlyrequestedhisappellationinhisroyalwill(go-ishō御遺詔)109GobleKenmup176110TheJōkyūWarwasabriefinternecinedisturbanceprecipitatedbytherebellionoftheretiredemperorGo-Toba後鳥羽(r1183-98)againsttheKamakuraregime111GobleKenmupp264-70andpassim

70

historyfavoredwarriorhegemonyhewasprobablymoreatpeacewitharmedmen

andtheirintereststhanChūganwasYetcareisinorderwheninterpretingthe

positionsChūganespousesregardingwarriorsandmilitaryaffairsHispatron

ŌtomoSadamunewasasupporterofGo-Daigoandapowerfulwarriorleader

holdingthepostofshugo(militaryconstable)forthesouthernprovinceofBungo

HewasalsoamongthefewmenofhisstationtoformallytakeZenpreceptsdoing

soundertheChineseeacutemigreacutemonkQingchuoZhengcheng清拙正澄1274-1339and

hissonUjiyasu氏泰(1321-62)eventuallybecameaZenmonk112Manywarrior

familiesoftenattheurgingoftheHōjō北条thepreeminentwarriorhouseinthe

realmthroughoutmostoftheKamakuraperiodcameinvaryingdegreesto

patronizeZenTypicallytheysupportedthenewfaithbyfinancingtemple

constructionfundingthetravelsofJapanesemonksandhostingmonksfromChina

ItisthusdifficulttobelievethatChūganrsquosconcernsovertheroleofmilitarymenor

martialsymbolisminGo-Daigorsquosregimewasmotivatedbyanyspecialprejudice

againstwarriorsassuchNorisitlikelythatChūganwassimplyquixoticinhisown

rightofferingadvicegroundedinthehopelesspremisethatthenewpolitycould

ignoreoutrighttheinterestsofinnumerableindividualsandfamiliesconnectedin

somewaytosourcesofwarriorpowerwhetherthroughappointmentstojitō

(estatesteward)orshugopostsorbyhavingbeengokenin(retainers)ofthe

recentlyvanquishedKamakurashogunateInsteadtheldquoKeikenrdquochapteris

probablybestunderstoodasanattempttoofferaconceptuallycompelling

112MartinCollcuttFiveMountainsTheRinzaiZenMonasticInstitutioninMedievalJapan(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1981)p82

71

argumentforalessmilitarizedsociopoliticalordertoasovereignwhoserecent

successeshaveunderscoredtohimtheextraordinarypoliticalusefulnessof

preciselythoseindividualsandfamilies

ThefactthatldquoKeikenrdquoismoreinsistentthanGenminconveyingasenseof

crisiswithoutthecountervailingoptimismregardingroyalleadershipclearlyseems

toreflectalossoffaithinGo-Daigorsquosenterprise113Yetotherthanthechoiceof

Kenmuforthenameoftheregimersquosinauguralerandashtobesureaseriousmatterndashit

isdifficulttoidentifyspecificpoliciesundertakenbyGo-DaigobetweenDecemberof

1333andthespringof1334thatseemlikelytohavegivenChūganadrasticchange

ofheart114OnepossibilityisthatwiththedeathofSadamunewhohadbeena

supporterofGo-DaigoChūganwassimplymoreabletoexpresscriticismsthathe

hadwithheldearlieroutofconcernforSadamunersquosinterests(andbyextensionhis

own)Genericconventionstoomightbeadducedtoexplainatleastsomeofthe

differenceintonebetweenldquoKeikenrdquoandGenminwhileldquoKeikenrdquowasclearlywritten

withGo-Daigoinminditwasnotdeliveredtohiminthemannerofaformal

memorialChūganwasthusfreertoexercisehisownstylisticdiscretionchoosing

WangTongrsquosWenzhongziashisoverarchingtemplateforChūseishiandpatterning

thehypotheticalremonstrationwithEnduringMulberryintheldquoKeikenrdquochapter

directlyafterMengzirsquoswiseyetpointedcounseltoKingHuiofLiang

113SunldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquop100114RegnaleraswerechangedfrequentlyinpremodernJapantheirbinomialdesignationswerecarefullychosenforspecificpurposesbyaselectcadreofcourtscholarstypicallyonthebasisofportentologicalinvestigationsintonaturalorsocietalphenomenaBetween930and1336therewere36emperorsand124regnalerasmeaningmostemperorspresidedoverthreetofourGo-Daigorsquosreigncomprisedeight

72

InsofarasthefictionalEnduringMulberrycomesoffaswoefullymisguided

oratleastassomeonewhodoesnotappeartohaveldquoinheritedtheperspicacityof

KingWenofZhourdquothechapterseeminglydoesnofavorstoGo-Daigorsquosimage

Chūganrsquosuseofthefamily(家)asamicrocosmoflargersociopoliticalconstructs

suchastheprovince(國)orthewholeoftherealm(天下)wasentirelytraditional

butasacriticismoftheKenmupolityitcarriedparticularforceMultipleofGo-

DaigorsquossonswerepersonallyinvolvedinwarfareandthreeofthemMoriyoshi

TakayoshiandthecrownprinceTsuneyoshiwouldallmeetviolentendsoverthe

1330sastheKenmuregimefellapart115Itwashighlyunusualformembersofthe

imperialfamilytoreceivesubstantialmilitarytraininganddownrightshockingthat

theyshouldindefeatbekilledbytheiropponentsasopposedtosimplybeing

apprehendedandexiled116ItisdifficulttoknowwhetherChūganintended

specificallytocriticizethewayGo-Daigowasleadingtheroyalfamilybuttherecan

belittledoubtthathetookexceptiontowhatheperceivedastheemperorrsquos

fondnessforallthingsmartialNonethelessthechapterasawholedoesstilloffer

hopeforthefutureanditultimatelypositionsEnduringMulberryandhenceGo-

Daigoinamorepositivelightthanmightbeapparentatfirstglance

ThisismostevidentinthenameldquoEnduringMulberryrdquo(Hōsō包桑)itself

whichisadeftreferencetoYijingandnotatallunflatteringThetermhōsō(C

baosang)appearsinthetwelfthchapterldquoPirdquo否orldquoStandstillrdquowhereitdenotes

rapidlygrowingmulberryshootsTherelevantpassagereadsasfollows

115GobleKenmupp269-70116Ibid

73

NineinthefifthplacemeansStandstillisgivingwayGoodfortuneforthe

greatmanldquoWhatifitshouldfailwhatifitshouldfailrdquoInthiswayhetiesittoaclusterofmulberryshoots117

九五休否大人吉其亡其亡繋于苞桑

TheCommentaryontheAppendedPhrases(Xicizhuan繋辭傳)expatiatesonthe

enigmaticpassagethusly

TheMastersaysldquoDangerariseswhenamanfeelssecureinhispositionDestructionthreatenswhenamanseekstopreservehisworldlyestateConfusiondevelopswhenamanhasputeverythinginorderThereforethesuperiormandoesnotforgetdangerinhissecuritynorruinwhenheiswellestablishednorconfusionwhenhisaffairsareinorderInthiswayhegainspersonalsafetyandisabletoprotecttheempirerdquo118TherelevanceoftheforegoingtoGo-Daigorsquospositioniscleartheemperorisina

positionofstrengthbutmuststillnegotiatehisfortuitouscircumstanceswithskill

lesthelosewhathehasgainedThereisevidencehereandelsewherethatChūgan

thoughtthenewregimewasrushingaheadwithoutsufficientdiscretionandquite

beyondhisspecificconcernsovertherecrudescenceofwarriorpowerwantedGo-

DaigotobemorecautiousanddeliberateThephraseldquowhatifitshouldfailwhatif

itshouldfailrdquo(其亡其亡)referstotheconcernthattheldquosuperiormanrdquo(君子)has

forthefragilityofhisenterprisewhosecontinuedsuccessiscontingentuponhis

ongoingcareandvigilanceThemulberryshootsfigurevigorandendurancehence

117RichardWilhelmCaryFBaynestransTheIChingorBookofChanges(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1977)p55Thephraseldquonineinthefifthplacerdquoreferstoaparticulararrangementofyarrowstalksresultingfromacomplexdivinatoryprocedureoutlinedonpp721-23118Ibid55

74

thegreatmanrsquosuseofthemtoserveasbothanchorandguide(astheshootsgrow)

forhisendeavorChūganrsquospointseemstobethattheKenmurevolutionneedsa

moralanchorifitistobesuccessfulneedlesstosaythatanchorcannotsimplybe

martialpreeminencewhichisonlyanexpedient(ken)tothereestablishmentofa

well-orderedcivilsocietyInthefifthchapterofChūseishildquoExplicatingRevolutionrdquo

(ldquoKakukairdquo革解)whichtreatsthe49thchapterofYjingldquoGerdquo革orldquoRevolutionrdquoThe

MasterofBalanceandRectitudeopinesthatthepathofreformcannotbetread

recklessly(改革之道不可疾行也)FrustratinglyperhapsChūganoffersno

specificproposalsbeyondthatofdeemphasizingthemartialexpedientand

emphasizingthecivilconstantYetheprobablyfeltthatthisalonewouldbe

sufficienttobringaboutotherpositivechangesFurtherhealsoseemstohavefelt

itinappropriatetoreferencespecificactorsinthecurrentpoliticaldramabyname

neitherhismemorialnorChūseishimakesanyexplicitmentioncriticalorotherwise

ofthemajorpowerplayersintheKenmupolitysavethesovereignhimself119

AltogetherldquoKeikenrdquodoesnotrepresentawholesalerejectionofanyofthe

basicpointsadvancedinGenminthoughitdoesgomuchfurtherthanthatpiece

doesinimplicatingnotjustmilitarismintheabstractbuttherulerhimselfinthe

119InadditiontoriskingoffensegreaterspecificitymaynothavebeenthoughtnecessarysinceChūseishiwasprobablywrittenlessforposteritythanforGo-DaigoandarelativelysmallaudienceofcontemporaryelitesandintellectualsAsimilarsituationisobservableinJinnōshōtōkiwhichdespiteanotherwiselengthyandinformativedescriptionofGo-DaigorsquosreignhaslittleofacriticalorinterpretivenaturetosayaboutitssignaleventsChikafusamakesnoremarkaboutthecontroversialenthronementofEmperorKōgonwhoselegitimacyGo-DaigowouldlaterdenynordoeshecommentonGo-DaigorsquosexiletotheOkiIslandsafterhisinitialplotagainsttheKamakurashogunatewasbroughttolightSeeVarleyAChronicleofGodsandSovereignsp35

75

countryrsquostroublesYetdespitethisanddespitethemildlysatiricalparodicquality

ofEnduringMulberryrsquosboaststhechaptershouldprobablynotbereadasan

insultingportraitofGo-DaigonotonlydoesthenameEnduringMulberrycarry

unambiguouslypositiveconnotationsofgrowthandfortitudebuttheentire

exchangeishighlyreminiscentofthememorableexchangesinMengzibetween

MenciusandKingHuiKingHuimayappearlessthansagaciousintheseepisodes

butwhateverhismisstepshedemonstrateshisintellectualmaturitybysolicitingor

atleasttoleratingMengzirsquosadviceonmattersofstatecraftInthisconnectionit

shouldalsobenotedthatthereislittlereasontobelievethatanyJapanesesovereign

leastofallGo-Daigowouldhavetakenparticularumbrageatthenotionthathisrule

mightbeusefullyunderstoodandcritiquedthroughtheconceptsnomenclature

andsuasivestrategiesoftheChineseintellectualtraditionorthatbeingaldquogoodrdquo

sovereignentailedfaithfulconformitytoasuiteofethicalbeliefsandnormative

behaviorsdrawnprincipallyfromthattraditionItisalsoworthnotingthatMengzi

aworktraditionallyassociatedwiththeviewthatroyallegitimacyiscontingent

uponarevocableldquoMandateofHeavenrdquo(CtianmingJtenmei天命)appearstohave

hadafarmoreextensiveimpactonthemedievalJapaneseintellectuallandscape

thanissometimesassumedMengzifeaturesmorecentrallyinChūseishithanother

MastersrsquoTextssuchasXunziLaoziorZhuangzianditloomslargerthanany

ldquoclassicrdquosavepossiblyYijingMoreoverwhileMengziwasprobablymoreimportant

toChūganrsquosthoughtthantothatofanyotherfigureintheGozanmilieuhewasnot

76

theonlyfourteenth-centuryscholartovaluetheworkhighlyasbothEmperor

HanazonoandYoshidaSadafusadrewfreelyuponitaswell120

AlthoughMengziclearlyinspiredthestyleandstructureoftheldquoKeikenrdquo

chapteritwasprobablynottheprimaryinspirationforthatchapterrsquoscoreconcept

namelythedyadicrelationbetweenestablishedmoralnormsandexpedientpolicies

andtheimportanceofeachtogoodgovernanceTheexplicitjuxtapositionofkei

(jing)andken(quan)isoldoccurringasearlyasthesecondcenturyBCGongyang

commentaryontheSpringandAutumnAnnalswhichinitsdescriptionofthe

politicalfigureJiZhong祭仲(743-682BC)definesquanassomethingthatgoes

againstjingbutindoingsoultimatelyresultsingood121InMengziasimilar

relationispropoundedbrieflywhenMengziopinesthatalthoughritualpropriety

(禮)dictatesthatmenandwomenshouldnottouchoneanotherrsquoshandswhen120SeeInoueHonpōchūseimadeniokeruMōshijuyōshinokenkyūp252SunldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquop101TheimportanceofMengzitopre-TokugawaJapanesethoughtseemsuniformlyunderappreciatedSunobservesthatJapanesescholarstendtofocusprimarilyontheunderstandablylargeroleMengziplayedindiscussionsofrulershiplegitimacyandrevolutionbutpaycomparativelylessattentiontotheotherphilosophicalusestowhichtheworkcouldbeputThisisparticularlyunfortunateinChūganrsquoscaseashismostsustainedengagementwithMencianthoughtoccursinthesecondandseventhchaptersofChūseishiwhichconcernnotrevolutionbutthevirtuesofhumanitybenevolenceandrighteousness( )andhumannaturerespectively TothiswemightalsoaddthatinAnglophoneandChinesescholarshiptheproblemcanbequitetheoppositeasitisoftenassumedthatMengzirsquosviewsonlegitimaterulewereinherentlyanathematotheideologyofeternaldivinekingshiptheoreticallyinformingsovereigntyinJapanSeeforinstanceChenShuifengRibenwenmingkaihuashiluumle(TaipeiTaiwanshangwuyinshuguan1993)pp63-64ConradSchirokauerABriefHistoryofChineseandJapaneseCivilizations(SanDiegoHarcourtBraceJovanovich1989)p144InemphasizingthispointbyitselftheauthorsriskimplyingthatMengziwasgenerallyrejectedbyJapaneseintellectualswhichitwasnotandthatJapaneseintellectualswereeverywherebeholdentoaldquonativistrdquoroyalorthodoxywhichtheywerenot121權者何權者反於經然後有善者也(GongyangzhuanldquoHuanGongrdquo桓公 11)

77

exchangingobjectsitwouldbeexpedient(quan)tograbyoursister-in-lawrsquoshandif

sheweredrowning122Herequanissetoppositetoldquoritesrdquoorldquoritualproprietyrdquobut

thebasicideaisthesameanestablishedmoralnormisviolatedbecauseexigent

circumstancesaresuchthatupholdingthenormwoulddomoreharmthangood

Thisconceptionofquanleadsultimatelytothearchetypaljing-quanbinaryofHan

Confucianisminwhichquanisconstruedasanydiscretionaryactionthatldquoin

violatingjingcompletestheWayrdquo(反經合道)123Althoughlaterthinkerssuchas

ChengYi程頤(1033-1107)andZhuXi朱子(1130-1200)woulddevelopthejing-

quandyadinnewdirectionsChūganrsquosusageoftheideainChūseishiaccordsmost

closelywiththatseeninHantextsandbearslittletraceoftheCheng-Zhuthought

withwhichhelikemostotherGozanliteratiwasotherwisequitewell

acquainted124

Itisnoteworthythatcontrarytotheusualrelationshipfoundtoobtain

betweenpre-TokugawaJapanesekanbuntextsandtheirChineseanaloguesthe

ldquoKeikenrdquochapteroffersamuchlongerandmoredetailedexpiationonthejing-quan

relationthananyoftheworkstypicallycitedforcomparisonthissuggestseither122嫂溺不援是豺狼也男女授受不親禮也嫂溺授之以手者權也(Mengzi4A17)ldquoIfyoursister-in-lawisdrowningbutyoulendnoaidyouarenothingbutabeastThatmenandwomenwhengivingandreceivingthingsshouldnottouchoneanotherisamatterofritualproprietythatwhenyoursister-in-lawisdrowningyouhelpherbyextendingyourhandisamatterofexpediencerdquo123SeeYueTianleildquoZhuXilunlsquoquanrsquordquoZhongguowenhuayanjiusuoxuebaoNo56(Jan2013)p1 124SpecificallyChengYiconcludedthatldquoquanarenothingbutjingrdquo(權即是經)ndashamovethatwouldseemtoundothedynamictensionthatChūganseesasessentialtothejing-quanbinaryZhuXiarguedinanevolutionaryveinthatldquojingaresimplyquanthathavebeenfullyestablishedwhilequanareasyetun-establishedjingrdquo(經是已定之權權是未定之經)whichseemstoadumbratequitemodernideasabouttheformationandhistoricalcontingencyofsocialnorms

78

thattherelevantChinesesourcetexthasyettobeidentifiedorthatChūgan

independentlychosetopursueanunusuallydetailedelaborationoftheidea125

Eitherwayhemusthavethoughtitausefulconceptualframeinwhichto

communicatehispointtocontemporaryreadersandtoGo-Daigoinparticular

Inherentintheconceptofquanasldquoexpediencyrdquoorldquodiscretionrdquoispreciselythesort

offlexibilitythatanyrulerinGo-Daigorsquospositionwouldfindcongenialpossiblytoa

faultSuchflexibilityismostnecessaryduringtimesofsocialrupturewhich

presentchallengesthatdemandunconventionalresponsesAsChūgansaysthe

orderofYaoandShuncannotalwaysobtainSincesuchapointcouldwellhave

beenmadewithoutframingitentirelyintermsofjingandquanitisreasonableto

assumethatGo-Daigowasalreadyquitefamiliarwiththejing-quandyadSuchan

assumptionisallthemoreplausibleinlightofGo-Daigorsquosunusuallyextensive

knowledgeofChinesetextswhichasearlyas1317wasappraisedveryhighlyby

HanazonohimselfamongthemostlearnedsovereignsinJapanesehistory126Texts

inwhichGo-DaigoisknowntohavebeenversedincludeShiji史記(Recordsofthe

125SunRongchengnotesthatwhilethepairingofjingandquanisitselfextremelycommonheisnotawareofanyotherworkeitherChineseorJapaneseinwhichtheyareexplicitlyassociatedwithwenbunandwubuastheyareinldquoKeikenrdquoJingandquandooccurtogetherintheldquoViscountofWeirdquo魏相chapterofWangTongrsquosWenzhongziatextwhoseimportancetoChūganhasalreadybeennotedbutthedyadisnotdevelopedindetailitisglossedbytheSong-eracommentatorRuanYi阮逸(flmid11thc)byreferencetotheGongyangcommentarySeeSunldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquop100andIriyaChūseiZenkenoshisōp403126GobleKenmup11LestthereaderthinkHanazonowassimplyflatteringthefutureoccupantofthethroneitshouldbeemphasizedthathewasoftheJimyōinbranchoftheimperialfamilyrivaltoGo-DaigorsquosDaikakujilineandanoutspokenscholarunafraidtovoiceopinionsatoddswithimperialorthodoxy(seenote141below)HanazonosetgreatstorebythestudyofChinesehistoryandliteratureandhewouldnothavegoneoutofhiswaytodeemGo-DaigorsquosknowledgeofChinesetextsexceptionalhaditbeenmerelyaverage

79

GrandHistorian)Hanshu(HistoryoftheHan)andHouHanshu後漢書(Historyofthe

LaterHan)Zhongyong(DoctrineoftheMean)andLunyu論語(Analects)Shangshu

尚書(TheBookofHistory)YijingandLiji禮記(TheRecordofRites)Zuozhuanand

Laozi老子(knownfrequentlyasDaodejing)Difan帝範(ModelsforanEmperor)

andHuainanzi (MastersofHuainan)Go-Daigoalsosponsoredacademic

discussionsofworkslesscommonlyreadinJapansuchasYangXiongrsquos (53BC

ndash18AD)Taixuanjing太玄經orldquoClassicofGreatMysteryrdquo127

OfparticularrelevancetothepresentinquiryisHuainanziwhichcontains

numerouspassagestreatingthemoralandpoliticalsignificanceofquanWhileIam

notawareofanycurrenttreatmentofChūseishithatexploresthematicorrhetorical

parallelswithHuainanzithelatterseemsafarmorelikelytouchstonefortheviews

articulatedintheldquoKeikenrdquochapterthandoestheGongyangcommentarythe

responsesofDongZhongshuorWenzhongziAltogetherHuainanziprobably

offeredmoreintellectualjustificationforradicalpoliticalactionthananyothertext

Go-DaigoisknowntohavestudiedafactnotlikelytohavebeenlostonChūgan

Theconceptofquanasanexpedientstrategyfeaturesparticularlyprominentlyin

chapterthirteenldquoFanlunrdquo氾論orldquoBoundlessDiscoursesrdquowhosecentralthemeis

thesagerulerrsquosadaptabilitytocircumstanceAsSarahQueenandJohnMajor

observeldquoFanlunrdquoprovidesthemostcomprehensivediscussionofchangeinthe

entireHuainanziitisoneoftheworkrsquosmostovertlypoliticalchaptersemphasizing

boththehistoricalcontingencyoflawsandritesandthenecessityofadaptingonersquos

127GobleKenmupp2127-28

80

policiestosuittheneedsoftheage128Quanprovidesthekeytosuccessinan

inherentlyproteanworldthoughitisnotsomethingjustanyrulercangrasp

ExpediencyissomethingsagesaloneperceiveThusthosewho[first]disobey[ritualnorms]butultimatelyaccordwiththemaresaidtounderstandexpediency(Huainanzi1311)129權者聖人之所獨見也故忤而後合者謂之知權 IndaysofoldtheDocumentsofZhouhadasayingthatreadldquo[Sometimes]oneelevateswordsanddenigratespracticalities[sometimes]onedenigrateswordsandelevatespracticalitiesElevatingwordsisthenormdenigratingwordsistheexpedientrdquoThisisthetechniqueforsurvivinginthefaceofdestructionButonlyasageiscapableofunderstandingexpediency(1311)130 昔者周書有言曰「上言者下用也下言者上用也上言者常也下言者權也」此存亡之術也唯聖人為能知權

Itisimportanttonotethattheusageofthetermldquosagerdquo(聖)inHuainanziis

somewhatlessrestrictivethanthatseeninprototypicallyldquoConfucianrdquoclassicaltexts

AsintheFiveClassicsthesagesofhighantiquityarecreditedwithcreatingthe

moralandinstitutionalunderpinningsofhumancivilizationHoweverHuainanzi

doesnotlocatethechiefefficacyofthesageinthepastmodernrulersnotonlycan

attainsagelywisdomtheymustdosoiftheyaretobringharmonytotheirpresent

disorderedage131AccordingtoAndrewMeyerthesageofHuainanziismuchcloser

tothatofDaodejing(Laozi)thantothatoftheConfucianclassicsheachieves

sagehoodnotonlythroughthestudyofclassicaltextsandthephenomenalworld

128JohnSMajoretaledsTheHuainanziAGuidetotheTheoryandPracticeofGovernmentinEarlyHanChina(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2010)pp483-89129Ibidp508130Ibidp506131Ibidp887

81

butalsothroughldquoaprogramofapophaticpersonalcultivationcenteredonpractices

ofcontemplativemeditationandyogicregimensrdquo132OnecaneasilyimagineGo-

Daigowhoseinterestinesotericreligiousritualswaslegend133findingmuchtolike

aboutthefigureofthesageinHuainanziMasterofhispoliticalcosmosthesage

regulatesritesandmusicbutheisnotregulatedbythem(聖人制禮樂而不制于禮

樂)134

IntheldquoKeikenrdquochapterChūganinvokesthefigureofthesageonlytosaythat

theldquoexpediencyrdquoofformulatingmilitarystratagemsisnothisultimateaimbut

rathersomethinghedoesbecausethereisnootherchoice(武略之設非聖人意

聖人不獲已而作焉)Suchapositionwouldseemtobesomewhatdifferentatleast

inemphasisfromthatarticulatedinHuainanziwhichisonthewholeagooddeal

morepositivethanldquoKeikenrdquoregardingtheuseofquanYetthehierarchical

relationshipChūganpositsbetweenkeijingandkenquanwiththelatterclearly

morallysubordinatetotheformerisvisibleinHuainanziaswell

ThewayoftheFiveThearchsandtheThreeKingsconstitutesthewarpandweftoftheworldandtherulesandstandardsoforderNowShangYangrsquosldquoOpeningandClosingrdquoShenzirsquosldquoThreeTestsrdquoHanFeizirsquosldquoSolitaryIndignationrdquoandZhangYiandSuQinrsquosldquoHorizontalandVertical[AllianceSystem]allwereselectiveexpedienciesonesliceofthearts[ofgovernance]Theyarenotthegreatrootoforderortheconstantnormofservicethatcanbeheardwidelyandtransmittedthroughtheages(2034)135

132Ibidpp887-88133SeeGobleKenmupp96-97134Huainanzi133135MajoretaledsHuainanzip833

82

五帝三王之道天下之綱紀治之儀錶也今商鞅之啓塞申子之三符韓非之孤憤張儀蘇秦之從衡皆掇取之權一切之術也非治之大本事之恒常可博聞而世傳者也

ForChūganthemostdesirablestateofaffairsisonewherekeijingare

promoted(舉)anddevicesclassifiableaskenquanareputaside(措)untildisorder

requirestheiruseThemethodsoflegalistreformerssuchasShangYangShen

BuhaiandHanFeiziareheldinHuainanzi2034toconstitutesuchdevicesthe

particularityandtemporarinessofwhichstandsincontrasttotheenduringquality

ofldquoconstantnormsrdquo(恒常)InhismemorialtoGo-DaigoChgūancitesShangYangrsquos

reformsapprovinglybutcriticizestheQinforholdingtoolongtothelegalistcourse

TherethepointwastoapplaudandjustifyGo-Daigorsquoswillingnesstoviolatethe

statusquoinordertorectifycurrentillsanobjectivefacilitatedbytheinvocationof

keymomentsinChinesehistoryatwhichradicalactionwaswarrantedInldquoKeikenrdquo

theintentisquitetheoppositeemphasisisplacedontheinherentlyspecificnature

ofldquoexpedientmeasuresrdquo(權謀)whicharelimitedinscopeanddurationandstand

incontrasttotheunchangingwayoftheconstant(常而不可變者經之道也)

whichinturnisidentifiedwithcivilvirtue

InallldquoKeikenrdquooffersalucidallegoricalrepresentationofJapanese

sociopoliticalconditionsin1334Itsthoughtfulapplicationoftwodyadicrelations

jing-quanandwen-wutoJapanesepoliticswashighlyoriginalanditsuseofa

dramatizeddialogicexchangebetweenrulerandministerpatternedcloselyafter

thoseinMengzialsoappearstobeuniqueamongpre-Tokugawaworksofpolitical

suasionThedistinctionChūgandrawsbetweenenduringnormsandtemporary

83

expedienciesisstraightforwardasishisbeliefalreadystatedforcefullyinGenmin

thatfartoomanypeoplehavebecomeinvestedinmartialpursuitsInutilizinga

vocabularyofgovernanceandkingshiplargerandmoreflexiblethanthatofthe

ConfucianclassicsChūganwasabletodescribetheeventsofhisageinwaysthat

werenovelyetentirelylegiblewithinChinesepoliticaldiscourseThoughhewasby

nomeanstheonlyJapanesefiguretoseekanunderstandingofJapaninostensibly

ldquoChineserdquotermsndashevencontemporaryarticulationsofShintooftendrewheavilyon

ChineseBuddhismandyin-yangtheoryndashfewofhiscompatriotscouldboast

comparableknowledgeofthebroadercorpusofHanpoliticalwritingandprobably

nonesharedhisfamiliaritywiththeSui-eratextWenzhongzi

ChūseishiwasChūganrsquoslastmajorcontributiontopoliticaltheoryduringthe

KenmuRestorationThenetworkofalliancesonwhichGo-Daigorsquospolitydepended

provedvulnerabletodisruptionandinmid1335anunexpected(andunexpectedly

successful)uprisingbyHōjōremnantsagainstthehouseofAshikagaineastern

JapansetinmotionaseriesofeventsthatwithintwoyearswouldseetheAshikaga

riserapidlytomartialpreeminenceandeffectivelydisplacetheimperialcourtasthe

fulcrumofnationalgovernance136ItisnotdifficulttoimagineChūganreactingwith

dismaytothepoliticalmutationsandmachinationsthatplayedoutoverthe

followingyearGo-DaigoandhiserstwhileallyAshikagaTakaujieachscroungingfor

supportamongdozensofregionallypowerfulfamilies(andamongdifferent

branchesofthesamefamilies)bloodybattlesmotivatedmorebypersonalor

136TheHōjōuprisingwasthemostimportanteventinwhatisknownastheNakasendaiDisturbance(中先代の乱)DetailsmaybefoundinGobleKenmupp244-61

84

familialgrievancesthanbypoliticalidealsandtheJimyōinlineoftheimperial

familythrowingitssupportbehindtheupstartTakaujidespiteknowingfullwell

thattheimperialinstitutionitselfwouldbelittlemorethanadependentjunior

partnerwithinanAshikaga-ledconfederacyBeforetheendof1336Go-Daigofled

thecityofKyotoforasecureredoubtintheYoshinomountainsofYamatoprovince

withtheJimyōinprinceYutahitoenthronedasEmperorKōmyōbyTakaujiJapan

nowhadnotjusttworivalimperiallinesbuttwoimperialcourtsandanew

shogunatewithmorepowerovertheprerogativesoftheKyotoaristocracythan

everbeforeItishardtoenvisionasituationmoreantitheticaltotheidealsofroyal

preeminencesoenergeticallyespousedinChūganrsquosmemorialUnfortunatelythe

textualrecorddoesnotpermitadetailedreconstructionofChūganrsquospost-Kenmu

politicalthoughtafactwhichgivestheinaccurateimpressionofaretreatfrom

publicintellectuallifeInfacttheseemingpaucityofexplicitlypoliticalmaterial

fromthisperiodstemsinlargepartfromthelossofwhatfromamodern

perspectivemighthavebeenChūganrsquosmostsignificantintellectualworkhadit

survivedTheworkinquestionishisinfamoushistoricaltreatiseNihonsho日本書

ARecordofJapanabriefglimpseatwhatisknownofwhichwillconcludethis

chapter

Writtenin1341Nihonshoseemstohavebeenintendedasalong-termstudy

ofJapanesehistoryandperhapsmorespecificallyasacounterpointtoKitabatake

ChikafusarsquosrecentlycompletedJinnōshōtōkiItsexistenceisonlyknowntoday

becauseitadvancedanunusualtheoryregardingtheoriginsofJapanrsquosroyalfamily

Accordingtothefifteenth-centuryGozanliteratusTōgenZuisen桃源瑞仙(1430-

85

89)ChūganproposedthattheprimordialJapanesedeityKunitokotachinomikoto

國常立尊wasinactualitya(human)descendantofPrinceWuTaibo呉太伯(alt泰

伯)ascionofKingTaiofZhouandthepurportedfounderofthestateofWu137The

notionthattheJapaneseimperialfamilywasultimatelydescendedfromWuTaibo

wasnotinitselfnewitappearsinseveralChinesesourcesincludingWeiluumle魏略

(ABriefHistoryoftheWeiDynastymid3rdcentury)Liangshu梁書(ARecordofthe

LiangDynasty635)andJinshu晋書(ARecordoftheJinDynasty648)anditis

explicitlymentionedndashandsummarilydismissedndashinJinnōshōtōki138Whatdoes

seemtohavebeenoriginalwasChūganrsquoslinkingofWuTaibowithKunitokotachia

deityofcentralimportancetothemedievalreligio-culturalmovementthatcameto

beknownasIseShintoBeginninginthelateKamakuraandearlyMuromachi

periodspriestsassociatedwithIsersquosOuterShrine(gekū外宮)whichtraditionally

veneratedagoddessoffoodstuffsandfecunditynamedToyouke豊受(incontrastto

theInnerShrinenaigū内宮whichveneratedAmaterasu)undertookeffortsto

137ItmightbenotedthatTōgenwasfrankinhisrejectionofthisidealdquoSayingsomethinglikelsquothedeitycalledKunitokotachinomikotoisadescendantofWuTaiborsquoisnonsenseChūganwasaredoubtablemanbut(thistheory)whileelegantwasnonsenserdquo國常立尊ト云ハ呉太伯ノ后裔ヂャナンドト云ハ合ワザル事ゾ中巌ホドノ人ヂャガウツクシウモ合ワザル事ヲセラレタゾSeeInoueHonpōchūseimadeniokeruMōshijuyōshinokenkyūp263SunldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquopp107-110138TheoriginofthenotionisunclearthoughtheChinesesourcesallreportthatitwastheWa倭themselveswhoclaimeddescentfromTaiboWeiluumlenolongersurvivesintactbutthepassagesconcerningtheWaarepreservedintheTang-eraworkHanyuan翰苑SeeSunldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquop158n321

86

articulateandevangelizeShintoinnewlycoherentterms139Inmattersofdoctrine

theInnerandOutershrinescouldofcoursebeseenascomplementarybutthey

wereadministeredbytwodistincthereditarypriestlyfamilies(theArakidaand

Watarairespectively)andthehistoricallyprivilegedpositionoftheInnerShrine

coupledwiththegrowingneedtosecurematerialsupportinaneraofdwindling

courtresourcesmadetherelationshipacompetitiveoneInordertoenhancetheir

positionvis-agrave-vistheArakidatheWataraipriestsproposedthattheirdeity

ToyoukewasinfactKunitokotachiwhoasoneoftheearlycreatordeitiesoccupied

aplaceinthepantheonostensiblyldquohigherrdquothanthatofAmaterasu

IseShintohadamajorinfluenceonelitesandintellectualsofthefourteenth

centurynotleastofwhomwasChikafusawhoseGengenshū元々集(Collectionof

theOriginofOrigins1337)explicatesthesignificanceofvariousshrinesanddeities

byreferencetotheteachingsofShintotheoristWataraiIeyuki渡来家行(1256-

1351)alongwithaccountsdrawnfromJapanesemythohistoricalchroniclesJinnō

shōtōkialsoreflectsIsedoctrineparticularlyinitsmemorableopeningpassage

whichhasbeenatouchstonepolemicfornativistwritersandideologuesdownto

thepresentdayldquoGreatJapanisthedivinecountryItwasfoundedbytheHeavenly

Ancestor(ieKunitokotachi)andistransmittedinperpetuitythroughthelineageof

theSunGoddess(Amaterasu)Thisissomethingtrueofourcountryalonethereis

nothingcomparableinotherlandsrdquo140ByidentifyingKunitokotachinomikoto

139SeeHagiwaraTatsuoldquoShintōtheWayoftheKamirdquoinKasaharaKazuoedAHistoryofJapaneseReligion(TokyoKōsei2001)pp299-314140大日本は神國なり天祖はじめて基をひらき日神ながく統を傳え給う我國のみ此事あり異朝には其たぐひなし

87

whosenameprobablymeantsomethinglikeldquoTheAugustDeityWhoPermanently

EstablishestheCountryrdquowithWuTaiboChūganseemstoofferabluntrepudiation

ofthisnewlyburgeoningJapaneseexceptionalism141Possiblyheintendedtodo

morethanthishistheorymightbereadasanattempttointerpretmythical

accountsofJapanrsquosfoundingeuhemeristicallythoughwithoutfurtherevidence

suchareadingmustremainspeculative142Thattheworkhasnotsurvivedisa

greatlosstocurrent-daystudentsofmedievalJapanesehistoryhistoriographyand

politicalthoughtthoughitisperhapsnotaltogethersurprisingEvidencesuggests

thatevenduringChūganrsquoslifetimetheworkmetwithnosmallmeasureof

disapprovalandwiththeemergenceofShintoasadoctrinallydistinct(and

distinctlyldquonativerdquo)faithtraditionitsviewsprobablyappearedincreasingly

141ItisofinteresttonotethatChūganwasnottheonlyprominentintellectualtorejectsuchexceptionalismEmperorHanazonoisnotedforhisbluntdismissalofthenotionthatdivinedescentautomaticallyensuredtheperpetualcontinuityoftheimperialinstitutionHisKaiTaishisho戒太子書(AdmonitionstotheCrownPrince1330)anessayonsovereigntyandgoodgovernmentthathecomposedforhisnephewPrinceTokihitoindicatesquiteclearlythatthenativistideologywithinwhoseframeworktheJapaneseimperialfamilywassupposedtoexistwasnotinitselfsomethingautomaticallychampionedbymembersoftheimperialfamilySeeGobleldquoSocialChangeKnowledgeandHistoryrdquop119142SeeUenoTakeshildquoWajinnokigentoGonoTaihakudensetsurdquoinMoriKōichiedNihonnokodaivol1ldquoWajintōjōrdquo(TokyoChūōKōron1985)p327UenoseesinthispossibilityaldquoConfucianrationalismrdquo(儒教的合理主義)thatissetoppositetobeliefindivineorsupernaturalforcesasagentsofhistoryWemightnotethatsuchaviewisalsoreminiscentofAraiHakusekirsquos(1657-1725)boldbutlinguisticallyproblematicargumentthattheJapanesewordforldquodeityrdquokami神simplydenotedthosewhoweresociallyldquoaboverdquo(kami上)ordinarypeopleWhilethewordsareentirelyhomophonousinModern(andMiddle)JapaneseinOldJapanesethesyllablemiinkami神wouldhavebeenpronounceddifferentlythanthemiinkami上

88

subversiveasthecenturiespassed143Theonlydirectevidenceconcerningthe

contemporaryreceptionoftheworkisprovidedbyGidōShūshinwhowasamong

ChūganrsquosforemostintellectualdisciplesandisregardedtodayasoneoftheldquoTwin

Pillarsrdquo(双璧)ofGozanliteraturealongsideZekkaiChūshinInashortaddress

deliveredinChūganrsquoshonorin1367GidōmakesdeftreferencetoNihonshoandthe

controversysurroundingit

He(Chūgan)assiduouslystudiedthecountryrsquoshistoryldquounderstandmeby

theSpringandAutumnAnnalscontemnmebytheSpringandAutumnAnnalsrdquoHisconductwasinkeepingwiththemonasticrulesinwalkinghewasastheMasterinrushinghewasastheMaster144

修國史兮知我春秋罪我春秋行清規也步亦夫子趨亦夫子

ThelineldquounderstandmebytheSpringandAutumnAnnalscontemnmebythe

SpringandAutumnAnnalsrdquoisadaptedfromapassageinMengzi

143Itisdifficulttodeterminewhetherthelossoftheworkwasactuallyduetointentionalsuppressionorsimplytothehistoricalvicissitudesbearinguponmanuscriptcopyingandre-copyingwithoutwhichverylittlefrombeforetheearlymodernerawouldbeexpectedtosurviveThegreatearlymodernNeo-ConfucianthinkerHayashiRazan林羅山(1583-1657)whosupportedChūganrsquostheoryreportedinhisJimmutennōron神武天皇論thattheimperialcourttookumbrageattheworkanddestroyeditChūganwashighlyactiveinpublicreligiouslifeforthenexttwodecadesandwhileheseemstohavesufferednopersecutionorofficialcensureforNihonshoitmaybethathedecideditwouldbebettertoabandontheprojectthantoriskalienatinginfluentialbackerswiththeresultthatfewifanycopiesoftheworkwereevermadeTōgenhimselfseemsnevertohavepossessedacopyoftheworknotinginhisShikishō史記抄(NotesonShiji)thatChūganrsquosworkldquocausedcontroversyandwasnevercirculatedrdquoTheJimmutennōronmaybefoundinNakagawaTarōldquoHayashiRazanrdquoinAbeYoshioetaledsShushigakutaikeivol13ldquoNihonnoShushigaku(2)rdquo(TokyoMeitoku1975)pp163-67withrelevantportionstranslatedindeBaryetaledsSourcesofJapaneseTraditionpp357-60144GZBTvol2p982

89

WhentheworldfellintodeclineandtheWaywasobscuredperniciousdoctrinesandviolentactsaroseagaintherewerecasesofministersmurderingtheirrulersandcasesofsonsmurderingtheirfathersConfuciuswasfrightenedatthisandsocomposedtheSpringandAutumnAnnalsAworkliketheSpringandAutumnAnnalsisthebusinessoftheSonofHeaven145ItwasforthisreasonthatConfuciussaidldquoThosewhounderstandmewillsurelydosobywayoftheSpringandAutumnAnnalsthosewhocontemnmewillsurelydosobywayoftheSpringandAutumnAnnalsrdquo世衰道微邪説暴行有作臣其君者有之子其父者有之孔子懼作春秋春秋天子之事也是故孔子曰知我者其惟春秋乎罪我者其惟春秋乎(Mengzi3B9)

GidōsuggeststhatChūganlikeConfuciushasbeenbothappreciatedandscorned

forwhathehaswrittenandheimplicitlyaccordsChūganrsquoshistoricaltreatisea

placeinJapanesepoliticalthoughtanalogoustothatoccupiedbytheSpringand

AutumnAnnalsinChinaThecomparisonofthetwotextsmightsimplyhavebeen

GidōrsquoswayofaccordinghismentortheloftiestpossiblepraiseYetitisbynomeans

inconceivablethatChūganhadintendedallalongtoadvanceNihonshoasaJapanese

SpringandAutumnAnnalsaworkmeantforanageofdivisionandldquopernicious

doctrinesrdquoandonethatmostlikelyofferedanessentiallyConfucianvisionof

JapaneseculturalandinstitutionalhistoryWhateverthecaseinhavinghiswork

comparedtosuchanesteemedclassicandhisconductlikeneddirectlytothe

MasterrsquosChūganseemsultimatelytohaveearnedboththeaccoladesandthe

opprobriumbefittinganoutspokenscholar-monkandfaithfuladmirerofthatmost

controversialofChineseConfucianistsWangTong

145Becauseitoffersmoraljudgmentsconcerningrulersandministerswhichistheprerogativeoftheemperoralone

90

Chapter Three An Essay on the Kun and the Peng Hermeneutics Cosmology and the Figural Reading of Fictional Characters 或問荘老中正子曰二子爰清爰静荘文甚奇其於教化不可SomeoneaskedaboutLaoziandZhuangziTheMasterofBalanceandRectituderepliedldquoThosetwomastersexemplifytranquilityandquiescenceZhuangzirsquosproseisparticularlywondrousthoughassuchitisentirelyunsuitableformoraleducationrdquo Chūseishi(1334)

物者也名言之迹也非言非默之理獨荘子能言而足盡其極而已 WhatwecallldquothingsrdquoarethetracesofwordsandnamestheyaretheprincipleofthatwhichisneitherspeechnorsilenceOnlyZhuangziwasabletousewordsinamannersufficienttoexhausttheirlimitsKonpōron(c1350)

WhenChūganleftKyotoinearly1334andbeganwritingChūseishimoral

suasionwasstillhisforemostconcernGo-Daigorsquosrevolutionwasongoingandas

suggestedbythestructureandcontentoftheldquoKeikenrdquochapterChūganstillsought

toinfluencetheemperorrsquosthinkingonmattersofpolicyEventhehistoricalwork

Nihonshopresentedtothecourtin1341hadamongitsostensibleobjectivesthe

repudiationoftheldquoofficialrdquonarrativeregardingdivineimperialdescentInso

openlychallengingnativistformulationsofJapanesehistoryandimplicitly

91

repudiatingtheviewsoffavoredintellectualssuchasKitabatakeChikafusaChūgan

wasalmostsurelyguidedbythehopethathisscholarshipwouldprovemeaningful

inthepublicdomainAswehaveseenhisinterventionwasunwelcomeand

unsuccessfulanditprobablyaddedtothepersonalandprofessionaldifficultieshe

facedthroughoutthe1340s146Ontheintellectualfronthoweveritwaslikely

duringthistimethatanembattledChūganbegantoventurebeyondtheConfucian

traditionproperandreconsidertextsthathehadoncedismissedForemostamong

thesewasZhuangzi

ThoughrecognizedbybothChineseandJapanesecontemporariesforhis

exceptionalacquaintancewithmultipleschoolsofChinesethoughtChūganrsquosearly

workshowsgreateraffinitywithbothclassicalConfucianismandtheldquoNeo-

ConfucianrdquoCheng-Zhuschoolthanwithanytextortraditionthatmightreasonably

belabeledDaoistAsChūgansawittheworkofConfucianthinkerssuchasMengzi

XunziandYangXiongsimplyhadgreaterrelevancetopracticallearningandpublic

policythanthatofLaoziorZhuangzi147Exactlywhatsparkedhismid-lifeinterest

inthelatterisunclearthoughinlightofthevicissitudesheenduredafterhismove

fromSōtōtoRinzaiZenoneistemptedtopositatraditionalindeedalmost

146AsnotedinthebiographicalintroductionthesinglemostsignificanteventinthisregardwasnotChūganrsquosauthorshipofNihonshobutratherhisdecisiontoswitchsectarianaffiliationsfromtheSōtōlineofDongmingHuiritotheRinzailineofDongyangDehui147ThissentimentthoughdiscernibleinseveralplacesisarticulatedmostdirectlyinthethirdchapterofChūseishildquoHōenrdquo方円ldquoThethreemastersMengziXunziandYangXiongareoftheutmostvaluetolearningAlthoughZhuangziiswithoutvalue(tolearning)(histhought)maybetakenasawarningtocheckonersquosdesiresrdquo孟荀揚之三子最有益於學者也惟荘無益然可以為窒欲之警也SeeIriyaYoshitakaetaledsNihonkotenshisōtaikeiv16ldquoChūseiZenkenoshisōrdquo(TokyoIwanamiShoten1972)pp134and173

92

stereotypicalturnfromtheparadigmaticallypublicrealmofConfucianismtothe

privateanodynerealmofphilosophicalDaoism148Whateverhismotivations

sometimeafter1340Chūganauthoredanextraordinaryessayonthesymbolic

significanceoftwofamouscharactersfromtheopeningchapterofZhuangzithe

giganticKun鯤fishandtheenormousPeng鵬birdThisldquoThesisontheKunand

thePengrdquo(Konpōron鯤鵬論)offersanallegoricalreadingthatintegratesBuddhism

yin-yangtheoryandnumerologyinamannerthatisconceptuallycompellingand

entirelywithoutprecedentintheJapaneseexegeticaltraditionItalsoinvites

productivequestionsregardingfigurationandfiguralreadingthepowerand

limitationsoflanguageandtheinterplayofaffectanddiscursiveintellect

Longbeforethepost-HeianemergenceofinstitutionalZenandthe

efflorescenceofChineseliterarystudiesitfosteredseveralclassicalcommentaries

onZhuangzihadenjoyedwidespreadfavoramongJapaneseliteratiincludingthose

byGuoXiang郭象(c252-312)SimaBiao司馬彪(c243-c306)andCheng

Xuanying成玄英(flmidseventhc)LinXiyirsquos林希逸(1193-1271)ZhuangziYan

Zhaikouyi莊子鬳齋口義mayalsohavebeenavailableinChūganrsquosdaythoughthe

firstJapanesescholartomakesubstantialuseofthisworkseemstohavebeena

slightlylaterGozanwriterIshōTokugan惟肖得巖(1360-1437)TheNihonkoku

kenzaishomokuroku日本國見在書目錄abibliographicresourcefromtheearly148ThisintellectualtrajectoryistraditionallyassociatedwithministersorliteratiwhofallfrompoliticalfavorInHeianJapanlearnedmenwhofoundtheirchancesforofficialprefermentdiminisheddoseemtohaveturnedfrequentlytoDaoismforsolacethefamousstatesmanandpoetSugawaranoMichizane菅原道真providesthehistoricalarchetypeOnthisseeRobertBorgenSugawaranoMichizaneandtheEarlyHeianCourt(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress1994)pp57and295

93

Heianperiodlists21ZhuangzititlesthenextantinJapanincludingGuoXiangrsquos

commentaryinthirtyfasciclesandSimaBiaorsquosintwentyfascicles149Newerworks

hadlikelybeenintroducedbyJapanesemonkswhotraveledtoChinaandKoreafor

religiouspurposesafterthecessationofofficialcourt-sponsoreddiplomatic

relationsintheninthcenturyStillothersmighthavebeenobtainedbyJapanese

religiousestablishmentsviaprivatetransactionswiththesizableexpatriate

communityofChinesemerchantsresidinginthesouthernportcityofHakata150

Finallythroughouthiseight-yearstayinChinaChūganwasanactiveparticipantin

thesalon-likeatmospherethatprevailedatsomeofthetempleshevisited

exchangingpoemsndashandstrugglingatleastinitiallytoconverseinvernacular

ChinesendashwithsuchcelebratedliteratiastheCentralAsianpoetandpainterSaDula

薩都刺(fl1320s)151Itisquitepossiblethatduringsuchinteractionshewas

exposedtonovelinterpretationsofZhuangzithoughtomyknowledgenospecific

attestationstothiseffectarefoundinhiswritingsItisalsoabundantlyclearthathe

wasdeeplyfamiliarwithmodesofinterpretationassociatedwithyin-yangtheory

andcorrelativecosmologyandwasalmostsurelywellacquaintedwiththepost-

HanBuddhistreceptionoftheprincipalworksofphilosophicalDaoismAmore

thoroughaccountingofthesepotentialinfluencesuponhisthoughtwillbegiven

149SeeYajimaGenryōNihonkokukenzaishomokurokushūshōtokenkyū(TokyoKyūkoShoin1984)pp122-4150ForahistoryofHakatacityanditsroleinbothofficialandprivatetradeseeBruceBattenGatewaytoJapan(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress2006)ContactswithprominentChinesemerchantscouldbehighlyprofitableforfledglingZentemplesinonefamouscaseawealthylocalnotableknownasXieGuoming謝國明fundedtheconstructionofJōtenji承天寺atemplethatremainsactivetothisday151KagekiHideoGozanshishinokenkyū(TokyoKasamaShoin1977)p224-25

94

belowitisenoughtonoteherethathewasworkingfromaknowledgebasethat

whileimpossibletoreconstructwithprecisionwascertainlyextensiveandpossibly

quiteup-to-date

Konpōronisbothaseriousworkofhermeneuticsandanexercisein

imaginativeallegoresisInordertocarrytheprojectoffChūganfirstneededto

performaground-clearingoperationinwhichliteralinterpretationsofZhuangzi

wererejectedandtheKunandthePengwereconstruedasbothallegoricaland

entirelyfictionalInthistheybecomepurposivecreationsofthesortknownin

medievalWesternhermeneuticsasallegoriainverbisthepurelyliterary

counterparttothetypeofallegorymostoftenassociatedwithscriptural

interpretationallegoriainfactiswhereineventsareheldtohavesymbolic

significanceyetalsotobefactuallytrue152Toalimiteddegreethishadbeen

standardpracticesinceatleastGuoXiangwhonotedinhiscommentarythathe

couldnotattesttotheexistenceofactualcreaturesfittingthedescriptionoftheKun

andthePengEvidentlycontenttoletthematterrestGuoXiangopinednofurther

afterthisdisclaimerHeprobablyfelttherewasnoneedingeneralthetraditional

commentariesarenotdedicatedtothedisclosureofanocculttextfromthereceived

Zhuangziandtheydonotforcefullyandsystematicallyattempttoprivilegelatent

overmanifestsenseInthefollowingpassagesChūgansetsthestageforhisown

symbolicinterpretationoftheKunandthePengbyrefutingthewayinwhich

credulousreadersingeneralandmisguidedNeo-Confuciansinparticularmighttry

toapprehendthem152SeeSimonBrittanPoetrySymbolandAllegory(CharlottesvilleUnivofVirginiaPress2003)p21

95

BeforeZhuangzitherewasnobodywhotalkedabouttheKunandthePengandnothingaboutthemisrecordedinancienttextssuchasShijingShujingYijingandChunqiuOnlyinZhuangziismentionmadeofthem153LatergenerationsmistakenlybelievedthattheKunandthePengwererealTheirfailuretoconsiderreason(道理)andtheirfruitlessclingingtowordsandtracesissurelyanextremecaseofnotthinking154 WhenIwasyoungIaskedthevariouslearnedmeninmyvillageaboutthisbuttoamanalltheycoulddowashemandhawWhenIreflectbackonitnowitseemsobviousthattheycouldnthopetohaveknownjustwhatkindoffish(theKunwas)orwhatkindofbird(thePengwas)Alltheycoulddowasstareatthesentences(文)comprisingZhuangzirsquosworkorhearexplanationsaboutparticularwrittencharacters(字)bylaterConfucians155Havingonlythetextitself(文字)theylostsightofthefactthatitssubstance(實)wasthestuffofpurefantasy156

莊子前無云鯤鵬之事如詩書易春秋之古書所不戴也惟莊子一言之後世以爲實有云鯤鵬之物其不考之道理徒拘於言迹且不思之甚也予幼年時問之之諸先生皆含糊而已今反復而思之固應不知夫果爲何等之魚耶何等之鳥耶特以覩其文於莊子之書又聞其字於後儒之言而已徒有文字而亡其實者兔角龜毛是類焉

Apparentlyfeelingitinsufficienttosimplyrejecttheassumptionofliteral

referentialityoutofhandChūgangoesontoargueinalmostpatronizinglyexplicit

termsthatabirdsuchasthePengisaphysicalimpossibilityWhilethisisbyfarthe

leastconceptuallyinterestingportionofhisessayappearingatfirsttobelittlemore

thanasimplisticfoilforthemorenuancedreadinghewilloffersubsequentlyits

153AswillbecomeclearlaterinhisessayChūganisnotsuggestingherethattheactualwordsldquokunrdquoandldquopengrdquodidnotexistpriortotheirappearanceinZhuangzionlythattheapplicationofthosedesignationstotwofantasticcreatureswasnovel154Theconnectionbetweenwords(言)traces(迹)andthings(物)isoffundamentalimportancetoChūganrsquosthesisandwillbeaddressedinmoredetailbelow155ldquoLaterConfuciansrdquorenderstheepithetkōju後儒(Chouru)whichappearsinbothChinaandJapanasabroadreferencetoConfucianscholarsofrecenttimesandduringtheSongeraandthereaftertoadherentsoftheCheng-Zhu程朱schoolinparticular156LiterallyldquohornsonarabbitorhaironaturtlerdquoacommoneuphemisminZenliteratureforsomethingthatdoesnrsquotexistinnature

96

forceandsimplicityrecallshisapproachtohomilyndashagenreinwhichChūganlike

otherGozanliteratiwasextremelyproficientInitslaboriousnessitisalsowryly

funny

ThenatureofabirdistoflyIftherewereabirdwhosewingsreallybeatthewindfor90000liandwerelikecloudssuspendedfromtheheavensthentheywouldcoverallthelandinChinawhenspreadTravelling(fromChina)inthefourdirectionsoneneednotevengo10000litotheeastbeforepassingthethreeKoreankingdomsandgoing(10000li)tothewesttakesonebeyondtheKunlunMountainsGoing(10000li)tothenorthtakesonebeyondthedesertand(10000li)tothesouthbringsonetotheedgeofmountainandsea157AllofthiswouldbeunderthePengrsquoswingsandforthoseaffecteditwouldbelikebeingunderneathanoverturnedbowlonewouldbeunabletoseethelightfromthesunorthemoonandtherewouldbenodifferencebetweendayandnightItwouldbeperpetuallydarkWhatrsquosmoretheforceofthewindandwaves(thatthePengwouldgenerate)wouldbesostrongthateveryboatwithinthefourseaswouldbequitebeyondsalvation158JustonebirdtakingtotheairwouldimperilthecountrynowimaginethesebirdsflyinginaflockthentherealmwouldbeinrealtroubleYetIhaveneverheardofsuchastrangeoccurrenceinanyepochTheChunqiucontainsveritablerecordsoftheagesandallofthemmentionnaturalcalamitiesandunusualeventsBut(aPeng-induceddisaster)issomethingthatisnotwrittendowninanyofthehistoriesClearlythenthestoryissimplyoneofZhuangzirsquosallegories(寓言)couchedinthemostfancifulandfar-fetchedlanguage

鳥之性以飛爲常且如九萬里搏風之翼若垂天雲者一展其翅亦縣神州之地四方不過萬餘里東及三韓西過昆崙北踰沙漠南際嶺海皆在翼下如覆盆中不見日月之照無晝夜之分永爲暗昧也且夫風濤之勢四海舟揖之利不可濟也一鳥一飛尚難爲國土況此鳥飛以群則國土奈之何未聞何代何時而有如斯之怪乎春秋歷世有實錄皆記災異然諸史所不戴也是乃莊子寓言荒唐開誕之語耳

157Thetermldquomountainandseardquorenders嶺海whichseeminglyreferstotheFiveRidgesofsouthernChina(Dayu大庾Qitian騎田Mengzhu萌渚Dupang都龐andYuecheng越城)andtheseaoffthecoastofwhatistodayGuangdongandGuangxiprovinces158Thephrase四海舟揖之利不可濟也seemstomeansomethinglikeldquoeventhebenefit(利)gainedfromthesupplications(揖)ofeveryboatinthefourseaswouldnotbeenoughtosavethemrdquo

97

HavingthusdeniedsimplereferentialinterpretationsofZhuangzirsquosPengonthe

basisofhistoryandcommonzoologicalsenseChūganturnstophilologyinrejecting

theoftencounteredassociationofthePengwithanotherlegendarybirdthefeng鳳

commonlyrenderedinEnglishasldquophoenixrdquo159Hearguesthatthiserroneous

identificationstemsfromconfusionwithyetanotherquasi-mythicalbirdtheso-

calledldquoblazingfirebirdrdquo(jiaoming焦明)ofSimaXiangrursquosfamousRhapsodyon

ShanglinImperialPark(Shanglinfu上林賦)Theblazingfirebirdwasexplainedby

thenotedfifth-centuryscholarPeiYinasabirdthatldquoresemblesthephoenixrdquo似鳳

thisglossseemstohavetakenrootveryearlyasitisalsogivenbythethird-century

lexicographerZhangYi160TomakemattersworseSimaXiangrursquosbiographyinHan

shucallsthisbirdnotjiaomingbutjiaopeng焦朋andChūganfocusesonsemantic

correspondencesbetweenthethreecharactersfeng鳳peng朋andpeng鵬as

centralfactorscontributingtothemisinterpretationofZhuangzirsquosallegoricalbird

Thecharacter鵬wasoriginallywritten朋(peng)andwassynonymouswiththecharacter鳳(feng)Thetraditionalexplanationforthisisthatwhenthefengbirdfliesflocksofotherbirdsfollowitenmassetherebyearningitthestyleldquopengrdquo鵬hellip161Zhuangziwasfondofallegoriesandsohesimplyborrowedthewordldquopengrdquo朋and

159HealsorejectsoutofhandthestillmoreexoticassociationofthePengwiththegolden-wingedgaruda(金翅鳥)ofBuddhistlore160ZhangYiisnotedforcompilingthedictionaryGuangya廣雅whichcontainsover17000charactersSomewhatunusuallyhisglossonthejiaopengassociatesitwiththewestasopposedtothesouthSeeTakahashiTadahikoShinshakukanbuntaikeiv80ldquoMonzenfuhenrdquopt2(TokyoMeijiShoin1977)p104161Thislineisanearquotefromthesecond-centurydictionaryShuowenjiezi説文解字Chūganaddsthatthetermldquopengrdquo isusedpredominantlyasignifierforapair(相偶)suggestingthatitisthesenseofbirdscomingtogetherorldquopairinguprdquothatisbehindtheuseofthegraph鵬todenotethebirdcalledldquofengrdquo

98

useditasthenameofagiantbirdItwaslaterConfucianswhoonthebasisofthebirdradicalinthecharacter鵬assumedthattherereallywassuchabird鵬本爲朋與鳳字同説者曰鳳飛則群鳥相從以萬數故爲鵬hellip 莊子好寓言故假朋字爲大鳥之名而已後儒從鳥成鵬以為實有斯鳥也

ThatChūganwouldmustersuchlengthysoberappealstophilologyand

recordedhistorytoadvancetheseeminglyobviouspointthatthereisnosuchthing

asthePengisconsistentwithhispenchantfordramaticandpolemicalarguments

ItisalsopossiblethatthehighculturalstatusaccordedtotheChineseclassicswould

foratleastsomemedievalJapanesereadershaveeffectivelyguaranteedthe

historicityofthestoriestheyrelatemakingsuchathoroughgoingrebuttalauseful

propadeutictothetypeofsymbolicreadingthatheintendedtooffer162The

foremostgoalofChūganrsquosreadingwastoelucidatetheprincipleofldquotransformationrdquo

(物化)anideaoffundamentalimportanceinbothBuddhistandDaoist

philosophicaldiscourseandonewhichChūganbelievedwasaptlyfiguredbythe

physicalmetamorphosisoftheKunintothePeng

162HereitmightbenotedthattheKunwasapparentlylesscontroversialItsnamewasconstruableasdenotingeitherasinglegiganticfishorsomewhatparadoxicallyminisculefisheggsndashabasicmeaningofthewordldquokunrdquoAswillbeseenbelowChūganbelievedthelattersensewasactuallythemoreimportantbutperhapsbecausegiganticseacreaturessuchaswhaleswereknowntoexistheofferednoexplicitcritiqueofthegargantuanproportionsascribedtotheKuninthestory

99

Hebeginshisinterpretation

byexplainingthesignificanceofthe

termNorthernDarkness(北冥)the

bodyofwaterinwhichtheKunis

heldtoresideAccordingtoChūgan

northisthedirectionwhereyang

energyliesdormantandwherethe

ldquoOneofHeavenrdquo(天一)bringswater

intobeingHerehedrawsexplicitly

ontheldquoYellowRiverChartrdquoorHetu(河圖)afamousdiagraminwhichasymmetric

arrangementofgroupsofdotsrepresentcorrespondencesbetweenthenatural

numbersfromonetotenthecardinaldirectionsandthefivephases(fig1)He

furtherexplainsthatthedirectionnorthisassociatedwiththedivinatorytrigram

kan(坎)whichshowsoneyanglinetrappedinbetweentwoyinlinesand

symbolizeswaterFinallyhenotesthatthecharacterming冥(Jmei)canbeusedto

denotetheseaandthatthecloselyrelatedhomophonouscharacter溟connotesa

particularlydarkseamaking北冥suggestiveofthatwhichisldquohiddendark

mysteriousandatrestrdquo(幽晦玄寘)ToChūganZhuangzirsquosNorthernDarkness

representsldquoaplacewherethemyriadthingsliedormantandconcealedrdquo(萬物潛藏

之地耳)

ThisinterpretationoftheNorthernDarknessbuttressedandperhapseven

helpedmotivatehisdecisiontofocusnotonthemanifestsenseoftheKunasa

Fig1

100

giganticfishbutratheronthemeaningofthewordldquokunrdquoasfisheggs(魚卵)which

maybeseentoembodythesamequalitiesoflatencyinchoatenessandhidden

potentialassociatedwiththekantrigramPhilologicallyspeakingthisreadingis

wellsupportedthegreatpre-QinlexicographicalworkErya爾雅definesldquokunrdquoas

roewhichisalsohowthewordappearsinGuoyu國語atextcompiledbetweenthe

fifthandfourthcenturiesBC163HistoricallyZhuangzischolarshiphasbeendivided

onthematterwithsomeearlyscholarssuchasWeiZhao韋昭(204-73)notingat

leastthatthetermldquokunrdquoproperlymeansroewhileothercommentatorsavoided

thiscomplicationaltogetherandadheredintheirinterpretationstothemanifest

qualitiesofZhuangzirsquosKuntheEasternJinscholarCuiZhuan崔譔forinstance

proposedthattheKunwasinfactawhale(鯨)164Chūganrsquosreadingwasprobably

motivatedlessbyageneralconcernforphilologicalrigorthanbytheneedto

establishthelogicalgroundworkforhissymbolicinterpretationofthepassageasa

wholeConstruingtheKuntobeawhaleorothersuchcreaturesapstheanecdote

ofthehumorandironicwitcharacteristicofsomuchofZhuangziandobviously

rulesoutfictionalallegoryasaninterpretivemodeBycontrastforegroundingthe

basicsenseofthewordldquokunrdquocreatesaratherstarkbutextremelyproductive

terminologicaldisjunctionbetweenthenameandthecharacterthatbearsitTothe

extentthatitplainlysubvertscategoricaljudgmentsconcerningsizendashkunaretiny

163SeeWangShuminZhuangzijiaoquanvol1pp4-5164IbidEnglishtranslationsofZhuangzialsofrequentlyunderstandtheKunsimplyasanenormousfish(HerbertGilesfamouslyrendereditLeviathan)withnoreferencetothefactthatthewordldquokunrdquomeantroeManymodernChineseandJapaneseeditionsdosoaswellapparentlywishingtoavoidaninterpretiveschemethatwouldrequiretoolongadetourintophilologyorsymbolism

101

buttheKunisenormousndashthisdisjunctionishighlyconsistentwithZhuangzian

rhetoricingeneralanditiswhatwilllaterallowChūgantoplacephilologyinthe

serviceofphilosophy

Aldquokunrdquoisaneggwhosebodyisamorphousandhasyettoassumethefullformofafish165ItlieslatentandconcealedandisextremelyminisculeYettheambitionitnurturesisvaststretchingforwhoknowshowmanythousandliAlthoughonemightsaythatitistinyandhiddenitnonethelessrepresentstheseedofadragon(iesomethingwiththepotentialforgreatness)鯤體渾渾然而未具魚體之卵也潛伏而微小之甚也然所養之志氣浩大不知其幾千里也雖云微潛亦龍種耳HereChūganunderstandsthephraseldquowhoknowshowmanythousandlirdquo不知其

幾千里whichinthetextostensiblydescribestheactualphysicalsizeoftheKunas

anentirelyfigurativeexpressionThedefiningcharacteristicofZhuangzirsquosKunis

thusitsimmensepotentialtheultimaterealizationofwhichisitstransformation

intothePengAndjustastheinitiallocationoftheKuninthecoldwaterofthe

NorthernDarknesscanbywayofYijingsymbolismbeunderstoodtoadumbrate

thecreaturersquoscentralqualitiesndashlatentyangenergyconcealedbutreadytoburst

forthndashsothedirectionintowhichthePengfliescanbeseenasamarkerofits

significanceasasymbolofnewlyliberatedradianceChūgannotesthatthesouthis

associatedwiththetrigramli(離)whichshowsoneyinlinebetweentwoyang

165ItisimpossibletoconveyinEnglishthedoubleentendrethatChūgancreateseverytimehewritesldquokunrdquo鯤whichbothdenotes(orconnotes)thegargantuancharacternamedKunandconverselyconnotes(ordenotes)thewordthatmeansroeThedescriptiongiveninthispassageismanifestlyaboutthewordbutthereaderismeanttoholdZhuangzirsquosKuninmindaswellasitssymbolicconnectiontoroeiswhatdrivesChūganrsquosentireinterpretation

102

linesandrepresentsfireandbyextensionbrightnessandclear-sightedness166He

observesfurtherthatfirehastheabilitytoldquotransformthingsrdquo(化物)andthat

accordingtotheelementalcorrespondencesintheHetudiagramitisbegottenby

theyinnumber2Waterasalreadynotedisbegottenbytheyangnumber1To

Chūganthiscorrelationbetweennumerologyandfive-phasestheoryisreflectedin

thephysicalformsoftheKunandthePengjustasthenumber1precedesthe

number2sotheKunwhichisunitary(單)andodd(奇)precedesthePengasits

ldquoelderbrotherrdquo(kun昆toaddtoanalreadymultilayeredwordplay)ThePengby

contrastiseven(偶)afactreflectedinthebilateralsymmetryofitswingswhich

formapair(peng朋)AndwhereasthebodyoftheKuniswholeand

undifferentiated(一合昆侖)asitlayssubmergedintheNorthernDarknessthe

Pengrsquostwowingsworkinunison(二張朋會)asitsoarsintothesouthernsky167

Thestrategyofexplicatingaparticularwordviareferencetoahomophonous

wordwrittenwithacognatecharacterfeaturesprominentlyinChūganrsquosessay168It

166CommentingontheirhexagrammaticformswhichsubsumethesymboliccontentofthetrigramsRichardWilhelm(translatedbyCaryFBanes)putsitevocativelyldquoWhileKanmeansthesoulshutwithinthebodyListandsfornatureinitsradiancerdquo(TheIChingp118)167ThesearedifficultlinestoparseandIsuspecttheremaybeawordplayatworkinvolving昆侖and朋會thatenrichesanotherwisesimpleparallelismInfullthelinesreadasfollows鯤體一合昆侖而伏于溟北鵬翼二張朋會而騫于天南InYijingthefirstdivinatoryjudgmentpertainingtothesecondhexagramndashwhichhappenstobepronouncedkun( )ndashsaysthatthesuperiorman(君子)willgainfriendsinthesouthorwestandlosethemifhegoesnorthoreast西南得朋東北喪朋SeeSuzuki(1974)pp100-1andWilhelmandBaynes(1976)p11168Recallalsothevariousphono-semanticlinksChūganemphasizedbetweenthecharacters君and群andbetween王往旺and暀intheldquoKeikenrdquochapterofChūseishi(seeChapterTwoofthepresentstudy)

103

driveshisfinalactofcorrelativereasoningwhichbeginswiththestraightforward

associationofnorthwiththecelestialstemren壬(Jnin)andsouthwiththe

celestialstembing丙(Jhei)Thereisnothingparticularlynovelaboutthissince

renandbingaretraditionallyassociatedwithwaterandfirerespectivelyandthe

HetuaswehaveseenassociatesthoseelementswithnorthandsouthButChūgan

proposesafurtherphoneticandsemanticconnectiontotheZhuangzistoryarguing

thatthenorthbeingrensymbolizesastateofpregnancy(CrenyunJninrsquoyō妊孕)

andthesouthbeingbingastateofbrightness(CbingyaoJheiyō炳曜)169Even

thesecompoundsseemcarefullychosenasthesecondcharacterineachcontains

radicalelementssuggestiveoftheKunandthePeng子(childprogeny)羽(wings)

隹(bird)Rhetoricallyspeakingthetermsalsoconcludethisportionoftheessay

nicelyaseachencapsulatesandrestateskeymotifsoftheZhuangzistorywherethe

KunispregnantwithpotentialhiddenintheNorthernDarknessthePengasits

transfigurationescapesthisdarknessandascendsintothelight170

Toreturntoanissuebroachedbrieflyabovesuchameticulousfigural

readingofaChinesetextbyaJapanesescholarwillnaturallyleadthegeneticcritic

(andtheintellectualhistorian)tooneintriguingquestionhowmuchofthisreading

wasoriginaltoChūganandhowmuchistraceabletoknownChinesesources

169ThesephoneticcorrelationsholdinbothLateOldChinesethelanguageofZhuangziandMiddleMandarin(PulleyblankrsquosEarlyMandarin)whichreferstothelanguageoftheZhongyuanyinyun中原音韻compiledcirca1300whichisalsoaroundthetimeChūganwasinChinaNotsurprisinglytheyalsoholdinJapanesesolongasoneusesthegorsquoon呉音readingldquoninrdquofor壬170AsawholethepassageinwhichtheseideasarearticulatedisdenseandsignificantlymoredifficultthantheportionstranslatedearlierAcompletetranslationisventuredintheappendixtothischapter

104

WhileIhaveyettodiscoveranythingdirectlyparallelingKonpōroninthe

commentarialtraditionitisclearthatinterpretationsoftheKunandthePengin

termsofyin-yangtheorydidexistInhisZhuangziYanZhaikouyi莊子鬳齋口義the

aforementionedLinXiyirejectedsuchreadingsonthegroundsthattheywere

overwroughtunfortunatelyhiscommentsareterseanddonotgiveasenseofhow

theinterpretationshehadinmindwereconstructedphilosophicallyor

rhetorically171Moregenerallyawell-establishedpoeticsofnatureinwhichfish

embodiedyinandbirdsembodiedyangwasseeminglycommonknowledgeandthe

juxtapositionofthetwoanimalsinliteraturepredatesevenZhuangzi172Moreover

theYijingsymbolisminformingChūganrsquosKonpōroniscloselyconsonantwithseveral

importanttrendsinSong-eraYijingexegesisTheintellectualcultureofthe

NorthernSongDynasty(960-1126)evincedextraordinaryfascinationwith

divinatorychartsanddiagramsandYijinginterpretationduringtheerareflecteda

resurgentinterestintheXiangshu象數(ldquoImagesandNumbersrdquo)andChenwei讖緯

(ldquoPrognosticardquo)traditionsthatfirstemergedduringtheHan173TheDaoistpriest

ChenTuan陳摶(d989)aneclecticandapparentlyquitepopularfigureconversant

171LinremarksldquoThenamesKunandPengaresimplyallegoricalSomehaveexplicatedthembymeansofyinandyangbutallsuchinterpretationsareforcedandintroduceunnecessarycomplexitiesrdquo(鯤鵬之名亦寓言耳或以陰陽論之皆是強生節目)SeeZhuangzikouyi(TaipeiHongdaowenhuashiye1971)pp2-3172SeeAkatsukaKiyoshiZenshakukanbuntaikeiv16ldquoSōshirdquo(TokyoShueisha1974)pp26-7ForanearlyexampleoftheliteraryjuxtapositionofbirdswithfishAkatsukacitesthepoemldquoHanLurdquo早麓(ldquoTheFoothillsofMountHanrdquo)fromShijing詩經(Maono239)whichcontainsacoupletthatreads鳶飛戾天魚躍于淵ldquoThekitetakesflightandreaches(戻=至)theheavensandthefishfrolicinthedeeprdquo173SeeRichardJSmithFathomingtheCosmosandOrderingtheWorldTheYijing(I-ChingorClassicofChanges)andItsEvolutioninChina(CharlottesvilleUnivofVirginiaPress2008)p114

105

withbothBuddhismandtheConfucianclassicstaughtXiangshuideaswidelyandis

oftencreditedwithpromulgatingtheHetuandLuoshudiagrams174Connections

betweenYijingandZhuangziwerealsodeepandlongstandingcenturiesearlierthe

famedscholarandexegeteWangBi王弼(226-49)haddrawnheavilyonLaoziand

ZhuangziindevelopinganapproachtoYijingstudiesthateventuallybecamethe

schoolofldquoMeaningsandPrinciplesrdquo(Yili義理)aninfluentialalternativetothe

XiangshuschoolNearertoChūganrsquosowntimethepoetYeMengde葉夢得(1077-

1148)evenopinedthattheessenceofYijingisentirelycontainedinZhuangziand

anotherDaoistclassicLiezi列子175BeginningintheSixDynastiesera(220-589)

BuddhistwriterstoomadefruitfuluseofLaoziandZhuangzifewmoreextensively

thanSengzhao僧肇(384-414)176Aswillbeseenbelowtheenigmaticopening

passageofKonpōroncloselyparallelsportionsofSengzhaorsquosfamouscollectionof

essaysZhaolun肇論DuringtheTangDynastytheBuddhistscholasticfootprintin

YijingstudiesgrewdramaticallywithnotablecontributionsmadebyHuayan華嚴

(Kegon)exegetessuchasLiTongxuan李通玄(635-730)whocreativelyinvoked

bothYijingitselfandtheldquoYijingapocryphardquo(易緯)inordertoexplicatecertain

aspectsofHuayanphilosophy177Lestthisaccountingofplausibleinfluencesupon

Chūganrsquosthoughtgrowunmanageablylongwemayconcludebynotingthatthe

eminentdualmasterofHuayanandChanGuifengZongmi圭峰宗密(780-841)

174Ibidp114-15TheLuoshu洛書wasadiagramsimilartotheHetubutusedadifferentarrangementofcorrespondences175Ibidp133176SeeWangZhongyaoZhongguoFojiaoyuZhouyi(TaipeiDazhan2003)p100177Ibidpp256-68

106

perhapsthemostfamousBuddhistthinkerofhiseradeftlyglossedvarious

doctrinalconceptsfundamentaltoMahayanaBuddhismbywayofreferenceto

YijingZhuangziandLaozi178

ThefoundationslaidbySixDynastiesandTangtheoristswouldcontinueto

inspiresyncreticallymindedwritersoftheSongandYuaneraswhichwere

characterizedbytheincreasinglywidespreadparticipationofostensiblyldquoConfucianrdquo

scholarsinChanBuddhismandtheparticipationofChanprelatesintheacademic

studyofldquoexteriorrdquo(ienon-Buddhist)classicaltextsHencelikeanywell-placed

BuddhistscholarofthefourteenthcenturyChūganwasheirtoalongandfertile

intellectualtraditionthatincludedelementsofIndicphilosophynotablyYogācāra

andMādhyamikaphilosophical(andevenalchemical)Daoism179numerologyyin-

yangtheoryandConfucianethicsItwasatraditionofimmensebreadththatcould

bemarshaledinsupportofanextraordinaryvarietyofinterpretiveapproachesnot

leastofwhichwasallegoresis

178Ibid343-67SeealsoPeterNGregoryAnInquiryintotheOriginofHumanityAnAnnotatedTranslationofTsung-mirsquosYuumlanjenlunwithaModernCommentary(KurodaInstituteClassicsinEastAsianBuddhismHonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress1995)passim179FamousalchemicaltextssuchastheHan-eraZhouyicantongqi周易參同契(TokenfortheAgreementoftheThreeAccordingtotheZhouChanges)attesttothelongstandingconnectionbetweenYijingscholarshipandalchemicalDaoismandChenTuanwasakeyfigureinthedevelopmentoftheSong-eraldquoinneralchemyrdquo(neidan内丹)traditionSeeSmithFathomingtheCosmos106-7and115

107

InterpretationandAuthorialGenius

IntheChinesecommentarialtraditionatypeofreadingthatcanjustifiably

betermedldquoallegoricalrdquowasencouragedbymultiplefactorsthemostbasicofwhich

wasthepersistenttendencyofcommentatorstomakeevenanostensiblysimple

textsuchasapoemfromShijingmeansomethingotherthanitsmanifestsense

TheapproachwaswellknowntoJapanesescholarsoftheNaraandHeianperiods

andiscommonlyassociatedinbothChinaandJapanwithConfucianmoral

imperativestodiscover(andultimatelyprivilege)politicalmessagesinclassical

proseandpoetryFromalinguisticstandpointallegoresiswasfurtherabettedbya

processofterminologicalsedimentationwherebycertaintermsofartgradually

accretedmanylayersofmeaningthroughcenturiesofuseinchangingconceptual

environmentsThewordswerethusstronglypalimpsesticanditwasrelatively

easyforphilologicallyinclinedcommentatorstobringtolightlatentmeaningsof

specificwordsandphrasesTheeffectwasthustomultiplythenumberofpossible

newldquotextsrdquondashunderstoodfollowingMcGannasldquolacednetworksoflinguisticand

bibliographiccodesrdquondashthatcouldbewroughtfromthewordsofanexistingwork180

Yetanothersignificantfactorwastheenduring(post-Han)influenceofwhathas

beencalledbyWesternscholarsldquocorrelativecosmologyrdquoamodeoftaxonomic

thinkingconducivetotheproliferationofconnectionsbetweenseeminglydisparate

180JeromeMcGannTheTextualCondition(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1991)p13

108

phenomena181NeedlesstosayKonpōronmakesextensiveuseofthisparadigm

forginggeographicelementalandnumericalrelationshipsbetweenvariouskey

wordsintheZhuangzipassageitexplicates

Whilesymbolicrepresentationandfiguralreadingwereintegraltothe

Chineseinterpretivetraditionquestionswereraisedseveraldecadesagoregarding

thespecificnatureofthesymbolsandfiguresthemselvesThetypeofallegory

commonlyencounteredinChineseliteraturehasbeenheldbymanyscholarsto

differfundamentallyfromthatwhichpredominatesintheliteraturesoftheWest

TheformerasanalyzedbyAndrewPlaksissynecdochicthingsmayrepresent

otherthingsbutasaruleboththevehicleandthetenorinanymetaphoric

substitutionareofthesameontologicalorderwhereWesternallegoryldquolooks

upwardrdquotowardsaprivilegedmetaphysicalplaneChineseallegoryldquolooks

outwardrdquo182QuiteunlikehisWesterncounterparttheChinesepoethasthusbeen

judgedtoinhabitanessentiallymonisticcosmosinwhichnoabsoluteseparation

waspositedbetweentheldquohumanrdquoandtheldquodivinerdquobetweenphenomenaand

noumenaTotheextentthatsuchadescriptionisaccuratefiguresandsymbolsin

ChineseliterarytextsnecessarilyworkmetonymicallythereisasPaulineYuputit

nomovementtowardsldquoatranscendentrealmthatisautonomousanddifferentin

kindfromthesensoryworldofthepoetandhisreaderssimplybecausesucha

181ThephraseldquocorrelativecosmologyrdquoisnotatranslationofatraditionaltermbutarelativelyrecentneologismThecomplexofideasitattemptstocaptureisdenotedinhistoricalsourcessuchasHanshu漢書(111AD)andWenxuan文選(ca530)byphrasessuchasldquothejunctureofHeavenandManrdquo天人之際182SeeAndrewPlaksArchetypeandAllegoryintheDreamoftheRedChamber(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1976)p180

109

realmwasnotheldtoexistrdquo183Thepoetmoreoverwasnotacreatorassuchbut

anorganizerorexcavatorofestablishedtropesandfiguresthatembodiedpre-

existingrelationships184Yuhasevenappliedthispositiontothesymbolismfound

inBuddhist-inspiredpoetrycitingthenon-dualismofformandemptiness

articulatedintheHeartSutraandnotingthatldquotheapparentdichotomybetweenthis

worldandanothersamsaraandnirvanatheillusoryandtherealcouldbe

explainedbyBuddhistdialecticianswithintheirsystemoflsquodoubletruthrsquoasmerely

conventionaltruthrdquo185TheresultpredictablyisthattheBuddhistpoetlikehis

ldquoConfucianrdquocounterpartisheldnottohavebeenalludingtoarealmthatwas

fundamentallyotherThepointiselegantandpowerfullygermanetoour

understandingofaworklikeKonpōronthoughitmightbehedgedwiththeobvious

provisothatthemetaphysicalperspectivesoftheHeartSutraandother

PrajntildeāpāramitāsutrasneednotbeautomaticallymappedontoeveryBuddhistpoet

oreverypoeticinvocationofldquoemptinessrdquo(空)Morefundamentallythebroad

metaphysicalcommitmenttoanon-dualorganismiccosmosamongEastAsian

intellectualsdidnotinitselfmeantheabsenceofdiscoursesoftranscendence

whichattheveryleastservedheuristicandrhetoricalpurposeseveniftheymight

beshownbyanextendedjourneyontheviaphilosophicatodifferfromsimilar

discoursesintheWest

183PaulineYuldquoMetaphorandChinesePoetryrdquoChineseLiteratureEssaysArticlesReviews(CLEAR)32(Jul1981)p220184Ibidpp220223andpassim185Ibidpp223-24

110

NonethelessevenasChūganrsquosallegoresisimpliesthepossibilityof

transcendencethemetaphysicsbehinditmaystillbelabelednon-dualisticallthat

theKunwillbecomeiscontainedgerminallywithinitndashanalmosttooobvious

implicationofthenameKun(ldquoRoerdquo)ndashandnowheredoesChūganrsquosdiscussion

dependexplicitlyonthepresumedexistenceofldquohigherrdquoorotherwise

incommensurableordersofrealityByandlargethenKonpōronmaybesaidto

lookldquooutwardrdquoinpreciselythewayscharacteristicofcorrelationistexegeses

revealingaunifiedsocio-cosmicordergovernedbynaturallawsandpre-existing

correspondencesThereishoweveronesignificantrespectinwhichChūganrsquos

accountoftheKunandthePengdoesdepartfrombothpurelyyin-yang

correlationistandConfucianistallegoricalreadingsWhileheholdstheoverarching

purposeofthestorytobethesymbolicillustrationoftheprincipleof

transformationhealsoholdstheKunandthePengthemselvestobeingeniousand

entirelyfictitiousliterarycreationsofthehistoricalZhuangzi

ItseemsMasterZhuangwasabletoperceivetheprocessofchangedrivingthetransformationofthingsandelucidatetheiressentialnature186Thisiswhyhelefthis

186ldquoEssentialnaturerdquorendersseishō精性(Cjingxing)精seemsanalogoustoitsuseintermssuchasseiki精氣(jingqi)ldquoessentialpneumardquoandseishin精神 (jingshen)ldquoquintessentialspiritrdquo(thesetranslationsfollowCsikszentmihalyiedReadingsinHanChineseThoughtandMajoretalTheHuainanzirespectively)SeishōisnotaparticularlycommoncompoundthoughitdoesoccurinBuddhisttextsandwithespeciallyhighfrequencyintheHeroicValorSutra(首楞嚴經)ItisreminiscentofotherBuddhisttermstreatingvarioustypesofldquonaturerdquosuchastaishō體性(tixing)whichhasalsobeentranslatedasldquoessentialnaturerdquo(seeSwansonFoundationsofTrsquoienTrsquoaiPhilosophyp77)ChūganseemstobelievethatseishōisdifficultbutnotimpossibletounderstandthroughlanguagepresumablyotherbaserformsofnaturearemorereadilyaccessibleAndalthoughhedoesnotofferanexplicitcounterparttoldquoessentialnaturerdquooneisremindedofthedistinctionbetweenldquooriginalnaturerdquo(本然之性)andldquophysicalnaturerdquo(氣質之性)madebyZhuXi

111

traceinathingthatwasnotathingwhichwassufficienttoenablehimtoleavetraceswherenonecouldotherwisebeleft187HewasalsoabletotakeaccountofthevastnumberofnamesandnormsanddiscerntheirmysteriousprinciplesThisisthereasonhegroundedhiswordsinanamelessnameanditispreciselyhowhewasabletosaythatwhichcouldnotbesaid

蓋夫荘生能觀物化之變而明其精性故遺迹於無物之物足能迹所不能迹之迹也又籌名數之量而分其玄理故立言於無名之名是能言所不能言之言也

ToChūganZhuangziwasamastersymbolistwhousedfictionalizedcreatures

whichistosaycreatureswhosenames(名)asdeployedwithinthetextdidnothave

directreferentsoutsideitinordertoldquosaywhatcouldnotbesaidrdquoFictionalityitself

wasfundamentaltothisendeavorsincetousenamesinamannerthatsimply

denotedwellknownreal-worldreferentswouldbetoremainentirelywithinthe

associationalparadigmtypicaloftraditionalConfucianallegoryByemploying

signifiersinawaythatwasatoncedenotativelynewndashpriortoZhuangzithewords

ldquokunrdquoandldquopengrdquohadnrsquotbeenusedinparadoxicalfashiontonameagargantuanfish

andacontinent-sizedbirdndashyetwhichsimultaneouslypreservedandplayeddeftly

uponthereferentsthetermsoriginallydidpossessZhuangziachievedsomething

bothstylisticallyandconceptuallynovel

OnthisaccountatleastChūganrsquosreadingoftheepisodecomesremarkably

closetoPaulineYursquosconceptionoftheprototypicalWesternallegorywhichldquocannot

betakenatfacevalueasaliteralrecordofactualeventsrdquobutisratherldquoasystemof

signswhoseverymeaningconsistsinassertingtheirfictivenessandtheirfunction

187Thenounphrase迹所不能迹之迹mayberenderedmoreliterallyasldquotoleave[astrace](迹)thesortoftracethatcannotbeleftastrace(所不能迹之迹)rdquoorldquotoleave[astrace]tracesinaplacewherenotracesmaybeleftrdquodependingonhowonechoosestoconstrue所不能迹

112

assignifiersforsomethingbeyondthetextrdquo188Thislastqualificationofcourse

returnsustotheissueofmetaphysicsandthequestionathandbecomeswhether

ornotortowhatextenttheprincipleoftransformationmightmeaningfullybe

construedaslyingldquobeyondrdquothetextAlongstandingproblemfacingexegetes

workingonthetextsofphilosophicalDaoismwasthefactthattheDaowasboth

immanentandtranscendentitwasapproachablevialanguageinitseffectsor

ldquofunctionsrdquo(CyongJyō用)butnotinitsundifferentiatedtotalityastatethat

precedesandbydefinitionprecludesldquonamesrdquoofanysortYetintheworkof

renownedLaozicommentatorLuXisheng陸希聲(fl9thc)namesldquoareaccorded

valueinananagogicwaytheyaretheyongofDaotheyrelyonitandpermitthe

searchforthelsquofoundationrsquo(CtiJtai體)rdquo189Tothisextentnamesarepartofa

metaphysicalorderthatdoesnotadmitofanontologicaldualityinthemannerof

AbrahamicorPlatonicthoughtbutwhichinmostformulationsisnonetheless

hierarchicalChūgantoopositsaclearhierarchybetweentheDaoandthe

phenomenalworldofwhichlanguageisoneparticularconstituentAsthe

conditionofpossibilityforbothsensoryexperienceanddiscursivereasontheDao

cannotbeentirelycapturedndashldquoexhaustedrdquo(盡)ndashbyanyordinarydevicelinguistic

orotherwise190Yetldquothingsrdquo(物)whicharespecificinstantiationsoftheDaoand

188PaulineRYuldquoAllegoryAllegoresisandtheClassicofPoetryrdquoHarvardJournalofAsiaticStudies432(Dec1983)pp377-412189RobinetldquoTheDiverseInterpretationsoftheLaozirdquop147190IntheinterestofcompletenessitmightbenotedthatChūgandoesnotcommentonthepossibilityofexperiencingtheDaothroughmysticalunion

113

thusgesturetowardsitareamenabletoverbalexplicationatleastbysomeoneas

skilledasZhuangzi

ThosewhocansaysaywhatcannotbesaidthoseabletoleavetracesleavetraceswherenotracesmaybeleftNowtheDaoistheprincipleofspontaneousorderItcannoteitherwithwordsorwithsilencebewillfullymadeintosomethingwithdeterminateexistenceorwillfullydenieddeterminateexistenceZhuangzisaidldquoifspeakingwereenoughthenonecouldspendalldayspeakingandtherebyexhaustivelydescribetheDaoifspeakingwereinsufficientthentospendalldayspeakingwouldyieldanexhaustivedescriptionofthingsrdquo191ThingsrefertothetracesofnamesandwordsTheyembodytheprincipleofneitherspeakingnorremainingsilentOnlyZhuangziwasabletospeakaboutthemandfullyprobetheirlimits能言者言其所不能言能迹者迹其所不能迹夫道也者自然之理也不可使言之與默強有之強無之耳荘子曰言而足則終日言而盡道言而不足則終日言而盡物物也者名言之迹也非言非黙之理獨荘子能言而足盡其極而已

ThesearethememorableopeninglinesofKonpōronTheyfeatureseveralof

themostpotentandpolysemoustermsoftheDaoistcommentarialtraditionshizen

自然(Cziran)ri理(li)u有(you)mu無(wu)andbutsu物(wu)while

unambiguouslyaffirmingofthepoweroflanguageandZhuangzirsquossingularuse

thereofThephraseldquoneitherspeakingnorremainingsilentrdquo(非言非黙)isseenin

Zhuangzi2510AsrenderedbyVictorMair(1994)thatpassageendswiththe

followingstatementaboutthenatureoftheDaoldquoTheWayisthedelimitationof

thingsNeitherwordsnorsilencearesatisfactoryforconveyingitWithoutwords

andwithoutsilenceourdeliberationsreachtheirutmostlimitsrdquo(道物之極言默不

191Zhuangzi2510

114

足以載非言非默議有所極)192Thereisevidentlysomedisagreementamong

scholarsoverwhethertointerpretthestatementldquotheWayisthedelimitationof

thingsrdquo道物之極asMairdoesorwhethertotake道asbeingparalleltothenoun

phrase物之極ieldquotheDaoandthelimitofthingsrdquobutinanyeventthemessageis

thatneitherspeakingnorremainingsilentndashbothofwhichareultimatelydiscursive

strategiesndashcandothejobChūganhoweverseemsnottoregarddefianceof

discursiveexplicationasanintrinsicpropertyofthingsbutratheraresultofhuman

limitationswhichZhuangziwasabletoovercomeInthetranslationaboveldquothe

principleofneitherspeakingnorremainingsilentrdquo(非言非默之理)wasconstrued

astheoperativeprincipleofthingsItisalsopossibletoconstruethatphraseasa

topiconwhichtheensuingsentenceisacommentieldquo(Withrespectto)the

principlethatisneitheroneofspeechnorofsilenceonlyZhuangziwasableto

speakaboutitandfullyprobeitslimitsrdquoIneithercasetheclaimisthatZhuangzi

stoodaloneinhisabilitytouselanguagetorevealsomethingaboutthehidden

orderinformingphenomenalrealityAcompleteunderstandingofthisorderor

ldquoprinciplerdquowouldseemtoaffordthemostcompletediscursiveknowledgeofthe

Daopossiblesincesuchanunderstandingwouldrepresentamoregeneralldquometardquo-

physicalgraspofphysical(andsocial)phenomena193

192VictorHMairWanderingontheWayEarlyTaoistTalesandParablesofChuangTzu(NewYorkBantamBooks1994)p267193InthisandsimilarcontextsldquoprinciplerdquoisanoccultthoughstillimmanentaspectoftheDaoAsRobinetexplainstheDaoldquoactsthroughanaturalorderwhichsomecallli andwhichisalsooneofitsaspectsrdquo(ldquoTheDiverseInterpretationsoftheLaozirdquop149)

115

AnotherconceptcentraltoChūganrsquosessayisthatoftheldquotracerdquo迹(JsekiC

ji)avestigialrelationthroughwhichthingsandwordsremaincommensurableThe

termisparticularlyredolentofBuddhistphilosophicaldiscoursewhereitdenotes

externalindicationsorempiricalevidenceastraightforwardextensionofitsbasic

meaningoftracksorfootprintsChūganholdsthings(物)tobetheldquotracesofnames

andwordsrdquo(物也者名言之迹也)Thisprovocativeformulationappearstoinvert

therelationshipthatmightordinarilybeexpectedtoobtainbetweenlanguageand

thingswhoseexistencewouldotherwiseseembothlogicallyandtemporallyprior

tothatofthenamesandwordsdevisedtoidentifythemUnfortunatelyhedoesnot

expandupontheclaimorreturntoitelsewhereintheessayabsentfurther

evidenceaconservativereadingofChūganrsquospositionwouldsimplybethatheholds

ldquothingsrdquotobetheoutwardlysensiblesideofadipartiteidiographicrelationwords

andthingsarecoevalinsofarasanygivenldquothingrdquoisnrsquotperceivedassuchuntilitis

identifiedandidentificationisnecessarilyalinguisticactThetracerelation

providesthekeylinkbetweenwordsandobservablephenomenathatenablesthe

formertoldquoexhaustrdquothelatterwithrespecttothePengpassageitisthislinkthat

ultimatelymakespossibleZhuangzirsquoselucidationoftheprincipleoftransformation

Chūganinscribesthisthesiswithinalargeandlongstandingdiscourseon

languageandepistemologythatatleastinpartfindsitsoriginintheworkofthe

aforementionedSengzhaoSengzhaowasaneclecticBuddhistthinkeranda

talentedrhetoricianandChūgandrawsexplicitlyonhisstyleofexpositioninthe

veryfirstlineofKonpōronAsrenderedabovethislineproclaimsldquothosewhocan

saysaywhatthatcannotbesaidthoseabletoleavetracesleavetraceswhereno

116

tracesmaybeleftrdquo(能言者言其所不能言能迹者迹其所不能迹)Theenigmatic

wordingcloselyparallelsapassagefromalettertraditionallyincludedamongthe

fouressayscomprisingZhaoluninwhichSengzhaorepliestoquestionsposedto

himbyaneducatedandpiousaspirant194TherelevantportionreadsldquoHenceone

whoisskilledatspeakingwordsseekstosaythatwhichcannotbesaidonewhois

skilledatleavingtracesinvestigateshowtoleavetraceswherenotracesmaybeleftrdquo

(是以善言言者求言所不能言善迹迹者尋迹所不能迹)195Yettheclose

similaritiesindictionbelieasubtledifferenceinphilosophicalfocuswhereas

Sengzhaorsquosdiscussionofnamesandthingssoughttohighlightthearbitraryand

contingentnatureofthesignifyingprocessitselfChūganrsquossoughttoposition

Zhuangziastheultimatemasteroflanguagesomeonendashindeedtheonlyonendashwho

wasabletoexhaustthemysteriesofthingsthroughwordsThegoalofKonpōron

wasthusnottodeconstructaspurioushomologybetweennamesandphenomenal

realitybuttoreconstructthepathbywhichZhuangzigotfromtheformertoan

otherwiseinscrutableaspectofthelattertransformationassuchisnotathingbut

194ForacompletetranslationseeRafalFelburldquoEssaysofSengzhaordquoinThreeShortTreatisesbyVasubandhuSengzhaoandZongmi(MoragaBDKAmerica2017)pp47-135WalterLiebenthalChaoLunTheTreatisesofSeng-chao(HongKongHongKongUnivPress1968)pp81-100195Thephrase迹所不能迹mightbetakenas迹之所不能迹apartitivestructureinwhichthefirst迹isanounthesecondisaverbandthewholethingmeanssomethinglikeldquotracesofthesortthatcannotbeleftastracesrdquosimilarinmeaning(thoughnotinsyntax)to所不能迹之迹aboveAlternativelyitmaybereadsimplyasaverbphraseinwhichthefirst迹isatransitiveverbldquotoleaveastracerdquotakingthenounphrase所不能迹ldquothatwhichcannotbeleftastracerdquoorperhapsldquotheplacewherenotracemaybeleftrdquoasitsdirectobjectThelatterresultsinthetranslationgivenaboveldquotoleavetraceswherenotracesmaybeleftrdquo

117

aprinciplethatactsthroughanduponthingsandonewhoseoperationmaybe

communicatedgivensufficientmasteryoflanguage

Thusfartheanalysisundertakeninthepresentstudyhasnotaddressed

whatissurelyamongthemostobviousandenduringproblemsofhermeneutics

namelythattheexegesisofanyparableplacestheformitselfinquestionif

somethingismeanttobeunderstoodandmayinfactbeexplainedwhyofferonlya

symbolicorellipticalillustrationofitIfZhuangzirsquospurposehadbeentoelucidate

theprincipleoftransformationasChūganclaimswhydidhenotdosodirectlyvia

thesortofcorrelativeexpositionChūganhimselfemploystoldquodecoderdquotheKunand

thePengChūganprovidesnoexplicitanswerstothesequestionsthoughhis

commentssuggestatleasttwointriguingpossibilities196Thefirstandperhaps

mostcompellingpointheraisesregardingZhuangzirsquosuseofsymbolismisthatit

simplymakeshisworkmoreenjoyablethanapurelyexpositorytextofsimilar

importwouldbeandthatthispropertyenablesaqualitativelydifferentkindof

readingexperienceoneinwhichdelightseemsbothanenduntoitselfandanaidto

theacquisitionofknowledge

hellipClearlythenitwassimplyoneofZhuangzirsquosallegoriescouchedinthemostfancifulandfar-fetchedlanguageStupidConfuciansadheredinvaintothetracesandfailedtoglimpsetherealprincipleAretheynotoffendersagainstZhuangziWhatcouldmatch

196ItisworthpausingheretoemphasizethatChūganwouldneverhaveentertainedthepossibilitythatZhuangzididnotofferapurelyexpositoryaccountbecausehewasnrsquotabletodosoAssuchthefactthatmuchofwhatconstitutesldquocorrelativecosmologyrdquopostdatesZhuangzibyseveralcenturiesisnotespeciallyrelevantthevariouscorrelationsandcorrespondencesChūganpurportstorevealinthePengpassageweretohimfundamentalaspectsofnatureandtherecanbelittledoubtthatChūganwouldhaveassumedasamatterofcoursethatthehistoricalZhuangziwasperfectlyawareofallofthem

118

transformingoneselfintoapersonwithoutanameridinguponthisbirdbefriendingZhuangziintheboundlesswildsandfollowinghimasheroamsuntotheendsoftheEarthIsthisnotdelightfulhellip 是乃莊子寓言荒唐開誕之語耳愚儒徒泥乎言迹而不見眞理不亦為莊子罪人耶何當吾化成無名人而乘是鳥拍莊子肩於壙埌之野從遊於八極之表不亦快哉 ChūganhadalreadycriticizedldquolaterConfuciansrdquo後儒forfailingtolookbeyondthe

manifestsenseofthetextandherehetreatswithevengreatercondescensionthose

ConfucianswhofailtoappreciatethepleasureofidentificatoryexperienceItis

unfortunatethathedoesnotdevelopthispointfurtherasitrepresentsan

uncommonlystrongaffirmationofthevalueofdelighttoeducationZhuangziit

wouldseemsurpassesotherworksofphilosophybecauseitencouragesthe

dynamicinterplayofbothcognitiveandaffectivefacultiesThatsaidperhaps

Chūgandidnrsquotbelaborthepointbecausetodosowouldhaveweakenedtheraison

drsquoetreofhisownprojectoneneedharbornoRomanticprejudicesagainstallegory

toconcedethatthehabitsofminddrivingafinelywroughtcorrelationist

allegoresisareratherdifferentfromthosethatpermitareaderthepaidicjoyof

ldquoridinguponthePengbirdrdquoandldquobefriendingZhuangziintheboundlesswildsrdquo197

197InthisconnectionitmightbeobservedthatthereareperRogerCailloisrsquodefinitionsofludus(controlledrule-boundplay)andpaidia(uncontrolledfantasy)stronglyludicelementstotheapplicationofyin-yangcorrelativethinkingtotextualinterpretationInformulatingareadingbasedonyin-yangtheoryalargeandwellestablishedbodyofconventionsactasrulesthatstructureanddelimittherangeofpermissibleinterpretationsasatisfyinginterpretationisonethatsuccessfullyconnectstogetherasmanyelementsaspossiblewithoutviolatingtheconventionsSeeMeyerBarashtrRogerCailloisManPlayandGames(UrbanaUnivofIllinoisPress2001)p13

119

AnadditionalpointofinterestisChūganrsquosassertionthatincreatingtheKun

andthePengasfictionalcharactersZhuangzildquogroundedhiswordsinanameless

namerdquo(立言無名之名)TheldquonamesrdquoreferencedhereareKunandPengandthe

locutionsuggestssomethingakintoastrategyofdefamiliarizationAswehaveseen

thewordsldquokunrdquoandldquopengrdquoalreadypossessedreferentswhosequalitieswere

differentfromandinthecaseofldquokunrdquoverynearlyoppositetothoseascribedtothe

fictionalKunfishandPengbirdTheconceptualconnotationsofbothtermsalong

withthenumerousassociationseachhadwiththeotherfirestheimaginationina

waythatChūganclearlybelievesisproductiveofgreaterunderstandingZhuangzirsquos

carefullycraftedsymbolismiseffectivebecauseitencouragesreaderstomake

conceptualleapsItisworthnotingthatsuchapositionisbroadlyconsistentwith

viewsofparableespousedinotherhermeneuticaltraditionsearlyChantheorists

associatedwiththeNorthernSchoolforinstancerejectedtheliteralreadingsof

importanttechnicaltermsinfavorofallegoricalglossesdesignedtosupport

doctrinalpositionsthatwereinmanywaysatvariancewiththoseofIndian

Buddhism198FurtherafieldofChūganThomasAquinasopinedthatspiritualtruths

areusefullyveiledinsymbolandmetaphorbecausedoingsoldquodoesnotlettheminds

ofthosetowhomtherevelationhasbeenmaderestinthemetaphorsbutraises

198SeeJohnRMcRaeTheNorthernSchoolandtheFormationofEarlyChrsquoanBuddhism(KurodaInstituteStudiesinEastAsianBuddhismno3HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress1986)p198-99AccordingtoMcRaewhilemetaphorwasutilizedbyallschoolsofBuddhismthedeviceplayedanespeciallylargeroleinNorthernSchoolChanwithmostofthemetaphorsfoundinNorthernSchooltextsaimedattransformingallofBuddhismintoldquoanallegoryforthepracticeoflsquocontemplationofthemindrsquordquo(JkanshinCguanxin觀心)

120

themtotheknowledgeoftruthsrdquo199Aquinasrsquohandlingoftheissuereflectsof

courseanapproachtoscripturalallegorythatisrootedinanontologydifferent

fromthatofBuddhismandDaoismStillexegetesineachtraditionsharedthebasic

needtodetermineorthodoxyconstrueparablesldquocorrectlyrdquoasserttheirpedagogical

valueandattempttoexplainhowwordsandworldlythingscouldfiguretruths

whosevalueastruthstranscendedanyparticularmanifestationorinstantiation

thereofintherealmofordinaryexperience

Toreturntoapointraisedatthebeginningofthisinquiryitisnotable

thoughnotespeciallysurprisingthatChūganrsquosacademicappreciationofZhuangzi

seemstohavearisenlaterinlifeafterhisinitialperiodofscholarlyproductivity

duringthe1330sTherecanbelittledoubtthatChūganviewedZhuangziasa

seriousworkofphilosophyatleastifbythatismeantaworkwhosechiefaimwas

theinvestigationandadvancementofhumanknowledgeThereisalsolittledoubt

thathewasdeeplyimpressedwithwhathetooktobethesingularintellectand

rhetoricalpanacheofthehistoricalZhuangziConvenientlytheparableoftheKun

andthePengisheldinKonpōrontodemonstratethatworldlylearningandliterary

skillofpreciselythesortprizedbytheGozanintelligentsiawasthekeytoachieving

uncommoninsightintoacomplexnaturalorder

AhMasterZhuangHeperceivedthetransformationsexhaustedtheessencesaccountedforthenormsprobedthemysteriestotheirutmostextentandroamedfreelyacrossthewideworldWondrouslyhedroveallofexistenceintothetipofhisbrushndashverilythemyriadthingshadnowheretorunHisinfluencereachedevenunto

199SummaTheologica11i9QuotedinBrittanPoetrySymbolandAllegoryp31

121

thingsthatlayhidinthedarkwithoutsubstancewithoutformandwithoutnames200AndyethewasstillabletowondrouslyseekthesethingsoutdrivethemonandmakeallofthemintohisownendowmentWithhisprosehemadethembeatandmadethemdanceandinthisheglimpsedtheirsublimity吁莊生觀化盡精籌數極玄逍遙乎六合之表冥驅萬物入己筆舌萬物固無攸逃焉其餘波遠及於幽冥無象無質無形無名之物猶能冥搜之旁驅之而皆為己資文章鼓之舞之以見其玅也

ItisonlyafterthisencomiasticdescriptionofZhuangzirsquosaccomplishmentwhich

comesquiteneartheendoftheessaythatChūganproceedstoofferhisown

analysisoftheparableoftheKunandthePengAssummarizedpreviouslyChūgan

readstheparablethroughamultitudeoflaw-likenaturalcorrelationsorldquonormsrdquo數

andtakesittofiguretransformationThroughouthisreadinghereturnsrepeatedly

tothetwintropesofconcealmentandrevelationChūganrsquosZhuangzimarshalshis

extensiveknowledgeandrhetoricalabilitiestoexposewhatishiddenHe

investigatesandldquodrivesrdquo驅thethingsoftheworldasonedrivesahorseultimately

ldquomakingthemallintohisownendowmentrdquo皆為己資Chūgancomescloseto

personifyingtheldquomyriadthingsrdquo萬物whenhesaysthattheyldquohadnowheretorunrdquo

無攸逃201ratherasanomotheticallyinclinednaturalistmightdoinspeakingof

NatureasldquosurrenderinghersecretsrdquoHebookendshisaccountwithyetmorepraise

200TheideaofaldquonamelessrdquothingseemsacuriousandpossiblycontradictorynotiongivenChūganrsquosearlierdefinitionofthingsastracesofwordsandnamesReasoningasbeforethatathingisonlyrecognizedassuchinandthroughlanguageitmightbesupposedthatwhatChūganhasinmindherearesimplyphenomenandashldquothingsrdquointhebroadestsensendashthatnoonehasyetperceivedandwhichthushaveyettobenamed201 isequivalentinmeaninghereto所andthephrase無攸逃wouldlikelyhavebeenreadnogarurutokoronashiinJapanese

122

forZhuangzirsquosredoubtablelinguisticskills(JhitsuzetsuCbishe筆舌)whichareto

himnotmerelydecorativebutthemeansforcommunicatingperceptualinsights

thatarenormallyineffable

OhtoperceivethetransformationswithoutdependingonessencesTotraversethenormsinawaythatdidnotdependonbeingmysterious(玄)WhoelsecouldgothisfarWhatrsquosmoreitwasbymeansofthemarveloussubtletywithwhichhedevelopedtheseinhiswritingthathewasabletoexhaustthemandprobetheirlimitsAuthorsoflateragescouldnotevenattempttomatchhim吁觀化不以精步數不以玄則孰能造於此哉加之以其筆舌鼓舞之玅盡之極之後世作者不能企而及也

ThesearetheclosingwordsofKonpōronChūganrsquosdecisiontobookendhis

allegoricalreadingoftheKunandthePengwithyetmorepraisefortheircreator

suggeststhathewishedhisownaccounttobeseennotasanactofcreationassuch

butsimplyofrevelationandthatwhatitrevealsisnotonlythetruemeaningofa

parablebutthematchlessauthorialgeniusbehinditAtthesametimeand

particularlywhentakeninconjunctionwithhisearliercelebrationofidentificatory

delightthemoveexposesameasureofanxietyovertheactofinterpretationitself

FromamodernperspectiveChūganrsquosreadingdemonstratesthewaysinwhichyin-

yangcorrelativecosmologydramaticallyamplifiesthehermeneuticpotentialofa

textallowingappropriatelyconditionedreaderstolinkvariouselementsofthe

storyworldtoaplethoraofphenomenaoutsideitTheparadigmaticsubstitutions

licensedbythisapproachareinprincipleboundedbyyin-yangtheoryYetin

movingfreelyacrossanenormousrangeofentitiesandideasthechainsof

associationcangrowlonganddependingontheconnectionsbeingproposedthey

123

canthreatentobreakawayfromthesyntagmaticexpectationsthatwouldordinarily

structurethereadingprocess

InKonpōronthefirstchainofassociationswiththeKunwereasfollows

NorthernDarknessnorthwaterthenumber1thefirstEarthlyBranch(ieldquoratrdquo

子)childbeginningtheanimalldquoratrdquo(鼠)water(again)lurkingconcealmentthe

BlackTortoise(玄武)202Somelinksinthischainareperfectlysyntagmaticgiven

theelementsoftheparablethenumberonewaternorthandchildarejoinedin

thestorybythefactthattheKunisasinglefishlivinginanorthernbodyofwater

anditsnameisalsoawordthatadmitsldquoroerdquoasaprincipalmeaningStillitisplain

thatthiskindofapproachmightleadtoevenmorebaroqueinterpolationsand

ChūganwasprobablywellawarethattherehadalreadybeencriticismslikeLin

Xiyirsquosoftheapplicationofyin-yangtheorytoZhuangziRecallthatLinrsquosopinionof

yin-yangcorrelationistreadingswasthattheyinsisteduponintroducingldquoknotsrdquo(強

生節目)LinhadreadilygrantedthatthenamesKunandPengwereallegoricalthe

problemitwouldseemwasthatcorrelationistallegoresestendedtostraytoofar

fromthemanifestsenseofthetextandindoingsotheycreatedcomplexitieswhere

noneneedexistLinrsquosbasicpointishardtorefuteaheavilywroughtworklike

Konpōronisimplicitlybasedontheseeminglyunprovableassumptionthatthe

parableitexplicateswasalwaysintentionallycomplexalwayspossessedofasurfeit

ofmeaningthatwasnotcreativelyimputedbytheexegetebutintendedallalongby

itsauthorandnotimmediatelyapparentattheldquosurfacerdquolevelofdenotationItisan202SeethetranslationinAppendix1attheendofthischapterAtpresentIhavenotbeenabletodeducethesymbolicsignificanceofsomeoftheseandtheythereforedidnotfeatureinmyanalysisofChūganrsquosaccount

124

assumptionthatinthiscaseinevitablyrevealsmoreaboutChūganthanitdoes

aboutZhuangziwholikemanyancientwritersisknownalmostexclusively

throughthewritingascribedtohimMoregenerallyitalsobespeaksthe

precariousnessoftheinterpreterrsquospositionforitishardtobebothafaithfulinsider

andanactivecreatorbothconduitandsourcethecloserinterpretationcomesto

resembleauthorshipthefurthertheinterpreterisestrangedfromhisobject

TothisextenttheeffusivepraiseofZhuangziinoculatesChūganand

perhapshisreaderstooagainstthepossibilitythatitistheyandnottheNeo-

Confucianswhoaretherealoffendersdistortingthetextbyimposingextraneous

materialuponitKonpōronmakesnoclaimtomysticalorotherwisenon-discursive

accesstoZhuangzi(ortoZhuangzi)yetintheverycomplexityofitsinterpretation

itclearlypurportstoofferaninsiderrsquostakeontheKunandthePengWhatmakes

suchapositioncredibleatleastwithintheinterpretiveframeworkChūgan

developsisaratherremarkablepropertyheimputestothehistoricalZhuangzi

whoaccordingtohimwascapableofldquoprobingthemysteriestotheirutmostextentrdquo

(極玄)yetalsoabletoldquotraversethenormswithoutbeingmysteriousrdquo(步數不以玄)

ThiscommentseemsmeantinparttodistinguishtheapproachtakenbyZhuangzi

fromthattakenbyLaoziwhowascloselyassociatedwiththeconceptofldquomysteryrdquo

(CxuanJgen玄)onaccountoftheprominencethatnotionenjoysinthefamous

openingchapterofLaozi(Daodejing)203Stillmoreimportantlythehistorical

203ThatChūgantooassociatedLaozifirstandforemostwithmysteryissuggestedbytheopeningcoupletofashortpanegyricverse(JsanCzan贊)hededicatedtotheoldmasterldquoInmysteryhisthoughtsdidrightlyrestamindcontentandself-possessedhelliprdquo玄宜思潭澹泊心甘(GBZS440)

125

Zhuangzirsquosabilitytodowhathedidwithoutbeingmysteriousiswhatenables

ZhuangzitobeinterpretableintheordinarydiscursivesenseItisboththemeans

toachievingauniquefusionofaestheticandintellectualexperienceandthe

conditionofpossibilityforinterpretationinthefirstplaceanditissomethingwe

aretoldthatnootherauthor(作者)oflateragescouldmatchItisapitythat

Chūgandidnottry

126

Appendix1ACompleteTranslationofChūganrsquosCorrelativeAccountoftheKunandthePeng

WithrespecttothetermldquoNorthernDarknessrdquonorthrepresentsconcealment

accordingtotheHetudiagramitisthedirectioninwhichyangenergyliessunkand

concealedTheoneofHeavenbegetswaterinthenorthOneisthebeginningof

numbersinthesexegenarysystemitisthechild andmayalsobeglossed( )as

ldquobeginningrdquo Itrsquosspirit( )isthatoftherat ananimalthatlurksconcealedin

poolsofwaterInform( )itbelongstotheBlackTortoise anditstrigramiskan

(TheAbysmalWater)204IntheldquoHongFanrdquochapterofTheBookofHistoryitis

writtenthatwateristhatwhichsoaksanddescendsandinsoakinganddescendingit

makessaltrdquoThisdescribestheseaMing isalsoanamefortheseawhichbased

uponitsblackcoloriscalledming andwhichinitsdarkobscurity()becomes

hai 205ZhuangziusedthetermNorthernDarknessinordertoputintowordsthat

whichisdarkprofoundpossessedofahiddenessenceandistheplacewherethe

myriadthingsliedormantandconcealedAfishisacreatureofthewaterwhorsquosnature

istobesubmergedkunisaneggwhosebodyisamorphousandhasyettoassumethe

fullformofafishItlieslatentandconcealedandisextremelyminisculeYetthe

ambitionitnurturesisvastldquostretchingforwhoknowshowmanythousandlirdquoAlthough

onemightsay(thatkun)istinyandhiddenitrepresentsnonethelesstheseedofa

dragonTheloftyflairofZhuangzirsquosstylecanbeglimpsedhere

Thesubstanceofthefengbirdistobeofbrilliantvariegatedcolorsandtosoar

intotheheavensHowmeetitisthatitfliestothesouthSouthisthedirectionof

patternedbrightness()anditstrigramisli (TheClingingFire)Libelongstofire

204TheBlackTortoiseisoneoftheldquoFourCelestialAnimalsrdquo(四神)orldquoFourSymbolsrdquo(四象)mythologicalcreatureseachassociatedwithaseasonadigram(爻)atrigram(卦)acardinaldirectionandalsowithaspecificsetofsevenoftheTwenty-EightMansions(二十八宿)inChineseastronomy205Heretwowordsthatdenotethesea(溟海)areexplainedascognatewithtwowordsthatsuggestdarknessandobscurity(冥晦)

127

andfirehastheabilitytotransformthingsThusthetext(ofZhuangzi)saysldquo(theKun)

transformsintoabirdrdquoIntheldquoHongFanrdquochapterofTheBookofHistoryfireisthat

whichblazesandascendsandinblazingandascendingitbecomesbitterrdquoBitteristhe

tasteofthatwhichisburnt(jiao) andthePengisalsotermedjiaopeng afact

duesimplytoSimaXiangrursquosrhapsody206InformitbelongstotheVermillionBird

ofthesouth

IntheHetudiagramtheTwoofEarthbegetsfireTwoisdivisible being

divisibleitiseven andcomprisedofapair (peng)Thenumberoneisunitary

beingunitaryitisodd andasingularindividualamongmany (kun)207Forthis

reasonthebodyoftheKunissingularlyconceived( )andconcealedinthedarksea

ofthenorthThePenghastwowingsthatspreadsymmetricallyanditsoarsintothe

heavensandgoessouthWithrespecttopositionvis-agrave-visthesunnorthisren it

representsastateofpregnancy whereeggs (kunrsquoer)liesubmergedWith

respecttopositionvis-agrave-visthesunsouthisbing itrepresentsastateofbrightness

(bingyao)whereflocksofbirds (pengyu)ascendintothesky

206Likethefengabirdknownasthejiaoming焦明hasalsobeenassociatedwithZhuangzirsquosPengitappearsinSimaXiangrursquosfamousrhapsodyontheimperialhuntingpark(上林賦)andisrenderedldquoblazingfirebirdrdquobyDavidKnechtgesThealternatetermjiaopeng焦朋appearsinSimaXiangrursquosbiographyinHanshuwhetherChūganissimplyconflatingthepoem(asitappearsinWenxuan)withthebiographyorwhetherhewasusinganeditionofWenxuan(oranothersourcealtogether)inwhichthebirdinthepoemwasrenderedjiaopenginsteadofjiaomingisunclearThispartofChūganrsquosessayissomewhatperplexingatleastinsofarashewaspreviouslyquiteadamantthatZhuangzirsquosPengisnotidenticaltothefengandhereheseemstobedrawingconnectionsbetweenfeng鳳jiaopeng焦朋andpeng鵬notingtheassociationeachhaswithfireTheVermillionBirdisoneoftheFourCelestialAnimalsandisassociatedwithsouthfireandyang207ldquoSingularindividualamongmanyrdquoisanadmittedlycumbersomerenderingof昆thatattemptstoconveyChūganrsquosunderstandingofthecharacterwhichseemstobebasedmainlyonthesenseitpossessesintermssuchaskunchong昆蟲ldquo(aswarmormultitudeof)insectsrdquoandkunqun昆羣ldquomultituderdquoThissenseisobviouslypresentinkun鯤whenconstruedasldquoroerdquoandwhatChūganseemstobeemphasizingintheconnectionbetweenunity單oddness奇andkun昆isthesenseofbeingsmallanddiscreteevenifpartofalargergroup

128

129

Appendix2

IntheHetudiagramlinkedblackandwhitedotsrepresentnaturalnumbersfrom1to10Even(yin)numbersarerepresentedwithblackdotswhileodd(yang)numbersarerepresentedwithwhitedotsAdjacentpairsofyinandyangnumberscorrespondwiththefiveelements1and6withwater2and7withfire3and8withwood4and9withmetaland5and10withearthThesepairsaresaidtobecomprisedofasmallerldquobegettingnumberrdquo(生數)andalargerldquocompletednumberrdquo(成數)thecommondifferencebetweenwhichisalwaysfive

130

Chapter Four

Poems of Remembrance Poems of Social Engagement 1 Chūgan Engetsu and Early Gozan Poetry An Historical and Stylistic Overview

PoetrywasthecentralliteraryendeavorwithintheGozanmonasteriesso

muchsothatthemoderncoinageldquoFiveMountainsLiteraturerdquo(Gozanbungaku五山

文学)ubiquitousinsurveysofmedievalJapaneseliteratureisfrequentlyusedasif

poetrywereitsonlyconstituentThoughsomewhatmisleadingthisconvention

suggeststhelongstandingappreciationforboththequantityandartisticqualityof

thepoetrycollectionsintheFiveMountainscorpusthesecollectionshavegenerally

beenheldbymodernandearlymodernscholarstorepresentthezenithofmedieval

JapanesekanshiFormallyspeakingthevehiclesofchoiceamongGozanpoetswere

thegātha(JgeCji偈)astrictlyreligioustypeofverseintendedtoencapsulateand

conveydoctrinalpositionsandtheshi詩whichinitsfive-andseven-syllable

varietieshadbeenpracticedassiduouslyinJapansinceatleasttheeighthcentury

LikeeverynotablecontributortoGozanliteratureChūganwasanaccomplished

poetthathewasarguablyanevenbetterexpositorandessayistisbutoneofthe

idiosyncrasiesdistinguishinghimfromhiscontemporariesAnothermorespecific

totherealmofpoetrywashiswillingnesstothematizethepoliticaltumultofthe

eraandtouseunorthodoxoratleasthighlyuncommonpoeticformsandsyllabic

metersAlthoughtheprincipalcollectionofChūganrsquosworkTōkaiichiōshū東海一漚

131

集isdominatedbyexpositoryproseitrsquosfirstfasciclecontainsthreefu賦(lengthier

metricallyunregulatedpoemsusuallytermedldquorhapsodiesrdquo)whilethenextfive

contain227shialargenumberrelativetootherGozancollectionsMostofthe

majorstylesofshiarerepresentedincludingfive-andseven-syllableldquorecent-stylerdquo

quatrains(JzekkuCjueju絶句)regulatedverses(risshiluumlshi律詩)ldquoancient-stylerdquo

versesofvaryinglengthandevenhexasyllabicquatrains208Stylisticallythe

collectionishighlyvariableandbespeaksnosinglepreponderantsourceof

influenceorinspirationwhilesomescholarshavenotedChūganrsquosfondnessforHigh

Tang(c713-66)poetryothershaveemphasizedtheinfluenceofSong(960-1279)

models209MoreoverthefactthatheplayedaseminalroleinpopularizingSantishi

三體詩(JSantaishi)ananthologyofmostlyMid-andLateTang(c827-907)verse

plainlysuggestsinterestinthosestylesaswellInthepoemstreatedbelowthe

mostsalientthematicconnectionsaretobefoundwiththeworkofpoet-scholars

suchasOuyangXiu歐陽修(1007-72)andFanChengda範成大(1126-93)who

wereespeciallynotedfortheirattentiontosocialillsandthevicissitudesofplebian

life

208So-calledldquorecent-stylepoetryrdquo近體詩(JkintaishiCjintishi)isgovernedbyprosodicandstructuralconstraintsstricterthanthosethathadgovernedearlyshipoetryafterthefullestablishmentofrecent-styleverseduringtheTangthelessrule-boundvarietycametobetermedldquoancient-stylepoetryrdquo古體詩(kotaishigutishi)Shipoetryinthesix-syllablemeter(六言詩)isvastlylesscommonthanpenta-andheptasyllabicvarietiesChūganappearstohavebeenthefirstGozanfiguretousetheformandsomegeneralremarksregardingbothitshistoricaldevelopmentanditsadaptationofrecent-styletonalconventionswillbegiveninthefollowingchapter209SeeKagekiHideoGozanshishinokenkyū(TokyoKasamaShoin1977)p219

132

AsaresultofthisartisticorientationChūganoccupiesasingularniche

withintheroughly250-yearhistoryofGozanpoetryThishistoryisoftenheldto

comprisetwobroadepochsthefirstcharacterizedbygrowthandcreativitybegins

aroundthetimeofChūganrsquosbirthin1300andpeaksneartheturnofthefifteenth

centurythesecondmarkedunsurprisinglybystagnationanddeclinebeginsinthe

midfifteenthcenturyandroughlytracksthegradualeconomiccollapseoftheGozan

establishmentitselfTheeacutemigreacutemonkYishanYining一山一寧(JIsshanIchinei

1247-1317)whoarrivedinJapanasaYuanemissaryin1299isoftenidentifiedas

theprogenitoroftheGozanliterarymovement210Otherseminalwritersinclude

YishanrsquosJapanesediscipleSessonYūbai雪村友梅(1290-1348)whowouldspend

twenty-twoyearsinChinaandbecomeoneofthefirstmajorGozanpoetsand

KokanShiren虎関師錬(1278-1346)whosegroundbreakingtreatiseGenkō

shakusho元亨釋書constitutestheearliestgeneralhistoryofJapaneseBuddhism

TomanyscholarswhatdistinguishesGozanliterature(andindeedGozanmonastic

life)ofthistimefromthatofthelatefourteenthcenturyandbeyondisitsexplicitly

religiouscharacterwritersofthiseraincludingevengiftedlyricistslikeSesson

wereZenpriestsfirstandforemostnotliteratiwhohappenedtoresideinZen

temples211

210ThissuggestionseemstohaveoriginatedwithKamimuraKankō上村觀光(1873-1926)thefirstmodernscholartostudyandcollateasignificantfractionoftheGozancorpusitremainswidelyacceptedtodaySeeKamimuraGozanbungakushōshi(TokyoShōkabō1906)pp3-4211HagaKōshirōldquoZenbungakutoGozanbungakurdquoinYamagishiTokuheiedsNihonkanbungakushironkō(TokyoIwanamiShoten1974)pp409-415

133

Theimpetusbehindtheshiftawayfromreligiouslifeandtowardssecular

avocationswasironicallytheincreasingsuccessoftheZensectitselfWhile

AshikagapatronagebroughtthemajorGozanmonasteriesunprecedentedwealth

andpoliticalprominenceitalsodrewthemostartisticallyandintellectuallygifted

prelatesawayfromreligiouspraxisandintoelitesocialcircles212Thepivotalfigure

inthistrajectoryisZekkaiChūshin絶海中津(1336-1405)whoalongwithGidō

Shūshin義堂周信(1325-88)helpedmaketheso-calledKitayama北山erandashnamed

forthelavishprivateestateoftheshogunAshikagaYoshimitsu足利義満(r1368-

94)ndashaheydayofmedievalhighculture213FlourishingagenerationafterChūgan

Zekkairepresentstomanymodernscholarsthetriumphofsecularaestheticsover

religiousconvictionhisliteraryrenownbespeakstheapogeeofGozanpoetrywhile

alsoauguringthedecadencetocome214WhereasChūganisrelativelywellknown

tointellectualhistoriansbutfiguresonlymodestlyinmostsurveysofGozanpoetry

ZekkaiisalmostuniversallyregardedasthegreatestshimasterintheGozanmilieu

ThisappraisalisdueinlargeparttotheunusualesteemhisworkearnedinChina

tellinglyheistheonlyJapanesepoetinhistorytohaveoneofhispoemshonored

212SeeCollcuttFiveMountainspp98-102213ThisestatecontainsthefamoustempleRokuonji鹿苑寺betterknowntodayasKinkakuji金閣寺ldquoTheTempleoftheGoldenPavilionrdquoYoshimitsuisalsofamous(orinfamous)foracquiescingtothehierarchicaldiplomaticdemandsoftheMingcourtinordertoreestablishtraderelationswithChinaThemoveearnedhimthetitleldquoKingofJapanrdquo(日本國王)inChinaandtheenduringdisfavorofJapanesenationalists214HagaldquoZenbungakutoGozanbungakurdquop409HeinrichDumoulinZenBuddhismAHistoryJapan(BloomingtonWorldWisdom2005)pp169-77

134

witharesponsorialversebyareigningChineseemperor215Andalthoughmodern

criticswouldgenerallyavoidevaluatingJapaneseliterarySiniticmediasolelyonthe

basisoftheirfidelitytoChinesenormstherecanbelittledoubtthatZekkairsquos

historicalreputationhasbeenpredicatedonjustsuchacriterionInhisNihonshi

shi日本詩史(AHistoryofJapaneseShiPoetry1771)theearly-modernpoetand

scholarEmuraHokkai江村北海spokeofZekkai(andGidōShūshin)intermsthatif

somewhatpolemicalarenonethelessentirelyrecognizableinmuchscholarship

today

ZekkaiandGidō(Shūshin)areoftenmentionedtogetherandheldupasrivalsIread(Zekkairsquos)ShōkenkōsometimeagoandIhavealsoread(Gidōrsquos)KūgeshūItisclearthattheyarethetwogreatbulwarksofZen216Ifwersquoretalkingaboutwhoadvancedfurtherinlearning(學殖)thenitwouldseemthatGidōsurpassesZekkaiButintermsofpoetictalent(詩才)GidōisnomatchforZekkaiZekkairsquospoemsnotonlyhavenoequalintheancientandmedievalperiodsbuteventhefamouspoetsofrecenttimeswouldinalllikelihoodcastofftheirarmorandfleeintothenightThereasonisthatalthoughtheworksoftheancient(ieNaraandHeian-era)courtgentlemenarenotwithoutbeautifullinesandarrestingcoupletstheyarealsofulloffaultsanditisveryraretofindversesthatarebeautifultheentirewaythroughAndwhileimpeccableversesmayoccasionallybefoundtheyarestillonlypoemsofourcountrywhichwhen

215SeeInoguchiAtsushiShinshakukanbuntaikeivol45ldquoNihonkanshirdquopt1(TokyoMeijiShoin1972)p96OnZekkairsquosaudiencewiththeHongwuEmperor(MingTaizu)seeMicahSpencerHechtldquoConventionsofUnconventionalityrdquo(PhDDissUnivofHawairsquoi2005)pp124-30InbriefZekkaiappearedbeforetheemperorin1376toanswerquestionsonBuddhistdoctrineEvidentlycuriousaboutZekkairsquoshomelandtheemperorpointedtoamapofJapanandaskedaboutthefamoussiteofKumanowhereaccordingtolegendtheancientdivinerXuFu徐福traveledinsearchoftheelixirofimmortalityZekkaicomposedapoemattheemperorrsquosrequestandtheemperorgenerouslyauthoredaresponsorialverseofhisownBothversesthematizeKumanoandXuFursquoslegendaryjourneytheyaretranslatedinHechtpp125-29216ldquoThetwogreatbulwarksofZenrdquorendersthephrase二禅の壁壘FromcontextitseemsthatEmuramustmeanZenliteratibutitisalsopossiblethathedidnotentertainasharpdistinctionbetweenspiritualadvancementontheonehandandexcellenceinlettersontheotherandtookthelattertobeindicativeoftheformer

135

comparedtothoseoftheChinesearevastlyinferiorEventhepoetsoftodaycanseeforthemselvesthattheseareafteralljustJapanesepoemsperenniallyblightedbyunorthodoxiesofdictionButinthecaseofZekkaithisisnotso217絶海義堂世多く並稱して以て敵手と為す余嘗て蕉堅藁を讀み又空華集を讀む二禅の壁壘を審かにす學殖を論ずれば則ち義堂絶海に勝るに似たり詩才の如きは則ち義堂絶海の敵に非ず絶海の詩 古昔中世敵手無きのみに非ざる也近時の諸名家と雖も恐らくは甲を棄てて宵に遁れん何となれば則ち古昔朝紳の詠言佳句警聯無きには非ず然れども疵病雜陳全篇佳なるもの甚だ稀なり偶佳作有るも亦唯我邦の詩のみ之れを華人の詩に較ぶれば殊に 我邦の詩なり往往俗習を免れ難し絶海の如きは則ち然らず

WhileChūganrsquospoetryismorevoluminousandthematicallyvariegatedthan

Zekkairsquosithasrarelywoncomparableacclaimfromearly-modernormodern

scholars218NonethelessChūganrsquospoeticoeuvremuchlikehiscorpusofprose

remainsamongthemostcompellinginthehistoryofmedievalkanshicomprising

notonlyworksoneremitismreligiouscontemplationandscenesofnaturendash

commonthemesamongZenpoetsndashbutalsostridentpoliticalworkstreatingthe

effectsofpovertywarfareandsocialdislocationWhilesuchtopoiarewellwithin

theambitoftraditionalChinesepoetrytheyareseldomencounteredinpremodern

kanshiandareevenrarerinwakaEvenbytheeclecticstandardsofGozan

literatureChūganrsquosldquopoliticalrdquopoetryisentirelyuniqueinbothquantityandlyrical

217ShimizuShigeruetaledsShinNihonkotenbungakutaikeiv65ldquoNihonshishiGozandōshiwardquo(TokyoIwanamiShoten1991)pp77 218ThefamousMeiji-TaishoerasinologistandpoetKuboTenzui久保天随(1875-1934)istomyknowledgetheonlyliteraryfigureofnotetofavorChūganrsquospoetryoverZekkairsquosSeeInoguchiShinshakukanbuntaikeiv45pt1p48EmuramakesnomentionofChūganinNihonshishi

136

intensityperhapsnotsurprisinglyitisthistypeofpoetrythatismostoften

selectedtorepresenthiminmodernanthologiesofJapaneseliterarySiniticverse

WhilemanyofChūganrsquosthematicinclinationsadhereinthemaintoartistic

precedentsthatinsomecasesdateasfarbackastheEasternHan(25-220)andJin

(265-420)dynastiesothersreflectthecomparativelyrecentinnovationsoftheSong

DynastyIngeneralpoetsoftheSongweredistinguishedfromtheirTangandSix-

Dynastiespredecessorsbytheirwillingnesstotreatawidevarietyoftopicsdrawn

fromordinarylife219OnesuchtopicwasillnessandphysicalinfirmitywhichSong

poetsbuildinguponprecedentssetbyHanYuandMengJiaowouldapproachwith

extraordinarycandor220UnusuallyforaJapanesepoetofhiseraChūgantoowould

poeticizeillnessdetailinginversethebodilyexperienceofbeingsickwithmalaria

whileontourinChinaAlthoughthepiecetitledsimplyldquoMalariardquoisnotinany

sensealdquopoliticalrdquopoemitslanguagestructureandrelativelyearlydatemakeitan

especiallyfineintroductiontoChūganrsquospoeticsensibilitieswhichinmanyways

remainedquitestableevenashematuredstylisticallyoverthe1330sTheworkis

theonlyofitskindinTōkaiichiōshūandtomyknowledgenosimilarworksare

foundelsewhereinthecorpusofGozanpoetryUsefullyitillustratesmultiple

rhetoricalfeaturescommontoallbutoneofthepoemstreatedintheremainderof

thischapter

219RonaldEganldquoShiPoetryAncientandRecentStylesrdquoinZong-qiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetry(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2008)p308220StephenOwenThePoetryofMengChiaoandHanYu(NewHavenYaleUnivPress1975)passimPoemno13ofMengJiaorsquosseriesldquoAutumnMeditationsFifteenPoemsrdquo秋懷十五首analyzedonpp179-81isparticularlystrikinginthisregard

137

瘧疾

Malaria三尸謀疾疫 TheThreeCorpsesplotmalaise二竪穴胸膈 TheTwoChildrenburrowinsidemychest221老夫盍誅之 ldquoThisolrsquowightletrsquosputhimtodeathrdquo222陰蟲放毒螫 Hiddenpestswithpoisonbarbs熏熇氣相蒸 Inthehotsmokeoffumigationmyqiisbrazedaway風雷勢 Windandthunderroarswithfrighteningforce天地成 Thewholeworldbecomesaboilerandhotplate223濈濈汗流腋 Sweatstreamsfrommyarmpits俄爾輙送寒 ThensuddenlyIhavethechills凛凛氷底溺 Likebeingdrownedatthebottomofanicyriver衾裯重繒絖 Silkenfabricspiledatopmyquiltandbedsheets當暑莫之 Whentheweatherrsquoshotnothingismoredetestable胡為須臾間 Howinthespaceofaninstant陰陽忽變易 Canyinandyangchangeplacessoabruptly咳嗽和噴嚏 Coughingandsneezing涕泗交津液 Tearsandsnotmixedwithotherfluids224221TheThreeCorpsesalsoknownastheThreeWorms(三蟲)andTheTwoChildrenrefertospiritsresidinginsidethebodythoughttocauseillness222Thephraseldquooldfellowrdquo老夫(ClaofuJrōfu)hastorefertoChūganthoughhewasonlyinhistwentiesatthetimeThetranslationabovetakes盍as蓋ldquooughttordquoandconstruesthelineasaninterjectioninthevoiceoftheTwoChildrenAlternativelyif老夫istakenasafirstpersonsubjectpronoun(anattestedusage)and盍isunderstoodasaninterrogativepronounessentiallyequivalentto何thenthelinemightberenderedldquoHowamItoeliminatethemrdquo(withthereferentof之nowbeingtheTwoChildren)223Theactualcharacterthatappearsinthefinalpositionofthislineisnot butthe

variantform whosetypesetversionsarenotrecognizedbyMicrosoftWord224Thetermshinrsquoeki津液(Cjinye)isageneralreferenceforbodilyfluidsintraditionalChinesemedicinebyitselfthecharacter津mayrefereithertosalivaorperspirationandsincethelatterwasmentionedalreadyinlineeight(albeitwithadifferentword汗)wemightimaginephlegmtobeintendedhereThepreviouscompoundteishi涕泗(Ctisi)ldquotearsandsnotrdquohasalonghistoryinpoetryappearinginworksbyRuanJiandDuFuamongothers

138

反仄不蹔安 TossingandturningIcannotgetcomfortableforlong何當定枕席 WhenwillIfinallybeabletoresteasy起臥偕歎為 Sittinguporlyingdownbotharetaxingtodo動輙求扶掖 AgainandagainIaskforhelp眼眩混方圓 DizzyIcanrsquottellsquaresfromcircles顛倒視黒白 AndIconfoundblackandwhite平生茹蔬荀 AllmylifeIhaveeatengreensandshoots欣然口自適 FortunatelyIfindtheysuitmypalette今設五候鯖 NowIhavebeforemesomeFiveMarquisfishstew苦淡同氷蘗 Asbitterandblandasamealoficeandcork225少間倚繩牀 AfterawhileIreclineonafoldingchair痩質如乾腊 Irsquomasgauntasapieceofdriedmeat傍有相過者 Atmysidearesomewhorsquovecometovisit視吾疑欺魄 UponseeingmetheycouldswearIrsquomaghost終日口唅呀 AlldaylongImuttertomyself觸事多怒嚇 Contactwiththingsoftheworldentailssomuchangerandfear回心自省身 Iturnmymindinwardandreflectuponmyself萬里海外客 Atravelerfromfaracrossthesea所志無人知 ThefeelingsIharbornooneknows越語憐莊舃 InmyownldquoYuetonguerdquoIsympathizewithZhuangXi226

Genuinethematicinnovationisalmostalwaysaccompaniedbyatleastsome

liberalizationintherealmoflanguageThispoemwrittenwhenChūganwas

twenty-sixincludesmultiplewordsandphraseswellremovedfromthemainstream

ofJapanesekanshiwhichonthewholeemphasizedselectmodelsfromtheTangand

225ldquoFiveMarquisStewrdquo五侯鯖wasawellknownstewoffishandmeatherethecharacter鯖simplymeansldquostewrdquonotldquomackerelrdquo226ZhuangXiwasanativeofthecoastalstateofYue越whoservedasanofficialintheinlandstateofChu楚thoughsuccessfulandwellassimilatedherevertedtothedialectofhishomelandwhenillZhuangXiappearsinShijiinthememoirofZhangYi張儀andalsoinWangCanrsquosfamousrhapsodyldquoClimbingtheTowerrdquo(登樓)

139

Six-DynastieserasAndwhileeveryagehasitsiconoclastsalineofverseconsisting

simplyofldquocoughingandsneezingrdquo(咳嗽和噴嚏)ndashtheseremainthestandardterms

inmodernChinesendashprobablyfindsaneasierhomeinSongpoetrythaninthe

poetryofanypreviousepochIntermsofnarrativestructureldquoMalariardquolikeallof

Chūganrsquoslongpoemsislineartracingthepathoftheillnessfromonsettopartial

recoverywithnodisruptionsintemporalcontinuitySomewhatatypicallyfor

ChūganthelyricalldquoIrdquoispresentatleastimplicitlyineverysinglecoupletandin

mostlinestheobjectofdescriptionremainsthesubjectofenunciationInsumitis

anentirelyautobiographicalpieceThecoupletshavingtodowithphysical

symptomsarestrikingthattheyoccupyjustafractionofthepoemrsquostotallength

mightsuggestacautiousapproachtosuchdetaillestanunrelentingfixationonthe

morbidcasttooheavyashadowoverthewholeoftheworkAlternativelyitis

possiblethatChūganrsquosprimaryinterestwasnottheparticularharrowingdetailsof

theexperienceitselfbuttheensuingreflectionuponhumanfrailtyanddependency

towhichsuchanexperienceleadsIneithercasethecontrastproducesaneffect

commontoagreatmanyofChūganrsquospoemswhichoftenbringonekindofaesthetic

sensibilitytothereaderrsquosattentiononlytoabruptlywithdrawitinfavorofanother

Nowhereisthisrhetoricalstrategyemployedmorefrequentlyandmoreeffectively

thaninhispoliticalpoemswhicharebothsufficientlynumerousandartistically

compellingenoughtomeritextendedtreatment

140

2 A Country Divided A Future Uncertain Poetry in Times of Turmoil

1333-1343

Poemsofsocialcommentarysomewithastrongsubtextofpoliticalcriticism

begintofeatureprominentlyintheyear1333whichwitnessedthestunning

collapseoftheKamakuraShogunateandEmperorGo-Daigorsquostriumphantreturn

fromexileHavingonlyrecentlyreturnedfromChinaChūganwasstillinKyushuas

theseeventsunfoldedBythefifthmonthhehadtakenupresidenceatthewell-

knowntempleManjuji萬壽寺inBungoProvince227Atthebehestofhispatron

ŌtomoSadamunewhowasanallyofGo-DaigohedepartedthatautumnforHakata

ShortlythereafterheembarkedforKyotoinSadamunersquoscompanywherehewould

deliverhismemorialtotheemperorThejourneytookhimpastmultiplesitesof

localinterestandinsomecaseshistoricalorreligiousimportanceandit

occasionedaseriesoftencommemorativequatrainstwoofwhichspeakdirectlyto

theupheavalsofthetime

檀浦

Dannoura228

晚浦煙橫日影斜 Atduskonthebaymistspreadswidecastingshadowsaslantin

theeveningsun漁歌送恨落蘋花 Fishermenrsquossongsbetellinggrievancesofoldscattertheping

blossoms229

227InformationconcerningChūganrsquostravelsandthetemplesatwhichheresidedcomesmostlyfromhisBusshuEsaiZenjiChūganGetsuoshōjirekifu(hereafterjirekifu)GBSSv4pp611-32Thisisachronologicallyorganizedautobiographicalrecordcomprisedofbriefsummariesofvariouskeyeventsforeachyear228Thesiteofafamoustwelfth-centurybattle(seebelow)

141

封侯能有幾人得 Intheendhowmanycanwinenfeoffment戰骨乾枯堆白沙 Bonesofthewardeadliedriedandbleachedmoundsofwhite

sand230

鞆津TomoHarbor231

楸梧風冷海城秋 Throughcatalpaandparasoltreesthewindblowschillseaside

rampartsmantledinautumn燹火煙消灰未收 Thefiresthatragedinwarsmoldernolongerbuttheirashes

haveyettobecleared232229Thepingorbaiping白蘋(HydrocharisdubiaJtochikagami)isafloweringaquaticplantthatgrowsinshallowmuddywaterPerhapsbecausetheblossomsreachjustinchesabovethewaterrsquossurfacepoemsdescribingthemashavingldquofallenrdquoseemtoberelativelyrareTheinterpretationfollowedherewassuggestedbyKamimurawhosekuntenmarkingsinGBZSindicateaJapanesereadingofgyokauramiookuritehinkaootosuinwhich落isconstruedasatransitiveverbwithsubject漁歌andobject蘋花230GBZSv2pp32-33GBSSv4p327231AnhistoricallyimportantharborinwhatisnowHiroshimaPrefecture 232ThelastcoupletrecallsDuMursquosfamousquatrainldquoMooredontheQinhuaiRiverrdquo泊秦淮whosesecondcoupletreadsldquoSinginggirlsknownothingoftheshameofthecountryrsquosruinStillintoningfromacrosstheriverthetuneofRearGardenBlossomsrdquo商女不知亡國恨隔江猶唱後庭花ThespecificeventreferredtointhesecondlineofldquoTomoHarborrdquoisunclearafactthathasledtosomeconfusioninmodernsourcestreatingthispoemTheseriestowhichitbelongsendswithanoteseeminglywrittenbyChūganhimselfthatreadsldquoTheforegoingtenpoemswerecomposedaftertheGenkōDisturbancewhenIwasonmywayfromHakatatothecapitalrdquo右十首元弘亂後自博多上京道中作也Howevertheearliestrecordofaneventcorrespondingtothelanguageofthepoem(andindeedofamajorfortificationatTomoHarbor)isfrom1342intheBattleofTomo鞆合戦theDaigashimaFortress大可島城builtearlierthatyearonanislandjustoutsidetheharborwasattackedbyforcesoftheNorthernCourtandcompletelydestroyedItisconceivablethatincollatingthismaterialseveraldecadeslaterChūganmisrememberedwhenldquoTomoHarborrdquowascomposedontheotherhandthelocationhadbeenofstrategicandcommercialimportanceforcenturiesanditisequallypossiblethathesimplywitnessedtheaftermathofanearlieroutbreakofviolencethatoccurredaroundthetimetheshogunatefellIneithercasetheldquorampartsrdquomentionedinthepoemcannotrefertoTomoCastle鞆城whichwasconstructedundertheaegisoftheMōrifamilyinthe16thcentury

142

遊妓不知亡國事 Thecourtesansknownothingoftheruinationofthestate聲聲秦曲泛蘭舟 Singingtomusicalaccompanimenttheybobalongonbedizened

boats233

Thejuxtapositionofdescriptivecoupletswithcriticalordidacticonesisa

recurrentfeatureinChūganrsquospoliticalpoemsThisjuxtapositionmoreoveris

alwaysanunevenonewiththepoliticalstatementsinthesecondcouplet

unambiguouslyprivilegedoverthedescriptionofferedinthefirstStructurally

speakingthisisconsistentwithpopularpoeticpracticeoftheSongandYuaneras

accordingtothecompositionalprinciplesadvancedintheaforementionedSantishi

whichwascompiledaround1250bythepoetandtheoristZhouBi周弼(1194-

1255)thethirdlineofaquatrainisthedominantlineandthemostimportanttothe

overallsuccessofthepoem234InldquoDannourardquotheturninthethirdlinetowards

discursiveprosaiclanguagecomesneartowhatZhouBitermsldquoemptycontinuationrdquo

虛接whereinthefirstandsecondlinesofaquatrainarenon-affectiveorldquosolidrdquo實

whilethethirdrevealsthefeelingsoropinionsofthepoetandistermedldquoemptyrdquo

虛235ldquoEmptycontinuationrdquowasacommonstrategyandonethatgrantsspecial

prominencetothepoemrsquosdiscursiveldquopointrdquobysettingitinreliefagainstan

233GBZSv2p33GBSSv4p328234ZhouBirsquoscriticalcommentsaretranslatedandanalyzedbyStephenOweninReadingsinChineseLiteraryThought(CambridgeHarvard-YenchingInstitute1992)pp421-34235OwenReadingsinChineseLiteraryThoughtpp422-25AlthoughthefirstcoupletofldquoDannourardquoisheavyondescriptiontheuseofthetermldquogrievancerdquo恨inthesecondlinedoesimplyjudgmentandhencealyricalsubjecttotheextentthatitforeshadowsthepoliticalmessageofthesecondcouplettherupturebetweenthecoupletsisnottotalandthepoemisnotaperfectexampleofldquoemptycontinuationrdquo

143

ostensiblyobjectivenon-evaluativebackgroundChūganstructuredmanyofhis

quatrainsthiswayandinlightofhisnotedfondnessforSantishiitisreasonableto

positthatheusedthecollectionverymuchasZhouBihadintendednamelyasan

explicitlyldquowriterlyrdquoguidebooktopoeticcomposition

Fromanartisticstandpointthebrevityofthequatrainformmakesitabetter

vehicleforimagismthanforsocialcritiqueandldquoDannourardquoinparticularseems

almostcalculatedtofrustrateaestheticexpectationsinitiallyofferingthereaderthe

pleasureofdetachedimagisticdescriptiononlytosnatchitawaywiththe

impositionofabluntmoralmessageItisanapproachthatcontrastsmarkedlywith

thattakenbyotherGozanpoetswhogenerallyavoidedovertdidacticismeven

whencomposingpoemsthatfitthematicallyintotheldquohistoryrdquo(JeishiCyongshi咏

史)sub-genreWhiletheBattleofDannouramayhaveheldparticularsignificance

forChūganasanexampleofsenselessfeudalwarfarehewasnottheonlyGozan

poettomemorializetheeventinverseNolessafigurethanZekkaiChūshinwould

alsodososeveraldecadeslaterthoughtomuchdifferentartisticeffectandmost

likelywithmuchdifferentmotivationsinmindThecontrastbetweenthetwo

versesisinstructive

赤間関

Akamagaseki236 風物眼前朝暮愁 Thescenebeforemyeyesbringsgrieffrommorningtillevening 寒潮頻拍赤城頭 Acoldtideceaselesslypoundingruinsofredstoneramparts 236AlocationonthesouthwesterntipofHonshuinwhatistodaythecityofShimonosekiItoverlookedthewatersinwhichtheBattleofDannouraoccurred

144

怪岩奇石雲中寺 Fearsomecragsandcuriousrocksguardatempleintheclouds 新月斜陽海上舟 Underthenewmoonandthesettingsunaboatdriftsuponthe

sea 十萬義軍空寂戚 Arighteousarmyofhundredthousandvanishedintoemptiness 三千剣客去悠悠 Threethousandswordsmenlostforalltime 英雄骨朽干戈地 Bonesofheroeswitheredawayuponthebattlefield 相憶倚欄看白鷗 LostinremembranceIleanonthebalustradewatchingthe

gulls237

TheBattleofDannourawasthefinaldecisiveengagementoftheGenpeiWar

源平合戦(1180-85)anepisodeofstrifeandgenerallawlessnessframedprincipally

bythecontestbetweentwomilitaryhousestheMinamoto源andtheTaira平The

TairawhohadbeenfleeingwestwardafterlosingKyotoweresoundlydefeatedand

wouldneverrecovertheirspectacularriseandfallwouldinspirewriters

throughoutthemedievaleraandtheBattleofDannourawouldcometobeseenas

themostpoignantanddramaticofallhistoricalJapanesebattlesThiswasnot

simplybecauseitwaslargebythestandardsoftheerabutbecausetheannihilation

ofthenewlyascendantTairawastotalandbecausetheyoungEmperorAntoku(r

1180-83)bornofaTairamotherandbarelysixyearsoldatthetimewasamong

thethousandsdrownedinthemelee

BothldquoDannourardquoandldquoAkamagasekirdquotreatthesamehistoricaleventbut

theirdifferencesarestrikingwhereChūganspeaksonlyofthebonesofthewar

237GBZSv2p1920IriyaedldquoGozanbungakushūrdquopp96-97

145

deadZekkaispeaksofthebonesofheroeswhereZekkaiconcludeswithan

aestheticizationofviolencethatmovesthereaderfromhumanmortalitytothe

freedomofnatureChūgansimplysuggeststhatthewarwasamisguidedconflict

overalimitedresource(ldquoIntheendhowmanycouldwinenfeoffmentrdquo)Zekkairsquos

poemmaybeinterpretedasoneofspiritualconciliation(chinkon鎮魂)a

traditionalfunctionofmuchmedievalliteratureontheGenpeiWarChūganmay

havechoseninsteadtoemphasizethefutilityofthatconflictformoreimmediate

purposesalmostsurelyintendinghisversetobeseenbyGo-DaigoandSadamune

HereitshouldberemarkedthatinsofarastheGenpeiWarrepresentedexactlythe

sortofconflictmostantitheticaltoafundamentallystatistConfucianworldview

Chūgansurelysawnocontradictioninbemoaningitevenashebackedtheroyal

causeagainsttheKamakuraregimeinhismemorial

AsobservedpreviouslyChūganbegantoexpressmorecriticalviewsofGo-

Daigorsquosrevolutioninearly1334followinghisreturntoKamakurauponthesudden

deathofSadamuneWhathefoundwhenhearrivedwasatownscarredbyviolence

anddespoliationDuringthesummerof1333aforcegatheredbythewarlordNitta

Yoshisada(1301-38)hithertoaprincipalvassaloftheshogunatehadmarchedon

KamakuraandattackedtheHōjōgarrisonAccordingtothefamousaccountinthe

historicalchronicleTaiheiki太平記thefightingwasheavyandlastedforsome

dayswithdefeatimminentHōjōTakatokisetfiretonumerousadministrative

buildingsretreatedtothetempleTōshōjiandcommittedsuicidealongwithseveral

146

hundredofhismen238ApproximatelyfiveyearslaterChūganmemorializedthese

eventsinaseriesofheptasyllabicquatrainsandbemoanedtheongoingpolitical

disarray

惜陰偶作

ImpromptuVersesLamentingthePassageofTime

昔年是日鎌倉破 SeveralyearsagoonthisdaythecityofKamakurafell 所在伽藍氣像皆 Thetemplesthatweretherethesceneryndashallofitwasreduced

tonothing239 商女不知僧侶恨 Thepeddlergirlsknownotthemonksrsquogrievances 賣柴賣菜打官街 Sellingfirewoodandgreenstheyhawkupanddownstreetsonce

linedwithgovernmentoffices240 雨壓炎塵涼似秋 Raintampsthescorchingdustandthecoolnessfeelslikeautumn 無根緑樹翳林丘 Rootlessverdanttreesshadewoodedhills241 摩挲老眼看如畫 Strainingmyoldeyesitlooksjustlikeapainting 若箇濛濛佛也愁 ButinthisdrizzlymisteventheBuddhawouldfeelmelancholy

238Taiheiki102104239Thecharacter皆nearlyalwaysadverbialheredenotesaverbmeaningldquotobereducedtonothingrdquoIhavebeenunabletodiscovercomparableexamplesofthisusageinChinesetextsthoughthevernacularJapaneseexpressionsminaninasuldquoexhaustrdquoldquoreducetonaughtrdquoandminaninaruldquobeexhaustedrdquowereincommonusebythemid-thirteenthcenturyTheearliestexampleseemstobefromKokonchomonjū古今著聞集acollectionofsetsuwa説話from1254KamimuradoesnotindicateakunreadingforthecharacterwhileYamagishiTokuheisuggeststsukiruwhichimpliesaroughsynonymywith盡hiscompletekundokurenderingofthepoemmaybefoundinldquoGozanbungakushūEdokanshishūrdquopp90-91240ThiscoupletonceagainseemstodrawdirectlyonthesecondcoupletofDuMursquosldquoMooringontheQinhuaiRiverrdquo(seenote214)241Presumablymistisobscuringthelowerportionofthetreesmakingitappearasiftheywereldquorootlessrdquo

147

佛也愁時神更悲 InatimewheneventheBuddhafeelsmelancholythegodsmust

besadderstill腥風鼓海社簾吹 Afoulwindwhipstheseaandtheblindsoftheshrineareblown

open去年華表隨龍去 Lastyeartheornamentedcolumnsfollowedthedragonand

departed水稽天人作龜 Amidstabanefulfloodofexcessthatreachestheheavensmen

becomeasturtles 更無前代好衣冠 Gonemoreoverarethegoodgentryofagespast 滿眼氛埃暗社壇 Myeyesfillwithbalefulduststhatbenightthealtar 終古黃梅時節雨 Fromtimeimmemorialtheseasonofripeplumshasbrought

rain今朝特地著愁看 TodayhoweverIlookuponitwithasenseofanxiousgrief242 世事隆衰自有時 Theaffairsoftheworldflowandebbeachinitsowntime 山河是矣但人非 Mountainsandriversareconstantbutmanisnot 戰骨未収邊戍起 Bonesofthewardeadlieuncollectedasbordergarrisonsarise 鐡衣早晩復儒衣 Butthesuitsofarmorsoonerorlaterwillbeexchangedonce

againforConfucianrobes243

242IfthesubjectistakentobetheseasonitselfthelastlinemightberenderedldquoTodayhoweveritwears(著)amienofgrief(愁看)rdquoThebasicsenseofthelineseemstobethattherainyseasonusuallyahappytimeisnotsothisyeartheinvocationofrainmayalsobeseentocontinuethefloodmetaphorintroducedinthesecondverse243GBZSv2pp35-36GBSSv4p352ThefourthverseisfoundonlyinGBSSwhichalsoincludestwoadditionalversesinthisgroup

148

AsinldquoTomoHarborrdquowomengoingabouteverydayactivitiesarepresented

asfiguresofignorancewhiletheylacknotformaterialmeanstheyremain

oblivioustothesociopoliticalproblemsthatsoexerciseChūganInthefourthand

lastversethecorrosiveeffectofmilitancyisthematizedintermsreminiscentofhis

essaysGenminandGensōNotablythispoemalsoemploysastrikingtonalprosody

thatreinforcesitsmessagewheretheopeningcoupletadheresperfectlytothe

tonalconventionsofarecent-stylequatrainthesecondquiteunexpectedlybreaks

entirelywiththoseconventionsTheresultisadramaticandproductivedissonance

inwhichinitialfidelitytoprosodicrulesbuttressesthedetachedandaphoristic

qualityofthefirstcoupletwhilethesubsequentviolationofthemamplifiesthe

impassionedcriticaltenorofthesecond244

Thesecondthirdandfourthversesseemjoinedinnarrativecontinuitywith

thesecondfunctioningasamostlydescriptivepreambletotheothertwoIneffect

thethreepoemsevinceanextensionofthedescriptive-didacticmodeswitching

observedpreviouslyonthelevelofindividualcoupletsThethirdverseisarguably

themostinterestingandtheonlyonethatallowsaplausibledateofcompositionto

beadducedItsfirstcoupletframedclearlyasacontinuationofthepreviousverse

244Thetonaldistributionisasfollows仄仄平平仄仄平 平平仄仄仄平平 仄仄仄平平仄仄(theexpectedpatternis平平仄仄平平仄) 仄平仄仄仄平平(theexpectedpatternis仄仄平平仄仄平)SuchalterationwasbynomeansunprecedentedintheChinesetraditionitishighlightedonlytodemonstratethemannerinwhichtonalpatterningaformalpropertymaycontributeintegrallytoapoemrsquoscontent

149

isamongthefewinChūganrsquospoetrytoexplicitlymentionJapanesekamiWhat

becomesclearinthenextcoupletwhichasdetailedbelowseemsdrivenbyan

uncommonlybolddoubleentendreisthattheentirepoemisanacerbictakeonthe

presentconditionoftheJapaneseimperiumByearly1337EmperorGo-Daigohad

fledKyotofortheruralmountainsofYoshinowherehehastilyestablishedarival

courtthatwouldholdoutagainsttheAshikagaShogunateforthenexthalf

century245AssumingGo-DaigorsquosflighttoYoshinoisindeedwhatChūganis

referringtotheversemusthavebeencomposedsometimein1338Theterm

renderedasldquofloodofexcessrdquoiskōsui 水(Cjiangshui)arelativelyrarephrasethat

appearsmostfamouslyinMengzi

BoGuisaidldquoIexcelevenKingYuinwatermanagementrdquoMengzirepliedldquoYouaremistakensirInwatermanagementKingYufollowedthewayofwaterForthisreasonKingYuhadtheFourSeasashisreservoirButyouonlyhaveneighboringstatesasyourreservoirOpposingthecourseofthewateriswhatledtotheldquooverflowingwatersrdquo( )Theoverflowingwaterswerefloodingwaters(洪水)ThisissomethinghatedbybenevolentpeopleYouaremistakensir246白圭曰丹之治水也愈於禹孟子曰子過矣禹之治水水之道也是故禹以四海為壑今吾子以鄰國為壑水逆行謂之 水 水者洪水也仁人之所惡也吾子過矣

BoGuifailsbecauseheunlikethegreatKingYuattemptstocontrolwaterwithout

regardforitsnatureInlightofbothChūganrsquospreviouswritingsandtheother

versesinthisgrouptheimplicationofthepoemseemsobviouslikeBoGuirsquos

245ThisiswhatisreferredtoastheSouthernCourtitsestablishmentmarksthebeginningoftheso-calledNorthernandSouthernCourts(Nanbokuchō)南北朝erainJapanesehistorywhichcontinueduntilarapprochementbetweenthecourtswasreachedin1392246Mengzi6B11VanNordenMengzip168

150

misguidedapproachtomanagingwaterthepursuitofsuzeraintythroughmartial

preeminenceisaviolationthewayofthebenevolentman(仁人)andtheupheavals

ithaswroughtuponthecountryhavesaddenedthekamiThephraseldquomenbecome

asturtlesrdquoisintriguingandpossiblyquiteedgyAtfirstblanchldquoturtlerdquomayappear

anunsurprisingimageinacoupletthatcontainsfloodwatersandadragonsince

bothdragonsandturtlesareconventionallyassociatedwithwaterAconservative

interpretationofthelinemightthereforebethatpeoplenormallyterrestrial

creaturesareforcedtobecomeldquoamphibiousrdquoinordertosurvivethenewpolitical

environmentThewordldquoturtlerdquohowevercouldalsobeaninsultinvernacular

Chinesemeaningeitherldquobastardrdquoorldquocuckoldrdquo247Inthislightthelineseemsto

suggestthatpeoplehavebeendupedanddegradedamidstapowerstrugglethat

representsorhasunleashedadeluge(水)ofpoliticaldysfunctionItneednotbe

assumedthattheldquofloodofexcessrdquoisGo-DaigorsquosaloneChūgansurelywouldhave

laidagreatdealofblameupontheascendantAshikagawhorepresentedprecisely

thekindofauthorityheloathedndashyetanotherldquohegemonrdquo覇inastatestillwithouta

truekingEvensogiventhatldquodragonrdquoisamongthecommonesteuphemismsfor

247ThefirstsensederivesfromafolkbeliefaccordingtowhichmaleturtleswereincapableofcopulationrequiringfemaleturtlestomatewithsnakesinordertolaytheireggstherebymakingturtlesldquobastardsrdquobydefinitionAccordingtoMorohashiTetsujithesenseofldquoturtlerdquoassomethinglikeldquocuckoldrdquo(specificallyamanwhosewifeisengagedinextramaritalliaisonsorprostitution)datestotheTangasmightbeexpectedhowevertextualexamplesaremuchmoreplentifulinlaterperiodsAninformativeanalysisofvernacularinsultsinthenovelShuihuzhuan水滸傳(WaterMargin)theearliestportionsofwhichwereauthoredaroundthetimeChūganwasactiveisgiveninLiuPeipeildquolsquoShuihuzhuanrsquolimayanjiujiqizaiHuayuwenjiaoxuezhongdeyiyirdquo(MAThesisNationalChengchiUniversity2011)ldquoTurtlerdquoandrelatedtermsarecoveredonp39

151

emperorsandthedragoninthisverseseemsunambiguouslytobeGo-Daigothe

coupletmaywellbethemostdaringinhisoeuvre248

Continuingthefocusonthedeclineofoncehallowedinstitutionsthefourth

verselamentstheabsenceofestimableofficials(衣冠)andseeminglytheprofaning

ofthereligiousworldbycurrentevents(thisatanyratewouldappeartobethe

implicationoftheintriguinglocutionldquobalefuldustsbenightingthealtarrdquo)249The

termrenderedasldquoaltarrdquoisshadan社壇(Cshetan)thisisthebroadestandmost

elementarytranslationanditisconsistentwiththeuseofthewordinpre-and

earlyimperialChinaInaspecificallyJapanesecontexthowevershadanmayalso

denotetheraisedareaofearthonwhichthemainbuilding(shaden社殿)ofaShinto

shrineisbuiltItisreasonabletoassumethatthissensewouldhavebeeneasily

apprehendedbymostmedievalreadersespeciallyinlightoftheexplicitmentionof

kamiinthepreviousverseTotheextentthatterminologyassociatedwithkami

worshipleadssyntagmaticallytoJapanesekingshipandthetraditional

apotheosizedbodypoliticonemayreadilyinterpretthebenightingoftheldquoaltarrdquoto

figurethecorruptionorocclusionoftheimperialmajestyAltogetherthelanguage

mightseemtosuggestaratherromanticizedvisionoftheoldroyalorder

248Intheinterestofphilologicalcompletenessanadditionalandquitedifferenthistoricalmeaningofthephrase作龜isldquosetuptheturtlerdquoandreferstoplastromancyamethodofdivinationinwhichturtleplastronsareheatedandtheresultingcracksinterpretedItisnotimpossibletoconstruethelineonthebasisofthissenseforinstancebysupposingittomeanthatinuncertaintimespeopleturntodivinationHoweverthiswouldseemarathermildandanticlimacticconclusiontoalinethatbeganbyemphaticallydescribingastateoframpantmoralwaywardnessandmismanagementndashldquoabanefulfloodofexcessthatreachestheheavensrdquo( 水稽天)249Onldquobalefuldustsrdquo氛埃seenote252below

152

objectivelyspeakingJapanwasprobablygovernedaswellduringtheKamakura

periodasduringanyageofitspremodernhistoryEventheimperialcourtwhile

increasinglyovershadowedbytheshogunatewasatthattimeasubstantially

healthierinstitutionthanithadbecomebytimeofthispoemIndeedChūganmay

beimplicitlyadmittingasmuchthroughhisuseofthesomewhatelastictermzendai

(Cqiandai前代)whichcouldjustaseasilyrefertothepreviousageastoldquopastagesrdquo

ingeneralAndgiventheseeminglynostalgicreferenceinthefirstversetoldquostreets

(once)linedwithgovernmentofficesrdquo(官街)itisevenconceivablethatChūganwas

nolongerquitesoilldisposedtowardsthevanquishedKamakuraregimeashehad

beeninhisearlierwritingshavinggrownupinthevicinityofKamakuraitselfhe

couldnotbuthaverecalledthattheyearsofhisyouthwereatleastmarkedby

politicalstabilityifnotbyhisdesiredpoliticalorderInanyeventtheoverriding

themeoftheseversesndashdissolutionandlossonlevelsbothinstitutionalandspiritual

ndashwasonetowhichChūganwouldreturnfrequentlyduringtheyearsofcivilunrest

thatinauguratedtheturbulentMuromachiera

Yetregardlessofhisdistasteforshogunalauthorityorhishopeforunitary

imperialgovernanceChūgancouldseeaswellasanyonethatbytheendofthe

1330sthefightinghadsucceededonlyinmovingJapanevenfurtherfromthatideal

Inthewinterof1339Chūganassumedtheheadshipofthenewlybuilttemple

KichijojiandpubliclyembracedtheRinzailineageofDongyangDehuiDespitethe

hostilitythisprovokedtheearly1340swereaproductivetimehispoeticoutput

remainedhighandhishistoricalworkNihonshowhichwouldprobablyhave

requiredmanymonthsofresearchwascompletedin1341Thatyearalso

153

occasionedwhatisprobablyhismostfamoussinglepoemalengthymeditationon

thesufferingofthepoorduringanunusuallydestructiveblizzardThepieceis

amongthefinestworksofsocialengagementinmedievalJapaneseliteratureand

waspossiblythefirstofChūganrsquospoemstobetranslatedintoEnglish250

春雪

SpringSnow 辛巳二月二十五 Onthetwenty-fifthdayofthesecondmonthintheyearofjunior-

metalsnake(1341)相陽大雪深五尺 Sōyōrecordedasnowfallfivefeetdeep251初聞郭索歩窗前 AtfirstIheardasoundlikecrabsmarchingatthewindow俄驚樹杪風淅瀝 Thensoonaroseawindwhistlingthroughthetreetops252

250SeeBurtonWatsonJapaneseLiteratureinChinesevol2(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1976)pp28-29251ThefirsttwolinesdespiteseemingmorelikeparatextualheadnotesaretreatedinthevulgateeditionofTōkaiichiōshūandallsubsequentsourcesaspartofthepoemproperThisseemstobebecausetheentering-tonecharacter尺rhymeswiththeremainingfinalcharactersofeven-numberedlinesallofwhichareenteringtoneandinMiddleChineseconcludewiththeconsonantclusteriekiɛk252ThesoundofcrabsmarchingisanunusualfigureforthesoundsassociatedwithfallingsnowChūganseemstohavelikeditforitappearsintheopeningcoupletofanotherofhispoemsldquoExpressingMyFeelingsontheTopicofSnowrdquo題雪寄懐ldquoThemarchingofcrabsiswhatfirstIheardinthebamboosoutsidemywindowInadreamitrapsuponmyfreezingpillowasoundlonelyandsparserdquo蟹歩先聞窓外竹夢敲寒枕響疎々AlocusclassicusforthisfigurehasremainedelusiveIriyaYoshitakaremarksthatheisunawareofexampleselsewhereSeeldquoGozanbungakushūrdquop297Thewordkakusaku郭索(Cguosuo)doesappearinacoupletbyLinBu林逋(967-1028)ldquoThroughthegrassandmudcrabsgomarchingFrombecloudedtreescomecriesofthefrancolinrdquo草泥行郭索雲木叫鉤輈TherestofthispoemseemstohavebeenlostbutthecoupletiscitedwithadmirationbyOuyangXiuinhisGuitianlu歸田錄andagainbyShenKuo沈括(1031-1095)inhisfamousMengxibitan夢溪筆談(DreamPoolEssays)TherelevanceofthisissimplythatLinBuwasalreadymuchbelovedbyGozanpoetsandacoupletofLinrsquospraisedbyOuyangwouldstandanexcellentchanceofcirculatingwidelyamongthem

154

淅瀝轉作砰湃聲 Thenthewhistlingbecamearoaring百千雷霆鬭相撃 Athousandthunderclapsatwarwithoneanother253開窗昧目萬斛灰 Openingthewindowmygazewasdarkenedbyvastmassofash急掩扉頃便堆席 HurriedlyIshutthedoorandstackedupthemats254去年栽竹忽遭摧 ThebamboosIplantedlastyearwerecrushedinaninstant林木挫抑何是惜 Butwithwholestandsofwoodlandtreesbentandbowedwhat

useisthereinbewailingthem鎌倉城在海東南 InKamakurathecitybytheseasoutheastofhere古老皆言未嘗覿 Theoldmenallsaytheyrsquoveneverseenanythinglikethisbefore且如今年元日来 ThoughthefirstdayoftheNewYearhasdawned天弄陰機非旦夕 Heavenhasseenfittolooseitsmysteriousdesignanderaseall

distinctionbetweenthedawnandtheevening255陌上泥濘没牛尻 Onroadsthemudswallowsoxenuptotheirhindquarters故旧訪我難為屐 Impedingtheprogressofoldfriendswhotrytovisitme北客見慣能憑陵 Visitorsfromthenorthaccustomedtosuchconditions

shamelesslybullyandcadge土人縮頸不便僻 Localsmerelykeeptheirheadsdownunwillingtoactspeciously253ThiscoupletrecallslinesfromOuyangXiursquosldquoRhapsodyontheAutumnWindrdquo秋聲賦ldquoAtfirstitblewwithawhistlingshrillThensuddenlyitroaredlikeathunderinggalloprdquo初淅瀝以蕭颯忽奔騰而砰湃254WhiteashappearsinearlierChinesepoemsasametaphorforsnowHoweverashalsocarriesconnotationsofdeathandinthecontextofthispoemthesensethetermgeneratesisoneofforeboding255ThelinescontainamildpunonthefirstdayoftheNewYearwhichisconventionallytermedgantan(Cyuandan元旦)orldquoFirstDawnrdquoThecompoundterminki陰機(Cyinqi)renderedaboveasldquomysteriousdesignrdquoseemstobeparticularlycommoninpoemstreatingblizzardsItisfoundforinstanceinonebyHanYutitledldquoSnowintheYearofJunior-MetalHarerdquo(辛卯年雪)whichincludestheexactphrase弄陰機andinonebytheQingpoetQianQianyi錢謙益(1582-1664)alsotitledldquoSpringSnowrdquo(春雪)

155

咫尺鄰里少相過 Evenpeoplefromtheclosestneighboringvillagesseldomcrosspaths

百賈晝眠絶交易 Merchantssleeptillnoonandceaseconductingbusiness富門御冬蓄有余 Therichhaveamplestorestogetthemthroughthewinter机俎羅張厭脯腊 Withtraysandtablessplendidlyarrayedtheyhavetheirfillof

driedmeats銷金帳裡那知寒 Shutsafelybehindgoldencurtainswhatdotheyknowofthe

cold淺斟低唱情自適 Sippingwineandsingingsoftlytheyarecompletelyatease256窮家数日突無煙 Butfrompoorhousesnosmokerisesfordaysonend嬴臥陋巷同窀穸 Inmeanalleyshovelslielowlikerowsofgraves詩書萬巻徒撑腸 Allthepoemsandbooksintheworlddonothingtofillanempty

stomach竟不能療朝饑慼 Nevercouldtheyofferrelieffromthemorningrsquoshunger一束柴索價遼天 Forasinglebundleoffirewoodthegoingpriceishigherthanthe

heavens五合黄陳無處糴 Andameaslyfivecupsofstaleyellowedgrainarenowheretobe

bought或言雖晩瑞豊年 Somesaythatalthoughitcamelatetheblizzardbetokensayear

ofgoodharvests為我未免按剣戟 Buttomeitaugursnotbutfurtherresorttoswordsandspears257

256Thephraseldquosippingwineandsingingsoftlyrdquo淺斟低唱isacommonidiomthatappearsinnumerousSong-erapoemsincludingonebyFanChengda257HereChūganmaybemakingapunonthephrase為我(CweiwoJwagatame)whichhappensalsotodenoteYangZhursquosldquohedonistrdquophilosophyofself-preservation(inthismeaningthecompoundwouldgenerallybepronouncedigainJapanese)Ifthisissotheideawouldseemtobethatrampantself-interestperhapsintensifiedinthewakeoftheblizzardisultimatelywhatmakesthefightinginevitableAsaprepositionalphrase為我appearsinHanyuefuwiththemeaningofldquoonmy(orour)behalfrdquoandinChūganrsquospieceitisprobablybestunderstoodtomeansomethinglikeldquobymylightsrdquo

156

IntheJapanesekanshitraditionldquoSpringSnowrdquoisreminiscentofamasterful

seriesoftenpentasyllabicpoemstitledldquoFeelingtheColdEarlyrdquo寒早bySugawara

noMichizane菅原道眞(845-903)acourtscholaroftheHeianperiodwhoremains

oneofJapanrsquosmostwidelyappreciatedliterarySiniticpoetsAlltenpoemsbegin

withthelineldquoWhofeelsthecoldtheearliestrdquo何人寒氣早theythenproceedto

identifyvariouspeoplesuchaspeasantrunawaysorphansandelderlywidowers

whosewintertimesufferingisexacerbatedbytheirdifficultpersonalcircumstances

ThoughtheindividualsandsituationsMichizanedescribedwereinspiredbyhis

actualexperiencesasaprovincialgovernorthepoemsthemselvesbetraylittle

informationregardingthecontextoftheircompositionandtheartisticgazeofthe

poetisrarelyifeverintrusiveorinsistentTothisextenttheyareperhapsmore

aestheticallysatisfyingthanldquoSpringSnowrdquowhichdespitepossessinggreater

linguisticrichnessthanldquoDannourardquoandldquoTomoHarborrdquoshareswiththoseversesa

persistentlyldquosingulativerdquothrustthatanchorsitfirmlytoitshistoricalmoment258It

ishardtoconceiveofalesspoeticcoupletthantheonewithwhichldquoSpringSnowrdquo

beginsthismatter-of-factstartalongwiththestrictchronologicalorderinwhich

eventsarepresentedimpartstothepieceastronglydocumentaryordiaristicflavor

TheclosinglineforegroundsthelyricalldquoIrdquowhooffersfinaljudgmentonthe

significanceoftheeventsjustdescribedThisspeakerwhomthereaderisledby

conventiontoconstrueasChūganhimselfposesquestionsrelatesindirectquotes

258BycontrastMichizanersquospoemscomeclosertoldquoiterativediscoursesrdquowhereasinglediscourseevokesapluralityofsimilareventsSeeRichardHowardtransTzvetanTodorovIntroductiontoPoetics(MinneapolisUnivofMinnesotaPress1997)p31

157

andrecountsbothhisownresponsestotheblizzardandtheresponsesofothers

Asidefromldquocrabsmarchingatthewindowrdquoandtheconventionalsubstitutionofash

forsnowfigurativelanguageisalmostnonexistentparticularlyinthesecondhalfof

thepoemwherenearlyeverycoupletseemstoadvancesocialcritiqueDescription

tooiskepttoaminimumatleastifthattermistakentomeanthesortofdetached

non-evaluativetreatmentofobjectivephenomenainwhichsymbolismratiocination

andintertextualcodingiseschewed

ItiseasyenoughtounderstandtheserhetoricalfeaturesofldquoSpringSnowrdquoas

aconsequenceofChūganrsquospoliticalcommitmentswhichwhenarticulatedinverse

producedworksmoreorlessanalogousinspirittohisexpositoryproseSocial

protestisofcourseamongtheoldestestablishedfunctionsoftheshiandtothat

extentldquoSpringSnowrdquofitsreadilyintothebroaderChinesepoetictradition

Moreoverasanancient-styleshiwithnofixedlengthorstringentprosodic

requirementsldquoSpringSnowrdquoissubstantiallyfreerandmorecapaciousthantightly

knitrecent-stylequatrainssuchasldquoDannourardquoandldquoTomoHarborrdquoProseof

courseisfreerstillandsentimentslikethoseexpressedinthesecondhalfof

ldquoSpringSnowrdquowouldindeedbewellsuitedtothevariousnon-fictionalprosegenres

commonlyusedtolodgeprotestinmedievalJapanegge解mōshijō申状and

shūjō愁状Butbyexpressingtheminashithepoetautomaticallyunderscores

theiremotionalauthenticitywithoutcompromisingthehistoricalveracityofthe

eventsrelatedIncontradistinctiontoworksfromgenressuchasfushiwere

traditionallyreadasnon-fictionalemotionallysinceretreatmentsofthings

158

witnessedorexperiencedbythepoet259Whilethisassumptionofnon-fictionality

canprobablyberelaxedsomewhatforpost-Tangshi260ldquoSpringSnowrdquowouldstill

generallyhavebeenreadbyChūganrsquoscontemporariesasbothatruthfulaccountof

andaliterarymemorialtoreal-lifehardshipswitnessedfirsthandAdditionallyby

fusingmoralconcernwithaestheticexperiencepoemslaidclaimtoavastlylarger

readershipthanpracticaldocumentstypicallydidwhilealdquopeasantgrievance

reportrdquo(hyakushōshūjō百姓愁状)wasintendedtoelicitactionfromgovernment

officialsandestateproprietorsapoemwasintendedforposteritySolongasthe

shigenreremainedvitalevenoneassingulativeasldquoSpringSnowrdquowouldsurvivethe

passageoftimeintactandundiminisheditsinterventionistpotentialoperativenot

justontheleveloflogosbutalsoandindeedprimarilyonthelevelofpathos

InthemeanddictionampleprecedentforldquoSpringSnowrdquomaybefoundasfar

backastherealistpoetryoftheJianrsquoan建安era(196-220)particularlyinthework

ofpoetssuchasWangCan王粲(177-217)CaoZhi曹植(192-232)andtheslightly

laterFuXian傅咸(239-94)whosebriefpentasyllabicpieceldquoSufferingThrougha

RainySpellrdquo(愁霖詩)touchesonaverysimilarthemeandemploysstrikingly

similarmotifs

舉足沒泥濘Iliftupafootonlytosinkintothemuck市道無行車Ontheroadtothemarketnocartsgo

259StephenOwenTraditionalChinesePoetryandPoetics(TaipeiSouthernMaterialsCenter1985)pp3457260OwennotesthatsomeofLiShangyinrsquospoetrycomesveryneartofictionandthatSong-erapoetsnolongersharedthesamefaithastheirforebearsinanldquouncreateduniverserdquowheretraditionalmodesofpoeticexpressionweresimplyldquonaturalrdquoSeeTraditionalChinesePoetryandPoeticspp5288-89

159

蘭桂賤朽腐Orchidsandcinnamonarecheaperthanrottingtrash柴栗貴明珠Firewoodandmilletaremorepreciousthanlustrous

pearls261

ThelatterhalfofldquoSpringSnowrdquoispropelledbyaseriesoftropesthatwouldhave

beenimmediatelyrecognizabletoFuXianamillenniumbeforethedisparity

betweentherichandthepoorthedifficultiesingettingaroundandthepriceof

dailynecessitiesIfthereisanotablepointofthematicdifferenceintheway

ChineseandJapanesepoetshandledthistypeofmaterialitisthatpolitical

conditionsinChinaatleastduringerasofunityandstrongcentralgovernance

ofteninclinedpoetstheretofocusspecificallyontheroleoferrantgovernment

policiesincausingorexacerbatingpovertyBoJuyi白居易(772-846)probablythe

bestknownChinesepoetinpremodernJapanproduceddozensofintenselydidactic

poemssomeintheldquoNewMusicBureaurdquo(xinyuefu)genrebemoaningpeasant

hardshipsandexcoriatingofficialcorruption262Shipoetryexpressingsimilar

sentimentswascommonthroughouttheSongDynastybeginningwiththeworkof

earlyfiguressuchasOuyangXiuandWangAnshi王安石(1021-86)Bothwereelite

scholar-bureaucratswhoexpressedinverseharshcriticismsofgovernmentpolicies

theythoughtmisguided263AndFanChengdaapoetofotherwisehumble

261Taipingyulanv1ldquoTianburdquo11ldquoYuxiardquo262SeeKondōHaruoHaku-shimonjūtokokubungakushingafushinchūginnokenkyū(TokyoMeijishoin1990)LiaoMeiyunYuan-Baixinyuefuyanjiu(TaipeiTaiwanxueshengshuju1989)263FamousexamplesincludeWangrsquospoemldquoConfiscatingSaltrdquo(收鹽)whichdepictstheenforcementofthegovernmentsaltmonopolyandOuyangrsquospoemldquoThePeopleWhoEatDregsrdquo(食糟民)whichcriticizesthegovernmentmonopolyonwine-making

160

beginningsstillaspiredlikemostofhiscontemporariestoacareerintheofficial

bureaucracyanaspirationherealizedafterpassingtheimperialexaminationin

1154LikeOuyangXiuandWangAnshihispoeticoeuvrecontainsmanyverses

highlightingthesufferingofthepeasantryseveralofwhichmakereferencetotax

burdensndashathemealsoaddressedbyBoJuyi264

ThoughnotunknownsuchpoetrywasagooddeallesscommoninJapan

Whileseveralfactorsmightbeadducedtoexplainthisdifferenceinartistic

sensibilitytwoseemparticularlyrelevantFirstandmostparsimoniouslythe

numberofovertlyldquosociallyconsciousrdquoJapanesepoetswaslimitedbythefactthat

vernacularpoeticmediawereseldommarshaledforsocialcriticismalthoughthe

greatManrsquoyōshūpoetYamanouenoOkura山上憶良(c660-733)diddoexactlythat

hestandsfaroutsideofwhatbecamethemainstreamwakatradition265Second

andmoregermanetopresentpurposesprofessionalservicetoalargecentralized

bureaucraticstatewithwidespreadauthorityovertaxationandlandadministration

wasnotanavenueavailabletothemedievalJapanesepoetsincesuchastatesimply

didnotexistTherewasnoimperialexaminationsystemorcomparablemechanism

fordrawingmenoftalentintogovernmentserviceandeveniftherehadbeenthe

Kyotoauthoritiesevenbeforethewrenchingeventsofthe1330swereinno

positiontomakeandenforcepolicyonacountrywidescaleItistherefore

264SeeRonaldEganldquoShiPoetryAncientandRecentStylesrdquoinCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetryp324KondōHaku-shimonjūtokokubungakupp307-311265Justhowdifferenthewas(andremains)fromanyothermajorwakapoetisrevealedbythefactthatinjustonelongversehisfamousldquoDialogwiththeImpoverishedrdquo(ldquoHinkyūmondōnoutardquo貧窮問答歌)heuses30termsfoundnowhereelseinManrsquoyōshūndashacollectionofalmost4500poems

161

unsurprisingthatChūganrsquospoemconcludesnotbycastigatinggovernment

monopolies(therewerenone)orexcessivetaxationbutwithconcernoverthe

ever-presentpossibilityoflocalizedwarfare266

WhileldquoSpringSnowrdquomayhavedrawninspirationfromthewritingsofSong

DynastyintellectualssuchasFanChengdaandOuyangXiuthepoemisotherwise

consonantwithlongstandingrhetoricalconventionsregardingthetreatmentof

socialillsinshianditdoesnotrevealcharacteristicallySong-eraaesthetic

preferencesasplainlyassomeofChūganrsquosothercompositionsdoAndbecausefew

linesweresetinthedescriptivemodeldquoSpringSnowrdquoalsoevincesgreaterstylistic

uniformitythanapoemsuchasldquoDannourardquowhichswitchedfromacomparatively

staiddescriptivevignetteofflowersandfishermentoasubject-centeredmoral

argumentaboutfeudalcompetitionSuchmodeswitchingcreatescleavagesinthe

poemthatdisruptthereadingprocessandbeckonthereaderbacktothelevelof

narrativecontentalthoughtheapproachworksagainstaestheticreverieitmakes

forveryeffectivehomilyahortatorygenreinwhichChūganlikemostGozanliterati

266OppressivetaxationcouldofcoursebeaprobleminmedievalJapantoobutrarelyifeverbecauseofpoliciesadoptedbytheimperialcourtoreventheshogunateBythethirteenthcenturylegalrightstoagriculturalincome(shiki職)wereofmanifoldvarietyonagivenpropertymanydifferenttypesofshikiwouldbeheldbymanydifferentclaimantswhoseinterestsmighteasilycomeintoconflictWhilethehighnobilityortheshogunatemightclaimrightstoincomefromacertainpropertysotoomightmilitarygovernors(shugo)andtheirdeputies(shugo-dai)localestatestewards(jitō)estatesuperintendants(gesu)estatemanagers(tadokoro)andsoonMoreoftenthannotthosemostresponsibleforsqueezingtheresidentsofaparticularestatewerenotKyotoaristocratsbutjitōandotherldquomenofthelandrdquo(kokujin)Bytheearly15thcenturytaxesleviedbyshugowereoftenmoreonerousthanthoseleviedbytheMuromachishogunate

162

waseminentlyproficient267Whilethisfactisnotespeciallyrelevanttoworksthat

werenotintendedtoteachorpersuadeitiscentraltopoemswhosemanifestaimis

toimparttothereaderreligioustruthsSuchisthecasewithmanyverses

exchangedwithotherZenprelatesthesetendtounfoldratherlikesermonsand

theyresemblegāthasintheclarityoftheirdoctrinalargumentsThefollowing

poemwritteninresponsetoonefromfellowGozanluminaryBetsugenEnshi別源

円旨(1294-1364)isamongChūganrsquosfinestandillustratestheapproachwell

和答別源

HarmonizingReplytoBetsugen 窓間吐月夜沈々 Thewindowdisclosesthemoonasnightwearson 壁角光生藤一尋 Inacorneroftheroomitglintsinthelightmysix-footstaff 窮達与時倶有命 Frustrationandsuccessarrivewhentheywillasbothare

determinedbyfate268 行藏於世総無心 Actioninandwithdrawalfromtheworldmustalwaysbedonein

astateofno-mind 夢中誰謂彼非此 Whointhemidstofadreamwoulddeclarethatldquothatrdquoisnot

ldquothisrdquo 覺後方知古不今 Itisonlyuponwakingthatoneknowsthepastisnotthepresent 自笑未能除僻病 Ilaughatmyselfforbeingstillunabletoeliminatemywayward

habits 逸然乗興發高吟 IneaseandidlenessIfollowwherevermyinspirationleadsand

chantversesaloud

267Chūganmayhavebeenevenmoreadeptatdoctrinallyfocusedhomileticexpositionthanhispeersasreligiousdisquisitions(説)andcommentaries(疏)arefoundingreaternumbersinTōkaiichiōshūthaninmostGozancollections268Thephraseldquotobefatedrdquo有命isunderstoodasinLunyu125ldquoI(Zixia)haveheardthislsquoDeathandLifearemattersoffatewealthandworldlyhonorareinthehandsofHeavenrsquordquo商聞之矣死生有命富貴在天

163

Iftheopeningcoupletofthisversemaybeascribedaspecificrhetorical

functionitistoclearthemindandallowittorestinimagerythatisinsomeway

propadeuticaltotheensuingmessageThesuddenappearanceofthemoonitselfa

conventionalsymbolofenlightenmentrevealsinitslightanobjectthatisbotha

metonymfortheBuddhistpriesthoodandowingtoitssheen(ithasbeenrubbed

smoothoveryearsofuse)asymbolforoldageandtheworld-wisdomitbrings

Possessedofaquietdignitybefittingitssymbolicpotencythestaffconnectsone

prelatetoanotherandinturnconnectsanywould-bereadertothebroader

BuddhistepistemeHavingthussettheappropriatemoodChūganproceedstooffer

aseriesofthematicallytraditionalaphoristicstatementsaboutthenatureofaction

andindividualachievementBothldquofrustrationrdquo(窮)andldquosuccessrdquo(達)are

contingentuponbeingintherightplaceattherighttimeundersuchcircumstances

thechoicefacingtheprincipledscholariethatbetweenacting(行)intheworld

andwithdrawing(蔵)fromitisbestmadeinastateofnon-intentionalityHere

twoconceptsredolentofBuddhistthoughtldquono-mindrdquo無心andldquoawakeningrdquo覺are

marshaledtoaddresswhatisinessenceaclassicproblemofConfucianethicsactin

corruptedworldandriskbeingcorruptedorwithdrawandwaitforamore

opportunemomentInamovetypicalofZenliteraturethefinalcoupletresolves

thematterbylettingitgoandturnsinsteadtowardsprivatejoys

ThereismuchinthispoemthatspeaksdirectlytoChūganrsquospersonal

experiencestheidealisticscholar-vizieronceeagertoservehiscountryinaldquopublicrdquo

capacityisrejectedforhisbeliefsyetinturningwithinandreflectinguponhisown

164

shortcomingsheultimatelyachievesameasureofpeaceItisoftenthecasein

Chūganrsquospoetrythatplaintsofindividualmisfortuneandstatementsofself-

reflectionfeaturemostprominentlyinversesexchangedwithfriendsThisistobe

expectedalthoughworkssuchasldquoDannourardquoldquoSpringSnowrdquoandthepoems

comprisingldquoImpromptuVersesLamentingthePassageofTimerdquoallexpressthe

subjectivemoraljudgmentsoftheirauthortheymainlydescribesocietalas

opposedtoindividualmisfortunesandareaddressedtonooneinparticularThe

nextversewhichwascomposedforanotherofZhuxianFanxianrsquosJapanesedisciples

UnbōEitaku雲夢裔澤isessentiallyapersonallettersetinrhymingcoupletsIt

beginswithafamiliarrecountingofsocietalillsbutthennarrowsitsfocustothe

varioustrialsbesettingthetwofriendsaswithldquoSpringSnowrdquoitsadherencetothe

formalconventionsoftheshirendersitnotjustadescriptionofbutalsoamemorial

tothehardshipsitrecounts

送澤雲夢

SeeingoffTakuUnbō269乾坤干戈未息時 Atatimewhentheviolenceoftheworldremainsunabated氛埃眛目風橫起 Balefuldustsblownaslantcloudtheeyes270餓者轉死盈道路 Thestarvingdieinturnfillingtheroads

269ldquoTakuUnbōrdquo澤雲夢isaninvertedthree-characterabbreviationofUnbōEitaku雲夢裔澤theseabbreviationshadbeenacommonpracticeamongJapaneseliteratisinceantiquityAsnotedinthebiographicalintroductionChūganEngetsu中巌円月usuallybecomesldquoGetsuChūganrdquo月中巌270IriyaYoshitakaunderstandsthecompoundfunrsquoai氛埃(Cfenrsquoai)asldquodustofwarrdquo戦塵(senjinzhanchen)atermthatdoesappearelsewhereinChūganrsquospoetryItsbasicsenseissimplyldquofoulairrdquo

165

荒城白日狐狸嬉 Intheruinedcityfoxesandbadgerssportinbroaddaylight我問楽土在何許 WhereIaskisthereaplacefreefromsorrow一身可以安棲遲 ThatImightliveinpeaceandease固欲適他無所適 HowIhavewishedtogosomeplaceelsebutthereisnowhereto

go之子先我將何之 Thisfellowwhogoesbeforemendashwhereishegoing倉卒告別難為情 Withsuchahurriedpartingfeelingsareimpossibletoexpress袖出剡藤索吾詩 Itakefrommysleeveapieceofpaperandtrytocomeupwitha

verse浮雲流水無定跡 ldquoDriftingcloudsandflowingwaterleavenofixedtrace再得會合試難期 Thereisbutthefaintesthopethatwewillevermeetagainrdquo久厄艱危我羸臥 LongbesetbytroublesIlaydownillandgaunt磨墨揮毫皆不為 Irubinkandtakeupmybrushbutitisalltonoavail感君拳拳有厚意 Movedbytheearnestnessofyourconviction勉強起來拂烏皮 Iforcemyselfupandclearoffmydesk惜君學道不日成 Ilamentthatyourstudieswillsoonbecomplete如何早離金仙師 Howisitthatyoutakeleavesosoonofyourgoldensaintly

master271想君似我乏供給 Ithinkyoulikemeareinstraightenedestate不得已故得相辭 Andwethushavenochoicebuttosayourgoodbyes望君此去逢佳境 Ihopeafteryouleavehereyoufindaplaceofhappiness招我薯蕷同充饑 Invitemethenforsomewildyamsandletuseatourfill

together272271IeZhuxianFanxian272GBZSv2p7GBSSv4p335IriyaldquoGozanbungakushūrdquopp289-91

166

Asinthemoreexplicitlypoliticalpoemsencounteredalreadywarandsocial

unrestfigureprominentlybutthisversearrivesataconclusionthatisintriguingly

ambiguousThefinalcoupletoffersawarmentreatythatbespeaksatleastthe

possibilityofenjoymentamidstprivationyettherestofthepoemclearlybelies

Chūganrsquosconfidencethataldquoplaceofhappinessrdquocaninfactbefoundorthatthetwo

friendsreallywillseeeachotheragainOtherfeaturessuchasself-interrogation

andlanguagesuggestiveofeverydayspeecharehighlytypicalofChūganrsquoswork

whiletheinsertionofametacouplet(ldquoDriftingcloudsandflowingwaterleaveno

fixedtraceThereisbutthefaintesthopethatwewillevermeetagainrdquo)itselfpart

ofanekphrasticaccountofthewritingprocessisuniquetothispoemEvenby

ChūganrsquosstandardsthepieceisunusualintherangeoftopicsitcoversThegazeof

thepoetmovesgraduallyfromalargethematicspace(medievalJapan)anda

universaloratleastwidelysharedemotionalexperience(livingintimesofstrife)

toanintimatespace(theZenmonasticcommunity)andasinglemomentinthearc

ofaparticularfriendship

ForChūganpersonalexperienceandsocietalexperiencewereimbricatedto

adegreeunseeninthepoetryofhiscontemporariesThisisnotofcourse

equivalenttoclaimingthathefeltthesufferingofothersorthetumultofhisage

morekeenlythandidotherpoetsonlythathewasmorewillingthantheywereto

directlythematizeviolenceandsufferinginhisworkAtthispointitisnaturalto

wonderwhetherChūganeverdidexpressinpoetrythesamesortofadvocacyfor

unitaryimperialgovernancendashandforaroyalmonopolyonmilitaryforcendashthathe

167

espousedsoforcefullyinhismemorialtoGo-DaigoAsmightbeinferredfromthe

materialsurveyedherenearlyearlyeveryversethattouchesuponthepolitical

situationduringthe1330sseemstoechothedenunciationofwarandmilitarism

putforthintheldquoKeikenrdquochapterofChūseishiaworkthatlikemostofthepoems

treatedabovewaswrittenafter1333Onefeaturesharedbyallofthesepoemsis

thattheywereeitherunbiddenldquodeclarativerdquoresponsestoworldlyeventsor

ldquodialogicrdquoproductsofprivateexchangeswithclosefriendsYetfornotedGozan

writersespeciallythosepatronizedbyshogunsorpowerfulprovincialleaders

poetrynolessthanprosecouldsometimesserveentirelyprofessionalendsA

cleardemonstrationofthisisthenumberofinscriptions(JmeiCming銘)

preservedinGozancollectionsincludingTōkaiichiōshūthesemightbeengraved

uponnewlycasttemplebellsandothervaluedobjectsandtheyoftenconcluded

withformaltetrasyllabicpoemsInChūganrsquoscasethesocialandfinancialsupport

hereceivedfromSadamunecouldwarrantreciprocationintheformofpublicbelle-

lettristicsupportforŌtomofamilyobjectivesThatthisarrangementmighthave

resultedinatleastsomeldquopro-Kenmurevolutionrdquopoetryisrevealedbythefollowing

versewhichisuniqueinformandthematiccontent

軍士圖

SoldiersinFormation 沈而思 Immersedtheyponder呑而知 Imbibingtheyknow承歟乘歟 DowetakeitonDoweride兵莫持疑 Amongthesoldiersnotonehasdoubts笑而喜 Laughingtheyrejoice

168

嗔而恚 Scowlingtheyrage壯哉驕哉 HowstrongHowproud人馬美矣 Themenandthehorsesndashallsobeautiful273

Seeminglycraftedtoeulogizeadepartingarmyitisdifficulttooverstatehow

differentthispieceisfromanythingelseinTōkaiichiōshūItisclassifiedinthe1764

vulgateeditionasaformalpanegyricorsan(Czan贊)Thisappearstobeunique

tothateditionwhichwaspreparedbythepriestDaigeSōdatsuandpresumably

reflectshispersonalclassificatorychoices274Whilethelackofparatextual

informationprecludeseasycontextualizationwemightsurmisethatChūganwas

askedtocomposethepoemforaspecificcompanyofsoldiersperhapsone

marshaledbytheŌtomointheearlydaysoftheKenmuRevolutionThoughthe

brevityofeachutteranceandthemixingofmetersimpartstoeachhemisticha

staccatorhythmthepieceasawholeishighlysymmetricalandgovernedby

extremelytightparallelismThebeautyofstrongconfidentmenontheeveofbattle

isanunusualthemeforanykanshipoetparticularlyoneofChūganrsquosideological

temperbutasabenedictivepraisepoemldquoSoldiersinFormationrdquoisundeniably

successful

273GBSSv4p363GBZSv2p41274TheeightversesSōdatsugroupedundertheheadingsanarescatteredthroughoutTamamuraTakejirsquosmoderneditionofTōkaiichiōshūSōdatsuseemstohavelistedtheseversesassanbecauseoftheircontent(egofferingpraisetofamousfiguressuchasLanxiDaolongLaoziLieziZhuangziandConfucius)orbecauseoftheiruseofthesolemn-soundingtetrasyllabicmeterwhichisidentifiedasessentialtoaproperzaninthelatefifth-centurycriticaltreatiseWenxindiaolong文心雕龍

169

Withtheexceptionofthisversethepoemstreatedinthischapterare

broadlyunifiedbytheirattentiontopoliticalillsandpopularwelfareAcompelling

casecanbemadethatthewillingnesstotreatthesesubjectsatlengthwasChūganrsquos

mostnotablethematiccontributiontoJapanesekanshiandanoutstanding

contributiontoJapaneseliteraturemorebroadlyInitsunusualformldquoSoldiersin

FormationrdquoalsorevealsChūganrsquosequallynotablewillingnesstoventureoutsidethe

dominantpenta-andheptasyllabicmetersandexperimentwithmetrical

irregularityTheseexperimentsmoreoverwerenotconfinedtospecialsub-genres

suchaspraisepoemsorinscriptionsChūganexperimentedwithmetricalvarietyin

shitoocomposingaseriesofquatrainsintheunusualsix-syllablemeterEven

moreunusuallyforaJapanesepoethealsostudiedtheldquosonglyricrdquoorci詞whilein

ChinaandincludedacompositionofhisowninTōkaiichiōshūTheciwasamajor

poeticgenrebythe11thcenturyandthegradualexpansionofitsthematicand

stylisticrangeranksamongthemostculturallysignificanttrendsinChinese

literatureaftertheTangDynastyBeyondofferingfurthertestimonytotheartistic

adventurousnessofanindividualpoetthesepiecesshedlightonthescopeof

ChineseliteraryformsinmedievalJapan

170

Chapter Five

New Directions in Form Ci Poetry and Hexasyllabic Shi

ItisnosurprisethatinthehistoryofJapanesekanshipoemsinthefiveand

seven-syllablelineshouldpredominatealmosttotheexclusionofallothermeters

TheconcertedstudyofChinesepoetrybeganinJapanonlyintheseventhcentury

bywhichtimethepentasyllabicmeterhadbeendominantonthecontinentfor

severalhundredyearsandtheheptasyllabiclinewasrapidlygainingtraction

ThoughearlyJapanesekanshiwereoverwhelminglypentasyllabicbythemiddleof

theHeianperiod(794-1192)kanshianthologiescontainedmostlyheptasyllabic

eight-linepiecesthatgenerallyconformedtothecomplexrulesofrecent-style

regulatedverse275PerhapsbecausemostHeianpoetswerearistocratstrainedto

appreciatefinedistinctionsandtoupholdexactingstandardsofdecorumthe

prosodicconstraintsofregulatedversedidnotimmediatelygiveriseto

countervailingpressuresforgreaterartisticlibertyAsEdwardKamenshas

observedinrelationtovernacularJapanesepoetryofthesameeratheprotocolsof

publicaristocraticlifesometimesmeantthatcourtersrsquopoemswerenotsomuch

expressionsastheywereperformancesofexpression276

275SteinengerChineseLiteraryFormsinHeianJapanp85276KamensldquoTerrainsofTextinMid-HeianCourtCulturerdquoinAdolphsonetaledsHeianJapanCentersandPeripheries(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress2007)p136SeealsoHelenCraigMcCulloughBrocadebyNightKokinWakashūandtheCourtStyleinJapaneseClassicalPoetry(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1985)pp46-48andp421

171

So-calledldquoancient-stylerdquopoetrywhichdevelopedintandemwithrecent-

styleversebutwasprosodicallyfreerroseinpopularityduringthemedievalperiod

andwaswidelyfavoredbyZenliteratiWhilemanyGozancollectionsstillboasted

animpressivenumberofcarefullycraftedrecent-stylequatrainsregulatedverses

andeventheoccasionalextendedregulatedverse(JhairitsuCpailuuml排律)theless

ornamentedancient-stylewasseentofacilitatedirectlyricalexpressionandcould

beturnedeasilytocausesrangingfromreligiousdevotiontosocialcritiqueYet

withtheexceptionofreligiousencomiainscriptionsanddeathpoemsndashsmallbut

importantsub-genresthatfrequentlyusedthesolemnsoundingtetrasyllabicmeter

ndashfiveandseven-syllablelinesremainedthenorminmedievalJapanregardlessof

subjectmatterortonalprosodyTobroachapointthatwillbeaddressedingreater

detailbelowtheoverwhelmingdominanceamongkanshipoetsofpenta-and

heptasyllabicshiisatleastmildlysurprisingsinceJapaneseliteratiweregenerally

wellacquaintedwithcontemporarytrendsinChinaandnewerpoeticmediasuchas

theci詞(Jshitenshi塡詞)andqu(Jkyoku曲)whichemployedmixedsyllabic

meterswerecomposedbysomeofthesameChinesepoetsalreadywellregardedin

Japanfortheirshipoetry277

Atpresentrelativelylittleisknownaboutthepracticeofcipoetryin

medievalJapanorwhatinfluenceitmighthavehaduponJapanesekanshiasthe

277Owingtothehomophonybetweenthecharacters詞and詩inJapanesethecompoundtermtenshi塡詞whichliterallymeansldquofillingin(themusicalpiece)withlyricsrdquoispreferredwhenreferringtoci

172

topichasreceivedonlysporadicinterestfromscholarsmostofitquiterecent278

TheoldestknowncibyaJapanesepoetwascomposedbyEmperorSaga(r809-23)

andispreservedintheroyallycommissionedcollectionKeikokushū經國集(827)

despitethisearlyimprimaturtheformwouldnotreceivesustainedattentionin

JapanuntiltheearlyTokugawaperiod(1600-1868)279Fewcompletecifrombefore

theseventeenthcenturyremainandnonebutEmperorSagarsquosexplicitlyindicate

theirtunetitles(cipaishihai詞牌)Withouttheseaccurateidentificationrequires

theattentionofaspecialistasthecompositionsappearatfirstglancesimplytobe

unregulatedpoemsofmixedsyllabicmeterIndeedpremodernJapanesecollators

ofliterarycollectaneamayhavebeengenerallyunawareoforunconcernedwith

thehistoricalconnectionbetweenciandmusictheearliestclearindicationthata

Japanesepoetunderstoodcitobelyricssettomusicappearsinthesixteenth-

centuryworkNotesonAchievingPerfectiontheStudyofPoetry詩學大成抄bythe

GozanmonkIkōMyōan惟高妙安(1480-1568)280Whilethematerialconsidered

278SeeMatsuoHatsuko松尾肇子ldquoGozanZenrinniokerushinojuyōrdquo五山禅林における詞の受容Fengxu13(Dec2016)pp60-82NogawaHiroyuki野川博之ldquoGozanni-ryūgakusōnotenshiseisakuRyūzanChūgannoMokurengerdquo五山二留學僧の塡詞製作 龍山中巖の木蘭花Chūgokubungakukenkyū25(1999)pp96-109NogawaldquoChūganEngetsunoSōshishōkai中巖圓月の宋詞紹介Chūgokubungakukenkyū26(1999)pp71-84AnearlyinvestigationofciinJapanisKandaKiichirō神田喜一郎NihonniokeruChūgokubungaku日本における中国文学vol1ldquoNihontenshishiwardquo日本塡詞史話(TokyoNigensha1965)279SagarsquoscimaybefoundinGunshoruijūvol6p562ItissettothetuneldquoAFishingSongrdquo漁歌子andappearstobemodeledcloselyononebytheTangpoetZhangZhihe張志和(c730-810)280ThisworkcontainsJapaneseglossesandexplanationsofmaterialexcerptedfromthelateSongorearlyYuan-eratreatiseShixuedacheng詩學大成(AchievingPerfectionintheStudyofPoetry)SeeMatsuoldquoGozanZenrinniokerushinojuyōrdquopp61-62

173

belowmakesitnearlyimpossibletobelievethatIkōwasthefirsttograspthiseven

inChinatheactualmannerinwhichthecituneswereoriginallysunghadlongbeen

lostandthefewJapanesepoetswhoattemptedtocomposecimayhavesimplyseen

thetunepatternswhichdeterminedmeterrhymeplacementandthepositionof

tonesasakindofchallengenotunliketherequirementsofrecent-styleshi281

SignificantlyChūganrsquospersonalcollectionofwritingsTōkaiichiōshūisone

ofonlytwofromthemedievaleracurrentlyknowntoincludeacompleteciTōkai

ichiōshūhappensalsotobethefirstGozancollectiontofeaturequatrainssetinthe

unusualhexasyllabicmeterwhilesix-syllablelineswereusedfrequentlyinciand

quregularhexasyllabicshiwerequiterareinbothChinaandJapanThischapter

willexaminethesepiecestogetherwithanothercisettothesametunepatternby

oneofChūganrsquosoldercontemporariesandwillattempttosituatetheminrelation

torelevantChineseprecedentsScholarshiponthereceptionandcompositionofci

inpre-TokugawaJapanhasonlyjustbegunandthefactthatChūganrsquosciwasnot

indentifiedassuchuntil1999despiteTōkaiichiōshūhavingbeenavailableinprint

foralmost90yearsshouldsuggestthediscoveriesthatremaintobemadeamong

thevastbodyofGozanpoetryyettobesurveyedBecausebothciseemtohave

beencomposedinthe1320spredatingthehexasyllabicquatrainsbyadecadeor

moreouranalysiswillbeginthere

281OntherulesgoverningciseeMajiaBellSameildquoCiPoetryShortSongLyrics(Xiaoling)rdquoinZong-qiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetrypp245-48

174

兜率寺陋房夜為大風雨所擺搖醒而作 ComposedwhenIwasawakenedinmyramshackleroomatDoushuaiTemplewhich

thankstofiercewindandrainwasbeingjostledabout雨澎滂 Rainfallsinawildonslaught 海雷浪 Theroilingseahaththunderbrought 1313轆轆侵柴牀 Surgingandrumblingitassailsmybrushwoodcot 建瓴 Theeaveslikecaskswithwaterbrimming 潢盈庭 Poolsandpuddlesthegardenfilling 屋欲流兮動不停 Myhutrsquosabouttobewashedawayndashitshakeswithnorelenting 中正禪子住其中 ButwithinresidesthePrelateofBalanceandRectitude 至於此極未為窮 Whoevenbroughttothisextremeisnotamanentrapped睡受三禪天上樂 DozinghereceivesthejoyoftheThirdMeditationHeaven 夢覺又御冷然風 Wakingfromhisreverieheshieldshimselffromicydrafts282

PerhapsowingtotheextremerarityoftheciinJapanthevulgateeditionof

Tōkaiichiōshūwhichwascompiledin1764simplylisteditasanancient-styleshi

NogawaHiroyukihasidentifiedthepieceasonesettothetuneldquoLilyMagnoliasrdquo(木

蘭花)whichappearsinthecollectionHuajianjiandisgenerallytracedtotheFive-

DynastiespoetWeiChengban魏承班(d925)283AsisoftenthecaseinciChūganrsquos

compositionincorporateselementscommontomultiplepoeticgenresrepeateduse

ofthereduplicativebinomespengpang澎滂(Jhōbō)yinyin1313(inrsquoin)andlulu轆

轆(rokoroku)evoketheverbosestyleoffuorldquorhapsodiesrdquo(Jfu賦)whilethe

trisyllabiclinesrecallyuefu(Jgakufu樂府)Therhymeschemeismixedina

mannertypicalofciwhichusesstrophes(asopposedtocouplets)asthebasic

282GBSSv4p354283NogawaldquoGozanni-ryūgakusōnotenshiseisakurdquop105-06

175

structuralunit284HeretheendrhymesswitchinEarlyMandarinfromndashaŋ(滂浪

牀)inthefirstthreelinestondasheŋ(瓴庭停)inthefourthfifthandsixth285

Whereasinshinarrowlydefinedthesamesyllabicmeterisgenerally

retainedthroughouttheentiretyofthepoemciusuallyemploylinesofvariable

lengthThisenablesgreatvarietyinrhythmandreflectsthestructureofthemusic

towhichthelyricswereoriginallyset286Thespecific3+3+7syllabicpatternofthe

firsttwostrophesofChūganrsquosciisidentifiableasfarbackasHan-erayuefuandit

appearsincompositionssuchasDuFursquosfamousldquoBalladoftheArmyCartsrdquo(兵車行

c750)Whilethismediumlengthworkispredominantlyheptasyllabicitopens

withasinglestanzathatiscloselyanalogoustothestrophesfoundinci

車轔轔 Thecartsgoclikety-clack 馬蕭蕭 Thehorseswhinnyandneigh 行人弓箭各在腰Withbowsandarrowsattheirwaiststhesoldiersmarch

awayhellip287

284ThetermstropheindicatesaunitofverseendinginarhymeincitheymaybecomprisedofonetofourindividuallinesSeeSameildquoCiPoetryrdquop248285ReconstructedpronunciationshereandelsewherefollowEdwinGPulleyblankLexiconofReconstructedPronunciationinEarlyMiddleChineseLateMiddleChinese

andEarlyMandarin(VancouverUnivofBritishColumbiaPress1991)AsnotedinChapterThreeEarlyMandarinreferstothelanguageofthefourteenth-centuryrimebookZhongyuanyinyun中原音韻somescholarsincludingMichaelFullertermthislanguageMiddleMandarin286SameildquoCiPoetryrdquopp245-46287QTS21611ldquoBalladoftheArmyCartsrdquoisanancient-stylepoemofmixedmeter(雜言古詩)representativeofatypeofnarrativepoemtermedaldquosongballadrdquo(CgexingJkakō歌行)ExamplesmuchbelovedinJapanareBaiJuyirsquosldquoBalladoftheLuterdquo琵琶行andldquoSongofEverlastingSorrowrdquo長恨歌ldquoBalladoftheArmyCartsrdquoalsoappearsinthewellknown18thcenturyanthologyTangshisanbaishou唐詩三百首(ThreeHundredTangPoems)whereitisclassedasaheptasyllabicyuefu

176

ThelastfourlinesofChūganrsquosciwhichcompriseitssecondsectionorldquoverserdquo

(CqueJketsu )returnthereadertothetypeofprosodicsymmetry

characteristicofshiTheselinesinvokebothBuddhismandallusively

Confucianismwhilemaintainingtheplayfulchattyqualityofthefirstsection

Togethertheunbalancedhemistichesmirrortwodifferentaspectsofthepoetrsquos

psychologicalexperiencethequiescentjoyofmeditationpunctuatedbytheexciting

tumultofastorm

NogawatheorizesthatChūganwasfirstintroducedtocibytheexpatriate

monkRyūzanTokken龍山徳見(1284-1358)afellowZenprelatewhowasofa

differentRinzailineagebuthadalsostudiedunderGulinQingmao288Fora

JapanesemonkRyūzanwasunusuallywellestablishedintheChineseChan

communityandwashighlyfamiliarwiththeliterarycultureofthemajorsouthern

monasteriesHehadalreadybeenlivinginChinafor24yearswhenChūganmet

himattherenownedmonasteryYunyansi雲巖寺in1325andhewouldnotreturn

toJapanuntil1349Ryūzanhastohiscreditonesurvivingcithatisalsosettothe

tuneldquoLilyMagnoliasrdquoItsheavyuseofallusionandstronglyreligiouscharacter

makeitconsiderablyhardertointerpretthanChūganrsquosthesefeaturesalsosuggest

thattheworkwasprobablynotRyūzanrsquosfirstattemptatci

288RyūzanbelongedtotheHuanlong黄龍lineagewhileChūganbelongedtotheYangqi楊岐bothofwhicharoseintheNorthernSongGulinseemsnottohavebeenparticularlyconcernedwithestablishingconsistenttransmissionthroughasingledharmalineagereportedlyacceptingdisciplesprincipallyonthebasisoftheirskillincomposinggatha偈頌SeeNogawaldquoGozanni-ryūgakusōnotenshiseisakurdquop99

177

送有知客參黄龍 呉人 SeeingoffVisitorsrsquoOfficerYouWhoisGoingtoJointheHuanlongSchool

(HersquosaManofWu)289

蘇州有 WersquovegotlsquoeminSuzhou常州有 WersquovegotlsquoeminChangzhou 擬議思量成過咎 Exercisingthemindwithdeliberationistofallintoerror 收驢脚 Sowithdrawyourdonkeylegs 展佛手 AndextendyourBuddhahand 道火何曾燒著口 Evenifyouspeakfirehowcouldyourmouthbeburned 處處秋林落葉黃Everywhereautumnwoodsaredeckedwithfallenleavesofgold 處處春風鬧花柳Everywherevernalbreezesrousetheblossomsandwillows 還它有眼定古今 Ifyoudefertothoseoftrueinsighttodeterminepastandpresent六六元來八十九 Thensixbysixturnsouttobeeighty-nineafterall290

TotakethelastlinefirstNogawasupposesittobeadeliberatelynonsensical

propositionthatrepudiatesconventionaltruthThecharacters六六areconstrued

assixtimessixonthebasisofwhatwouldappeartobeasyntacticallyhomologous

linefromoneofGulinrsquospoems九九依然八十一whichplainlyseemstosayldquonineby

nineisasusualeighty-onerdquoToassumestrangenessorincomprehensibilitytobe

anintendedfeatureofthetextandnotaneffectofcurrentcriticallimitationsis

alwaysariskybusinessbutNogawarsquoshypothesisiscompellingsolongasRyūzanrsquos

lineisunderstoodtoworkgrammaticallylikeGulinrsquosthisinturnseemsa

reasonablesuppositionasitisunlikelythatacopyistrsquoserrorcouldresultin三十六

289ThetitleisdifficulttounderstandAzhike知客(Jshika)wasoneofthesixadministrativeofficersatatemple(六頭首)andwaschargedwithreceivingvisitorsYou有appearstobehisfamilynameandNogawabelievesthesmallercharacters呉人belowthetitleidentifyMrYouassomeonefromtheWuareatheopeninglinesofthepoemseemtopunhumorouslyonhisnameandplaceofbirth290GBSSv3p278

178

appearingas八十九Wemightofferfurthersupportfortheinterpretationby

notingthatifRyūzanrsquospurposewasindeedtopositanarithmeticidentitythatis

logicallyabsurdhehaschosenhisnumberswelleighty-nineisprimewhilethirty-

sixcontainsmoredivisorsthananyintegersmallerthanitmakingitaso-called

ldquoanti-primerdquoorhighlycompositenumber291

ThehumorousopeninglinesalludetoapopularNewYearrsquoscustominthe

SuzhouregionthehistoricalcenterofWu呉cultureonNewYearrsquosevechildren

wouldshoutmaichidai賣癡獃ldquoduncesforsalerdquoasiftoinvitebuyersfromother

regionstohelpreducethesurplusofidiotstraditionallyheldtoresideinWu292

Howexactlythisconnectsconceptuallywithwhatfollowsisdifficulttodetermineit

isconceivablethattheidiotsareinthiscasethosewhodoexercisetheirmindsin

ratiocinationandtherebyfallintoerrorNogawanotesthatthepracticeoflikening

onersquoshandstothoseoftheBuddhaandonersquoslegstothoseofadonkeyistraceable

tomethodsofChaninstructionusedbythepatriarchoftheHuanglongschool

291Thereremainsofcoursethepossibilitythatthereisinfactalegitimatearithmeticconnectionbetween六六and八十九(whateverthesecharactercombinationsaretakentomean)orthatthepurposeofthelineistopresentakindofnotationalpuzzleforthereadertointerpretandsolveIf六六and八十九areallowedtobereadasshorthandfortwodifferentmathematicaloperationsthensuchconnectionsmaybefoundegif八十九istakennotaseighty-ninebutastheproductof810and9and六六isallowedtomean6(sixfactorial)thenwewouldhavethelegitimaterelation6 5 4 3 2 1=8 10 9=720Moderngamesofthissortarequitecommonldquoperfect3srdquoforinstancepresentsexpressionssuchas333=7andasksreaderstocreatetrueequationsusingonlythesenumbersandbasicoperationseg(3divide3)+3=7292NogawaldquoGozanni-ryūgakusōnotenshiseisakurdquopp99-100ThecustomwasevidentlywidelyrecordedamongthecollectedworksofthepoetFanChengdawhosepossibleinfluenceuponChūganwasdiscussedinChapterFourisacientitledldquoSellingDuncesrdquo賣癡獃

179

Huinan慧南(1002-69)293Likethefinallineofthesecondversethefinallineofthe

firstversealsomakesaseeminglyparadoxicalclaimandtheoveralllessonofthe

poemseemstobethatrationaldiscursivethought(擬議思量)cannotleadto

enlightenment

Astheseexamplessuggestcimayemploysyntacticrhythmsandpatternsof

metricalvariationseeninolderformssuchasfuandyuefuandtheymayalso

includewholesectionsthataremetricallyregularandprosodicallyakintoshi294

Pointsofoverlapbetweentheciandshiwereinfactnumerousandlongstanding

andthegradualexpansionofthecirsquosthematicrangeduringtheSongDynasty

eventuallygaverisetocriticaldiscussionsofwhatitsproperpurviewoughttobe

vis-agrave-vistheolderandmoreprestigiousshi295EliteliteratilikeSuShibroughtthe

refinedsensibilitiesofshitotheciwhiletheleadingcipoetoftheNorthernSongLi

Qingzhao李清照(1084-1151)criticizedSursquoseffortsasyieldingldquonothingbutshi

withirregularlinesrdquo296BythetimeChūganarrivedinChinaithadlongbeenthe

casethatpoetsknownprimarilyforcomposingshiwouldalsocomposecievenif

fewwouldhavewishedthisfacttobeartooheavilyupontheirownliterary

293Ibidp102294NotethatinthesecondsectionofChūganrsquoscithecharactersattheendofthesecondandfourthlines風and窮behavepreciselyastheywouldbeexpectedtoinshibotharelevel-tonewordsandalthoughtheyareonlyslantrhymesinModern

MandarintheyrhymecompletelyinbothEarlyMandarin(fuŋkʰjuŋ)andMiddleChinese(fjywŋkɦiwŋ) 295OnconnectionsbetweenearlyciandshiseeShuen-fuLinldquoTheFormationofaDistinctGenericIdentityforTzrsquourdquoinPaulineYuedVoicesoftheSongLyricinChina(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1994)pp14-17296XindaLianldquoLongSongLyrics(Manci)rdquoinZong-qiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetryp263

180

legacy297Whileitisdifficulttoascertainwhetherornotthestudyofciplayeda

meaningfulroleinencouragingChūgantobemoreexperimentalinhisshiitseems

fittingthataftertryinghishandatcicompositionhewouldlaterventuretocompose

shiintheunorthodoxhexasyllabicmeterCimadefrequentuseofsix-character

linesandhexasyllabicshioftenusedlanguagethatwascomparativelycolloquial

andprosaicWeiShaoshenghassurmisedthatthedevelopmentofciwasinfact

influencedbyhexasyllabicshi298giventhatshiemployingthatparticularmeter

whilealwaysraredidbecomemoreprevalentaftertheTangitalsoseemspossible

thattheburgeoningpopularityofciamongseriouspoetslikeSuShifostered

increasedcompositionofsix-syllableshi

ThefourhexasyllabicshiincludedinTōkaiichiōshūareinformalvignettesof

ChūganrsquostravelsaroundaruralestateineasternJapantheyaredescriptivebutnot

austereusingordinarylanguageandavoidingtheimagisticdensityoftenassociated

withSongandYuan-eradescriptivepoetryThereisnoindicationastowhyhe

chosethisastheoccasiontoexperimentwithanovelsyllabicmeterbutinsofaras

hewasclearlycomfortabletreatingjourneysandlandscapesinverseitispossible

thathefeltanewventureinformwasmorelikelytobesuccessfulifthetopicwasa

familiarone

297SeeRonaldCEganldquoTheProblemoftheReputeofTzrsquouDuringtheNorthernSungrdquoinYuedVoicesoftheSongLyricpp191-225298WeiShaoshengLiuyanshitiyanjiu(BeijingSocialSciencesAcademicPress2010)pp183-203

181

利根山行春LateSpringintheMountainsofTone299

陰涯或有残雪 平平仄仄平仄春溪 平平仄仄平平風日乍寒乍暖 平仄仄平仄仄杖屨且留且之 仄仄仄平仄平ShadycragsndashsomewithremnantsnowSpringtimestreamsndashhalffullwithicefromthemeltWindandsunshinendashitrsquoscoldoneminuteandwarmthenextOutfittedforthehikeItarryandgotarryandgo白雲溶溶洩洩 仄平平平仄仄 流水潺潺湲湲 平仄平平平平乗興行春未盡 平仄仄平仄仄胡為倦烏先還 平平仄平平平WhitecloudsundulatingsoftlyStreamsbabblinggently300IshalltakeadvantageofthefactthatspringisnotyetoutHowcouldItireHowcouldIturnback301 299ldquoLatespringrdquorenders行春whichinthisusageliterallymeansldquodepartingspringrdquoAnothermorespecializedmeaningthatmayalsobegermaneisldquospringtimeinspectiontourrdquowhichdescribesthecustomofofficialsconductinginspectionsonfootorhorsebackoncewinterhadendedofplacesundertheirjurisdictionItwasnotuncommonforZenmonkstobetaskedwithadministrativedutiesontemplepropertiesoronestatesheldbyprivatepatronsgiventhatTonewasanŌtomofamilyshōenitispossiblethatsuchaninspectiontourwasthecontextforthetravelsdescribedinthepoems300TheimageryandheavyuseofreduplicativebinomesisstronglyreminiscentofacoupletbytheChanmonkZhengjue正覺(1091-1157)whichispartofthesixthverseofhisseriesldquoTwoHundredandFiveGathasrdquo偈頌二百零五

溶溶洩洩山上雲 Undulatingsoftlyndashthecloudsoverthemountain 潺潺湲湲山下水 Babblinggentlyndashthestreamatitsbase301Inthethirdlineif行春 istakentomeanldquospringtimeinspectiontourrdquothelinewouldmeanldquoIshalltakeadvantageofthefactthatmytourhasnotyetfinishedrdquo

182

枯藤屈曲蟲盤 平平仄仄平平怪石斕 仄仄平平仄平拒暘雪積巌罅 仄平仄仄平仄揺緑春囘燒痕 平仄平平平平DriedoutwisterialiecoiledlikewormsStrangerocksofvariegatedcolorsresemblecrouchingbeastsTheyblockthesunrsquosraysallowingsnowtoaccumulateinthecrevicesAmidstswayinggreenspringreturnstoreclaimgroundoncecharredbywildfire302 山深風俗淳朴 平仄平仄平仄民楽無懐之時 平仄平平平平溪梅別有風韻 平平仄仄平仄野質村姿更奇 仄仄平平仄平 DeepinthemountainscustomsaresimplePeopleareateaseasinthetimeofWuhuai303PlumblossomsinthevalleypossesseleganceunmatchedYettherusticityofthefieldsandbeautyofthevillagesismorecharmingstill

DatingtheseversesisdifficultbutthereferencetoToneinthetitlesuggests

theywerelikelycomposedafter1337Between1337and1359Chūganspentpart

ofnearlyeveryyearatoneoftwoŌtomofamilypropertiesineasternJapan

WisteriaValley(Fujigayatsu藤谷)andToneEstate利根庄thelatteramountainous

demesneinwhatistodayGunmaPrefectureToneEstatewasthesiteforthe

302ThelanguagehererecallsthelineldquoSittingdownIseethespringreturntogroundoncecharredbyfirerdquo坐看春回入燒痕fromaquatrainbythemonkHuihui慧暉(1097-1183)HuihuirsquospoemisincludedinthewellknownseriesNineteenVersesEulogizingtheOld頌古十九首compiledbytheChanmasterFaquan法全(1114-69)TheseriescontainsbothshiandcianditstitlemaybeanodtotheNineteenOldPoems古詩十九首afoundationalgroupofearlypentasyllabicshi303Wuhuaishi無懐氏(JMukaishi)isamythicalrulerwhoissometimesplacedinthegenerationjustafterFuxi伏羲andthecreatorgoddessNuwa女媧orasinShijiinthemuchlatergenerationjustprecedingtheYellowEmperorHiseraisinvokedheretofigurepeaceandpopularcontentment

183

templeKichijōji吉祥寺builtwithŌtomosupportin1339andheadedbyChūgan

andanattachedZenretreatcalledShishian止止庵304Theseplacesofferedprivacy

andrespiteduringthedifficulttimesfollowinghisrejectionoftheSōtōsectand

adoptionofDongyangDehuirsquoslineofRinzaiZenThefourversesarelistedinthe

vulgateeditionofTōkaiichiōshūashexasyllabicquatrains六言絶句Though

somewhatmorecommonthanhexasyllabicregulatedversesquatrainsinthismeter

arestillextremelyrareOftheapproximately48000shiintheQuanTangshi全唐

詩onlyabout150arehexasyllabicandthemostprolificuseroftheformZhang

Yue張説(667-730)iscreditedwithjusteightverses305Amongpoetsofwider

reputeWangWeiisknowntohavecomposedsevenhexasyllabicshiLiBaithree

andBaiJuyitwo306NostudyofwhichIamawareexaminestheprevalenceofthe

forminJapanthoughbecauseitspopularitywasrisinginChinathroughoutthe

SongDynastyitislikelythatmanyJapanesepoetswereawareofitAmongGozan

writerstheprincipalusersseemtohavebeenChūganandhisillustriousyounger

compatriotGidōShūshin(1325-88)wholeftnolessthaneleveninhismassive

collectionKūgeshū空華集307

304ThenameofboththetempleandtheretreatalludetotheaphorismldquoGoodfortuneliesinstoppingwhenitistimetostoprdquo吉祥止止whichisderivedfromZhuangzi21ldquoObservethevoidndashtheemptyroomemitsapurelightGoodfortuneliesinstoppingwhenitistimetostoprdquo瞻彼闋者虛室生白吉祥止止(trMairWanderingontheWayp33)GivenChūganrsquosabidinginterestinmoralbalanceandhisviewthatGo-DaigohaddisastrouslyoverplayedhishandintheKenmuRestorationthenamesarewellchosen 305Liuyanshitiyanjiup95306Ibid307GBZSv2pp472-73

184

Thereisdisagreementamongscholarsastowhetherpoemsofthismetercan

infactqualifyasrecent-stylepoetryatallwithsomeoptingtolimitthatdesignation

topenta-andheptasyllabicpoems308Intermsoftonalprosodyhexasyllabicshi

maysometimescontainlinesofwhichfourfiveorinsomecasesallsixwordsare

homotonousandtheso-calledldquoadherencerulerdquo(粘法)ofrecent-styleversewhich

helpstiecoupletstogetherisnotfollowedrigorously309Nonethelesshexasyllabic

shididgenerallyincorporateatleastsomeofthepatternsoftonalalteration

characteristicofrecent-styleversestrongtonalcontrastbetweenwordswithina

singlelineandbetweenlinesofasinglecoupletwasmorecommonthanthelack

thereofandhexasyllabicshialmostalwaysupheldtheessentiallyinviolablerecent-

stylerulethatevenlinesmustrhymeandthatrhymingwordsmustbeinlevel

tone310Thesimilaritieswereevidentlyenoughtomotivateatleastsome

premodernpoetstoincludesix-syllableshiintheircollectionsofquatrainsHong

MairsquosencyclopedicWanshouTangrenjuejuuml萬首唐人絶句(late12thc)forinstance

includes48suchversesndashstillamodestnumbergiventheimmensesizeofthe

work311Inanyeventtheboundarybetweenancient-styleandrecent-stylepoetry

washistoricallyratherfluidwithsomepoemscharacterizedasquatrainsor

308RenBantangTangshengshi(ShanghaiXinhuaShudian1982)309Therulestipulatesthatthefirsttwowordsofthelastlineofonecoupletshouldbeofthesametoneasthefirsttwowordsofthefirstlineofthesucceedingcouplet310Anoverviewoftheconventionsofrecent-stylepoetrymaybefoundinZong-QiCaildquoRecent-StyleShiPoetryPentasyllabicRegulatedVerserdquoinZong-QiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetry(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2008)pp161-77311WeiLiuyanshitiyanjiup150HongMai洪邁(1123-1202)aministerandscholarduringtheSouthernSonginitiallycompiledacollectionof5000TangquatrainsandpresentedittoEmperorXiaozong孝宗thiswassubsequentlyexpandedintoaworkof100volumescontaining100quatrainseachaboutthreequartersofwhichareheptasyllabic

185

regulatedversesbasedseeminglyonthefactthattheysomehowldquosoundedrdquolike

recent-stylepoemsdespitecontainingagreatmanytonalviolations312

Intermsoftheirgrammaticalstructurehexasyllabiclinesdonotscanin

thepatternstypicalofpenta-andheptasyllabiclinesproducingsyntacticrhythms

thatarenotonlystrikinglydifferentbutmorevariableaswell313Incipoetry

associatedwiththeschoolofldquoHeroicAbandonrdquo(ChaofangJgōhō豪放)thesix-

charactermeterwassometimesusedtoproducedramaticandhighlyimagisticlines

thatreliedonpureparataxisandavoidedfinalpredication

名月別枝驚鵲 Thefullmoonslantingbranchesastartledmagpie XinQiji辛棄疾(1140-1207) 孤村落日殘霞 Alonelyvillagethesettingsunlingeringhuesofpink輕烟老樹寒鴉 Lighthazeanagedtreeacrowinthecold BaiRenfu白仁甫(1226-1306)

WhiletheconventionsofclassicalChinesegrammardonotadmitofrigidly

definedpartsofspeechndashagivenwordmayfunctionasanounverbadjectiveor

adverbdependingoncontextandsyntacticpositionndashtheselineseffectivelycontain

312OwenReadingsinChineseLiteraryThoughtp432313ThedifferencesinsyntacticrhythmbetweenshiofdifferentmetersarenotnecessarilyapparentifreadingisdoneaccordingtoJapanesekundokuconventions(anymorethansuchdifferencesarenecessarilyapparentinEnglishtranslation)AsnotedintheintroductiontheworkingassumptionofthisstudyisthatChūganwasattentivetothewayhispoemssoundedinChineseEminentkanshipoetswereusuallywelltrainedinmattersoftonalprosodyeventhoughmostdidnotspeakChineseandtheassumptionthatChineseprosodywassignificantforapoetsuchasChūganwhobyallaccountsdidpossessnotableproficiencyinspeakingseemsespeciallywarranted

186

noverbssavethoseusedasparticiples(egthesettingsun落日)andtheyuseno

prepositionsparticlesorotherdevicestospecifygrammaticalrelationsThelines

scaninthe2+2+2semanticrhythmproducingadistinctivestaccatostyleChūganrsquos

versesworkdifferentlymakingfrequentuseofgrammaticalparticlesandfeaturing

linesthatconstitutecompleteornearlycompletesentencesInterestinglythismore

prosaicstylewasnotonlycommoninciandquwhichisunsurprisinggiventhe

vernacularoriginsofthoseformsbutwasalsoamainstayofhexasyllabicshiafact

WeiShaoshengbelievesmayreflecttheinfluenceoffu314Examplesreflectingthe

prosaicstylebyLiBaiWangJianWangWeiandmanyothereminentpoetsappear

plentifulwhenconsideredasafractionofthetotalnumberofsurvivinghexasyllabic

shiandtheversesofldquoLateSpringintheMountainsofTonerdquobearmanysimilarities

toarchetypessuchasthefollowing

題舒州山谷寺石牛洞 WrittenonShiniuGrottoatShanguTempleinShuPrefecture315

水泠泠而北出 Thewaterisclearandcoolandflowsnorth 山靡靡而旁圍 Thehillsarescatteredaboutandencirclethearea 欲窮源而不得 Iwantedtofindthesourcebutwasunabletogetit竟悵望以空歸 IntheendmyhopeswentunrealizedandIreturnedemptyhanded316 WangAnshi王安石(1021-86)314WeiLiuyanshitiyanjiup168 315ShanguTempleismorecommonlyknownasSanzuTemple三祖寺owingtothefactthattheThirdChanPatriarchSengcan僧璨(510-606)onceresidedthereShuPrefectureislocatedinthemodernAnhuiProvince316Ibidp168

187

田園樂七首

SevenPoemsontheJoysofFieldsandGardensno6

桃紅復含宿雨 Peachblossomsflushwithcolorstillholdlastnightrsquosrain柳緑更帶春烟 Willowslushandgreenremainmantledinspringtimemists 花落家僮未掃 Petalsliestrewnaboutandthehouseboyhasyettosweepthemaway鶯啼山客猶眠 Anoriolecallsoutbutthemountaintravelerstaysfastasleep317 WangWei王維(699-759)

OfthetwoWangWeirsquospoemisthemoredescriptiveandthelessinsistently

subject-centeredthoughineachlinewordssuchasldquostillrdquo(復更猶)andldquohasyettordquo

(未)underscorethepoetrsquospersonaljudgmentaboutthesceneSuchwasalsothe

casethroughoutthefirstverseofldquoLateSpringintheMountainsofTonerdquowhich

reliedheavilyuponsimilaradverbialexpressions(或半乍且)andinthesecond

versewhosesecondcoupletfeaturedtwointerrogativelocutions(胡為烏)318The

particlesandconjunctionsinWangAnshirsquosverse(而以)imparttoitastrongly

prosaicqualitythispointcanbeeasilyappreciatedbyimaginingthesecondlineas

onerephrasedinthepentasyllabicmeterwithout而where山靡靡而旁圍yields

ldquothehillsarescatteredaboutandencircletheareardquothetruncated山靡靡旁圍might

bestberenderedldquohillsscatteredaboutencircletheareardquoTogetherwiththeclearly

metaphoricalsecondcoupletndashthewordsldquosourcerdquo源andldquoemptyrdquo空areredolentof

Buddho-Daoistthoughtndashthepoemasawholecouldnotbemuchfurtherfromthe

317Ibidp74318Throughaprocessofparanomasticborrowingthecharacter烏isusedforitssoundwu(EarlyMandarinuMiddleChineseɁuǝ)torepresentthewordldquohowrdquo

188

austerenaturalisticmodeglimpsedinthelinesofHeroicAbandoncibyXinQijiand

BaiRenfu

ThepentasyllabicparaphraseofWangAnshirsquoslineadumbratesafeature

commonnotonlytoChūganrsquoshexasyllabicpoemsbuttohexasyllabicshimore

generallynamelyhowreadilyagreatmanylinesmayberecastintohypothetical

fiveorseven-syllablevariantswithnosubstantivechangeinmeaningForinstance

thefirstcoupletofChūganrsquosthirdverseldquoDriedoutwisterialiecoiledlikeworms

Strangerocksofvariegatedcolorsresemblecrouchingbeastsrdquomightberephrased

intheseven-syllablemeteras枯藤屈曲若蟲盤怪石斕斒似獣蹲whichsimply

makesexplicittherelationsoflikenessimpliedintheoriginalBothlinesnowscan

intheveryfamiliar2+2+3patternbetterstillsince若(ldquoasifrdquo)and似(ldquoto

resemblerdquo)areentering-tonewordsbothlinesnowalignperfectlywithrecent-style

tonalrequirementsSimilarlytheopeninglinesofthesecondverseldquoWhiteclouds

undulatingsoftlyStreamsbabblinggentlyrdquomightbeshortenedfrom白雲溶溶洩洩

流水潺潺湲湲to白雲溶洩洩流水潺湲湲althoughtheresultingtonaldistribution

doesnotaccordentirelywithrecent-styleconventionsthelinesscaneasilyand

theirmeaningremainsunchanged

Thisexercisemayseemlittlemorethanaspeculativeindulgencebutit

suggeststherelativeeasewithwhichaparticularpoeticimagemightberealizedin

multiplesyllabicmetersItalsoillustratesacompositionalstrategythatisinfact

knowntohaveinformedtheearlydevelopmentofpentasyllabicshipoetrynamely

theexpansionoffour-syllablelinesintofive-syllableequivalentsviatheuseof

particlesorbinomes(forinstanceusingdaolu道路forldquoroadrdquoinsteadofjustdao道

189

orlu路alone)319Historicallyofcourseheptasyllabicversewasrarebeforethe

TangDynastyandthusplayednoformativeroleinthedevelopmentofhexasyllabic

shiassuchButitseemsquitepossiblethatpentasyllabicpoetrymighthaveandin

anyeventbythetimeChūganwasactivetheseven-syllablelinehadbeendominant

inbothChinaandJapanformanycenturiesmakingmoreorlesscontinuous

interplaybetweenalloftheseformslikelyItisthereforeunsurprisingthatin

additiontotheapparentstylisticinfluenceofearlierhexasyllabicshiastockof

phrasesandpoeticimagesculledfromheptasyllabicpoemssuchasthosebythe

monksZhengjueandHuihuiseemalsotohaveinfluencedtheversesofldquoLateSpring

intheMountainsofTonerdquo

ConclusionCiandSiniticPoetryinMedievalJapan

ThecentralaimofthischapterhasbeentohighlightworksinTōkaiichiōshū

whoseformalpropertieswereunusualforSiniticverseinJapanandtoconsider

theminreferencetorelevantpoeticdevelopmentsinChinaChūganwasnotthe

onlyfigureintheGozanmovementtounderstandthesedevelopmentsbuthewas

evidentlymorewillingthanmostofhiscontemporariestoexperimentwiththemin

hisownverseoratleastmorewillingtopreservetheresultsforposterityYetin

lightoftheextraordinarypopularityandartisticvibrancythecihadachievedin

ChinabytheendofthetwelfthcenturyitsneartotalabsencefromGozan

collectionsisamongthemostcuriousfacetsofGozanliterarycultureandindeedof

319SeeStephenOwenTheMakingofEarlyChineseClassicalPoetry(CambridgeMAHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2006)p74

190

medievalkanshibunmoregenerallyTheproblemitshouldbenotedwasnotalack

ofbasicknowledgetheearliestandmostinfluentialanthologyofciZhaoCongzuorsquos

tenth-centuryHuajianji花間集islongknowntohavecirculatedamongGozan

literati320andseveralotherfamousworksthatdiscussorcontainexamplesofci

suchasShirenyuxie詩人玉屑andJuefanHuihongrsquosLinjianlu林間錄wereprinted

inJapanviawoodblockandpublishedbymajorGozanmonasteries321Giventhe

generalesteemaccordedtoChinesebellelettresitisthusrathersurprisingthat

notableJapanesepractitionersofcididnotappearuntiltheeighteenthcentury

nearlyamillenniumaftertheformrsquosemergenceinChina322

Multipleexplanationsmightbeadducedfortheapparentlackofinterestinci

amongpremodernJapanesepoetsthemostparsimoniousofwhichissimplythat

thenewformwastothemlargelysuperfluoustheshiremainedartistically

sufficientfortheirpurposesandfewJapanesepoetswereinclinedtostudyanew

formwhosemasterydemandedknowledgeofdozensoftunepatternsthat

determinedmeterrhymeschemeandtonalprosodyButtressingthispositionis

thefactthatkanshipoetsbyallindicationswereneverbesetbyasenseof

320SeeKandaKiichirōNihonniokeruChūgokubungakuvol1(TokyoNigensha1965)pp56-7321SucheditionsareknowntodayasldquoGozaneditionsrdquo(Gozan-ban五山版)SeeKandaNihonniokeruChūgokubungakup53322SeeChenZhuhui陳竺慧ldquoNomuraKōennolsquogashirsquotoShindainoshidansonoeibutsushiotegakarinirdquo野村篁園の「雅詞」と清代の詞壇その詠物詞を手がかりにWasedaDaigakudaigakuinbungakukenkyūkakiyō62(Mar2017)pp203-215AsChennotesevenintheEdoperiodciremainedaminorartformoflittleinteresttomostkanshipoetsThefirstJapanesetreatiseofcipoeticsTenshizufu塡詞図譜wascompiledbyTanomuraChikuden田能村竹田(1777-1835)andpublishedin1807

191

belatednessorBloomiananxietyvis-agrave-visthegreatChinesepoetsofthepastnor

didtheyfeelaneedtoescapefromtheweightofanoppressiveshitradition

Meaningfulparticipationinthattraditionwasaccomplishmentenoughandthefact

thatLiBaiorDuFuremainedunsurpassabledidnotdriveJapaneseshipoetsaway

fromthemediumortowardsconspicuousstylisticnovelty323

Anadditionalandperhapsevenmoresalientfactorthatmighthave

motivatedthearmrsquos-lengthapproachGozanmonkstooktocindashreadandreprint

thembutdonrsquotwriteyourownndashwastheformrsquoshistoricalassociationwithwomen

andtheentertainmentquarters324IndeedHuajianjiisdominatedbytheostensibly

femininethemesofloveandabandonment325andtotheextentthatthiscollection

wasthemajorsourceofinformationaboutciinearlymedievalJapanGozanpoets

mighthaveapprehendedtheformasaninherentlyfeminizedoneMoreoverwhile

mostmaleliteratiexpressedvaryingdegreesofdisapprovalforexcessive

indulgenceinciGozanmonksmighthavetakenspecialnoticeofthefactthatitwas

aChanmonkFayunFaxiu法雲法秀(1027-1090)whoofferedthegreatpoetHuang

Tingjian黃庭堅(1045-1105)afamousadmonitionagainstdabblingintheformat

all

323LestthisbethoughtsimplyareflectionofageneralconservatismamongJapaneseliteratiitisworthnotingthatintherealmofvernacularpoetryattemptstobreakfreefromcertaintraditionalpoeticstrictureswerebeingmadeatthistimebywakapoetsoftheKyōgyoku京極schoolandthedevelopmentofseriouslinkedverse(renga連歌)wouldsoonfundamentallytransformJapanesepoetryandpoetictheory324SameildquoCiPoetryShortSongLyrics(Xiaoling)rdquop245EganldquoTheProblemoftheReputeofTzrsquourdquopp194-207andpassim325Sameip251

192

hellipOnedaythedharmamastersaidtoLuzhi(HuangTingjian)ldquoTherersquosnoharminwritingasmanyshiasyoulikebutyoushouldstopcomposingeroticsongsandlittlecirdquoLuzhilaughedldquoTheyarejustwordsintheairIrsquomnotkillinganyoneandIrsquomnotstealingSurelyIwonrsquotbesentencedtooneoftheevildestiniesforwritingthesesongsrdquoThedharmamasterrepliedldquoIfyouusewickedwordstoarouselustinmenrsquosheartscausingthemtoignoreproprietyandviolatethelawthenyourwordswillbeasourceofcrimeandwrongandIrsquomafraidyouwillnotmerelybepunishedwithevildestiniesrdquoLuzhinoddedandsubsequentlystoppedwritingsongs326

AsithappenedHuangTingjiandidnotstopwritingcithoughinhisown

accountofthisexchangetheChanmasterisevenmoreexplicitinhiswarning

opiningthatrebirthintheHellofSlitTonguesawaitsthosewhouseoffensive

language327Notablythemasterisdecidedlyunconcernedwithshianditiseasyto

imagineZenmonksinJapanharboringasimilarprejudiceagainstthecievenasthey

pursuedshicompositionassiduouslyHadthecibeenasartisticallyprominentin

theeighthcenturyasitwasbythetwelfthitmighteasilyhavefoundquick

popularityamongNaraandHeianaristocratswhoatthetimewerethetastemakers

inthesmallworldofJapanesekanshibunandmuchenamoredwithpalace-styleshi

whosethematicsimilaritiestociweresubstantial328Andinsofarasmotifssuchas

clandestineromancesabandonmentandunrequitedloveemergewith

extraordinaryprominenceinvernacularJapaneseproseandpoetryoftheHeianera

itisquiteconceivablethatmalearistocratsofthetimemighthavebeenmore

326QuotedinEganldquoTheProblemoftheReputeofTzrsquourdquopp202withminororthographicchanges327Ibid328SeeKang-iSunChangTheEvolutionofChineseTrsquozuPoetryFromLateTrsquoangtoNorthernSung(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1980)p18citedinLinldquoTheFormationofaDistinctGenericIdentityforTrsquozurdquop16

193

amenabletostereotypicalcithemesthantheirmonasticcountrymenweretobe

fourcenturieslater

194

Conclusion

Gozan Literature in Retrospect

1 KanshibunandtheKokugaku国学LegacyInmodernformulationsofJapaneseliteraturetheGozancorpusoccupiesa

uniquepositiononethatisunquestionablycentraltothehistoryofJapanese

kanshibun漢詩文ndashpoetryandprosecomposedinthetrans-nationaltrans-

linguisticmediumofldquoliterarySiniticrdquondashandyetforthatveryreasonperipheralto

thecanonasawholeToasignificantdegreethisstateofaffairsistheresultofthe

monolingualandphonocentricimperativesthatbegantoinformtheconstructionof

aldquonativerdquoJapaneseliterarycanonintheeighteenthcenturyScholarsassociated

withthekokugaku国学orldquonativestudiesrdquomovementsoughttorecoverthe

indigenouslinguisticandculturalsensibilitiesofearlyJapanTheireffortswere

motivatednotsimplybyphilologicalcuriositythoughmanywereindeedgifted

philologistsbutbyanabidingdesiretodevelopanideologicalalternativetothe

Neo-ConfucianismascendantinTokugawa-eraintellectuallifeThoughcoloredby

ananti-Chineseandanti-BuddhistoutlookthatGozanliteratiwouldundoubtedly

havefoundbizarreanddistastefulthemovementwasextremelyproductive

kokugakuscholarsundertookrigoroushermeneuticalexaminationsofJapanese

textsthathadnotpreviouslyreceivedsuchattentionthemostculturally

consequentialofwhichwouldturnouttobethelittleknownmythohistorical

195

chronicleKojiki古事記(ARecordofAncientMatters712)Equallysignificanttothe

fieldofliterarystudiesweretheirreconsiderationsoffamousvernacularworksof

poetryandprosefictionsuchasIsemonogatari伊勢物語(TalesofIse9thc)Genji

monogatari源氏物語(TheTaleofGenjic1010)Manrsquoyōshū万葉集(Collectionof

MyriadLeaves759)andKokinwakashū古今和歌集(CollectionofJapanesePoems

AncientandModern905)Theseinvestigationslaidthegroundworkforsubstantial

advancesinlinguisticsandlexicography329AndacenturybeforeEnglishliterature

hadearnedaplaceintheBritishacademyalongsidetheGreekandLatinclassicsthe

effortsofkokugakuscholarshelpedestablishtheformalstudyofvernacular

JapaneseliteratureasanacademicenterpriseonparwiththestudyoftheChinese

classicswhichuntilthenhadbeentheonlyldquoclassicsrdquorecognizedassuchinJapan330

Bythelatenineteenthcenturythenativistimpetusbehindkokugakuhad

beenaugmentedbyaburgeoningnationalismasJapansoughttodefineitsplacein

329SeeSusanBurnsBeforetheNationKokugakuandtheImaginingofCommunityinEarlyModernJapan(DurhamDukeUnivPress2003)passimThisisnottosaythatkokugakuwasexclusivelyorevenprimarilyaphilologicalorldquotextualrdquomovementonlythatitsideologicalgoalsnecessitatedtheinterpretationoftextsandthatthisimperativeledtovariouscriticaladvances330Terminologicallyspeakingwordsoftentranslatedasldquoclassicsrdquo(tenseki典籍tenpun典墳)referredmostoftentoChinesetextsSimilarlywordssuchassaigaku才学ldquolearningrdquoreferrednotjusttoknowledgeingeneralbuttoknowledgeoftheChineseclassicsinparticularForexamplethepoetandloverAriwaranoNarihira在原業平(825-80)whoseadventuresarerecountedinIsemonogatariisdescribedinthehistoryNihonsandaijitsuroku日本三代實録asldquoratherbereftofsaigakubutexcellentatcomposingwakardquo略無才學善作倭歌WhiletheprecisemeaningofthislineisthesubjectofongoingdebatethetraditionalviewfirstputforthbykokugakuscholarshasbeenthatthecompilersofSandaijitsurokuwereappraisingNarihirainrelativetermsasbeingunremarkableinChineselearningbutdistinguishedinwakacompositionMeijiacademicsfromthelate1880sonwardwouldbegintofreelyapplythetermkoten古典ldquoclassicsrdquotovernacularJapaneseworks

196

theWestphalianworldorderEuropeanphonocentrismjibednicelywiththe

longstandinganti-logographicbentofkokugakuwhichhadfromitsinception

praisedJapanesekana(andSiddhamscript)whiledisparagingChinese

characters331AndEuropeannotionsofanessentialorganicrelationbetweena

peopletheirspokenlanguageandtheliteraturewroughtfromthatlanguagewere

easytoreconcilewiththeethnocentricclaimsofkokugakuscholarswhowereoften

atpainstoemphasizethealterityofallthingsChineseWhenKadanoAzumamaro

荷田春満(1669-1736)afoundingfigureinthekokugakumovementreferredto

Manrsquoyōshūasldquotheessenceofoutnationaltemperamentrdquo(国風の純粋)hewas

positingthepersistenceinJapaneseliteratureofwhatHippolyteTaine(1828-93)

wouldlateridentifyastheldquoinnateandhereditarydispositionsrdquothatbelongtoa

particularpeopleandaremanifestintheirliterature332Tainewasoneofseveral

WesterntheoristswhoseworkwouldbeenthusiasticallyreceivedbyMeiji-era

scholarsinJapanbothbecauseitansweredcontemporarypedagogicaland

ideologicalneedsandbecauseitdovetailednicelywithlongestablishednativist

convictionsInasimilarveinthereverenceshowntofolksongsbythepoetand

philosopherJohannGottfriedHerder(1744-1803)alignedneatlyinbothitsmotives

331SeeReganEMurphyldquoEsotericBuddhistTheoriesofLanguageinearlyKokugakuTheSōshakuoftheManrsquoyōdaishokirdquoJapaneseJournalofReligiousStudies361(2009)pp65-91332QuotedinWmTheodoredeBaryedSourcesofJapaneseTradition(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1958)pp513HVanLauntransHippolyteTaineHistoryofEnglishLiterature(LondonChattoandWindus1878)p10ThesedispositionscomprisewhatTainefamouslytermsldquolaracerdquothemeaningofwhichasexplainedbyhistorianNathalieRichardsisnotsomuchaldquodeacuteterminismebiologiquerdquobutaldquoformedrsquoespritcollectiverdquoSeeRichardsHippolyteTaineHistoriePsychologieLitteacuterature(ParisClassiquesGarnier2013)p145

197

anditscriticalnomenclaturewithkokugakuscholarsrsquovenerationofsimilarmediain

JapanHerderbelievedthatlanguagewasafoundationalevensacredconstituent

ofapeoplersquosidentityandhisnotionofthesprachgeist(spiritoflanguage)foundan

easyhomeamongMeiji-eratheoristslongaccustomedtotherevivifiedand

repurposednotionofkotodama言霊(thespiritofwords)whichhadbecomea

centralconceptinlateTokugawakokugakudiscourse

Theeventualresultoftheseinteractionswastheformationofanew

academicandideologicalventureknownaskokubungaku国文学orldquonational

literaturerdquowhichbythe1890shadbecomethedominantcriticalparadigm

governingthestudyofpremodernJapanesetextsThoughheirtomuchofthe

intellectuallegacyofkokugakukokubungakuassimilatedEuropeanideasabout

literaryformandhistorythattookthenation-stateasthepreeminentexpressionof

culturalandpoliticaldevelopmentThisimpartedtothedisciplinecertain

ideologicalobjectivesandformalinterestsnotsharedbyitspredecessorWhereas

kokugakuhadplacedparticularemphasisonwakapoetrykokubungaku

emphasizedJapaneseprosefictionwhichsharedmanyattributeswiththe

novelisticwritingthathadwonsuchesteemintheWestAndwhereaskokugaku

hadsoughttouncoveranauthenticprelapsarianYamatoidiomunsulliedby

continentalinfluenceskokubungakuendeavoredtopresentJapaneseliteratureas

theuniquelyidentifiableproductofatranshistoricalculturemore-or-less

coterminouswiththetraditionalgeopoliticalboundariesoftheJapaneseimperium

Inprinciplekokubungakuthushadthepotentialtobequitecapaciousasany

writtenartifactofarchipelaganoriginmightconceivablybeconstruedasfalling

198

withintheboundariesofldquoJapaneserdquoliteratureYetwhileitscanonwasindeed

largerthanthatofkokugakumainlybecauseitdidnotexcludeTokugawa-period

workskokubungakutoostruggledtoaccommodateJapanesekanshibunand

continuedtoprivilegevernaculargenresasthequintessenceofJapaneseliterary

expression

FortheleadinglightsofMeijikokubungakukanshibunwasitwouldseem

stilltooldquoChineserdquoAsearlyas1890thepioneeringkokubungakuscholarHaga

Yaichi芳賀矢一(1867-1927)haddefinedacircumlocutoryldquogracerdquo(yūbi優美)as

theessenceofJapaneseliteraryaestheticsincontrasttotheldquostrengthrdquo(yūsō勇壮)

ofChineseliteratureandtheldquoprecisionrdquo(seichi精緻)ofWesternliterature333

NearlytwentyyearslaterHagawouldarguestronglyfortheincorporationof

kanshibunintoacademictreatmentsofJapanrsquosnationalliterature334butbythenthe

dyehadlargelybeencastInpartkanshibunliteraturewasexcludedbyaesthetic

fiatitslanguagetostatetheobviousaspiredtoartisticeffectsdifferentfromthose

ofwakaormonogataritomostspecialistsofnationalliteratureevenwhenitwas

gooditwasnotreallyJapaneseFurtherpushingkanshibuntothemarginswas

kokubungakursquosformalfocusonthenovelAlthoughkanbunfictionwasnot333HagaYaichiandTachibanaSensaburōedsKokubungakutokuhoninHagaYaichisenshūhenshūiinkaiedHagaYaichisenshūvol2(TokyoKokugakuin1983)pp192-93AsimilarviewwaspropoundedbyMasaokaShikithoughinexplicitrelationtolanguagesheheldWesternlanguagestobeprecise(緻密)andgiventometiculousdescription(叙事詳細)Chinesetobeboldandmagnificent(雄渾雄大)andJapanesetobegracefulandfine(優美繊柔)SeeMatsuiToshihikoldquoMasaokaShikishūrdquoinNihonkindaibungakutaikeivol16(TokyoKadokawaShoten1972)p132334MatthewFraleighPluckingChrysanthemumsNarushimaRyūhokuandSiniticLiteraryTraditionsinModernJapan(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2016)pp6-7

199

unknownitwasvastlyoutweighedinquantityandqualitybyvernacularfictionIn

lightofboththeformidablelinguisticchallengesandlongstandingscholastic

prejudicesagainstfictionitselfitisprobablysafetosaythatthesmallminorityof

JapaneseBuddhistorConfucianliteratiwhopossessedsufficienttechnical

competenceinliterarySinitictocomposefictionalstoriesmarkedbycomplex

characterizationandpsychologicaldepthhadlittleinterestinactuallydoingso

WhileoutstandingJapanesekanshipoetsdidoccasionallyproduceworkssufficient

tomeetwithapprobationinChinandashZekkaiChūshinandAraiHakuseki(1657-1725)

arefamousexamplesndashthereistomyknowledgenoworkofliterarySinitic(or

vernacularChinese)fictionbyaJapaneseauthorthatiscomparableinqualityto

notableworksoffictionbyChineseauthorsortonotablevernacularJapanese

monogatari335

Thethornyissueoforiginalityposedyetanotherproblempremodern

JapanesehistoricalandphilosophicalwritingwasasdeeplysteepedinBuddhism

andConfucianismasEuropeanhistoryandphilosophywasinPlatonismand

AbrahamictheologyButwhilerepublicanRomeandtheancientGreekpoleis

bulkedlargeintheEuropeanimaginationtheywerelongextinctandbore

essentiallynorelationtothepolitiescontrollingItalyandthePeloponnesusinearly

335AsnotedinChapterFourZekkaiexchangedpoemswiththefoundingemperoroftheMingDynastyZhuYuanzhangForHakusekimattersunfoldedmoreserendipitouslyAcollectionofhispoemsseemstohavebeenbroughttotheRyūkyūKingdomandthensubsequentlytoChinawhereaHanlinacademyscholarZhengRenyue鄭任鑰appraisedithighlyandwrotealaudatoryprefaceSeeBurtonWatsonJapaneseLiteratureinChinese(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1976)v2pp13-14andYoshikawaKōjirōHōchōfushiRongozakkiAraiHakusekiitsuji(TokyoShinchosha1971)pp81-193

200

moderntimesBycontrastChinesedynastiesincludingeventheMongolYuan

(1280-1368)andManchuQing(1644-1912)purportedtoupholdidealsofroyal

paramountcyandculturalexcellencethatinprincipleextendedasfarbackasthe

ZhouDynasty(1046-256BC)QingrulerspartookextensivelyofChinesehigh

cultureadoptingBeijingastheircapitalcityandretainingthebasicbureaucratic

machineryoftheirvanquishedMingpredecessorsItwasanapproachthat

contrastsmarkedlywiththatoftheroughlycontemporaneousOttomanrulersof

GreeceandithelpedfosterthesensethatldquoChinardquoasapoliticalandculturalentity

wascharacterizedbyanextraordinarydegreeofcontinuitycertainlyfarhigher

thanthatwhichcharacterizedthevariousearlymodernEuropeanstateswhose

landswereoncehometotheMediterraneancivilizationsofantiquityThissenseof

anldquoeternalrdquoChinalongnotedinEuropeanwritingsonAsiawasalsoverymucha

partofthepremodernandearly-modernJapaneseimaginationInthisconnection

itisillustrativetocontrasttherelationshipthatearly-modernEuropeanpowers

enjoyedwiththefruitsofGreco-RomanculturewithJapanrsquosrelationshiptothe

ChineseculturallegacyWhereastheformerwaslargelycuratorialandrarelyif

evermarkedbychauvinismonthepartofEuropeansthelatterwascomplicated

fromtheoutsetby6thand7th-centuryJapaneserulersrsquodesireforpoliticalparity

withtheSuiandTangcourtsEventheopenhostilitydisplayedtwelvecenturies

laterbyjingoistickokugakupartisansfoundasympatheticdomesticaudiencein

partbecauseQingChinaremainedageopoliticalcompetitortoJapan

FinallythehistoricallegacyofGozanwritersmustbeunderstoodin

referencenotonlytoJapaneseattitudestowardsChinaandtheChineselanguage

201

butalsototheebbingfortunesofinstitutionalBuddhismduringtheTokugawaera

(1600-1868)FormallyspeakingBuddhismwasanldquoestablishedrdquoreligionatleast

insofarastheTokugawashogunatedeterminedtoextirpateChristianityinthe

wakeoftheShimabaraRebellion(1637-38)legislatedtheuseoftemplesascenters

ofcompulsoryreligiousregistrationOntheintellectualfronthoweverthefaith

wasincreasinglyonthedefensiveasNeo-Confucianandkokugakupolemicistsndash

ideologicallyalignedinthisparticularinstancendashattackedbothitstenetsandits

institutionalstructure336Asearlyas1666thedaimyoofOkayamadomainIkeda

Mitsumasaorderedthat598Buddhisttemplesbeabolishedandthatreligious

registrationattemples(tera-uke)bediscontinuedinfavorofregistrationatShinto

shrines(shinshoku-uke)337Similarpolicieswerecarriedoutbyotherdaimyo

sometimesundertheaegisofpromotingShintoandalwayswithaneyetowards

strengtheningdomainalfinancesbyreturningtemplelandstothetaxrollsBythe

endoftheTokugawaperiodactsofviolenceagainsttempleshadoccurredin

multipledomainsandfurtherdespoliationofBuddhistpropertyfollowedinthe

yearsaftertheshogunatersquosdissolution338TheMeijireformersfortheirpartdid

notactuallyseekthewholesaleeradicationofBuddhismndashtheinfamousslogan

haibutsukishaku癈佛毀釋ldquoAbolishtheBuddhaandDestroyShakyamunirdquowasnot

officialpolicyYettheyleftlittledoubtthatBuddhismwasatbesttobeseenasan

unessentialelementintheculturallifeofthenewnationandatworstasan

336SeeMartinCollcuttldquoBuddhismTheThreatofEradicationrdquoinMariusBJansenandGilbertRozmanedsJapaninTransitionFromTokugawatoMeiji(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1986)pp143-167337Ibidp146338Ibidp146

202

unwelcomeadulteranttoShintofromwhichitwastoberigorouslyseparated339

ThiscleavingofBuddhismfromShintoshinbutsubunri神佛分離wasofficialpolicy

anditbroughttoanendalmostamillenniumofinstitutionalreligioussyncretism340

Morethanthisithelpedinstantiateinthereligiousrealmthesamepursuitofpurity

andnationalessencethatsooftenpropelledkokubungakudiscourse

AsaresultoftheseprocessestheGozancorpuswasmultiplyalienatedfrom

themodernunderstandingofJapaneseliteratureitslanguage(oratleastits

orthographyndashmoreonthisbelow)wasChineseitsdominantgenreswereshi

poetryandnon-fictionalexpositoryproseanditseclecticsubjectmatteraimed

mostlyateliteaudienceswasheldtoreflectvaluesthatwerefundamentallyalien

andpossiblyevenanathematotheindigenousJapaneseVolksgeistFully

integratingtheworksofleadingGozanliteratiintotheJapanesecanonwasthus

ideologicallyfraughtinawaythatforexampletheintegrationintotheEnglish

canonofWilliamofOccamrsquostheologicalandscientificwritingswhichareinLatin

wasnotThebroadexclusionofGozanliteratureandotherliterarySiniticwritings

meantthatanimmensevolumeofshipoetryalongwithanimposingbodyof

scholarshipinareassuchasstatutorylawandpoliticalphilosophywasassigneda

moremarginalpositionthanithadinfactoccupiedhistorically341Evenmore

339Ibidpp150-51340Ibidpp151341ThecentralityofkanbuntextstopremodernJapaneseeducationisdetailedextensivelyinHaruoShiraneldquoCurriculumandCompetingCanonsrdquoinShiraneandTomikoYodaedsInventingtheClassics(StanfordStanfordUnivPress2000)pp220-249InsomecaseskanbuntextsconstitutedtheentiretyofacurriculumandoccupiedthebulkofextracurricularreadingTheAshikagagakkōaninfluentialinstitutionofcollegiateeducationforsamuraimaintainedacurriculumcomprised

203

perniciouslybyfosteringtheimpressionthatpremodernandearly-modernJapan

producedhighlyoriginalvernacularpoetsandprosewritersbutnotjuristsand

philosophersthemonolingualcharacterofthekokubungakucanonabetted

essentialistandanti-rationalistclaimsaccordingtowhichJapanunlikeChinaand

theWestwasacultureofaffectiveimmediacynotdiscursivereason

Whilesuchclaimsprovedremarkablydurablecontinuingeventodaytohold

securepurchaseuponthenationalistimaginationitwouldbemisleadingtoimply

thatideologicalfactorsaloneexplaintherelegationofkanshibuntotheperipheryof

theJapanesecanontheydonotNolessgermaneisthesimplefactthatachieving

masteryofliterarySiniticwashardcomparativelyspeakingforJapanesewriters

Evenwithextensiveformaltrainingitisnomeanfeattowriteartfullyinamedium

developedtotranscribealanguagedrasticallydifferentfromthatwhichonespeaks

AndevenifweassumeasiscommoninmuchcurrentscholarshiponJapanese

kanshibunthateducatedwritershadsothoroughlyinternalizedthekundoku訓読

methodsthroughwhichliterarySiniticscriptwasrealizedinJapaneseastomakeits

useldquosecondnaturerdquoitmuststillberememberedthatasaproductivemedium

literarySiniticisnotanalternativeorthographyfortheJapaneselanguageinits

entiretyRatheritisanalternativeorthographyforkundokubun訓読文itselfwhich

isbutoneveryparticularregisterofJapaneseItisofcoursetheoreticallypossible

ofbothBuddhistandsecularChinesetextswiththelatterassuminganincreasinglydominantpositioninthe15thcenturyAsShiraneobserves76percentoftheuniversityrsquosbooktitleswereworksofChineseliteraturephilosophyanddivination16percentwereBuddhisttextsand7percentwereJapanesetextsthatmoreoftenthannotwerewrittenwhollyorpartlyinkanbunegWakanrōeishūAzumakagamiandGoseibaishikimoku

204

thataJapanesewriterrsquosinnermonologuemightbeinsomethingquitecloseto

kundokubuninwhichcasehecouldeasilyputhisthoughtstopaperusingliterary

SiniticwhathecouldnotdowithliterarySinitichoweveristranscribethespoken

languageofanyeraofJapanesehistory342

Therelevanceofthisfacttotheskillofkanshibunwritersortheliterary

valueoftheirworksisdifficulttoassessdisinterestedlyasanysuchassessmentwill

appeartoimplyeithersupportfororresistancetothekokubungakuvalorizationof

vernacularlanguageTraditionallyofcoursethemostcommonassumptionamong

criticshasbeenthatalthoughJapanesekanshipoetsmightpossessestimable

technicalproficiencytheircompositionswillgenerallylacktheartisticpanacheand

ldquoauthenticityrdquoofvernacularJapanesepoemsOnceagaintheproblemwithsucha

conclusionisnotthatitisdemonstrablyfalsebutthatitspremiseonlyinvites

furtherquestionsIfoneprizesspontaneityabovecraftorbelievesthatan

ldquoauthenticrdquopoeticvoicenecessarilyemploysthepoetrsquosspokenlanguagethen

kanshiwillfallshortbydefinitionYetinthecontextofpremodernJapanese

literatureonemaywellaskwhythelineshouldbedrawnatkanshiawakapoetof

thenineteenthcenturymightchoosetocomposeinthelanguageoftheninthwhich

isgrammaticallyneartomodernJapaneseinmanyrespectsbutisnonethelessa

verylongwayfromvernacularSuchcompositionsmoreovermayinvolveasmuch

mentationandcraftasthetypicalkanshiparticularlyforwakapoetswhoarepartial

tothecomplexregimeofwordplaysandrhetoricaldevicesdevelopedoverthe

courseoftheHeianperiod(794-1185)Itisalsoworthrememberingthatdebates342TheseandrelatedpointsaredevelopedmorefullyintheappendedessayldquoKanshibunKundokuandtheJapaneseLanguagerdquo

205

regardingtheartisticmeritofversescomposedspontaneouslyasopposedtothose

carefullyworkedandreworkedoverlongerperiodsoftimehadbeencommonplace

forcenturiesinbothChineseshiandJapanesewakacriticism343Andwhilesome

post-Heianwakapoetsdidaspiretoamoredirectunembellishedstylethefact

remainsthatagreatmanypremodernJapanesepoetsgrantedasecureplaceinthe

kokugakuandkokubungakucanonsweremastersofcraftsticklersforconvention

andeverywherereliantuponanimmensebodyofacquiredtextualknowledge

Henceifunusualartisticqualityorldquoauthenticityrdquoaretheparamountcriteriafor

admissionintothecanonitbecomesdifficulttojustifyconsigningkanshitothe

marginsunlessoneispreparedtodothesametomanymajorwakapoetsofthe

conservativeNijōschoolforexample

Suchanapproachtoclassicalliteraturewouldofcourseresultina

dramaticallysmallerandartisticallyimpoverishedcanonNijōwakaareproperly

canonicalnotbecausetheyappearbrilliantwhenderacinatedfromtheirhistorical

context(theyusuallydonot)butbecausetheywerevaluedhighlybygenerationsof

poetsschooledtoappreciatetheparticularqualitiesoftraditionalcourtlyverse

Thefactthatsuchpoetrygenerallyfailstosatisfymodernaestheticsensibilities

oughtnotbematerialtoitscanonicityespeciallysincethecanonisnotprimarily

envisionedbymodernreadersasprescriptiveandldquowriterlyrdquoinnatureGozan

kanshitooisworthyofstudyandappreciationbecauseitconstitutestheverybestof

343SeeStephenOwenTheEndoftheChineseMiddleAgesEssaysinMid-TangLiteraryCulture(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1996)pp107-129EsperanzaRamirez-ChristensenMurmuredConversationsATreatiseonPoetryandBuddhismbythePoet-MonkShinkei(StanfordStanfordUnivPress2008)pp36-3953-5568-60

206

anesteemedgenrethatwaspracticedcontinuouslyinJapanforovertencenturies

ifitisnotagenrethatanswersadequatelytomodernneedsthecontemporarypoet

mayfreelyabandonitbutforthecritictodothesamewouldbetolettheaesthetic

preferencesofthelasthundredyearsguidethecriticalevaluationofthelast

thousand

Suchconsiderationsnotwithstandingworksofliteraturethatseemingly

transcendtheaestheticandideologicalvaluesthatgovernedtheirproductionare

rightlydeservingofspecialattentionTheseareworksthatlaterreadersmay

approachontheirowntermsandwhichareaestheticallyrewardingevenwhenread

withminimalknowledgeofthesemioticsysteminwhichtheirvarioussymbolsand

motifsoriginallyencodedmeaningInsofarasthepoetryandproseofGozanwriters

rarelysatisfiesthiscriterionthemodernstudentofGozanliteraturemuststillface

thequestionofwhythisimposingcorpusisworthyofintensivestudyOneanswer

wouldreturnusimmediatelytotheissueofcanonformationinthelonguedureacuteeof

JapaneseliteraryhistoryGozanliteratureappearsofminorimportancenotbecause

ofitslowintrinsicqualitybutbecauseitwasexcludedfromearly-modernand

moderncanonsdespitepossessingimpressivethematicbreadthandconceptual

richnessItsometimeshappensinthehistoryofliteraturethattextscanbe

extremelyimportantwithoutbeingparticularlyldquogoodrdquo(earlyMeijiexperimentsin

approximatingthestyleofEuropeanfictionmightbeadducedasonesuchexample)

inthebestGozankanshiwefindtheconverseworksthatwerequitegoodbythe

standardsoftheshigenrendashinthebestcasesevenearningtheesteemofcriticsin

Chinandashbutwhichwerenotenormouslyimportanttothesubsequenttrajectoryof

207

Japaneseletters344EventhishoweverprobablyunderstatesthecaseforGozan

literatureforifitappearstodaytohavebeenlittlemorethanacul-de-sacin

Japaneseliteraryhistoryitbearsemphasizingthatduringthefourteenthand

fifteenthcenturiesleadingGozanliteratiwereinfactveryimportantfigureswho

helpedshapetheelitecultureofthateraandtheirwritingsyieldinsightsinto

medievalJapanesepoeticshermeneuticsandpoliticalthoughtunavailable

anywhereelseTheprincipalsubjectoftheforegoingstudyChūganEngetsu

illustratesthiswithparticularclarityEvenifoneerrsonthesideoftraditional

criticsandremainsskepticaloftheartisticmeritofawrittenmediumsofar

removedfromthespokenvernacularinthematteroforiginalityatleasttherecan

benodoubtthatChūganwasamongthemostoriginalthinkersinallofJapanese

history

SomeGozanwritingsmoreoverdidinfluencedevelopmentsbeyondthe

medievalperiodForinstanceincontradistinctiontoliteratifromhereditary

scholarfamiliesGozanliteratieagerlyembracedSongNeo-Confucianismandwere

thefirsttoproduceannotatedJapaneseeditionsofsuchfoundationalworksasZhu

344HerethereadermightaskwhethertheldquostandardsoftheshigenrerdquowhichhistoricallyspeakingderivedentirelyfromChinesemodelsconstituteanappropriatecriterionforevaluatingJapaneseshiIbelievetheydoandthatmostGozanwriterswouldhavesaidthesame(theidiosyncraticBanriShūku(1428-1502)mightbeoneexception)ItwasnotuntiltheTokugawaperiodthatJapanesekanshipoetsinordertobettertreatthequotidianaspectsofEdosocietybegantowidelyembracerhetoricthatdeviatedmarkedlyfromChinesepoeticnormsOnBanrirsquospoetryseeDavidPollackZenPoemsoftheFiveMountains(AARStudiesinReligionno37NewYorkTheCrossroadPublishingCo1985)p146ForatreatmentofQing-DynastyChineseviewsofldquoJapanizedrdquo(和習)Tokugawa-erakanshiseeGuoYing(HanshiyuhexicongldquoDongyingshixuanrdquodaoRibendeshigezijue(XiamenXiamenDaxuechubanshe2013)pp202-24andpassim

208

XirsquosCommentsontheFourBooksinSectionsandSentences(Sishuzhangjujizhu四書

章句集注)345Gozanscholarshipwouldappearintheworkofphilosophers

FujiwaraSeika(1561-1619)HayashiRazan(1583-1657)andYamazakiAnsai

(1619-82)andisthereforeimmediatelyrelevanttothestudyofNeo-Confucian

thoughtduringtheearlyTokugawaeraFinallyitshouldnotbeforgottenthatfew

Japaneseliterarymovementswhethermodernorpremodernhaverangedsofreely

acrosssovastanepistemeBuddhismConfucianismDaoismandcorrelative

cosmologyformtheintellectualmatrixoftheGozanwriterwhoseprincipalgenres

includedexpositoryessays(ron論)religiouscommentaries(sho疏)sermonsor

disquisitions(setsu説)inscriptions(mei銘)poeticrhapsodies(fu賦)ldquoclassicalrdquo

Chinesepoetry(shi詩)devotionalverses(ge偈)andinthecaseofChūganroyal

memorials(hyō表)Itisacorpusthatgenerouslyrewardscriticalinquirymaking

uniquecontributionstothestudyofintertextualityandphilosophicalsyncretism

withinaspecificallypremoderntransnationalcontext

345Shishokunten四書訓点byGiyōHōshū岐陽方秀(1361-1424)istheseminalworkinthisareabutseveralothernotableGozanscholarslecturedonNeo-Confuciantopicsafactdemonstratedbythemanysurvivingshōmotsu(altshōmono抄物)whichrecordthecontentoftheselecturesSeeYamagishiTokuheiedNihonkotenbungakutaikeivol89ldquoGozanbungakushūEdokanshishūrdquo(TokyoIwanamiShoten1966)pp14-21andAishinImaedaldquoTheZenSectsrdquoinKazuoKasaharaedPaulMcCarthyandGaynorSekimoritransAHistoryofJapaneseReligion(TokyoKosei2002)pp227-54

209

Appendix

Kanshibun Kundoku and the Japanese Language

Theanalysisofkanbun漢文proseandkanshi漢詩poetryleadsquicklyto

conceptualandterminologicaldifficultiessurroundinglanguageandorthography

Sincethe1990sthesedifficultieshavemotivatedseveralnotablechangesinthe

nomenclatureusedbyAnglophonescholarsofEastAsianliteratureswhereitwas

oncecommontoseekanbunrenderedsimplyasldquoChineserdquoandkanshiasldquopoetryin

ChineserdquophraseologiesthatdonotusethewordldquoChineserdquosuchasldquoLiterarySiniticrdquo

ldquoSino-JapaneserdquoldquoSiniticpoetryrdquoandthelikearenowprevalent346Eventheonce

ubiquitoustermldquoChinesecharacterrdquohasbeenreplacedinrecentscholarshipbythe

neologismldquoSinographrdquoandforreasonsthatwillbeaddressedbelowtheJapanese

termskanbunandkanshiarethemselvesoftenavoidedThesechangesreflect

greaterrecognitionoftwofundamentalpointsThefirstisthatthetrans-regional

reachandtrans-culturalimpactofldquoSiniticrdquowritingmakesitusefultodevelopa

nomenclaturethatdoesnotcalltomindaculturalorgeopoliticalconstructas

specificasphraseologiesinvolvingldquoChinardquoorldquoChineserdquomightHeretheskeptical

346ThephraseldquoliterarySiniticrdquoseemstohavebeenpopularizedfirstbyVictorHMairseeldquoBuddhismandtheRiseoftheWrittenVernacularinEastAsiaTheMakingofNationalLanguagesrdquoTheJournalofAsianStudies533(Aug1994)pp707-751ldquoSino-JapaneserdquoisthepreferredtranslationofkanbunforJohnTimothyWixtedseeldquoKanbunHistoriesofJapaneseLiteratureandJapanologistsrdquoinSino-JapaneseStudies102(April1998)pp23-31ldquoSiniticpoetryrdquoisusedbyMatthewFraleighandmanyothercurrentscholarstorenderkanshiseeFraleighPluckingChrysanthemumsNarushimaRyūhokuandSiniticLiteraryTraditionsinModern

Japan(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2016)p20

210

readerwillnodoubtopinethattheshiftismerelycosmeticsincethemodern

EnglishtermChinaalongwiththeJapaneseShinaPersianCīnīSanskritCīnaand

LatinSina(fromwhichisderivedtherootSino-)areallthoughttohavearisenfrom

thesamesourcenamelytheancientstateofQin秦orconceivablythestateofJing

荊347NonethelessitisdifficulttodenythatldquoSinographrdquoandsimilarneologismsdo

notsuggestmodern-daylinguisticorpolitico-culturalreferentssoreadilyTheir

relativeopacityinthisregardmakesthemwellsuitedtoapplicationinmore

specializedacademiccontextswherethemildinconvenienceofnewvocabulary

maybepreferabletotheconnotativebaggageentailedbymorecommonterms

Thesecondfundamentalpointisthatcaremustbetakentoavoidconflating

orthographywithlanguageAsamodeofinscriptionkanbunwassothoroughly

adaptedtotheJapaneselanguageviathedevelopmentofkundoku訓読that

Japanesewritersofkanbunproseandkanshipoetryneedneverhaveconceivedof

themselvesaswritinginalanguagethatwasanythingotherthanldquoJapaneserdquono

matterhowcloselythetextstheyproducedhappenedultimatelytoconformto

orthodoxChineseusageAndtheldquodomesticityrdquoofkanbunemergeswitheven

greaterclarityoutsidetherealmofhighliteratureTocountlesspremodern

governmentofficialsmerchantsandliteratewarriorskanbunbroadlyconceived

347EndymionPWilkinsonChineseHistoryAManual(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2000)p753SeealsoJoshuaAFogelldquoNewThoughtsonanOldControversyShinaasaToponymforChinardquoSino-PlatonicPapers29(Aug2012)SuZhongxiang positedthenameofthestateofJingastheoriginofthetermZhina支那whichwasfirstusedbyIndianmonksandcenturieslatergainedcurrencyinearly-modernJapanSeeldquoLunlsquoZhinarsquoyicideqiyuanyuJingdelishihewenhuardquoamp$13Lishiyanjiu134(April1979)pp34-48citedinFogelp13

211

wassimplythemostnaturalmediumofrecordforawidevarietyofordinary

workadaypurposesWhetherthedocumentstheyproducedusedSinographsin

accordancewiththesemanticandsyntacticnormsoflanguagessuchasOldChinese

(c600BCndash0AD)MiddleChinese(c0ndash800AD)ortheearlyandmiddlestages

ofMandarin(800ndash1600AD)orwhethertheywouldhavebeenintelligibleatallto

adenizenofthecontinentwasentirelyimmaterialtotheirutilityinJapan

Inthisconnectionitisimportanttorememberthatthewordldquokanbunrdquoisa

superordinatetermthatcanbeappliedtoanextremelywidespectrumoftextsIn

modernJapanesenomenclatureoneendofthisspectrumisoccupiedbywhatare

sometimescalledjunkanbun純漢文orldquopurekanbunrdquotextstheseareentirely

logographicandadherecloselytoconventionsofusagetypicalofwhatiscalled

wenyanwen文言文inmodernChinaandldquoliteraryChineserdquoorldquoclassicalChineserdquoin

theWestThisisthekindofwritingthatpredominatesthroughoutsuchworksas

Nihonshoki日本書紀(c720)Honchōmonzui本朝文粋(mid11thc)andmost

Japaneseanthologiesofshi詩poetryTherestofthespectrumisoccupiedbytexts

thatuseChinesecharactersinwaysthatdepartinvaryingdegreesfromthenorms

ofliteraryChineseSuchtextsaresometimesassignedtocategoriessetexplicitly

againstjunkanbunsuchaswashūkanbun和習漢文(ldquoJapanizedkanbunrdquo)orhentai

kanbun変体漢文(ldquodeviantkanbunrdquo)Alternativelythewritingstylemaybe

describedinreferencetoatextualcategoryofwhichitischaracteristiceg

kirokutaikanbun記録体漢文(ldquodocument-stylekanbunrdquo)whichfromapurely

linguisticperspectiveissynonymouswithldquoJapanizedrdquoorldquodeviantrdquokanbunandis

212

simplyanalternativetermonemightencounterinthefieldofJapanesediplomatics

(komonjogaku古文書学)FinallyperhapsbecauseJapanrsquosoldestextant

mythohistoricalworkKojiki古事記(710)haslongreceivedspecialvenerationits

scriptisoftendescribedasldquokanbunthatbendstherulesrdquo(hensokunokanbun変則

の漢文)amorerespectfulphraseologythanldquohentaikanbunrdquo

Worksemployinganytypeofkanbunmayofcoursebeenunciatedorldquoread

outrdquoinliteraryJapaneseviatheapplicationofkundokurulesSignificantlyfor

presentpurposesalthoughkundokuisoftenunderstoodprimarilyasamethodof

translationalreadingitcouldalsoserveasasetofinstructionsmdashaldquoprogramrdquoof

sortsmdashforcomposinginkanbunwithoutanydirectknowledgeoftheChinese

languageassuchMoreinterestingstillisthefactthatthekanbuntextresulting

fromsuchaprocedureneednotbeldquodeviantrdquoorldquoJapanizedrdquoatallToreiteratea

pointraisedearlieraJapaneseauthorwithprofoundexpertiseintheconventionsof

kundokuyetentirelyignorantofanyChinesedialectcouldintheorywriteatextin

kanbunthatisindistinguishablefromliteraryChinesetextswrittenbyChinese

authorsThepowerofkundokuisthustwo-folditenablesessentiallyanyliterary

ChinesetexttobereadasifitwereencodingmeaninginJapanesealbeitinarather

specializedregisterofJapanese(moreonthisbelow)anditenablesanauthor

speakingorthinkinginthatregistertowriteldquoJapaneserdquousingSinographsina

mannerfullyconsistentwithChineselinguisticnorms

ItisforthisreasonthatDavidLuriehascautionedagainstinvokingtheterms

ldquoJapaneserdquoandldquoChineserdquotodistinguishbetweensaythelanguageofKojikiandthat

ofNihonshokibothofwhicharewrittenentirelyinSinographsForwhileitistrue

213

thatthelatteradheresmorecloselytoliteraryChinesenormsandcanberead

smoothlyasChinesebothtextsareequallyrealizablethroughkundokuandthus

equallyreadableasJapanese348EvenaChineseworksuchastheeclecticHuainanzi

淮南子animportantsourceforthecompilersofNihonshokicouldbeapprehended

asaJapanesetextbyareaderhighlyskilledinkundokuyetsomehowunawareof

Huainanzirsquoscontinentalprovenance

Kundokuisindeedanastonishingachievementinlinguistictechnology

utterlywithoutparallelinWesternlanguagesandmoreextensivelydevelopedthan

similarsystemsknowntohaveexistedinKoreaandVietnam349Moreoverin

specificallylinguistic(asopposedtoculturalorldquoliteraryrdquo)termstheexistenceof

kundokuundeniablyunderminesthecommoncomparisonofkanbuninJapanto

LatininEuropeasLuriehasobservedwhileanearlymodernEnglishwritermight

beextremelyproficientinLatintherewasnosystematicsetofstructuralandlexical

equivalencesallowinghimtomentallyprocesswrittenLatinasEnglishYetforthe

purposesofthisstudyandforthestudyofJapanesekanshibunmoregenerallyI

believecautionisinorderwhenoptingfornomenclaturesthatinattemptingto

redressthesimplisticsuppositionsofearlierscholarshipeschewreferenceto

348LurieRealmsofLiteracyEarlyJapanandtheHistoryofWriting(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2011)p180349MethodsanalogoustokundokuareknowntohaveemergedontheKoreanPeninsulasometimepriortotheiremergenceinJapananditislikelythateacutemigreacutescholarsfromPaekcheplayedaninstrumentalroleindevelopingandpopularizingthesemethodsonthearchipelagoJapanesekundokuisuniquenotbecauseitwastheearliestsuchsystembutbecauseithasbeenincontinuousattesteduseforwelloveramillenniumanditscomplexarrayofrulesandconventionsarewelldocumentedEventodayitremainstheprincipalvehiclethroughwhichstudentsinmodernJapanbeginlearningliteraryChinese

214

ldquoChineserdquo(orldquokanbunrdquo)altogetherMypurposeisnottorejectattractiveneologistic

alternativessuchasldquoliterarySiniticrdquowhichhappenstobeanexcellentparaphrase

ofldquojunkanbunrdquoandwhichIusefrequentlythroughoutthisstudyHoweverinthe

remainderofthisessayIwillattempttohighlightsomepotentialshortcomingsof

thenewterminologyandtoarguebrieflyfortheongoingutilityoftheever

capacioussuperordinatetermldquokanbunrdquoinWestern-languageJapanological

scholarshipIwillalsoofferabriefdefensewithinspecificparametersoftheold

practiceofdescribingJapaneseworksofliterarySiniticasldquoChineserdquo

2 Between Style and Language Kundokubun and Literary Sinitic

ldquoPeople[inearlyJapan]oftendidnotreallyknowwhatlanguagetheywerewritinginChineseorJapaneseandweareofteninnobetterpositiontomakeajudgmentonthequestionwhenwestudysomeofthedocumentstheyproducedrdquo

RAMiller1967350

ldquoFromthevantagepointofscriptbothBaiJuyirsquosandMichizanersquospoemscanbecharacterizedasldquoChineserdquobutreadaloudby[MiddleCaptain]TadanobutheyarejustasequallyldquoJapaneserdquo

BrianSteininger2017351

350TheJapaneseLanguage(ChicagoUnivofChicagoPress1967)p131351ChineseLiteraryFormsinHeianJapanPoeticsandPractice(CambridgeHarvardUniversityAsiaCenter2017)p8

215

ThecourtscholarandstatesmanSugawaranoMichizane菅原道真(845-

903)wasamongthefinestshipoetsofHeianJapanThedegreetowhichhiswritten

worksmaybeviewedaslinguisticallyJapaneseoratleastnotasexclusively

Chinesedependsuponthedegreetowhichlogographicscriptcanbeunderstoodto

representtheJapaneselanguageSincekundokuclearlyliesatthecruxofthematter

itwillproveusefultoexpanduponthepointsbroachedaboveandinvestigateits

propertiesmorecloselyTobeginitisimportanttorecognizethatthekundoku

registerisnoticeablydifferentfromthatofvernacularJapaneseproseandpoetryof

anytimeperiodadmittingmanyphraseologiesfoundnowhereelseintheJapanese

language352Thekundokuregisterevenincludessomephraseologiesthatstrictly

speakingareungrammaticalbythestandardsofvernacularJapanese353Whilea

352ItmightbeobjectedthatourcurrentunderstandingoftheprecisekundokurulestaughtindifferenttimeperiodsoratparticulartemplesoracademiesistooincompletetopositsuchawholesaledisjunctionbetweenkundokuandvernacularJapaneseItistruethatthekundokumethodswidelytaughttodaygenerallyrepresentconventionscurrentinthenineteenthcenturyandthatthetechniquesofagreatmanypremodernschoolsofkundokuhavebeenlosttohistorySomesurelyhewednearertovernaculardictionthanothersbutaswillbeshownbelowanytruekundokusystemndashonethatpermitsboththereadingandcompositionoflogographiclocutionsndashwillrunupagainstchallengesthatmakedeparturesfromvernacularJapaneseusageessentiallyinevitableAtbottomthisisbecausevernacularJapanesecannotbefullyencodedlogographicallyatleastsolongastheonlylogographsatyourdisposalareldquoSinographsrdquo353Anexampleistheenunciationofthepossessiveparticlenousedtoglossthecharacter之insentencessuchas仕王之人ldquoapersonwhoservesthekingrdquoThismaybereadviakundokuasldquoŌnitsukaurunohitordquodespitethefactthattheparticlenoisnotusedinvernacularJapanesetosubordinatenounstoverbssuchrelativeclausesareformedbydirectlymodifyingthesubordinatenounwiththeverbinaspecificconjugationcalledtherentaikei連体形HeretheJapaneseverbtsukau(tsukafu)whichisthekundokuglossfor仕isalreadyinitsrentaikeiformtsukauru(tsukafuru)makingnosemanticallysuperfluousandindeedgrammaticallyldquowrongrdquoThoughtheviolationdoesnotcompromiseintelligibilitytheeffectisperhapsakintosayinginEnglishsomethingalongthelinesofldquoapersonwhodoesservesthekingrdquo

216

fullaccountingofthesefeatureswouldnecessitatetoolengthyadigressionclose

examinationofoneexampleshouldhelpclarifyboththepowerandthelimitations

ofkundokuasaninterlingualmediumAsamethodoftranslationalreading

kundokuiseasilyappliedtoalogographiclocutionsuchasthis王為臣之所尊ldquothe

kingisesteemedbyhisministerrdquoWhiledifferentkundokutraditionscanbe

expectedtoproducedifferentrenderingstwobroadapproachesmaybeidentified

namelythatofmetaphraseandthatofparaphraseTheformerseekstopreservea

senseofalterityandtomaintainmaximumlinguisticfidelitytothesourcetext

theseprioritiesleadtoaJapaneserenditionsuchasŌshinnotōtomutokorotonasu

王臣の尊む所と為すThelatterbycontrastmightresultinthesomewhatmore

liberalŌwashinnitōtomaru王は臣に尊まるThissentenceuseseveryday

JapanesegrammarandbetraysnoconnectiontologographicwritingorldquoChineserdquo

savepossiblyforthetermsldquokingrdquoandldquoministerrdquowhichdoappearfrequentlyinthe

ChineseclassicsBothoftheseapproachesareinfacttaughtinmodernkanbun

textbooksasequallyvalidstandardwaysofhandlingtheliteraryChineseldquopassiverdquo

constructionX為Y(之)所VwhichmeansldquoXisV-edbyYrdquo354Yetitisapparent

howdramaticallythetworenditionsdifferThemetaphraseattemptstoaccountfor

asmanylexicalelementsintheoriginalsentenceaspossibleandconsequentlyit

354TechnicallythisstructureshouldprobablynotbelabeledldquopassiverdquoasitsimplymeansldquoXisthatwhichYV-srdquoTheword所constituteswhathistoricallinguistEdwinPulleyblanktermsaldquorelativepronounrdquoitsfunctionistotransformtheverborverbphraseitprecedesintoanounphraseeg買=ldquotobuyrdquo所買=ldquothatwhichonebuysrdquoorldquothatwhichisboughtrdquoForpedagogicalpurposeshoweverthisconstructionisoftenpresentedinbothEnglish-languageandJapanese-languagetextbooksofliteraryChineseasoneofseveralgrammaticalpatternsexpressingthepassivevoice

217

departsfromvernacularJapaneseusageparticularlyinitscharacteristic(though

notungrammatical)useoftokorotorenderthespecialpronoun所355Likea

smudgeonaphotographoramicrophoneboominamoviescenethepresenceof

lexicalelementsredolentofthekundokuregisterisalinguisticpunctumreminding

thereaderthattheotherwiseJapaneselocutionldquotōtomutokorotonasurdquois

stylisticallyconnectedtotheworldofkanbun

BycontrastthesecondreadingconstitutesavernacularJapaneseparaphrase

completewithpostpositionalparticles(wani)notpresentanywhereintheoriginal

alongwithaJapaneseverbconjugationthatexpressesthepassivevoiceChineseof

courseisanuninflectedlanguageandhasnoverbconjugationswhatsoever

Consideredtogetherthesetworenderingsof王為臣之所尊revealthedifficultyin

acceptingtheviewthatkundokucaneverbequiteasldquoinvisiblerdquoassomescholars

haveimpliedeitheronemustoptforametaphrasethatinFriedrich

Schleiermacherrsquosterminologywillgenerateatleastamildsenseofldquoalienationrdquoin

thetargetlanguageoronemustoptforaparaphraseandtherebyldquonaturalizerdquothe

355Like所inEarlyChinesethebasicsenseoftheJapanesewordtokoroisldquoplacerdquoorldquolocationrdquoItadmitsawiderangeofextendedusesincludingdesignatingaldquopointintimerdquooraldquopartrdquoofsomething(egomoshirokarikerutokoro=ldquothepartIfounddelightfulrdquo)BythemedievalperiodusesderivingfromtheliterarySinitic所constructionareseeninworksofJapaneseprosethatseekspecificallytoreplicatetheformalauthoritativeregisterofliterarySiniticHenceinthefirstchapterofHeikemonogatariwehaveminkannoureurutokorooshirazarishikaba=ldquobecause(rulerslikeZhaoGaoofQinandWangMangofHan)wereignorantofthepeoplersquosdistresshelliprdquoTheuseoftokorotomakerelativeclausessuchastsukurutokoronoteraldquothetemplesthatwerebuiltrdquostemsdirectlyfromkundokupracticessomethingveryneartothiswasalmostcertainlyhowtheliterarySiniticphrase所造之寺whichappearsinBook25ofNihonshoki(Taika188)wasenunciatedSuchrelativeclausesarefoundoccasionallyinvernacularproseegkorosutokoronotorildquothebirdsthathekilledrdquo(Tsurezuregusa162)butarefarlesscommonthanalternatives

218

sourcetext356ThefirstapproachmakeskundokuvisiblebyusingJapanesewordsin

distinctiveorunusualwayswhileinthelatterkundokubecomesvisibleduringits

applicationtothesourcetextbecauseoftheinterpolationofwordsorgrammatical

elementsnotpresentthere

Significantlythissameslippageisalsoseenwhenkundokuisused

productivelyasameanstofacilitatelogographicwritingSupposethataJapanese

writerseekstorepresenttheJapanesesentencemukowashūtonihomeraretari

(ldquothegroomwaspraisedbyhisfather-in-lawrdquo)entirelylogographicallywhichisto

sayinldquogoodrdquokanbunthatupholdsliteraryChinesenormsHowmighthedoit

Therearemanyoptionsandthishappenstobequiteaneasysentencetohandle

butanyrepresentationourwriterchooseswillinevitablyendupelidingsome

elementsofJapanesegrammarSinographsareafterallclosedmorphemesthat

cannotbedeclinedorconjugatedorotherwisealteredanditisimpossibleto

modifythemwithothercharacterstoeffectivelyindicateallJapaneseinflectional

endingsEventhesimplestJapanesesentencewilltypicallyinvolvechoicesoftense

andmodalitythatmusteitherbeleftunexpressedinkanbunormustbe

approximatedimperfectlybyadverbialauxiliariesManyofthemostcommon

Japaneseinflectingsuffixessuchaskiritsunurashimeriandnumerousothers

havenoconventionalkanbunequivalentsmeaningthatthevastbulkofJapanese

356OntheldquoinvisibilityrdquoofkundokuseeSemizuYukinoldquoInvisibleTranslationReadingChineseTextsinAncientJapanrdquoinTranslatingOtherspp283-295

219

locutionsthatarenotalreadyinthekundokuregistercannotbefullyencodedin

kanbunatall357

AdditionallytherearealsoawiderangeofJapaneselocutionsthatcanbe

encodedinkanbunbutonlywiththeinclusionoflexicalelementsthatareeither

awkwardornonsensicalinliterarySiniticForinstanceletusimaginealocution

suchasldquoLordTokihirahasnowboardedtheboatrdquoAsentencewiththismeaning

couldconceivablyappearinaJapanesehistoricaldocumentasTokihira-donowa

funeninorashimetamaiowannuandbewritteninkanbunas時平殿令乘給船畢

ManyelementshereareunusualinliterarySiniticandthecharacters令～給which

mayappearinavarietyofpositionsandrendertheJapanesehonorificconstruction

shimetamaumakenosensewhatsoever358Andwecouldgofurtherstillsuppose

357ThisproblemmayofcoursebesolvedifonedepartsfromliterarySiniticandallowsdesemanticizedcharacterstobemixedinaswiththeso-calledsenmyō-gaki宣命書きorldquoproclamationstylerdquoofwritingusedduringtheNaraandearlyHeianperiodsInthisstylethelocutionmukowashūtonihomeraretarimightbewritten婿者舅仁褒良礼多利wherethedesemanticizedcharactersaremadegraphicallysmallerndashacommontechniqueinsenmyō-gakindashandfunctionlikeokuriganainmodernJapaneseIndeedthisapproachdemonstratesthatanessentiallymodernmixofgraphicallydistinctlogographicandphonographicscriptorderedaccordingtoJapanesesyntaxwashituponquiteearly358Inmedievalandearly-moderndocumentssomeattestedexamplesofldquodeviantrdquokanbuncomestrikinglyclosetovernacularChineseeg見了返給mi-owaritekaeshitamauldquo(he)returneditafterlookingitoverrdquoHere給isstillconstruedasthehonorificsuffixtamauYetthesentencecanbereadinmodernMandarinwith給pronouncedasgei(areadingnotusedinclassicalChinese)andinterpretedtomeansomethinglikeldquo(he)lookedatitandgaveitbackrdquoTheexampleistakenfromKarikomeHitoshi苅米一志Nihon-shiomanabutamenokomonjokokirokukundokuhō日本史を学ぶための古文書古記録訓読法(TokyoYoshikawaKōbunkan2016)p73VocabularyitemsdrawnfromvernacularChinesesuchasjinmo甚麼(ldquowhatrdquo)andshashi這些(ldquothistheserdquo)doappearinZenwritingsanditseemspossiblethatcertainidiosyncraticusagesobservedinldquodeviantrdquokanbunwereadaptedfromorinspiredbyvernacularChinese

220

thetextweretosayTokihira-donowaeumajikarikeruonnaomotometamaikemuldquoIt

wouldseemLordTokihirapursuedaladywhowasimpossibletowinrdquoSucha

sentencemayofcoursebetranslatedintokanbunwhetherldquopurerdquoorldquodeviantrdquobut

itcannotbewritteninkanbun

Returningfinallytothesomewhateasierchallengeposedinitiallyour

hypotheticalwritermightverywellchoosetorepresentthesentencemukowashūto

nihomerarekerias婿為舅之所褒whichhappenstosharetheexactsamestructure

astheearlierexample王為臣之所尊forwhichweadvancedtwopossiblekundoku

renderingsNotethelackofanyexplicitmarkerindicatingthepasttenseThisisin

factentirelynormallocutionsinliterarySinitictypicallyrelyuponcontextandthe

readerrsquoscommonsenseforthedeterminationoftensewhichmeansthatanyother

representationourwriterchooseseg婿褒於舅婿被舅褒etcwillbeunableto

provideametaphrasetheJapaneseinflectionalendingkeri359

Thepointoftheforegoingissimplytosaythatifwewishtoavoida

nomenclaturethatoveremphasizesthealterityofkanbunorthatimpliestoofacilea

dichotomybetweenwhatisnativeandwhatisforeignwemustalsorecognizethat

asamediumofinscriptionkanbunbyitselfcanonlyeverrepresentaspecific

registeroftheJapaneselanguageandthattheaccuracyofsucharepresentationwill

oftencomeattheexpenseoffidelitytoliterarySiniticnormsSowhatisthe

359Theverbalprefix被whichmayindicatethepassivevoiceinmodernMandarinbutisgenerallynotusedassuchinorthodoxliterarySiniticbecameacommonplaceindicatoroftheJapanesepassiveconjugation~ruraruinldquoJapanizedrdquokanbunwritingsofthemedievalandearly-modernperiodsSincethisconjugationmayalsobeusedasanhonorific被wasusedinthissenseaswellwiththecommonhonorificverbnasarufrequentlyseenas被成or被為inhistoricaldocuments

221

current-dayscholartodoMyprovisionalansweristwofoldFirstretaintheterm

kanbunanditsrelatives(kanshikanshibun)whilerecognizingthatlike

innumerableothertermstocapturetheattentionofculturalandliterarytheorists

(ldquonationrdquoldquosignrdquoldquotextrdquoetc)thesedenotesomethingmorecomplexthanhas

traditionallybeenappreciatedUsefullykanbunandkanshimaystillbeunderstood

toencodemeaninginJapanesendashbearinginmindthelitanyoflimitationsoutlined

abovendashyetthetermsthemselvesmakenoclaimonwhetheranindividualauthorof

apurelylogographicworkthoughtofhimselfaswritinginJapaneseorinChinese

ThephrasesldquoLiterarySiniticrdquoandldquoSiniticpoetryrdquoareofcourseusefulinthisway

toobuttheyaresuitedexclusivelytologographicworksintelligiblethroughoutthe

Sinosphereandarequiteinapplicabletowritingsinldquodeviantrdquokanbun

AdmittedlytheJapanesetermscomeatapriceThecentraldownsidetoa

termsuchaskanbunisthatitparticipatesinexorablyinthefamousdyadicrelation

ofldquowa-kanrdquo和漢mostfrequentlyandovertlybybeingpairedwiththetermwabun

和文ldquoJapaneseproserdquoInmodernusagethewa-kandyadtendstoimplyan

ontologyinwhichculturalandlinguisticphenomenafromanyeraareyokedtoan

ostensiblytranshistoricalJapanesenationalidentitywaisldquoJapaneserdquoinalltheways

salienttothemodernprojectofunitinglanguagecultureandethnicityunderthe

rubricofnationhood360Itneedhardlybesaidthatsuchaviewencourages

kan(bun)tobeconceivedofassomethingculturallyandlinguisticallynon-Japanese

anarrowandanachronisticconceptionthatisbeliedpartlybytheinterlingual

360AdetailedanalysisoftheseissuesisgiveninJasonWebbldquoBeyondWa-KanNarratingKanshiReceptionandSociolectsofPoetryrdquoinProceedingsfortheAssociationofJapaneseLiteraryStudies5(Summer2004)pp245-259

222

propertiesofkundokuandunderminedcompletelybytheenormouswelterof

historicaldocumentsthatwhilewritteninkanbunareonlyunderstandableas

JapaneselinguisticartifactsStillitisimportantthatadeconstructionofthe

metaphysicsinformingmodernnationhoodnotleadtotheequallymisguidednotion

thatpremodernJapaneseliteratipossessednosenseofldquoJapanrdquoasasingular

geopoliticalentityorofldquoJapaneserdquoasameaningfulculturalandlinguisticcategory

Evidenceofaconsciousnessthatabsentaconvenientadjectivalformoftheword

ldquocountryrdquocanmostreasonablybecalledldquonationalrdquoisidentifiableamong

archipelaganelitesforasfarbackasthetextualrecordextends361Thisinitself

doesnotconstituteareasontoapproveofthetermskanbunandkanshiitisnoted

onlytorejectthepositionthatmereparticipationinmoderndiscoursesconcerning

nationalidentityandnationalliteraturemustfatallycompromisethem

Somescholarshaveavoidedthetermkanbunbecauseitsliteralmeaning

ldquoHan(Chinese)writingrdquoseemstoeffacetheinterlingualcharacteroflogographic

writinginJapanThisisafairpointthoughsomeoftheproposedalternativessuch

361ItisinterestingtonoteinthisconnectionthatthetermldquointernationalrdquoiswidelyusedincurrentscholarshiptodescribeintercoursebetweenpremodernEastAsianpolitiesItsWestphalianringnotwithstandingsuchadescriptionisnotaltogetherinaccurateforanimaginedcommunityinthesenseofBenedictAndersonneednotbeheldtoexistamongageneralpopulaceforsomethingquitesimilartobepresentamongthesmallcadreofindividualsinvolvedindomesticadministrationdiplomacyandoverseastradeWithrespecttolanguageinparticularakeenawarenessofthelinguisticdifferencesbetweenwhatwasspokenonthearchipelagoandwhatcouldbesetdowninorthodoxliterarySiniticispossiblysuggestedbyŌnoYasumarorsquosfamousprefacetoKojikiIbelievethatitisthoughLurieconteststhisinterpretationForhisargumentsseeRealmsofLiteracypp247-50andtheextensivediscussionofYasumarorsquosprefaceinLurieldquoTheOriginsofWritinginEarlyJapanFromthe1sttothe8thCenturyCErdquo(PhDDissertationColumbiaUniversity2001)pp300-10

223

asdescribingproseorpoetryasldquoChinese-stylerdquo362seemtopresenttheirown

problemsHerethephraseldquoChinesestylerdquoisreallynolessvaguethantheldquokanrdquoin

kanbunorkanshiandthehighlyelastictermldquostylerdquobegsadditionalquestionsFor

instancepracticalkanbundocumentsthoughsetexclusivelyinSinographsmayuse

mostlyJapanesevocabularyandshowlittletonoawarenessofChineseliterarystyle

ConverselysomeJapaneseproseworksoftheMeijiperiodwerecomposedina

registerveryneartokundokubuncompletewithvocabularydrawndirectlyfrom

theChineseclassics363ArebothldquoChinesestylerdquoalbeitindifferentwaysOrdoes

onlyone(orperhapsneither)qualifyassuchAgainmypurposeisnottorejectout

ofhandthephraseldquoChinesestylerdquowhichisusefulinasmuchasitclearlyindicates

someconnectiontotheChineseliterarytraditionwithoutplacingtheworkit

describesexclusivelywithinthattraditionThispointleadstothethorniest

questionofallnamelywhetherworksbyJapaneseauthorsthatdocomportwith

literaryChinesenormscaneverbelegitimatelytermedldquoChineserdquo

ThequestionhaspracticalaswellastheoreticalimplicationsInthesummer

of2000theLibraryofCongressadoptedanewclassificationschemeforkanshibun

materialsmovingfromascript-basedSinocentricsystemtoonebasedsquarelyon

362FraleighnotesthatsomescholarshaveusedthephraseldquoChinese-stylepoetryrdquotodenoteshicomposedbynon-ChineseauthorsincontradistinctiontoldquoChinesepoetryrdquowhichisreservedforshicomposedbyChineseauthorsSeePluckingChrysanthemumsp20363ForexampleNiwaJunrsquoichirōrsquosKaryūshunwa花柳春話(1877)aJapanesetranslationofEdwardBulwer-LyttonrsquosErnestMaltraverscleavessocloselytothekundokuregisterthatitslanguageissaidtobeldquokanbunkuzushirdquo漢文崩しastylemeanttoreplicatethekundokurenderingofliterarySiniticForanexaminationofthistextseeIndraLevySirensoftheWesternShoreTheWesternesqueFemmeFataleTranslationandVernacularStyleinModernJapaneseLiterature(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2006)pp29-31

224

nationalprovenancePriortothatdatesuchmaterialshadbeenshelvedaccording

toChinesedynasticchronologyandinterfiledwithworksbyChineseandKorean

authorstoWesternbibliographerstheseworkswereunifiedbythefactthatthey

wereallwritteninclassicalChinese364Thechangebearssignificantlyuponour

earlierdiscussionofterminologyforbyshelvingcollectionsofshipoetryby

JapaneseauthorsalongsidecollectionsofwakafromthesameperiodofJapanese

historythenewarrangementstronglyimpliesthatbothareequallyapartof

ldquoJapaneseliteraturerdquoanditatleastleavesopenthepossibilitythattheformermay

evenbeviewedaslinguisticallyJapaneseThenewapproachseemstomean

improvementovertheoldthoughitdoesunavoidablyreinforcethenationasthe

preeminentframeworkfororganizingliteraryscholarshipsomethingthatmaybe

especiallymisleadingwhendealingwithworksinliterarySiniticIndeeditisquite

conceivablethatprominentGozanliteratisuchasZekkaiChūshin絶海中津(1336-

1405)orRyūzanTokken龍山徳見(1284-1358)mightwellhavepreferredtheir

workstoappearwiththoseoftheircontemporarieswhetherJapaneseChineseor

KoreanwhoalsowroteinliterarySinitic365Allwereheirtoaculturallegacywhose

fountainheadwasChinabutwhosescopewaspan-Asianandallwouldhaveviewed

themselvesasoperatingwithinabroadlyConfucianintellectualepistemethatby

364OnthisseeFraleighPluckingChrysanthemumspp7-8365ZekkaiissometimesregardedasthegreatestshipoetinJapanesehistoryhehadthehonorofexchangingpoemswiththefirstemperoroftheMingDynastywhowascuriousaboutJapanandsummonedZekkaiforanaudiencein1376RyūzanemigratedtoChinain1301whenhewasseventeenandbecamewellestablishedintheChancommunityhedidnotreturntoJapanforalmost50years

225

theTangDynastywasbeingreferencedwithcharacteristicpithandsolemnityas

ldquoThisCulturerdquo(CsiwenJshibunKsimun斯文)

Therelevanceofthistotheproblemathandissimplythatweshouldbeopen

tothepossibilitythatatleastinsomecasestheEnglishphraseldquoinChineserdquomight

comeclosesttoconveyinghowapremodernJapanesewriterofliterarySinitic

actuallyconceivedofhisownenterpriseIndeedeventoadedicatedshipoetofthe

TokugawaperiodwhohadalmostsurelyneverleftJapanandmightneverhave

studiedspokenChinesetheapplicationtoonersquospoetryoftheepithetldquoJapanizedrdquo

washū和習和臭wasascathingindictment366Tobesuretheselfimageof

premodernkanshibunwriterslargelyirrecoverableanyhowprovidesnolinguistic

reasonatalltousethewordldquoChineserdquoinreferencetotheirworksAfteralla

languageinSaussureantermsissimplyasystemofrulesthroughwhichverbal

meaning-makingisaccomplishedandaswehavealreadyseenkundokuisasystem

thatallowsatleastapartialtransmutationofChineseintoJapaneseandviceversa

ThismeansthatalocutionwritteninliterarySiniticmustqualifyasaparoleinboth

languagessimultaneouslyrenderingthetermldquoChineserdquoincompletebyitselfYet

masteryofliterarySiniticasamodeofinscriptionnecessarilyimpliesmasteryofthe

rulesndashsyntacticsemanticandpragmaticndashofthelanguageofliteraryChinese

HereitisimportanttonotethatalthoughliteraryChineseunlikeMiddleChineseor

Mandarinisaconventionalizedwrittenlanguagewithnouniquephonologyitis

rootedinthespokenvernacularofWarringStatesChinaandcertainlyqualifiesasa

366FraleighPluckingChrysanthemumsp8

226

ldquolanguagerdquo367TothisextentaJapaneseauthorcapableofproducingalogographic

textconsistentwiththenormsofliteraryChineseevenifhedoessoentirelyby

renderingkundokubunintokanbunmustnecessarilyknowtheliteraryChinese

languageItisinthissenseofknowingtherulesthatitisdefensibletoclaimthat

themostimportantculturalachievementinearlyJapanwasindeedldquothemasteryof

theChineselanguagerdquo368

367MichaelFullerAnIntroductiontoLiteraryChinese(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter1999)p1368EdwinCranstonldquoAsukaandNaraCultureLiteracyLiteratureandMusicrdquoinTheCambridgeHistoryofJapanvol1(CambridgeUKCambridgeUnivPress1993)p453TheaccuracyofthestatementcouldofcoursebeimprovedbyspecifyingldquoliteraryrdquoChinese

227

BibliographyAkatsukaKiyoshi赤塚忠Zenshakukanbuntaikei全釈漢文大系vol16ldquoSōshirdquo荘子(TokyoShueisha1974)ArbuckleGaryldquoInevitableTreasonDongZhongshursquosTheoryofHistoricalCyclesandEarlyAttemptstoInvalidatetheHanMandaterdquoJournaloftheAmericanOrientalSociety1154(1995)pp585-97AshikagaEnjutsu足利衍述KamakuraMuromachijidainojukyō鎌倉室町時代の儒教(TokyoNihonKotenZenshūKankōkai1932)BattenBruceGatewaytoJapan(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress2006)BerryMaryElizabethTheCultureofCivilWarinKyoto(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1994)BolPeterKldquoThisCultureofOursrdquoIntellectualTransitionsinTrsquoangandSungChina(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1992)BorgenRobertSugawaranoMichizaneandtheEarlyHeianCourt(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress1994)BrittanSimonPoetrySymbolandAllegory(CharlottesvilleUnivofVirginiaPress2003)BurnsSusanBeforetheNationKokugakuandtheImaginingofCommunityinEarlyModernJapan(DurhamDukeUnivPress2003)CaiZong-QildquoRecent-StyleShiPoetryPentasyllabicRegulatedVerserdquoinZong-QiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetry(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2008)pp161-77CailloisRogerMeyerBarashtransManPlayandGames(UrbanaUnivofIllinoisPress2001)ChangKang-iSunTheEvolutionofChineseTrsquozuPoetryFromLateTrsquoangtoNorthernSung(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1980)ChenShuifeng陳水逢Ribenwenmingkaihuashiluumle日本文明開化史略(TaipeiTaiwanshangwuyinshuguan1993)

228

ChenZhuhui陳竺慧ldquoNomuraKōennolsquogashirsquotoShindainoshidansonoeibutsushiotegakarinirdquo野村篁園の「雅詞」と清代の詞壇その詠物詞を手がかりにWasedaDaigakudaigakuinbungakukenkyūkakiyō62(Mar2017)pp203-215CollcuttMartinldquoBuddhismTheThreatofEradicationrdquoinMariusBJansenandGilbertRozmanedsJapaninTransitionFromTokugawatoMeiji(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1986)pp143-167mdashmdashmdashFiveMountainsTheRinzaiZenMonasticInstitutioninMedievalJapan(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1981)CranstonEdwinldquoAsukaandNaraCultureLiteracyLiteratureandMusicrdquoinTheCambridgeHistoryofJapanvol1(CambridgeUKCambridgeUnivPress1993)CsikszentmihalyiMarkReadingsinHanChineseThought(IndianapolisHackett2006)mdashmdashmdashandPhillipJIvanhoeedsReligiousandPhilosophicalAspectsoftheLaozi(NewYorkSUNYSeriesinChinesePhilosophyandCulture1999)deBaryWmTheodoreedSourcesofJapaneseTradition(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1958)DumoulinHeinrichZenBuddhismAHistoryvol2(BloomingtonWorldWisdom1994)EganRonaldCldquoTheProblemoftheReputeofTzrsquouDuringtheNorthernSungrdquoinYuedVoicesoftheSongLyricpp191-225mdashmdashmdashldquoShiPoetryAncientandRecentStylesrdquoinCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetrypp308-25FelburRafalldquoEssaysofSengzhaordquoinThreeShortTreatisesbyVasubandhuSengzhaoandZongmi(MoragaBDKAmerica2017)pp47-135FraleighMatthewPluckingChrysanthemumsNarushimaRyūhokuandSiniticLiteraryTraditionsinModernJapan(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2016)FullerMichaelAnIntroductiontoLiteraryChinese(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter1999)GobleAndrewEdmundKenmuGo-DaigorsquosRevolution(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1996)

229

mdashmdashmdashldquoSocialChangeKnowledgeandHistoryHanazonorsquosAdmonitionstotheCrownPrincerdquoHarvardJournalofAsiaticStudies551(1995)pp61-128GregoryPeterNAnInquiryintotheOriginofHumanityAnAnnotatedTranslationofTsung-mirsquosYuumlanjenlunwithaModernCommentary(KurodaInstituteClassicsinEastAsianBuddhismHonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress1995)GuoYing(HanshiyuhexicongldquoDongyingshixuanrdquodaoRibendeshigezijue(XiamenXiamenDaxuechubanshe2013)HagaKōshirō芳賀幸四郎ldquoZenbungakutoGozanbungakurdquo禅文学と五山文学inYamagishiTokuheiedsNihonkanbungakushironkō日本漢文学史論考(TokyoIwanamiShoten1974)HagiwaraTatsuoldquoShintōtheWayoftheKamirdquoinKasaharaKazuoedAHistoryofJapaneseReligion(TokyoKōsei2001)pp299-314HechtMicahSpencerldquoConventionsofUnconventionalityTheRhetoricofReclusioninKitayamaJapaneseFiveMountainsLiteraturerdquo(PhDDissertationUnivofHawairsquoi2005)HurstIIIGCameronldquoTheKōbuPolityCourt-BakufuRelationsinKamakuraJapanrdquoinJefferyPMassedCourtandBakufuinJapanEssaysinKamakuraHistory(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1982)pp3-28ImaedaAishinldquoTheZenSectsrdquoinKazuoKasaharaedPaulMcCarthyandGaynorSekimoritransAHistoryofJapaneseReligion(TokyoKosei2002)pp227-54InoueMasamichiHonpōchūseimadeniokeruMōshijuyōshinokenkyū本邦中世までにおける孟子受容史の研究(TokyoKazamaShobō1972)IriyaYoshitaka入矢義高etaledsNihonshisōtaikei日本思想大系vol16ldquoChūseiZenkenoshisōrdquo中世禅家の思想(TokyoIwanamiShoten1972)mdashmdashmdashedGozanbungakushū五山文学集(1990)KagekiHideo蔭木英雄Gozanshishinokenkyū五山詩史の研究(TokyoKasamaShoin1977)KamensEdwardldquoTerrainsofTextinMid-HeianCourtCulturerdquoinMikaelAdolphsonetaledsHeianJapanCentersandPeripheries(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress2007)pp129-52

230

KamimuraKankō上村觀光Gozanbungakuzenshū五山文學全集vol2(TokyoGozanBungakuZenshūKankōkai1936)mdashmdashmdashGozanbungakushōshi五山文學小史(TokyoShōkabō1906)KandaKiichirō神田喜一郎NihonniokeruChūgokubungaku日本における中国文学vol1(TokyoNigensha1965)KarataniKōjinKanoAyakoandJosephMurphytransldquoOnthePowertoConstructrdquoinKarataniKōjinOriginsofModernJapaneseLiterature(DurhamDukeUnivPress1993)pp136-72KarikomeHitoshi苅米一志Nihon-shiomanabutamenokomonjokokirokukundokuhō日本史を学ぶための古文書古記録訓読法(TokyoYoshikawaKōbunkan2016)KasamatsuHitoshietaledsNihonshisōtaikei日本思想大系vol22ldquoChūseiseijishakaishisōrdquo中世政治社会思想pt2(TokyoIwanamiShoten1981)KawaguchiHisao川口久雄Heianchōnokanbungaku平安朝の漢文学(TokyoYoshikawaKōbunkan1981)KitamuraSawakichi北村澤吉Gozanbungakushikō五山文学史稿(TokyoFūzanbō1941)KondōHaruo近藤春雄Haku-shimonjūtokokubungakushingafushinchūginnokenkyū白氏文集と国文学新楽府秦中吟の研究(TokyoMeijishoin1990)KurozumiMakotoDavidLurietransldquoKangakuWritingandInstitutionalAuthorityrdquoinHaruoShiraneedInventingtheClassicsModernityNationalIdentityandJapaneseLiterature(StanfordStanfordUnivPress2000)pp201-19LaFleurWilliamRTheKarmaofWords(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1983)LevyIndraSirensoftheWesternShoreTheWesternesqueFemmeFataleTranslationandVernacularStyleinModernJapaneseLiterature(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2006)LianXindaldquoLongSongLyrics(Manci)rdquoinZong-qiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetry(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2008)pp262-85LiaoMeiyun廖美雲Yuan-Baixinyuefuyanjiu元白新樂府研究(TaipeiTaiwanxueshengshuju1989)

231

LiebenthalWalterChaoLunTheTreatisesofSeng-chao(HongKongHongKongUnivPress1968)LinShuen-fuldquoTheFormationofaDistinctGenericIdentityforTzrsquourdquoinPaulineYuedVoicesoftheSongLyricinChina(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1994)pp3-29LiuPeipei劉佩佩ldquolsquoShuihuzhuanrsquolimayanjiujiqizaiHuayuwenjiaoxuezhongdeyiyirdquo《水滸傳》詈罵語研究及其在華語文教學中的意義(MAThesisNationalChengchiUniversity2011)LoeweMichaelDongZhongshuAlsquoConfucianrsquoHeritageandtheChunqiuFanlu(BostonBrill2011)mdashmdashmdashDivinationMythologyandMonarchyinHanChina(NewYorkCambridgeUnivPress1994)mdashmdashmdashldquoImperialSovereigntyDongZhongshursquosContributionandHisPredecessorsrdquoinSRSchramedFoundationsandLimitsofStatePowerinChina(LondonSchoolofOrientalandAfricanStudiesUnivofLondon1987)pp33-57LurieDavidBarnettldquoTheOriginsofWritinginEarlyJapanFromthe1sttothe8thCenturyCErdquo(PhDDissertationColumbiaUniversity2001)mdashmdashmdashRealmsofLiteracyEarlyJapanandtheHistoryofWriting(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2011)MairVictorHldquoBuddhismandtheRiseoftheWrittenVernacularinEastAsiaTheMakingofNationalLanguagesrdquoTheJournalofAsianStudies533(Aug1994)pp707-51mdashmdashmdashWanderingontheWayEarlyTaoistTalesandParablesofChuangTzu(NewYorkBantamBooks1994)MajorJohnSetaledsTheHuainanziAGuidetotheTheoryandPracticeofGovernmentinEarlyHanChina(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2010)MaruyamaMasaoMikisoHanetransStudiesintheIntellectualHistoryofTokugawaJapan(TokyoTheUnivofTokyoPress1974)MatsuiToshihiko松井利彦ldquoMasaokaShikishūrdquo正岡子規集inItōSei伊藤整edNihonkindaibungakutaikei日本近代文学大系vol16(TokyoKadokawaShoten1972)

232

MatsuoHatsuko松尾肇子ldquoGozanZenrinniokerushinojuyōrdquo五山禅林における詞の受容Fengxu風絮13(Dec2016)pp60-82McCulloughHelenCraigBrocadebyNightKokinWakashūandtheCourtStyleinJapaneseClassicalPoetry(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1985)McGannJeromeTheTextualCondition(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1991)McRaeJohnRTheNorthernSchoolandtheFormationofEarlyChrsquoanBuddhism(KurodaInstituteStudiesinEastAsianBuddhismno3HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress1986)MurphyReganEldquoEsotericBuddhistTheoriesofLanguageinearlyKokugakuTheSōshakuoftheManrsquoyōdaishokirdquoJapaneseJournalofReligiousStudies361(2009)pp65-91NakajimaChiaki中島千秋Shinshakukanbuntaikei新釈漢文大系vol80ldquoMonzenfuhenrdquo文選賦篇pt2(TokyoMeijiShoin1977)NienhauserJrWilliamHetaledsTheGrandScribersquosRecordsvol1(BloomingtonIndianaUnivPress1994)NogawaHiroyuki野川博之ldquoGozanni-ryūgakusōnotenshiseisakuRyūzanChūgannoMokurengerdquo五山二留學僧の塡詞製作 龍山中巖の木蘭花Chūgokubungakukenkyū中国文学研究25(1999)pp96-109mdashmdashmdashldquoChūganEngetsunoSōshishōkai中巖圓月の宋詞紹介Chūgokubungakukenkyū中国文学研究26(1999)pp71-84OwenStephenTheEndoftheChineseMiddleAgesEssaysinMid-TangLiteraryCulture(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1996)mdashmdashmdashTraditionalChinesePoetryandPoetics(TaipeiSouthernMaterialsCenter1985)mdashmdashmdashReadingsinChineseLiteraryThought(CambridgeHarvard-YenchingInstitute1992)mdashmdashmdashThePoetryofMengChiaoandHanYu(NewHavenYaleUnivPress1975)PlaksAndrewArchetypeandAllegoryintheDreamoftheRedChamber(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1976)PollackDavidZenPoemsoftheFiveMountains(AARStudiesinReligionno37NewYorkTheCrossroadPublishingCo1985)

233

PulleyblankEdwinGLexiconofReconstructedPronunciationinEarlyMiddleChineseLateMiddleChineseandEarlyMandarin(VancouverUnivofBritishColumbiaPress1991)Ramirez-ChristensenEsperanzaMurmuredConversationsATreatiseonPoetryandBuddhismbythePoet-MonkShinkei(StanfordStanfordUnivPress2008)RenBantang任半塘Tangshengshi唐聲詩(ShanghaiXinhuaShudian1982)SameiMajiaBellldquoCiPoetryShortSongLyrics(Xiaoling)rdquoinZong-qiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetrypp245-48SchirokauerConradABriefHistoryofChineseandJapaneseCivilizations(SanDiegoHarcourtBraceJovanovich1989)SchoferJonathanWldquoVirtuesinXunzirsquosThoughtrdquoinTCKlineandPhilipJIvanhoeedsVirtueNatureandMoralAgencyintheXunzi(IndianapolisHackett2000)pp69-88SemizuYukinoldquoInvisibleTranslationReadingChineseTextsinAncientJapanrdquoinTheoHermansTranslatingOthers(ManchesterStJeromePublishing2006)SharfRobertHComingtoTermswithChineseBuddhismAReadingoftheTreasureStoreTreatise(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress2002)ShihVincentYu-chungTheLiteraryMindandtheCarvingofDragonsAStudyofThoughtandPatterninChineseLiterature(HongKongTheChineseUniversityPress1983)ShimizuShigeru清水茂etaledsShinNihonkotenbungakutaikei新日本古典文学大系vol65ldquoNihonshishiGozandōshiwardquo日本詩史五山堂史話(TokyoIwanamiShoten1991)ShiraneHaruoldquoCurriculumandCompetingCanonsrdquoinShiraneandTomikoYodaedsInventingtheClassics(StanfordStanfordUnivPress2000)pp220-249SlingerlandEdwardAnalects(IndianapolisHackett2003)SmithRichardJFathomingtheCosmosandOrderingtheWorldTheYijing(I-ChingorClassicofChanges)andItsEvolutioninChina(CharlottesvilleUnivofVirginiaPress2008)SteinengerBrianChineseLiteraryFormsinHeianJapanPoeticsandPractice(CambridgeHarvardUniversityAsiaCenter2017)

234

SuZhongxiangldquoLunlsquoZhinarsquoyicideqiyuanyuJingdelishihewenhuardquoamp$13Lishiyanjiu134(April1979)pp34-48SunRongcheng孫容成ldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquo中巌円月の思想と文学(PhDDissBeijingForeignStudiesUniversity2012)TamakakeHiroyuki玉懸博之Nihonchūseishisōshikenkyū日本中世思想史研究(TokyoPerikansha1998)TamamuraTakeji玉村竹二Gozanbungakushinshū五山文學新集vol4(TokyoTōkyōDaigakuShuppankai1969)TillmanHoytClevelandUtilitarianConfucianismChrsquoenLiangrsquosChallengetoChuHsi(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1982)TzvetanTodorovIntroductiontoPoetics(MinneapolisUnivofMinnesotaPress1997)UenoTakeshi上野武ldquoWajinnokigentoGonoTaihakudensetsurdquo倭人の起源と呉の太伯伝説inKishiToshio岸俊男MoriKōichi森浩一andŌbayashiTaryō大林太良edsNihonnokodai日本の古代vol1ldquoWajintōjōrdquo倭人登場(TokyoChūōKōron1985)UryMarianldquoGenkōShakushoJapanrsquosFirstComprehensiveHistoryofBuddhismAPartialTranslationwithIntroductionandNotesrdquo(PhDdissUniversityofCaliforniaBerkeley1970)VanNordenBryanWMengziWithSelectionsfromTraditionalCommentaries(IndianapolisHackett2008)WangShumin王叔岷Zhuangzijiaoquan莊子校詮vol1(TaibeiZhongyangYanjiuyuanLishiYuyanYanjiusuo1988)WangZhongyao王仲堯ZhongguoFojiaoyuZhouyi中國佛教與周易(TaipeiDazhan2003)WatsonBurtonJapaneseLiteratureinChinesevol1(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1976)WebbJasonPldquoBeyondWa-KanNarratingKanshiReceptionandSociolectsofPoetryrdquoinProceedingsfortheAssociationofJapaneseLiteraryStudies5(Summer2004)pp245-59

235

WechslerHowardJldquoTheConfucianTeacherWangTrsquoung(584-617)OneThousandYearsofControversyrdquoTrsquooungPaoLXIII(1977)pp225-272WeiShaosheng衛紹生Liuyanshitiyanjiu (BeijingSocialSciencesAcademicPress2010)WilkinsonEndymionPChineseHistoryAManual(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2000)WixtedJohnTimothyldquoKanbunHistoriesofJapaneseLiteratureandJapanologistsrdquoinSino-JapaneseStudies102(April1998)pp23-31WongKwok-yiuldquoBetweenPoliticsandMetaphysicsOntheChangingReceptionofWangTrsquoungintheTrsquoang-SungIntellectualTransitionsrdquoMonumentaSericavol55(2007)pp61-97HagaYaichi芳賀矢一andTachibanaSensaburō立花銑三郎edsKokubungakutokuhon國文學讀本inHagaYaichisenshūhenshūiinkaiedHagaYaichisenshū芳賀矢一選集vol2(TokyoKokugakuinDaigaku1983) YajimaGenryō矢島玄亮Nihonkokukenzaishomokurokushūshōtokenkyū日本国見在書目録 集証と研究(TokyoKyūkoShoin1984)YamagishiTokuhei山岸徳平edNKBTv89ldquoGozanbungakushūEdokanshishūrdquo五山文学集江戸漢詩集(TokyoIwanamiShoten1966)YoshikawaKōjirō吉川幸次郎HōchōfushiRongozakkiAraiHakusekiitsuji鳳鳥不至論語雑記新井白石逸事(TokyoShinchosha1971)YuPaulineRldquoMetaphorandChinesePoetryrdquoChineseLiteratureEssaysArticlesReviews(CLEAR)32(Jul1981)pp205-224mdashmdashmdashldquoAllegoryAllegoresisandtheClassicofPoetryrdquoHarvardJournalofAsiaticStudies432(Dec1983)pp377-412YueTianlei岳天雷ldquoZhuXilunlsquoquanrsquordquo朱熹論「權」Zhongguowenhuayanjiusuoxuebao中國文化研究所學報No56(Jan2013)pp169-85ZhangPei張沛Zhongshuojiaozhu中説校注(BeijingZhonghuaShuju2013)

2

AsianmathematicswascomparabletothatofEuclidrsquosElementsintheWest2Atthe

ageof13hetookthetonsureandmovedtotheSanbōin三寶院inKyotowherehe

studiedesotericBuddhism(mikkyō密教)whichincludedmeditationontheMatrix-

storeandDiamondRealmMandalas(Taizōkaimandara胎蔵界曼荼羅Kongōkai

mandara金剛界曼荼羅)3

ShortlythereafterheshiftedhisinteresttoZenwhichhadestablisheditself

asadistinctsectoverthecourseofthepreviouscenturyTiesbetweentheJapanese

andChineseZenestablishmentswerestrongandin1318Chūganlikemany

promisingmonksbeforeandafterattemptedtotraveltoChinaAtthetimehewas

residingatEngakuji円覚寺amajorZentempleinKamakurafoundedbythe

expatriatemonkWuxueZuyuan無學祖元(JMugakuSogen)in12824Chūgan

madethelengthyjourneyfromKamakuratothesouthernportcityofHakataand

althoughheapparentlyfoundashipthatwasheadingforhispreferreddestination

ofJiangnanforreasonsunspecifiedhewasrefusedpassagebytheshiprsquoscaptain5

Thedelaywouldprovefortuitoushoweverasitwouldlateraffordhimthe

2TheJiuzhangsuanshu(Jkyūshōsanjutsu)islistedintheNihonkenzaishomokuroku日本見在書目録abibliographicsourcefromtheearlyHeianperiodHistorianofmathematicsFujiwaraMatsusaburo(1881-1946)onceobservedthatChūganrsquosreferencestotheJiuzhangsuanshuoffertheonlydirectevidencethattheworkwasstillstudiedinJapanduringthemedievaleraThepaucityofsuchreferencesnotwithstandingifamathematicallyinclinedyouthatatempleinKamakurahadaccesstotheworkandateachertoteachittohimthenitseemslikelythatboththetextitselfandmathematicseducationmoregenerallywerereasonablyprevalentinmajorBuddhistmonasticcenters3Jirekifu(hereafterJRF)Shōwa1(1312)Shōwa2(1313)4WuxuehadbeenanadvisortothemostpowerfulmilitaryleaderinJapanHōjōTokimune北条時宗(1251-84)duringtheMongolinvasionsof1274and1281andhisinfluenceupontheearlyGozansystemwassubstantial5JRFp614Bunpo2(1318)Gozanbungakushinshūvol4p614

3

opportunitytoassociatecloselywithKokanShiren虎関師錬(1278-1345)whowas

inseclusioninKyotocompletingGenkōshakusho元亨釈書(1322)anexhaustive

historyofBuddhisminJapan6ChūganwasamongtheonlyvisitorsKokanaccepted

andtheirmeetingsaregenerallythoughttohavebeenamajorinfluenceonthe

youngChūganrsquosintellectualdevelopment7

ChūganwasfinallyabletotraveltoChinain1324sixyearsafterhisfirst

attemptHevisitedseveralimportantChantemplesandwastheonlyJapanese

monktoreceivethesealofenlightenment(CyinkeJinka印可)fromDongyang

Dehui東陽徳輝(flearly14thc)aLinjimasterinthelineofDahuiZonggao大慧宗

杲(1089-1163)8DongyangappointedChūgantothepostofsecretary(記室)atthe

templeDazhishouShengchansi大智寿聖禅寺anunusualachievementforaforeign

monk9AfternearlyeightyearsabroadChūganreturnedtoJapanduringthe

summerof1332residingtemporarilyatKenkōji顯孝寺inHakatabefore

accompanyinghispatronŌtomoSadamune大友貞宗(d1334)toKyotothe

followingyearOpinionatedandheadstrongbyhisownaccounthewasintensely

activepoliticallysubmittingtwoessaysandamemorialtoEmperorGo-Daigoin

1333Go-Daigohadformedacoalitionofwarriorleadersandrebelledagainstthe

6MarianUryldquoGenkōShakushoJapanrsquosFirstComprehensiveHistoryofBuddhismAPartialTranslationwithIntroductionandNotesrdquo(PhDdissUniversityofCaliforniaBerkeley1970)7InoguchiAtsushi猪口篤志ldquoNihonkanshirdquo日本漢詩inShinshakukanbuntaikei新釈漢文大系(TokyoMeijiShoin1972)vol45p84UryPoemsoftheFiveMountains(1977)p638SeeHeinrichDumoulinZenBuddhismAHistory(BloomingtonWorldWisdom1994)vol2p182n889IriyaYoshitaka入矢義高edGozanbungakushū五山文学集(1990)p235

4

KamakurashogunateandChūganwasdeeplyconcernedaboutboththeimmediate

directionofGo-Daigorsquosrevolutionandthelong-termprospectsforanincreasingly

militarizedJapan

In1334ChūganreturnedtoKamakurafollowingthesuddendeathof

SadamunewhohadbeenanallyofGo-Daigoandwasinstrumentalinfacilitating

ChūganrsquosaccesstothethroneTheŌtomofamilywouldcontinuetoprovide

financialbackingtoChūganevenashisviewsontherevolutionsouredIn1339

threeyearsafterGo-DaigorsquosnascentregimecollapsedSadamunersquosheirUjiyasu氏泰

backedconstructionofthetempleKichijōji吉祥寺locatedonafamilydemesnein

theprovinceofKōzuke上野andaskedChūgantoassumeitsheadshipThough

Chūganrsquosinvolvementinpoliticsseemstohavediminishedinthe1340she

regainedaccesstothehighestechelonsofsocietywhenKichijōjiwasnamedan

ImperiallyVowedTemple(goganji御願寺)in1352Forthenexttwodecadeshe

traveledalmostconstantlymovingnearlyeveryyearbetweenKyushuKyoto

KōzukeProvinceandthecityofKamakuraThesejourneyswerelengthyandnot

alwayswelcomebuthehadbecomebythistimeanldquoeminentmonkrdquo(kōsō高僧)

andwasextendednumerousinvitationstoresideatthemostinfluentialtemplesof

thedayincludingManjuji萬壽寺inBungoProvinceManjujiinKyotoTōjiji等持寺

Kenninji建仁寺andKamakurarsquosKenchōji建長寺thehighestrankedtempleinthe

KamakuraGozan

Throughouthislifeandevenduringtimeswhenhisprofessionalfortunes

werelookingdownChūganremainedaprominentpoetandintellectualIn1341

5

hefamouslyearnedtheireofculturalnativistsbywritingAHistoryofJapan(Nihon

sho日本書)sadlynolongerextantinwhichheclaimedthattheJapaneseimperial

familywasdescendednotfromgodsbutfromimmigrantcontinentalnobility

UndoubtedlyhissinglegreatestworkisthephilosophicaltreatiseChūseishi中正子

(1334)whichisamongthemostimportantJapaneseintellectualworksofpre-

TokugawatimesItiscomprisedoftenchaptersthateachaddressdistincttopics

includingConfucianethicseffectivegovernanceandthelegitimateuseofmilitary

forceanumerologicalexpositionofthelunarandsolarcalendarsthebirthand

deathoflivingbeingsandtheThreeLearningsofZen(sangaku三学)iethe

precepts(kai戒)meditation(jō定)andthewisdomgleanedfromstudying

Buddhistteachings(e慧)Thechapterongovernanceandtheuseofforceis

translatedinChapterTwoofthepresentstudy

WhileothernotablefiguresintheGozanmilieuinparticularGidōShūshin義

堂周信(1325-88)andZekkaiChūshin絶海中津(1334-1405)eclipseChūganin

fametodaysuchwasnotalwaysthecaseForinstancethenotedNeo-Confucian

scholarFujiwaraSeika藤原惺窩(1561-1619)declaredthatwhenitcametosheer

breadthoflearning(gakushiki学識)ChūganrankedfirstamongallGozanliterati10

Thisassessmentisnotoutofstepwiththelaudatoryviewsexpressedbysomeof

ChūganrsquoscontemporariesincludingtheLinji(Rinzai)masterZhuxianFanxian竺仙

10SeeInoguchip48

6

梵僊(1292-1348)aredoubtablescholarofNeo-Confucianisminhisownright11

ZhuxianwhohadcometoJapanatthebehestofŌtomoSadamunejudgedChūgan

tobelearnedinboththeinnerandouterclassics(ieBuddhistandnon-Buddhist

texts)andnotedthathisexpertiseextendedtotheldquomanymastersandhundred

schoolsrdquo(zhuzibaijia諸子百家)ofearlyChinesethoughtastronomygeography

andyin-yangtheory12AndwhileitisprobablytruethatChūganwasknownbyhis

contemporariesmoreforhisexpositorywritingthanforhispoetrythecreativity

andiconoclasmcharacterizinghisphilosophicaloeuvrearepresentinequal

measureinhisverseHetreatedsubjectssuchasillnessdeathandpovertywith

strikingcandorandspecificity(seeChapterFour)andheisoneofonlytwo

medievalJapanesepoetsknowntohavecomposedci詞avernacularformthatwas

practicedavidlyinSongandYuanChinabutwhichisalmostentirelyabsentfrom

thetraditionofSiniticpoetryinJapan(seeChapterFive)

ThepoeticvoicethatemergesfromChūganrsquosnon-occasionaldeclarative

versesisaconflictedoneattimessupremelyconfidentandmorallyrighteousandat

timesbesiegedbypessimismandselfdoubtChūganwastheonlyearlyGozan

figuretoopineatlengthaboutmoralandpoliticalproblemsanditishispoemson

thesetopicsthatmostdistinguishhimfromhiscontemporariesMuchofhisself

imageseemstohavebeenshapedbythebeliefthathealonefullyunderstoodthe

predicamentfacingJapaninthewakeofthefailedKenmuRestorationChūganrsquos

11SeeAshikagaEnjutsu足利衍述KamakuraMuromachijidainojukyō鎌倉室町時代の儒教(TokyoNihonKotenZenshūKankōkai1932)pp211and25512如中巌者学通内外乃至諸子百家天文地理陰陽之説Ashikagap255

7

poetryofsocialengagementwillbeexaminedinChapterFourbutanappreciation

ofhissensibilitiesmaybequicklygleanedfrompoemssuchasthis

藤陰雜興

UndertheShadeofWisteriaVariousInspirationsNo10邪靡堆國三千歳 InthecountryofYamataithreethousandyearsold帝册姫宗百代傳 Theimperialcharterhasbeentransmittedforahundred

generationsthroughthescionofJi海畔紅桑花片落 Bytheseashorearedcopperleafpetalfalls鴈奴驚火呌荒田 Asentinelgoosestartledattheblazesoundsthealarmover

fallowfields13

ChūganbelievedtheJapaneseimperiallinetoberelatedtotheJiclanroyal

progenitorsoftheZhouDynastyandheevenpositedeuhemeristicallythatthe

indigenousldquoShintordquodeityKunitokotachinoMikoto國常立尊wasinfactavery

mortaldescendantofTaibo太伯legendaryfounderofthestateofWu呉Thetwo

coupletsofthisshortpoemaredifficulttointegratewithoutresortingtosymbolism

theimageofacopperleafblossomontheseashoreisexceptionallyuncommonbut

itdoesoccurinaverylongpoembytheDaoistpoetCaoTang曹唐(c797-866)and

isjuxtaposedtheretoanimageofgreatbutlongdeadChineseemperors14The

13Smallandeasilyalarmedaldquosentinelgooserdquo(鴈奴)issonamedbecauseitsfunctionwithintheflockistocalloutandwarnofdangerCopperleaf(Jenokigusa)petalsarebrightred14ThepoemisldquoAPoemonWanderingImmortalsinNinety-EightCoupletsrdquo(小游仙詩九十八首QTSjuan6411)andtherelevantlinereadsldquoWhereindeatharetheFirstQinEmperorandHanWudiBytheseashoreredcopperleafblossomsopenastheywillrdquo秦皇漢武死何處海畔紅桑花自開

8

connectionisspeculativebutpromisingasthepoliticalpositionsChūganarticulates

inhisprosemakeitplausibletoidentifythesentinelgooseasChūganhimself

whosewarningsabouttheimpendingbreakdownofJapanrsquosimperialinstitutionfall

ondeafearsMoreoftenthannoteventhislevelofsymbolismwasavoidedinfavor

ofastillmoredirectstylethatleftnodoubtastoChūganrsquosstanceonmatters

擬古

InImitationofOld

浩浩劫末風 OrsquoerthewasteblowsthewindoftheLastDays塵土飛蓬蓬 Dustanddirtflyinachaoticroar天上日色薄 Highintheskythesunshinespale人間是非隆 Intheworldofmenbothrightandwrongflourish螻蟻逐臭穢 Molecricketsandantschaseafterputridfilth凰鳳棲梧桐 Whilephoenixesroostintheirparasoltrees獨有方外士 Butalonethereisamanwhostandsapartfromothers俛仰白雲中 Helooksuphelooksdownathomeinhiswhitecloudabode

Thoughknownmoreforsocialengagementthanforself-reflectionChūgan

couldbeascriticalofhimselfashewasofthewiderworldInseveralversesfrom

the1340sandlaterhereproveshimselfandhintsattheongoingenmityhereceived

fromsomeofhiscontemporariesThisenmitystemmedprimarilyfromhishugely

controversialdecisiontoswitchsectarianaffiliationsin1339WhenKichiōjiwas

builtChūganpubliclyabandonedtheSōtōlineofhisinitialmasterDongmingHuiri

東明惠日(JTōmeiErsquonichi1272-1340)infavoroftheRinzailineofDongyang

Dehui東陽德輝(fl1330s)alesserknownfigurewithwhomhehadstudiedbriefly

whileinChinaDespitethedoctrinallydiversebroadlyecumenicalcharacterof

medievalJapanesereligionsectarianloyaltieswerestrongandcompetitioncould

9

beintenseanalogousperhapsatthemilderendtothecompetitionbetween

businessfirmsinthesameindustryandattheextremeendtothatbetweenmilitary

housesThemoveprovokedbitterattacksfromformerfriendsandcolleagues(and

evenanallegedknifeattack)andwouldaffectChūganrsquospersonalandprofessional

lifefordecadesthereafter

藤陰雜興

UndertheShadeofWisteriaVariousInspirations No6 閒花野草亦朝人 Evenflowerssproutingincrevicesandgrassesgrowingonthe

moorspayobeisancetomen余獨何心忌混塵 SowhydoIalonedetestthispollutedworld小子更休勤學我 Disciplesyoumustceaseatoncealleffortstotakeafterme誤來四十六年身 Someonewhohasspentinerrortheforty-sixyearsofhislifeNo7臨危獨念故交顧 IntimesofdangerIreminiscealoneoffriendsfrombygonedays何処世途非履氷 Whereinthisworldisthereapaththatisnrsquotliketreadingonice只得胸中無我愛 Icanonlyresolvetoexpungefrommyheartthesensethatthe

selfisprecious不干身外有人憎 Andstandunperturbedbytheillwillofothers

TheresentmentbredbyChūganrsquostransgressionseemstohavebeen

surprisinglytenaciousInthewinterof1362asChūganwasabouttobegin

meditationwithacolytesatKenninjioneormoreunknownassailantsshottwo

10

arrowsathimbothofwhichfortunatelymissed15Whiledetailssurroundingthe

incidentarescantmodernscholarsgenerallyascribethisapparentassassination

attempttohisdecisiontoabandonDongmingrsquoslineagenearlytwenty-fiveyears

earlier

Chūganperseveredandin1370hewasaskedtotakeupresidenceatKyotorsquos

Nanzenji南禅寺thehighestrankingtempleintheKyotoGozanOwingperhapsto

hisagehefoundtheassignmentuncongenialandldquofirmlydeclineditrefusingto

moverdquo堅辭不起andchoseinsteadtoremainatthenearbyRyūkōji龍興寺16As

lateas1373hewasaskedbyHosokawaYoriyuki細川頼之thentheshogunal

deputy(kanrei管領)andoneofthemostpowerfulmeninJapanforassistance

rebuildingTenryūji天龍寺afteritwaspartlydestroyedinafireChūganagain

refusedthistimeexplicitlyonaccountofageHecontinuedwritingwellintothe

nextyearcomposingtwocommemorativefuneraryaddresses(祭)forfellowZen

monksMuganSoō夢巖祖應(d1374)andJōzanSozen定山祖禅(1298-1374)17

Thatwinterheisreportedtohavedevelopedaldquoslightailmentrdquo微恙Whetherthe

descriptionwasgenuineormeioticChūgandiedearlythefollowingyearhis

recordedageseventy-sixbytheJapanesecountAccordingtoasupplementary

accountinhisJirekifuwhenhebecamedeliriousanddeathwasclearlyathandthe

attendantpriestsaskedtheirmasterforafinalpoemChūganmusteredwhat15JRFKōan2(1362)NotethatbeginningwiththefirstyearofRyakuō暦応ChūgandateshischronicleaccordingtotheregnaldesignationsoftheNorthernDynasty16JRFŌan3(1370)17JRFŌan6-8(1373-75)ThesearenolongerextantandwereapparentlydictatedbyChūganbutwrittendownbysomeoneelse(seenote18below)

11

strengthhecouldandrepliedthathehadalreadysaidtoomanybalefulthings

throughouthislifeandthattherewasnopointinsayinganythingmoreAfterthus

refusingtherequesthediedpeacefullyatnoonthatsameday18

18Chūganrsquosfinalcommentsaretranscribedas吾平生口禍不少今尚何言去去presumablyspokenaloudassomethinglikeWareheizeikuchinowazawaisukunakarazuimanaonaniokaiwanSaresare(ldquoOverthecourseofmylifemymouthhasgottenmeintotroublemorethanafewtimeswhatmoreistheretosaynowBeoffrdquo)ThiswasrecordedbyadiscipleKenDōshi inChūganrsquosautobiographicalchronicleInashortpostscripttothetextheinformsthereaderthatbecauseChūganhadstoppedwritingat68yearsofagehe(KenDōshi)hadtakenituponhimselftosupplyadditionalinformationregardingthelastyearsofhismasterrsquoslifePresumablyitwasheorotherattendantpriestswhoactuallytranscribedthefuneraryaddressesChūgancomposedforMuganandJōzanThenameKenDōshiisprobablyaninvertedabbreviationofanamecomprisedoffourcharactersThiswasstandardpracticethenameChūganEngetsu中巌円月forinstanceisoftengivenas月中巌

12

Chapter One

Political Suasion in a Time of Crisis The Memorials of Chūgan Engetsu and Yoshida Sadafusa

國者天下之利用也人主者天下之利勢也 Thestateisthemostefficaciousinstrumentintheworldandtoberulerofmenisthemostefficaciouspowerintheworld19 Xunzi

IntheearlyfourteenthcenturyJapaneseintellectualsandaristocrats(the

formernotalwaysasubsetofthelatter)begandevotingsubstantialattentionto

questionsthatuntilthenhadfiguredonlyminimallyinJapanesepoliticaldiscourse

suchaswhetherornotthelegitimacyandperpetualcontinuityoftheimperial

institutionwasguaranteedbyitspurportedlydivineoriginsunderwhat

circumstancesrecoursetoarmswasmorallyacceptableandtowhatextent

conceptsoflegitimatesovereigntydrawnfromtheChinesepoliticaltraditionmight

(ormightnot)usefullyinformgovernanceinJapan20ChūganEngetsuwasamong

thebrightestlightsofthemedievalintellectualmilieuandhiscontributionsto

questionssuchasthesearebothhighlyoriginalandextensiveindeedintermsof

genericandthematicbreadthChūganrsquoswritingisunrivalledbyanyothermedieval

19EricLHuttonXunzi(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress2014)p9920SeeAndrewEdmundGobleKenmuGo-DaigorsquosRevolution(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1996)pp20-29andTamakakeHiroyukiNihonchūseishisōshikenkyū(TokyoPerikansha1998)passim

13

JapanesefigurerangingfreelyacrosspoliticalandnaturalphilosophyBuddhist

doctrineandmultiplestylesofChinesepoetryThischapterwillexaminehisviews

onsocietyandstatecraftduringthetumultuousyearsoftheKenmuRestoration

(1333-36)awatershedmomentofinstitutionalruptureandintellectualcreativity

AsnotedintheintroductionChūganrsquosabilitiesearnedhimthepatronageofthe

powerfulprovincialleaderŌtomoSadamuneanduponreturningtoJapanin1332

fromaneight-yearsojourninChinahequicklybecameanactivepartisanin

EmperorGo-DaigorsquosstruggleforanewnationalorderHedrewuponavariedmix

ofChinesetextsbearingupontheestablishmentmaintenanceandbreakdownof

politicalauthorityinanefforttoinfluenceGo-DaigorsquospoliciesThata33year-old

prelatewithnoaristocraticheritagewouldhavesuchanopportunityinthefirst

placeisindicativeofboththenewfoundstatusofZenandthepossibilitiesofferedby

theuniquecircumstancesofthe1330sThoughturbulenttheyearsprecedingand

immediatelyfollowingtheKenmuRestorationwerehighlyproductiveintellectually

notonlyforChūganbutalsoforfellowZenluminaryMusōSoseki夢窓疎石(1275-

1351)21theearlytheoristofShinto(andTendaipriest)Jihen慈遍(flmid14thc)22

21SeeforinstanceMusōrsquosreflectionsonGo-DaigorsquosriseandfallasrecordedinMusōKokushigoroku夢窓国師語録(Taishōdaizōkyōvol80pp463c24-464b21)AtranslationoftherelevantsectionmaybefoundinWmTheodoredeBaryetaledsSourcesofJapaneseTradition(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1958)pp265-5822JihenwasoneofseveralearlymedievalfiguresinvolvedinarticulatingShintothroughtheconceptsandnomenclatureofesotericBuddhismHisprimaryworksincludeKujihongigengi旧事本紀玄義(TheProfoundMeaningoftheSendaikujihongi1332)andToyoashiharajinpūwaki豊葦原神風和記(HarmoniousRecordoftheDivineWaysofJapan1340)ThesehaveyettobetranslatedintoEnglishJihenrsquosthoughtistreatedinsomedetailinTamakakeNihonchūseishisōshikenkyūpp200-227

14

andthenativistscholarandproponentofIseShintoKitabatakeChikafusa北畠親房

(1293-1354)ChikafusarsquoslengthyandinfluentialtreatiseonJapaneseimperial

successionJinnōshōtōki神皇正統記(1343)treatssomeofthesameconcernsthat

Chūganaddressesalbeitfromwithinasubstantiallydifferentconceptualand

ideologicalframework

Thewritingsexaminedinthischapterwereallcomposedduringthe

formativemonthsofGo-Daigorsquosrestorationgovernmentfromtheautumnof1333

tothespringof1334andwereeithersubmitteddirectlytotheemperororwritten

withhiminmindastheimpliedreaderTheypermitanedifyingglimpseinto

Chūganrsquosrhetoricalstyleandpoliticalorientationwhichwaseclecticbut

thoroughlyldquoConfucianrdquoinoneimportantsensenamelyinhisconvictionthatthe

existenceofanautonomousmilitaryeliteconstitutedagrossdistortionoftheideal

socialorderToChūganthemilitarywasndashorshouldproperlybendashnothingmore

thananarmofroyalauthoritytobeemployedattheexclusivediscretionofthe

sovereignandheascribedmanyoftheillsofhisdaytoJapanrsquosdeviationfromthis

idealFittinglyfortheagehewasalsocommittedtothepositionthatcertain

historicalmomentsaresofraughtastobenegotiableonlythroughradicalaction

thatldquorevolutionizesrdquoortransforms(革)existingsociopoliticalarrangements

ChūganrsquosviewsonrevolutionwouldcometodifferfromGo-Daigorsquosasthe

Kenmuregimetookshapebutinbroadmeasuretheywerenicelyconsonantwith

theemperorrsquosgrandpoliticalambitionsandbeliefsaboutsovereigntyThroughout

1333atleastChūganseemstohavethoroughlyembracedGo-DaigorsquoscauseIn

Decemberofthatyearhesubmittedtotheemperoramemorial(JhyōCbiao表)

15

alongwithtwoshortessaysinwhichheoutlinedthecrisisfacingJapanand

presentedhisideasforreformThefirstpiecetobeconsideredbelowisanessay

entitledGenmin原民ldquoEstablishingtheFundamentsofthePeoplerdquowhichtreatsthe

idealsocialorderandthedangersrampantmilitarizationposestoit23Stylistically

thepiecewasheavilyinfluencedbythewritingsofHanYu韓愈(768-824)authorof

thesimilarlytitledYuandao原道oneofthemostinfluentialcriticalessaysin

Chineseliteraryhistory24HanYuwasamongtheearliestchampionsoftheclassical

guwen古文(Jkobun)styleinlieuofthepianliwen駢儷文(Jbenreibun)styleof

rhymedparallelproseCriticsofpianliwenarguedthatithadbecomevacuousand

overwroughtandtheysoughtinitsplaceamediumshornofornamentationand

easiertounderstandThelinguisticclaritythatcharacterizedtheguwenstylewas

lessanenduntoitselfthananaestheticmanifestationoftheideologydrivingthe

wholeofthefugu復古orldquoreturntoantiquityrdquomovementandtoHanYuandother

guwenauthorsclassicisminlanguagecomprisedanimportantelementinabroader

culturaltraditionalismonethatprovidedanaptvehiclefortheConfucianrevival

theysoughttobringaboutinthepoliticalsphere25ByChūganrsquosdaythedebate

overtherelativemeritsofpianliwenandguwenwasanoldoneandtheliterary

23Thewordgen原inthetitleisaverb(usuallyreadmotozukuortazunuinJapanese)whichisusedinthesenseoforiginatingorbasingoneselfinsomethingorinvestigatingsomethingdowntoitsoriginsThemeaningofthephrase原民thussubsumestheideasofldquobasingoneselforonersquospoliciesinthepeoplerdquoldquomakingthepeoplefundamentalrdquoandalsoofldquogettingtothebottomrdquoofhowmin民asasocialconceptistobeunderstood24SeePeterKBolldquoThisCultureofOursrdquoIntellectualTransitionsinTrsquoangandSungChina(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1992)pp128-31BolrendersthetitleoftheessayldquoFindingtheSourceforTaordquo25Ibidpp22-23

16

historyoftheTangFiveDynastiesandSongperiodswasrepletewithfine

practitionersofbothstylesTheSongerawitnessedtheeventualacceptanceof

guwenproseforuseonthejinshi進士examinationsadevelopmentindicativeofthe

esteemthestylehadgainedintheeyesofleadingscholar-officials26Andwhileits

importancetotheworldofJapanesekanbunwascomparativelyminorevidence

suggeststhattheguwen-pianliwendebatewasknowntoJapaneseliteratifromat

leastthemid-Heianperiod27GenerallyspeakingmedievalJapanesewritersdrew

stylisticinspirationfromasubstantiallylargerandmorediversebodyofChinese

textsthantheirHeianpredecessorshadworkssuchasWenxuanwhichhadso

heavilyinfluencedHeiankanbunnowexistedalongsideZizhitongjian資治通鑑

(ComprehensiveMirrorinAidofGovernance1084)XinTangshu新唐書(New

HistoryoftheTang1060)andmanyothertextsreflectiveofSong-eraaestheticand

intellectualdevelopmentsChūganprobablyusedtheguwenstylemoreadroitly

thananyofhiscontemporarieshismodelsinexpositoryproseappeartohavebeen

drawnpredominantlyfromtheTangandearlySongwithHanYursquoswritingexerting

particularstylisticinfluenceEvenChūganrsquoshighappraisaloftheSongpolymath

OuyangXiu歐陽修(1007-72)authorofXinTangshuhasbeenascribedbyone

pioneeringscholarofGozanliteraturetoOuyangrsquosnoteddevotiontoHanYu28

ThatChūganwouldsoadmireandultimatelyimitateHanYursquosrhetoric

bespeakshiswillingnesstoseparateformfromideologicalcontentandreflectsthe26DieterKuhnTheAgeofConfucianRule(CambridgeMABelknapPressofHarvardUnivPress2009)p13027KawaguchiHisaoHeianchōnokanbungaku(TokyoYoshikawaKōbunkan1981)pp129-3628KitamuraSawakichiGozanbungakushikō(TokyoFūzanbō1941)p219

17

comparativelyliberalapproachtoChinesehighculturetakenbythemedievalZen

establishmentEverybitthenativistintellectualHanYuwasacontumeliouscritic

ofBuddhismandastaunchsupporterofConfucianorthodoxypositionshe

articulatedpithily(andwithnosmallmeasureofvitriol)inYuandaoChūgantoo

wasanavidproponentofConfucianismitmightevenbesuggestedthathiswide-

rangingphilosophicaloeuvreisbroadlyunifiedbythepursuitofaConfucian-

Buddhistsynthesis29oratleastthatsuchapursuitguidedhismostnotableworks30

ButwhereHanYuemployedguwentoindictBuddhismasanadulteranttoChinese

cultureChūganusedittoaffirmBuddhismrsquosvaluetostateandsocietyinJapan

Inasmuchasmodernistexpositorywritingtendstoproceedfromtheassumption

thatlanguageisorshouldbeatransparentvalue-neutralmediumforconveying

ideasChūganrsquosadoptionofHanYursquoslucidlanguagetomakepro-Buddhist

argumentsisinacertainsensequitemodernToChūganBuddhismnolessthan

Confucianismwasbeneficialinpartbecauseofitssalubriouseffectsuponmorality

ButBuddhismalsoaddresseditselftophenomenathatlayoutsideConfucianismrsquos

traditionalpurviewandinmedievalJapantheconceptofkarmaanditscorollaries

providedbyfarthemostcomprehensiveandinfluentialepistemicbasisfor

understandingthehumancondition31Asismadeclearintheveryshortpiece

29ThisargumentseemstohavebeenmadefirstbyAshikagaEnjutsuseehisKamakuraMuromachijidainojukyō(TokyoNihonKotenZenshūKankōkai1932)pp21125530InoueMasamichiHonpōchūseimadeniokeruMōshijuyōshinokenkyū(TokyoKazamaShobō1972)pp261-6231BuddhismrsquosroleasthepreeminentparadigmshapingthemedievalepistemeistreatedinWilliamRLaFleurTheKarmaofWords(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1983)

18

Gensō原僧acompanionessaysubmittedtoEmperorGo-DaigoalongsideGenmin

Chūgandoesbelievethatwhenfarmersormerchantsabandontheirlivelihoodsand

nominallybecomemonkstheeffectisdetrimentalnotonlytothepriesthoodbut

alsotonationaleconomicwelfare32StillsomeknowledgeofBuddhistprinciples

amongthepopulaceisheldtobringbenefitstostateandsocietyassubstantialas

thosebroughtbyknowledgeoftheFourBooksreliableweightsandmeasuresand

anadequatemilitaryallofwhichhecitesapprovinglyatthebeginningofGenmin

ThemainthesisofGenministhatexcessivemilitarizationandaburgeoning

interestinmartialpursuitsacrossallsegmentsofsocietyisthekeysociopolitical

crisisconfrontingJapaninthe1330sThoughhewilllaterlaymuchoftheblamefor

thisphenomenonuponGo-Daigohimselfherehesimplyrecommendsthatthefour

Confucianldquoclassesrdquoandmembersoftheclergybeguidedbacktotheirpropersocial

rolesandthatonlypersonswithaspecificgovernmentmandatetobeararmsbe

permittedtodosoArdentlyopposedtobothpopularmilitancyandtheexistenceof

anautonomouswarrioreliteChūganasksrhetoricallywhetherthecountryeven

hasaldquomilitaryrdquoatallwhichtohimdenotesabranchofgovernmentthatprovides

forthenationaldefensebutisalwaysandeverywheresubordinatetothethrone

ChūganwilldevelopthislineofcritiquefurtherinhismemorialtoGo-Daigoandhe

willadvanceitwithgreaterconceptualsophisticationinhisfamousphilosophical

treatiseChūseishi中正子(TheMasterofBalanceandRectitude1334)whereitis

repurposedtocriticizetheemperordirectlyInsofarasGenminwasintended

simplytoprovideGo-DaigowithasuccinctoverviewofJapanrsquosproblemsasChūgan

32Atranslationofthisessayisgivenintheappendixtothischapter

19

sawthemitisofsomewhatlessconceptualandrhetoricalinterestthaneither

ChūseishiorthememorialNonethelessitsclarityandrelativesimplicitymakeita

usefulintroductiontothosetextsandanidealpointfromwhichtoapproach

ChūganrsquosworldviewduringtheinitialmonthsofGo-Daigorsquosrestorationgovernment

EstablishingtheFundamentsofthePeople33 Acrossthewideworldpeopleattendtotheirbasicdutiesandperfecttheir

craftsandtheircountriesbecomeprosperousandstrongFarmerssowcropsandplant

vegetablesandfruitingtreesArtisansmanagetheirestablishmentsandproduce

variouswaresMerchantsfacilitatethedistributionofgoodsfromwheretheyare

plentifultowheretheyarescarceOfficialsdraftgovernmentregulationsThe

credibilityoftheImperialsealandthereliabilityofweightsandmeasureshelpprevent

fraudanddeceptionTheteachingsculledfromtheBookofSongstheBookofHistory

theClassicofRitesandtheClassicofMusicservetoreformcrueltyandgreedArms

andfortificationsservetoforestallinvasionandplunderThusitisthatifthemasses

pursuetheirlivelihoodsandsupportthoseabovethemtherewillbenoinstancesof

peopleresortingtounprincipledmeanstokeepthemselvesfedandthecountrywillbe

prosperousandstrongThisishowthingsoughttobe

33ThetranslationisbasedonthetextfoundinTamamuraTakejirsquosGozanbungakushinshū(TokyoTokyoDaigakuShuppankai1970)p393AlsoconsultedwasKamimuraKankōrsquosGozanbungakuzenshū(TokyoGozanBungakuZenshūKankōkai1936)vol2pp104-5TamamurarsquoseditionofChūganrsquosworksisthemostcompletecurrentlyavailableitsprincipalsourcelikeKamimurarsquosisthe1764woodblockeditionofthecollectaneaofChūganrsquosworksTōkaiichiōshū東海一漚集(ABubbleontheEasternSea)ThiseditionwascollatedandpreparedforpublicationbythepriestDaigeSōdatsu大解宗脱(1706-62)attheHarimaDaizōinmonasteryandwhileitisgenerallyregardedasthevulgate(rufubon流布本)itomitsmuchandTamamurahasthereforesupplementeditwithadditionalmanuscriptcopiesofTōkaiichiōshūhousedatthetempleHōjōji法常寺andtheHistoriographicalInstituteattheUniversityofTokyo

20

Buddhismwasintroduced(toChina)intheHaneraandeversinceithasenabled

peopletogainaprofoundunderstandingoftheprinciplesgoverningnaturefatelife

anddeathandithasalsoilluminatedthekarmicrootsofgoodandillfortuneThusthe

peoplelovedgoodnessandtrustedtheywouldberewardedtheyeschewedwhatwas

notgoodandavoidedcalamitySomethingthatbenefitsthecountrywithoutharming

thepeoplecanonlyenhancetheprosperityandstrengthoftheformerLookingatour

owncountrytodayamongthepeopletherearenonewhodonotdonarmorandtake

upweaponsThecommonersarenegligentinattendingtotheirproperlivelihoodsand

theyattackandroboneanotherinthepursuitofgainAndastothosewhocuttheir

hairandenterthepriesthoodtheytooviewithoneanotherthroughforceofarmsand

abandontheirpropercallingOfallthedisastersthatmaybefallacountrynone

surpassesthisThepurposeofamilitaryistosuppressdisturbancestheverycharacter

forldquomilitaryrdquo(武)iscomposedofldquostoprdquo(止)andldquoweaponrdquo(戈)Yetthedisturbances

wefacetodaycannotbesuppressedCanwesaythatourcountryevenhasamilitary

OnesidehasstoutshieldsandsharpspearsbutsodoestheothersideHardnessis

pittedagainsthardnessandsharpnessagainstsharpnesswithbothsideshaving

comparablestrengthSincethestrengthofbothsidesisequaleachremainsunchecked

ThesearethefactsTheDiscoursesofZhourelatethefollowing

ldquoThekingsofoldglorifiedvirtueandwerenotquicktoflaunttheirmilitary

powerFlauntingmilitarypowerleadstoitsirresponsibleuseandifmilitarypowerisusedirresponsiblythenroyalauthoritywillnotberespectedrdquo34

34TheldquoDiscoursesofZhourdquo(周語)comprisethefirstsectionoftheGuoyu國語ThepassageuponwhichChugandrawsreadsasfollows穆王將征犬戎祭公謀父諫曰 「不可先王耀德不觀兵夫兵戢而時動動則威觀則玩玩則無震 ldquoKingMuwasabouttoattacktheQuanrongtribebutMoufuDukeofZhairemonstratedwithhimsayinglsquoThekingsofoldglorifiedvirtueandwerenotquicktoflaunttheirmilitarypowerIfmilitarypowerisheldbackanddeployedonlyattheappropriatetimesthen(royalauthority)willbefearedifmilitarypowerisflauntedthenitwillbeusedirresponsiblyandifitisusedirresponsiblynonewillrespect(royalauthority)rsquordquo

21

Sincethisisalreadythecase(inJapan)whatshouldbedoneItwouldbebest

foryourmajestytodecreethatanyonewhoisnotasoldieroftheimperialgovernment

shallbepunishedforbearingarmsandthatofficialsfarmersartisansmerchantsas

wellasmembersoftheclergymustdevotethemselvestotheperfectionoftheir

respectivecallingsIfthisisdoneitwillstrengthenandenrichthecountryandthereis

perhapshopeafterall

淳世之民各務本修業故國富且強矣所以農者播禾穀種菜果工者營棟宇造器皿賈者通其有無土者布其政令符璽秤斛之信以防其欺負詩書禮樂之教以正其狠戾甲兵干城之威以禁其侵奪然而百姓各修其業而奉其上則國無有徒為苟食者故富強也宜矣漢氏以降加以佛法使民精通性命死生之理且知禍福因果之道然而百姓好善賴慶忌不善而避殃故有利于國無害于民是以國益富且強矣今觀國朝民無不衣甲手兵者百姓皆怠其業互相侵奪以為利也若夫出家斷髮者亦以堅甲利兵相誇而廢其本業也禍亂之大莫之過焉武也者戡定禍亂也其為文也止戈也然今有如斯禍亂而不能勘定者可言國有武乎 彼亦堅甲利兵也以堅敵堅以利敵利其勢均矣勢均則不可制止也宜矣周語有之先王耀德不觀兵夫兵觀則翫翫則無震既然今宜奈之何 宜當 敕差有司如非官軍者衣甲手兵則誅之使彼士農工賈及釋氏之流各務本修業則富強之國其庶幾乎

Thepoliticalorderofthefourteenthcenturyandbeyondwoulddevelopin

preciselythedirectionChūganfearedandforreasonsthatseeminretrospectfar

beyondthereachofcourtpolicyAmodernreaderparticularlyoneinsensitiveto

thestylisticconventionsgoverningworksofcounselsubmitteddirectlytothe

thronecouldbeforgivenforseeinginChūganrsquosrecommendationsanaiumlveand

simplisticfaithinthepowerofimperiallegislationYettheKamakurashogunate

oncethepreeminentpowerinthecountryhadbeeneffectivelydestroyedsix

monthsbeforeGenminwaswrittenandintermsofmilitaryresourcesandthe

abilitytoprojectpowerGo-DaigorsquosincipientregimenowstoodunrivalledAnd

whiledevelopmentalnarrativesofmedievalJapanesehistorytendtopositan

22

inexorableriseofthewarriorsandconcomitantinevitabilityofautonomouswarrior

governmentthereisverylittleevidencethatfightingmenofthefourteenthcentury

sawtheircollectivepositionasdependentuponthecontinuedexistenceofa

shogunate35MoreoverwhileChūganrsquosagewascertainlyoneofchangeand

tribulationitwasnotyetoneofendemicviolenceandirreparablefragmentation

evenifcertainsociopoliticaltrendssuggestedtokeenobserversthatsuchafatewas

drawingnearHencetoanintellectualwhowasdisinclinedtosupportwarrior

governmentanddeeplyconcernedwiththespreadofsoldieryamongthepopulace

thethroneofferedthebestandmostlogicalhopeforstemmingthesetrendsand

restoringthepropersocialorderTheimperialcourtwasafterallthemost

enduringlocusofauthorityonthearchipelagoprovidingsociallegibilitythrough

officesranksandthedisseminationofhighcultureeventotheveryinstitutions

mostresponsibleforerodingitsmilitarymightandmaterialprerogativesviz

shogunalgovernmentsandinfluentialwarriorhouses

Chūganexpandsuponthecrisisofmilitarismandtheroleofthecourtin

addressingitinhismemorialtoGo-Daigoatextthatexpoundsthesamebasic

worldviewasGenminthoughfarmorestridentlyItisbothunusuallylengthyand

inplacesexceptionallybluntbythestandardsofextantJapanesememorialswhich

datepredominantlyfromtheHeianperiodandtendneithertoutilizetheguwen

stylenortreatsociopoliticalissuesasseriousasthosetakenupbyChūganThese

andotheraspectsoftheworkwillbeanalyzedindetailbelowitisworth

emphasizingattheoutsethoweverthatChūganrsquosmemorialconstitutesarareand

35GobleKenmuppxvi136266-67

23

valuableexampleofagenrethatwhileesteemedintheChinesetraditionandlong

practicedbyJapanesearistocratshasreceivedminimalattentioninstudiesof

JapanesekanshibunMoreoveritillustratesthewaysinwhichtheChinese

historicalexperiencecouldbemarshaledforpoliticalsuasionduringatransitional

momentinJapanesehistoryonewhoseepochalsignificancewasdifficultto

appreciateinreferencetothedomesticrecordalone

OnthistheeleventhdayoftheeleventhmonthIEngetsuTransmitteroftheDharmadohumblyandrespectfullyofferthismemorial36

Yourmajestyitismyhumblecontentionthatamongkingstherearethosewho

succeedahumanpredecessorcontinuehislineandkeepthingsunchangedandthere

arethosewhoreceiveHeavenrsquosmandateadaptskillfullytotheexigenciesofthe

moment(通變)andbringaboutrevolution(革)Examplesoftheformerincludethe

rulerswhocontinuedtheirlinesduringtheXiaYinandZhoudynastiesExamplesof

thelatterincludeTangwhodeposedJieandKingWuwhovanquishedZhou37Thus

doesYijingsayldquoTherevolutionsofTangandWuwereinaccordancewithHeavenand

inresponsetothepeoplerdquo38ButwhysimplystopatTangandWuGaozuandShizuof

HanTaizongofTangandTaizuofSongwereallmenofthissortAsWenZhongzi

opinedldquoifoneadaptsskillfullytochangingcircumstancestherealmwillbefreeofbad

36ThedatecorrespondstoDecember191333intheJuliancalendarThetextmaybefoundinGozanbungakushinshūvol4pp380-81andGozanbungakutaikeivol2pp86-8737ChengTang成湯wasthefirstruleroftheYin(Shang)DynastyanddeposedJie桀thelastruleroftheXiaWu武wasthefirstruleroftheZhouDynastyanddeposedZhou紂thelastruleroftheShang38湯武革命順乎天而應於人ThisfamouslinefromYijingisstilloftencitedindictionariesandencyclopediasasthelocusclassicusforthetermgemingkakumei革命ldquorevolutionrdquo

24

lawsbutifonecleavesstubbornlytofixednormsthentherealmwillbebereftof

beneficentteachingsrdquo39

Intheirperfectionoftransformativeteachings(教化)andregulativenorms(法度)theThreeDynasties(XiaShangandZhou)weresurpassedbynoneYetafterthe

regulationshadbeenineffectforalongperiodoftimetheybecamecorruptedonceit

wasunderstoodtheregulationshadindeedbecomecorruptedtheywerereformed(革)

Thisisthemeansbywhich(thereformers)adaptedtocircumstanceThusitwasthat

whentheregulationsoftheXiabecamecorruptedTangofYinreformedthemand

whentheregulationsoftheYinbecamecorruptedWuofZhoureformedthemAfter

theZhouhadfallenintodeclineitsregulationsslippedintoextremecorruptionandit

wasthenthatWeiYangenteredthestateofQinandreformeditsregulations40One

yearafterthereformswereenactedthenumberofpeopleinthecapitaldecryingthe

newlawsreachedintothethousandsandtheprinceevenviolatedthemWeiYang

opinedthatthereasontheregulationswerenotbeingsuccessfullyimplementedwas

thattheprincehimselfdidnotabidebythemAstherulerrsquosheirtheprincecouldnot

bepunishedbuthischiefadviserwaspunishedcorporallyandhistutorwastattooed41

AlmostovernightallthepeopleofQinsubmittedtothenewlawsTenyearslater

nonedaredtoevenpickupvaluablesdroppedontheroadsandthemountainswere

freeofbanditsThepeoplewerebraveinfightingwarsthatwereinthepublicinterest

(公)butreticenttoindulgeprivate(私)quarrelsThosewhohadoncecalledthenew

lawsunsuitablenowthoughtthemmostexpedientYetafterQinunifiedtherealmit

39通其變天下無弊法執其方天下無善教WenZhongzi文中子istheposthumousnameofthephilosopherWangTong王通(584-617)anditisalsothetitleoftheworkWenzhongzialternativelyknownasZhongshuo中説(DiscoursesontheMean)whichrecordshisresponsestoquestionsaskedbydisciplesThequotecomesfromthefourthchapterldquoZhouGongrdquo周公WangTongrsquosimportancetoChūganisdiscussedbelow 40WeiYang衛鞅(390-338BCE)betterknownasShangYang商鞅wasthearchitectofnumerousimportantreformsinthestateofQinAlongwithShenBuhaiandHanFeizihecontributedsignificantlytothedevelopmentofwhatwouldcometobeknownaslegalism41Theadviserwaspunishedbyhavinghisnosecutoff

25

lostsightoftheneedtomakeperiodicchangestoitslawstheevilsthatresultedwere

extremeandviolenceandcrueltyprevailed

HencetheQinlastedjusttwogenerationsbeforebeingdestroyedTheHan

thenassumedsuzeraintybutforoverseventyyearstheyfoundthatdespitetheir

effortstobringthesituationundercontrolnomethodseemedviableWhenlawswere

promulgatedwickednessonlygrewwhendecreeswereissuedfraudanddeceit

followedAlasitcouldnothavebeenotherwiseTheremnantsoftheQinwerea

peoplewhosecustomswereheartlessandperversewhichiswhytheyresisted(the

impositionoflawsbytheHan)ItwasforthisreasonthanDongZhongshusaidthe

followinginhisrescript

ldquoIfoneusesboilingwatertocalmboilingwaterthewaterwillonlyfrothandbubblemoreandwhenazitherhasfallenirreparablyoutoftuneonehasnochoicebuttoremovethestringsandreplacethemonlythenwillitbemadeplayableWhenagovernmenthasutterlylostitsauthoritythereisnochoicebuttotransformitonlythenmayorderbereestablishedrdquo42

DongZhongshursquoswordsarerightonthemarkItismycontentionifImaybeso

boldthatYourMajestyhasinheritedhisperspicacity(明)fromWenofZhouand

receivedhisvirtue(德)fromJimmu43Youhaverevivedthekinglywayandabolished

militaryhegemony(覇)44Youbringcomforttothefarthestcornersoftherealmand

42如以湯止湯湯愈甚琴瑟不調甚者必解而更張之乃可鼓也為政而不行甚者必變而更化之乃可理也ThequoteisfromDongZhongshursquosfirstrescript(ce册)SeeHanshu562504-05 43VirtueisthemostcommonEnglishtranslationof德butitfailstosufficientlyconveythesenseofsuasivetransformativepowerinherentinthetermArthurWaleyhasusedldquopowerrdquotorender德whichisquiteaccurateifthepowerinquestionisunderstoodtoarisefrommoralexcellenceThoughldquovirtuerdquowillbeusedhereforclaritysomethinglikeldquomoralcharismardquomightbemoreappropriateparticularlywhenappliedtoarulerSeeJonathanWSchoferldquoVirtuesinXunzirsquosThoughtrdquoinTCKlineandPhilipJIvanhoeedsVirtueNatureandMoralAgencyintheXunzi(IndianapolisHackett2000)pp69-88JohnSMayoretaledsandtransTheHuainanzi(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2010)pp872-7344TheconceptofhegemonyandthefigureofthehegemonaretreatedfurtherbelowChūganusesthetermtopejorativelycharacterizewarriorpoweringeneralandtheKamakurashogunateinparticular

26

embracetherudestofyourpeopleAllthedenizensofthislandrightlypayyouhumble

obeisanceWhobutanenlightenedsagaciousrulerndashonewhohasreceivedHeavenrsquos

mandatendashcouldaccomplishsuchathingSadlytherealmistodaybesetbytheevilsof

theKantōsuzerainswhosepolityhasstoodforoverahundredyearsThepeoplehave

graduallysunkintovicebecomingavariciousandwaywardintheirhabitsThisiswhy

lawsuitsfillthecourtsfrommorningtonightWorsestillthenumberofthosewho

wouldconspireinrebellionhasgrownlargeInotherwordsthingsherearenowas

theywereinChinawhentheHansucceededtheQinitisatimewhenordermaybe

restoredonlythroughrevolutionIhavenoknowledgeregardingtheearliestbeginning

ofHeavenandEarthButifyourmajestyweretoabolishmilitaryhegemonyandrevive

thewayofthekingwouldthisnotbethebeginningofanachievementndashhereinour

timendashthatwouldringoutfortenthousandgenerationsHowcanweaffordnotto

reformthebanefulscourgeofoutmodedways45

AlasIambutalonemustardweedinamountainforestandIwillultimately

decaytonothingalongsidethegrassesandthetreesIamnotboundbyworldly

interestsandonemaywonderwhyIhaveofferedthesewordscourtingtrouble

throughmyimpertinenceInpointoffactIdosoonlyforthebenefitoftherealm(天下)notformyself(身)TrulyIdosoforposteritynottobaskinthegloryofa

momentrsquosfameItismyhumblecontentionthatifyourmajestywilltaketoheartthe

greatwordsofDongZhongshuandWangTongandacceptthesincerityofmycounsel

thentherealmwillprosperformyriadagestocomeImyselfhavenoauthoritytoact

soIhavecomposedtwoessaysGenminandGensōforyourmajestyrsquosperusalIfyou

findanyoftheideasespousedthereintobeofusepleaseissuearoyaledict

commandingyourofficialstoseethattheyareputintoeffectTheforegoingisoffered

mosthumblywithutmostreverenceandtrepidation45陛下除覇興王不乃萬世鴻業之始固在斯時乎舊法之弊不可革耶Ifthereferentof覇istakenspecificallytobetheKamakuraregimewhichwasdestroyedapproximatelysixmonthsearlierthefirstpartmightberenderedldquodoesnotyourmajestyrsquosabolitionofmilitaryhegemonyandrevivalofthewayofthekingconstitutethebeginningofanachievementndashhereinourtimendashthatwillringoutfortenthousandgenerationsrdquo

27

上 建武天子表 十一月日傳法臣僧圓月謹昧死上書 皇帝陛下竊以王者受禪於人者襲其統而沿之得命於天者通其變而革之受禪於人者如夏后殷周之克繼者也得命於天者湯放桀武王伐紂之類皆是也故易曰湯武革命順乎天而應於人豈止湯武而已漢高祖世祖唐太宗宋太祖皆其人也文中子曰通其變天下無幣法執其方天下無善教教化法度之成三代莫之踰者然久則其法又弊法弊則革之所以通其變也所以夏法弊則殷湯革之殷法弊則周武革之周之衰時法之弊甚時衞鞅入秦變其法行之期年國都言新法之不便者以千數於是太子犯法鞅言法之不行自上犯之太子君嗣也不可施刑輒刑其傳黥其師明日秦人皆趍令行之十年秦國道不拾遺山無盜賊民勇於公戰怯於私鬪然後其初言不便者來言令便也然而秦得天下之後弗能知複變其法之理故弊甚極至暴酷是以二世而亡 漢繼秦之後七十餘歲雖欲理之無可奈何 法出而奸生令下而詐起則無它以秦之遺民習俗薄惡民人抵冒也是故董仲舒對策曰如以湯止湯湯愈甚琴瑟不調甚者必解而更張之乃可鼓也為政而不行甚者必變而更化之乃可理也仲舒之言至矣哉恭惟陛下明繼周文德承神武興王除覇柔遠包荒高田之下厚地之上莫不賓順非聰明睿知得命於天者孰能與於此哉然今天下為關東所伯百數十歲之弊積焉斯民漸漬惡俗貪饕 故自朝至暮獄訟滿庭又沙上偶語者亦多矣乃與漢繼秦之時偶相同也更化則可理之時也天地之初臣不得而知之陛下除覇興王不乃萬世鴻業之始固在斯時乎舊法之弊可不革耶 臣是山林一芥宜當與草木共朽也實為天下不為身也實為萬世不為一時名望之榮也伏望陛下感董生王通之至言而收臣懇誠則天下萬世之幸矣臣不自揆輒撰原民原僧二篇以塵睿覧如有可采敕有司施行之謹奉書以聞某誠惶誠恐

Chūgandesignatesthispieceahyō表(Cbiao)aparticulartypeofmemorial

understoodtoconveyopinionsandpolicyviewsunlikethemoreexplicitly

admonitorysō奏(zou)46AshedoesinGenminChūgandetailsthemalaiseafflicting

46Anextendeddiscussionofthehistoryandliteraryqualitiesofroyalmemorialsmaybefoundinchapters22and23ofWenxindiaolong文心雕龍aseminalworkofliterarytheorybytheLiang-erascholarLiuXie劉 (465-522AD)Thebiaoistreatedinchapter22

28

contemporaryJapanesesocietyplacingtheonussquarelyupontherecentlytoppled

Kamakuraregimeandbuttressinghispositionwithexamplesdrawnfromthe

ChineseexperienceGo-Daigorsquosrevolutionarymomentiscastinthemostelevated

termsimaginablewithinthegrandsweepofEastAsianhistorylikenedtothe

epochaltransitionsfromtheShangDynastytotheZhouandtheQintotheHan

Suchrhetoricimmediatelysuggeststhattherecentupheavalsbesettingboththe

shogunateaninstitutionwithnocloseanalogueinChinaandtheJapanesecourt

whichinformandfunctionhadcometodifferdramaticallyfromChinarsquosmight

nonethelessbeunderstoodinbroadlyldquoChineserdquotermsauguringthefallofone

nationalorderandtheriseofanotherInasmuchasthisreadingflattersEmperor

Go-DaigoandunderscoresthegravityofhishistoricalsituationitservesChūganrsquos

purposewell

AnevenmoreaccurateiflessdramaticapplicationoftheChinesehistorical

experiencetofourteenthcenturyJapanissuggestedbyChūganrsquosuseoftheterm

ldquohegemonrdquo(覇)incontradistinctiontoldquokingrdquo(王)Asnotedabovetheprimary

referentsfortheformeraretheKamakuraregimeandthemodelofindependent

warriorgovernanceitrepresentedThehegemonsofclassicalConfucian

historiographyrefertorulersinpre-imperialChinawhowhilepoliticallyand

militarilysuccessfuldidnotconformtothemoralidealsofrulershipespousedby

theru儒classicists47Thehegemonsarementionedinnumerouscanonicaltexts

47SeeHuttonXunzippxxiv-xxvTheusualtranslationforruinEnglishisldquoConfucianrdquothoughinthetreatmentofearlytextsthisissometimesreplacedbytermssuchasldquoclassicistrdquoldquoclassicalstudiesscholarrdquoorsimplyleftuntranslatedTheruwereexpertsinZhouperiodritualandversedinthetextsandtraditions

29

includingLunyuMengziandespeciallyXunziwhichdevotesanentirechapterto

clarifyingthedifferencebetweenthemandtruekingsForthephilosopherXunzi荀

子(XunKuang荀況313-238BC)thehegemonwasbetterthanatyrantkingbut

stillfarfromidealMengzi孟子(MengKe孟軻372-289BC)perhapsthemost

influentialruthinkerbesidesConfuciushimselfemphasizedtheirrelianceonbrute

power(力)overmoralcapacityorldquovirtuerdquo(徳)andappraisedtheminthefollowing

terms

OnewhousespowerasasubstituteforbenevolenceisaHegemonandaHegemonneedstohavealargestateOnewhousesvirtuetoeffectbenevolenceisaKingandaKingdoesnotdepend(forhissuccess)onthesizeofhisstate48以力假仁者霸霸必有大國以德行仁者王王不待大

BythetimeoftextssuchasMengziandXunzithehegemonwasan

establishedfigureofrule-by-mightandalthoughtheyarosealmosttwothousand

yearsbeforetheKamakurashogunatetheirdevelopmentduringtheZhouerais

similarenoughtothatofwarriorpowerinJapantosustainacomparisonthatisnot

onlyrhetoricallyeffectivebutlogicallycompellingaswellAsexplainedbyEdward

SlingerlandthehegemonwasapositionfirstrecognizedbytheZhoukingsin681

BCwhenDukeHuanofQiwasgiventhisappointmentinordertoleadtheChinese

defenseagainstbarbarianinvasionwhiletheyweretheoreticallyregentsofthe

Zhoumonarchthehegemonsinfactruledindependentlyandthepostitself

associatedwithConfuciusSeeMarkCsikszentmihalyiReadingsinHanChineseThought(IndianapolisHackett2006)p18448Mengzi2A3

30

representedanimportanterosionofZhouroyalauthority49AsChūganwaswell

awaresomethingquitesimilarmightbesaidabouttheshogunateaninstitution

nominallycaptainedbyamilitarydictatorbearingthetitleSei-itaishōgun征夷大将

軍ldquoGeneralissimooftheExpeditionaryForceAgainsttheBarbariansrdquoa

commissionoriginallygrantedintheNaraandearlyHeianperiodstocommanders

leadingJapaneseforcesagainstunassimilatedpeoplesinnorthernHonshuFor

ChūgantheKamakurashogunatewasnotlikeadynastythathadlostthelegitimate

righttogovernratheritwasakintothepolitiesofZhou-erahegemonsmorally

illegitimateinthiscapacityfromthebeginningMoreoveritisclearthattheterm

ldquohegemonrdquo(orldquohegemonyrdquo)asusedinthememorialwouldapplyinprincipletoany

systemofrulebyautonomouswarriorsuzerainsandthatChgūanrsquosdiscussionof

Go-Daigorsquoscentralaccomplishmentndashrevivingthekinglywayandabolishing

militaryhegemonyndashwasintendedbothasacelebrationoftheemperorrsquos

achievementsandasaprescriptionforthestateofaffairshehopedwouldobtainin

perpetuityundertheneworder

AnothernotableandinthecontextofJapanesethoughtfairlyunusual

featureofthememorialistheprominenceChūganaccordstotheWesternHan

thinkerDongZhongshu董仲舒(179-104BC)Asadvisertotheillustrious

EmperorWu武(r141-87BC)DongadvancedavisionofConfucianismthat

quicklybecameacentralpillarofHanpoliticaltheoryandstatecraftAttheheartof

hissyncreticphilosophywasanactiveHeavenwhoselawsgovernnotonlythe

naturalworldbuthumanaffairsaswellalongwithanabidingbeliefinthedynamic49EdwardSlingerlandAnalects(IndianapolisHackett2003)p239

31

interrelatednessofseeminglydisparatesocialandnaturalphenomena50Notunlike

DongChūganhopedtoshapethedecisionsofamatureandvigoroussovereignwho

waswillingtoembracecoercioninordertoremakethepoliticallandscapeTheaim

ofhismemorialtoGo-Daigowastoofferintellectualjustificationforrevolutionan

endtowhichYijingstudiesandDongrsquosperspectiveonhistoricalchangewasnicely

suitedInparticularDonghadarguedthatsovereignswhoaccededuringperiods

whentheworldiswellgoverneddonotalterthewayoftheirforebearsbutthose

whocometopowerduringtimesofdisorderdo51TheHanaccordingtoDong

ldquosucceededaftergreatdisorderrdquo(漢繼大亂之後)anditisthereforerightand

properthattheyshouldaltersomeofthenormsthathadprevailedduringtheZhou

justastheZhouadynastyalsobornofdisorderhaddoneamillenniumbefore52

AlthoughChūgandoesnotexplicitlyapplyDongrsquostheoryofhistorical

cyclicalitytoJapanitseemsclearthatinmattersofthemeanddictionhewas

stronglyinspiredbythefamoustriptychofldquoresponsesrdquo(對策)inwhichDong

50SeeMichaelLoeweDivinationMythologyandMonarchyinHanChina(NewYorkCambridgeUnivPress1994)pp134-41andldquoImperialSovereigntyDongZhongshursquosContributionandHisPredecessorsrdquoinSRSchramedFoundationsandLimitsofStatePowerinChina(LondonSchoolofOrientalandAfricanStudiesUnivofLondon1987)pp33-5751SeeGaryArbuckleldquoInevitableTreasonDongZhongshursquosTheoryofHistoricalCyclesandEarlyAttemptstoInvalidatetheHanMandaterdquoJournaloftheAmericanOrientalSociety1154(1995)pp585-9752Ibidpp591-92DongeffectivelyignorestheQinseeminglyregardingitinArbucklersquoswordsasanldquohistoricalmiscarriagerdquoThepeacefulsuccessionswerefromYaotoShunShuntoYuandYutohissonconstruedinthisschemaasthefirstformalruleroftheXiathedynastiestosucceedbyconquestweretheShangZhouandHan

32

outlinedhiscyclicaltheorytoEmperorWu53Thequestionsandresponsesare

preservedinHanshu漢書(TheHistoryoftheHan)afoundationaltextlongstudied

byJapaneseintellectualsandonetowhichChūganwouldundoubtedlyhavehad

ampleaccesslongbeforehisjourneytoChinaOtherworksbyDongZhongshualso

seemtohavebeenknowninJapansinceatleastthelateninthcenturyasonetext

attributedtohimismentionedinthebibliographicresourceNihonkokugenzaisho

mokuroku日本国見在書目録acatalogueofChinesetextsheldinJapan54Overall

howeverDongdoesnotappeartohaveenjoyedparticularprominenceinJapanese

politicalthoughtthisdespitewidespreadinterestamongJapaneseliteratiinboth

theinterpretationofomensandtheSpringandAutumnAnnalsaworkcentralto

Dongrsquosscholarshipandpolicypositions55InnoothertextofwhichIhave

knowledgedoesDongZhongshufeaturemorecentrallythanhedoesinChūganrsquos

53AnanalysisofthesetextsisgiveninMichaelLoeweDongZhongshuAlsquoConfucianrsquoHeritageandtheChunqiuFanlu(BostonBrill2011)pp83-10154Compiledca891byFujiwaranoSukeyo藤原佐世theworklists1579separateChineseworksthattotalalmost17000fasciclesCuriouslythemostfamoustracttraditionallyascribedtoDongChunqiufanlu春秋繁露(LuxuriantDewofTheSpringandAutumnAnnals)isnotamongthemtheoneworkbearinghisnameistitledChunqiuzaiyiDongZhongshuzhan春秋灾異董仲舒占whichIhavenotfoundelsewhereAtentativetranslationmightbePrognosticationsofDongZhongshuConcerningDisastersandAnomaliesAppearinginTheSpringandAutumnAnnals55InJapanTheSpringandAutumnAnnals(Chunqiu春秋)andtheZuoCommentary(Zuozhuan左傳)hadbeenaformalpartofthestateuniversitycurriculumsinceitsinceptioneachmentionedexplicitlyassuchintheRegulationsoftheYōrōEra(養老令718)Themid-ninthcenturylegaltextRyōnoshūge令集解acompilationofexpansionsandexplanatoryglossesontheYōrōregulationsnotesthattheGongyang公羊andGuliang穀梁commentarieshadalsobecomederigueurNihonkokugenzaishomokurokulistsnolessthan33separateworksonChunqiuanditscommentaries

33

memorialandinfewotherperiodsofJapanesehistorycouldhisthoughthavebeen

morereadilyapplied

WhiletheworkofDongZhongshuwasquiteclearlyknowninJapanevenif

seldomstudiedindepthWangTonghasleftalmostnotracewhatsoeverinthe

worldofJapanesekanshibunoutsideofChūganrsquoswritingWenzhongziisabsent

altogetherfromNihonkokugenzaishomokurokuandacomputersearchofthevast

bodyofofficialdocumentsandcourtierdiariesdigitizedinrecentyearsrevealsnot

asingleexplicitmentionofitexceptinChūganrsquosmemorial56Theonlyother

referencetoWenzhongziofwhichIamawareoccursinthediaryoftheinimitable

EmperorHanazono花園(1297-1348r1308-18)whoafterperusingitinthe

summerof1324assessedWangTongasbeingonparwithXunziandYangXiong57

56DongZhongshudoesnotfaredramaticallybetterinthisregardthanWangTongbuthisChunqiufanluwhilenotlistedinNihonkokugenzaishomokurokuisquotedonceinMinkeiki民経記thediaryofthehigh-rankingofficialKadenokōjiTsunemitsu勘解由小路経光(1212-74)andalsoinaspecialreport(kanjin勘申)submittedbyFujiwaranoAtsumitsu藤原敦光(1063-1144)toEmperorSutoku崇徳in1135apparentlyinresponsetothelatterrsquosquestionsregardingportentsoffamineandsicknessThisreportwasincludedinthemid-twelfthcenturyHonchōzokumonzui本朝続文粹athoroughlyannotatedversionofitmaybefoundinYamagishietaledsKodaiseijishakaishisō(TokyoIwanamishoten2001)pp169-84TheHistoriographicalInstituteattheUniversityofTokyomaintainsasearchabledatabasethatincludesthedocumentcollectionsHeianibunKamakuraibunandDaiNihonkomonjoalongwithdigitizedversionsofdozensofdiariesandrecordsfromtheNaraHeianandKamakuraperiodsSeehttpwwwaphiu-tokyoacjpshipsshipscontroller57Hanazonotennōshinki花園天皇宸記Shōchū1412SeeAndrewEGobleldquoSocialChangeKnowledgeandHistoryHanazonorsquosAdmonitionstotheCrownPrincerdquoHarvardJournalofAsiaticStudies551(1995)p103ItisofinteresttonotethatcomparisonsofWangTongwithMengziXunziandYangXiongbecamecommoninChinaduringtheNorthernSongwhenWenzhongzibegantoappearonthecivilserviceexaminationsOnthisseeWongKwok-yiuldquoBetweenPoliticsandMetaphysicsOntheChangingReceptionofWangTrsquoungintheTrsquoang-SungIntellectualTransitionsrdquoMonumentaSericavol55(2007)pp61-97

34

LikeDongZhongshuWangTongsoughttounitemultiplestrandsofclassical

ChinesethoughtunderanessentiallyConfucianphilosophicalrubricandhedrew

heavilyonZhongyong中庸(TheDoctrineoftheMean)YijingChunqiuandthework

ofDongZhongshuhimselfYetWangattemptedsomethingthataWesternHan

figurelikeDongcouldnothaveintegratingintohissystemnotonlythoseparticular

textsandmodesofdiscourseidentifiedprincipallywithConfucianismandDaoism

butalsothoseassociatedwithBuddhismWenzhongziquotesdirectlyfromthe

AvatamsakaSutra(CHuayanjingJKegonkyō華厳經)andtheverychapteron

whichChūgandrawsinhismemorialcontainsanexchangebetweenWangandone

ofhisdisciplesinwhichWangidentifiedtheBuddha佛asasage聖人58The

unificationofConfucianismDaoismandBuddhismcollectivelystyledtheldquoThree

Creedsrdquo(CSanjiaoJSankyō三教)intherealmsofaestheticsmetaphysicsethics

andstatecraftwouldbecomearecurringtropeinmedievalJapanesethoughtandit

isquitelikelythatWenzhongziwasasignalworktoayoungChūganseekinga

holisticunderstandingofthevicissitudesofhisage59

MorethanthisChūganmayhaveseenhimselfasanintellectualheirtoWang

TongandaspiredtocontinuehislegacyinJapanChgūanrsquosphilosophicalmagnum

opusaportionofwhichwillbeconsideredbelowistheaforementionedChūseishi

58SeeZhangPeiZhongshuojiaozhu(BeijingZhonghuaShuju2013)pp11and114ThecontextseemstosuggestthatthebuddhainquestionisthehistoricalBuddhabuttheidentificationmightbeinterpretedassimplybeingbetweenabuddhaandasage59NotinfrequentlyConfucianismwasreplacedinthemedievalJapaneseversionoftheldquoThreeCreedsrdquobyrecentlydevelopednotionsofShintotheformulationofwhichowedmuchtoesotericBuddhismmountainasceticism(Shugendō修験道)andoldertraditionsofkamiworshipthathadnotpreviouslybeensystematized

35

中正子whichwascomposedseveralmonthsafterGenminandthememorialtoGo-

DaigoTheworktakesitstitlefromapseudonymousfictionalcharacterwho

representsChūganrsquosownviewsindialogicexchangesNotonlyisthename

ChūseishildquoTheMasterofBalanceandRectituderdquoimmediatelysuggestiveofWang

TongrsquosposthumousmonikerWenzhongzi文中子ldquoTheMasterofCultureand

BalancerdquoChūganrsquosworkisalsostructuredinpreciselythemannerofWenzhongzi

andcoverssimilarmaterialIntheopeningchapterofChūseishitheMasterof

BalanceandRectitudeevenopinesthatWangTongwasldquoremarkablysimilarrdquoto

Confucius60ItisprobablynotunreasonabletoassumethatChūganwhowas34at

thetimeandinthebeginningofhismostcreativeandexperimentalperiodhoped

thathetoomightsomedaybeaccordedcomparableapprobation

ANoteonGenreandStyleChūganrsquosMemorialintheContextofMedieval

JapaneseKanbun

GiventhesingularcircumstancesconfrontingJapaneseelitesand

intellectualsinthe1330sitisperhapsnotsurprisingthatintermsofcontent

60王氏後夫子千載而生然甚俏焉SeeIriyaYoshitakaedldquoChūseishirdquoinIchikawaHakugenetaledsChūseiZenkenoshisō(TokyoIwanamishoten1972)pp128and172ChūganseemstohavemeantthisasagenuinecomplimentoratleastasaneutraldescriptionofWangTongrsquosapproachtoscholarshipWangTongwashoweverinfamousforhisovertemulationofConfuciusinseeminglyeveryaspectofhislifestylesomethingforwhichhewascriticizedbylaterscholarsparticularlythoseassociatedwiththeDaoxuemovementSeeHowardJWechslerldquoTheConfucianTeacherWangTrsquoung(584-617)OneThousandYearsofControversyrdquoTrsquooungPaoLXIII(1977)pp225-272andHoytClevelandTillmanUtilitarianConfucianismChrsquoenLiangrsquosChallengetoChuHsi(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1982)pp106-7

36

ChūganrsquosmemorialstandswellapartfrommostextantJapaneseexamplesofthe

genreOver40hyōbyJapaneseauthorsarepreservedintheinfluentialeleventh-

centurykanshibunanthologyHonchōmonzui本朝文粹(TheLiteraryEssenceofOur

Court)anddozensmoremaybefoundinprivatecollectionssuchasKankebunsō管

家文草 andToshibunshū whichrecordthewritingsofnotedliterati

SugawaranoMichizane菅原道真(845-903)andMiyakonoYoshika都良香(c838-

79)respectivelyAllofthesememorialsarebyaristocratsandthevastbulkare

formaldeclinations(jici辭)ofofficialappointmentsSuchdeclinationsfrequently

offeredmoreasdemonstrationsofhumilitythanasearnestrefusalsrepresenta

majortraditionalfunctionofthehyō61AlthoughMichizanedidcomposesomevery

briefhyōthataddressedissuesofgovernmentpolicyndashinoneherequeststhatan

additionalprofessorofliterature(monjōhakase文章博士)beappointedatthe

universityndashnonespeaktofundamentalpoliticalreformorbearuponthetotalityof

statesocietyandkingshipinJapanWereonetosearchfortextsbyJapanese

authorssimilarinbothintentandcontenttoChūganrsquosmemorialthelikeliest

candidateswouldnotbeHeian-erahyōbutratherworksofpoliticalcounseloffered

bycontemporariessuchasYoshidaSadafusa吉田定房(1274-1338)Amemberof

thehighnobility(kugyō公卿)Sadafusawasamongthemosteducatedmenofhis

generationandservedasroyalvizierandtutorintheChineseclassicstoEmperor

61SometimesappointeeswouldoffernotonebutthreedeclinationsfollowingtheexampleofDukeWenofJin(c771-476BC)whothricerefusedanofferofenfeoffment(册)beforeeventuallyacceptingitThispracticewasapparentlyfollowedfaithfullybysomeJapaneseofficialsasmemorialsofdeclinationlabeledldquofirstrdquoldquosecondrdquoandldquothirdrdquoarenotuncommoninHonchōmonzui

37

Go-DaigoIn1324hedraftedaten-pointldquokotogaki-stylerdquomemorial(sōjō奏狀)

analyzedindetailbelowinwhichhewarnedGo-Daigoagainstchallengingthe

bakufumilitarily62Thepieceisthoughtfulandlearnedexemplifyingwellthe

traditionofChineselearningwithinthearistocracyandillustratingtheimportance

oftheChinesehistoricallegacytopoliticalsuasioninJapanOlderanaloguesmight

alsobesoughtinkanmon(勘文)agenrewithouttheliterarypatinaofthehyōbut

usedfrequentlybyJapanesearistocratstoofferopinionsandrecommendationson

mattersofcourtpolicy

Altogetherthehyōseemstohavebeenagenrefarmorecommonly

composedbyHeian-period(794-1185)courtiersthanbymedievalliteratiand

predominantlyforpurposesotherthanremonstrationorpolicyproposalToa

muchgreaterextentthanotheresteemedChineseliteraryforms(egshi詩ron

(lun)論sho(shu)書san(zan)贊andfu賦)memorialsandperhapsthehyōmost

especiallyseemtohaveremainedinJapananichegenretiedcloselytoa

continentalcultureofofficialdomoneinwhicheducatedministerspliedtheir

serviceswithinasingularstatistauthoritystructureatwhoseapexstoodtheoffice

andpersonaoftheemperorThismodelofgovernancemetwithrespectable

successinJapanduringtheNara(710-94)andearlyHeianerasandwasinavery

62SeeKasamatsuHiroshietaledsChūseiseijishakaishisōvol2(TokyoIwanamiShoten1981)pp149-154Intheso-calledkotogaki事書きorkajōgaki箇条書きformateachentrybeginshitotsuhellipnokoto一 hellip 事ldquoItemIntheMatterofhelliprdquoorinlegalpreamblesldquoItemWhereashelliprdquoForexamplethefirstentryinSadafusarsquosmemorialopenswiththecaption一王者以仁勝暴事whichmightbereadaloudinJapaneseasHitotsuōwajinwomottebōnikatsukotoldquoItemThataKingOvercomesViolencewithBenevolencerdquoNotallJapanesememorialsbearingthesōzhuangdesignationarestructuredlikethis

38

basicsensethemodeltowhichChūganandGo-DaigoweremostattractedButby

thetimeChūganwaswritingsuchapolityhadlongsincebeentransformedbyboth

auniquelyJapaneseapparatusofstatistauthorityndashthebakufu幕府orldquoshogunaterdquo

ndashandnumeroussourcesofmorelocalizedldquolordlyrdquoauthoritysuchaswealthy

familiesandreligiousinstitutions63DuringtheMuromachiperiod(1338-1573)

eventheshogunatecouldmakenopretensetoanythingresemblingabsolute

nationalsuzeraintyandfunctionedinsteadasaninterdependentpart(albeitavery

powerfulone)inwhathasbeentermedaldquosystemoflordlycorporationsrdquo64Thisis

nottosaythateducatedaristocraticministersceaseddischargingthefunctionsof

theirHeianpredecessorstheycertainlydidnotButthecourtwasnolongeratthe

centeroftextualproductionanditsrelativeretreatfromleadershipinthisarea

roughlytracksthetrajectoryofitsfortunesasaninstitutionwhichexceptingthe

briefrevivalincourtauthoritybetween1321and1336declinedmarkedlyoverthe

courseoftheKamakuraperiodandfellstillfurtherinthecenturiesthatfollowed65

ThroughouttheMuromachiperiodhighlytrainedBuddhistscholar-priests

grewnotonlytooutnumberaristocraticministersandmembersofthehereditary

hakase博士scholarfamiliesbutalsotooutpacethemintheproductionofpoetry

63UseofthetermslordlyandstatistfollowMaryElizabethBerryTheCultureofCivilWarinKyoto(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1994)64Ibidpxxvii65SeeGCameronHurstIIIldquoTheKōbuPolityCourt-BakufuRelationsinKamakuraJapanrdquoinJefferyPMassedCourtandBakufuinJapanEssaysinKamakuraHistory(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1982)pp3-28GermanetoGo-DaigorsquospoliticalorientationwastheKamakurashogunatersquosroleineffectivelysplittingtheimperialfamilyintotworivallineseachdependingforincomeontheirowndiminishedportfoliosofestates

39

andexpositoryproseinChinese66WorkintheseareasbyfigureslikeChūgan

ZekkaiChūshinMusōSosekiGidōShūshin義堂周信(1325-88)Hanazonoand

manyothersreachedheightsofartistryandintellectualsophisticationunexcelledby

eventhegreatestofHeianliteratiOnamoremundanelevelkanbunremainedthe

mediumofchoiceinawidevarietyofpracticalcontextsandthecharacteristic

socialtrendsoftheagemostnotablythedecentralizationofauthorityand

expansionofthecommercialeconomymotivatedanimpressiveefflorescenceof

familyprecepts(kakun家訓)privatestatutorycodesforthemanagementoffamily

properties(egthemasterfulMunakatakotogakijōjō宗像事書条々of1312)along

withagalaxyoflegalrecordscontractsbillsofsaleandotherdocumenttypesseen

eitherlessfrequentlyornotatallinearlierepochs

Moreoverinasmuchastheliterarykanshibuntraditionduringthemedieval

erawasshapedlessbyaristocratsthanbymembersoftheclergysomeofwhom

hadspentextendedperiodsoftimeinChinaandwereproficientinbothldquoclassicalrdquo

ChineseandtheSongvernacularthereisprobablymorestylisticdiversityin

literarykanshibunofthistimethaninthatoftheHeianperiodTheprosestyleof

Chūganrsquosmemorialnolessthanitsboldsubjectmatterdistinguishesitfromits

HeianpredecessorsAsalreadynotedChūganpreferredtowriteinadirectguwen-

inspiredstylealthoughsomeofMichizanersquoshyōarerelativelystraightforwardthey

allfarbrieferthanChūganrsquosandtheexamplesofthegenreinHonchōmonzuitend

toexemplifythehighlywroughtpianwenstyleofparallelproseBycontrast

66KurozumiMakotoDavidLurietransldquoKangakuWritingandInstitutionalAuthorityrdquoinHaruoShiraneedInventingtheClassicsModernityNationalIdentityandJapaneseLiterature(StanfordStanfordUnivPress2000)p210

40

Chūganrsquosmemorialisnotonlydirectbutseemsalmostcolloquialinplacesasinthe

portioncitedabovewherehetellsGo-Daigothatrestoringthekinglywayinthisera

would(ordid)constituteaparticularlygrandachievementInthisexamplethe

phraseldquoespeciallyinthistimerdquo固在斯時isinsertedintotherhetoricalquestionina

waythatsuggeststheurgencyofaspokenutterance

陛下除覇興王不乃萬世鴻業之始固在斯時乎舊法之弊可不革耶 IfyourmajestyabolishesmilitaryhegemonyandrevivesthewayofthekingwouldthisnotbethebeginningofanachievementndashhereinourtimendashthatwouldringoutforathousandgenerationsHowcanweaffordnottoreformthebanefulscourgeofouroutmodedways67

TodayChūganrsquosmemorialstandsasasingularexampleofpolitical

argumentationinmedievalJapanandtestifiesimplicitlytotheopportunitiesfor

bothsocialadvancementandideologicalexperimentationpresentedbyGo-Daigorsquos

ambitionsArtisticallyitillustratestheconventionsofagenrethatwaspracticed

almostexclusivelybymembersofthearistocracyandwhichseemstohavebecome

lesscommoninthemedievalerathanithadbeeninHeiantimeswhentheimperial

courtwasatitsculturalapogeeWhileupholdingcertainconventionscommonto

67ReadaccordingtoJapanesekundokuconventionsthephrase固在斯時isseeminglyquitesimple(makotonikonotokiniari)butinreadingtheentirelocutionthesituationiscomplicatedbytheneedtoadjusttheconjugationof在(ari)whenrenderingthenegativestructure不乃hellip乎whichwouldresultinsomethinglikeHeikahaonozokiōookosuwasunawachibanseikōgyōnohajimemakotonikonotokiniarankaJapanesereadersuntrainedinldquoChineserdquoassuchreliedlargelyuponkundokurulestoconstruekanbuntextsdespitetheoftenstiltedqualityofsuchrenderingsmostwereaurallycomprehensibletothosefamiliarwiththeconventionsForanextendedinvestigationofkundokuandrelatedmattersseetheappendixattheendofthisstudy

41

earlierJapanesememorialsitalsodemonstrateseconomyofdictionandclarityof

expressionstylisticsensibilitiesthatareperhapsbettersuitedtoprovidingactual

policyadvicethantheellipticalflourishesfrequentlyfoundinHeian-eraparallel

proseSignificantlynosimilarmemorialsbyotherJapanesefiguresintheGozan

milieusurviveTherenownedChineseeacutemigreacutemonkMingjiChujun(MinkiSoshun

明極楚俊1262-1336)didofferacongratulatoryhyōtoGo-Daigouponhisre-

acquisitionofpowerin1333butthiswasacelebratorypiecenotintendedto

advanceaprogramofreform68ThatChūganwasseeminglytheonlyGozanfigure

tohavecomposedsuchalengthyandideologicallyinsistentmemorialspeaksto

bothhisownpoliticalconvictionsunusuallystrongbythestandardsofhiseraand

totheuniquecircumstancesofthe1330sYetwhileChūganrsquosmemorialundeniably

evincestheidiosyncrasiesofbothitsauthoranditshistoricalmomentidiosyncrasy

isonlylegibleinreferencetowhatiscustomaryWhateverpowersofperlocution

thememorialmightbeseentopossessariseprincipallyfromcitationsand

rhetoricalconventionsthatsituateitsquarelywithinanesteemedgenericlineage

embracingcountlesstextsofsimilarimportwrittenbyprincipledcouncilorsboth

ChineseandJapaneseinagespast

68SeeSunRongchengldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquo(PhDDissBeijingForeignStudiesUniversity2012)p98ThisisnottosaythatMingjihadnopoliticalagendaitisknownthathegavelectureswhichGo-Daigoattendedinwhichheadvocatedformilitarypreparedness(ifnotmilitancy)amongtheBuddhistmonasticcommunityAsSunnotesGo-DaigomayhavewelcomedthematerialsupportthatarmedmonksfriendlytohiscausecouldprovidebuttheideadoesrepresentanideologicaldifferencebetweenMingjiandChūganwhoopposedsoldieryamongmonks

42

ViolenceVirtueandRoyalLegitimacyTheMemorialofYoshidaSadafusa

AnillustrativecomplementtothesuasivestrategiesemployedinChūganrsquos

hyōwhichprovidedrealadviceonmattersofpolicybutwasnotremonstrativeor

criticalofGo-Daigoisprovidedbytheaforementionedmemorial(sōjō)ofYoshida

SadafusaWrittenin1324inoppositiontoGo-Daigorsquosplantomovemilitarily

againsttheshogunatethistextsoughtnottoflattertheemperorrsquoshistorical

positionbuttorelativizeitTraditionallythesō(奏Czou)wasanadmonitory

genrethatwasemployedoccasionallybyNaraandHeian-periodofficialsbutfor

purposestypicallyunrelatedtoremonstrationItshistoryinChinareachesbackat

leastamillenniumbeforeitsappearanceinJapanaccordingtoLiuXieldquothezoursquos

functioninaccusationandimpeachmentistoclarifythelawandridthestateof

evilhellipsinceitisitspurposetoexposeevilanimpeachmentmemorialcannothelp

butbesevereandharshrdquo(若乃按劾之奏所以明憲清國 hellip 術在糾惡勢必深

峭)69

TheevilsthatSadafusawishedtoexposewereprincipallythosethatresult

frommisguidedmilitaryadventuresHisviewsonJapanesekingshipandthe

responsibilitiesofsovereigntywereheavilyinfluencedbytheChinesephilosophical

andhistoriographicaltraditionwhichtohimofferedbothhistoricaldataand

69SeeVincentYu-chungShihTheLiteraryMindandtheCarvingofDragonsAStudyofThoughtandPatterninChineseLiterature(HongKongTheChineseUniversityPress1983)pp256-57ItisworthnotingherethatgenericterminologyisnotalwaysappliedrigidlyandshouldnotbetakenasdeterminativeofcontentinHeianJapanworksdesignatedsōjōareapttobeelegantlywordedpetitionsforcourtpromotionnotstridentmemorialsofimpeachmentInthisregardSadafusarsquossōjōissomewhatuniqueandcloserinspirittoLiuXiersquosnotionofthezou

43

philosophicalfirstprinciplesthatwereapplicabletocontemporaryJapanTwo

worksinparticularMengziandShijiloomespeciallylargeThisofcourseis

somethinghehasincommonwithChūganAltogetherhismemorialoffersa

valuableglimpseintopoliticalsuasionwithintheroyalcircleandillustrateshowat

leastoneeducatedministerunderstoodboththestrategicandtheethical

implicationsofmakingwarwiththeshogunate70

ThoughitwouldseemthatdisagreementspersistregardingYourMajestyrsquos

intentiontofoundanewstateIsubmitthatthewillofHeavenremainsunknownand

themostopportunemomentforactionisimpossibletoascertainRetracingthehistory

ofbothChinaandJapanIshallanswerYourMajestyrsquosrequestforcounselwithmyown

humbleobservationsThereislittletogainandmuchtoloseandsoIventureto

presentmyearnestsuggestionsdaringtoincurtherefromthefullmeasureofYour

Majestyrsquosdispleasure

国家草創事叡念雖似有議天命未知時機難測和漢両朝先蹤今就 勅命粗愚管小益多損試献数箇之鯁議敢犯十分之逆鱗矣1 ThataKingOvercomesViolencewithHumanity

70ThetranslationthatfollowsisbaseduponthetextinKasamatsuetaledsChūseiseijishakaishisōpt2(Nihonshisōtaikei22TokyoIwanamiShoten1981)pp148-54KasamatsuandSatōShinrsquoichihaveprovidedhelpfulannotationswhichhavebeenreproducedhereadditionalnoteshavebeenappendedtotermsorpassagesthatpresentparticularinterpretivechallengesThetextisalsoincludedinZokugunshoruijū(seeldquoJōshūbōzōnikki淨修坊雜日記rdquoZGSRJ92531pt2)butnoauthorisspecifiedItwasnotuntil1940thatscholarsMatsumotoShūji松本周二andMurataMasashi村田正志identifiedtheworkasSadafusarsquosaconclusionthatremainswidelyacceptedtodayOnthisseeSatōShinrsquoichirsquosexplanatoryintroductiontotheworkinCSSSpt2391-92

44

Inthewayoftheaccomplishedperson(shijin至人)itishumanity(jin仁)thatcomes

firstInmanifestinghumanityconcretelythemostfundamentalthingistonotkillThis

iswhatismeantinMengzibythenotionthattherealmmaybepacifiedbybeing

unified71ThefirstemperorofQinmobilizedallthepeoplewithinhisbordersandset

themupontheSixKingdomsTakingadvantageoftheunrestinShandonghewas

ultimatelyabletoconsumethewholeofChinaAndyethisregimeperishedintwo

generationsCaoCaoofWeiSimaYiofJinLiuYuofLiuSongXiaoDaochengof

SouthernQiXiaoYanofLiangYangJianofSuindashallofthesemenfoundeddynastiesbut

theirdescendantswouldnotbeperformingtheancestralsacrificesforlongThisis

becausetheyreliedonforceofarmstosolidifytheirpositionandmadetyrannyand

violencetheirfoundationGaozuofHanGuangwuofLatterHanandTaizongofTang

allfollowedthewayoftheFormerKingsandpossessedheartsofhumanityandloveAs

thestatestheyestablishedeachenduredforcenturiescantherebeanydoubtthat

Menciuswasright

一王者以仁勝暴事 至人之道只仁為先仁之為躰不殺為基孟子所謂天下定于一是也秦始皇駈境内之民当六国之役乗于山東之擾乱暫雖呑海内二世兮滅魏曹操晉司馬懿宋劉裕齊蕭道成梁蕭衍隨楊堅皆雖為草創之主子孫永不血食是皆以兵革為固以暴虐為基之故也漢高祖後漢光武唐太宗皆遵先王之道抱仁愛之心社稷各數百年孟子之言豈徒然乎

ThisfirstarticleimplicitlypresentsGo-Daigowithachoicebeamartialruler

whosesuccesswillbeshortlivedorbeavirtuousrulerwhosepolitywillendurefor

71ThereferenceistoMengzi1A7ldquoMengzihadanaudiencewithKingXiangofLiangWhenMengzilefthesaidtosomeotherslsquoWhenIlookedupathimhedidnotseemlikearulerofpeopleWhenIapproachedhimIdidnotseeanythingawe-inspiringinhimHesimplyblurtedoutlsquoHowcantheworldbepacifiedrsquoIrespondedlsquoItcanbepacifiedbybeingunifiedrsquoThekingaskedlsquoWhocanunifyitrsquoIrepliedlsquoOnewhodoesnothaveatasteforkillingpeoplecanunifyithelliprsquordquoSeeVanNordenMengziWithSelectionsfromTraditionalCommentariesp7

45

generationsNoteworthyistheprideofplacegiventoMenciusathinkerwhois

typicallyassociatedwiththeviewthatpoliticallegitimacyiscontingentuponthe

moralfitnessoftherulerthatSadafusaforegroundsMenciusinthefirstarticleof

hismemorialimpliesunmistakablythatheseesGo-Daigorsquosruleandprobably

Japanesekingshipingeneralassubjecttothesameforcesthatbearuponkingship

elsewhereEventheMengzientryhecitespresentsarulerthatwhilenottyrannical

isnotparticularlyprescienteitherSadafusaiscertainlyromanticizingthelegacies

ofHanGaozuHanGuangwuandTangTaizongbutsuchwasstandardpracticein

tractsofpoliticalsuasion

2 ThattheManpowerofthePopulaceMustNotbeWastedTheQinemperorbuiltlavishlyonMountLiandtheSuiemperordebauchedin

Jiangdu72Thesealoneexemplifyarroganceanddissolutionhowmuchmoredotheir

militaryadventures

一不費民力役事 秦皇營驪山之侈隨帝專江都之遊尚是驕逸之甚也何況於軍旅之事乎

3 ThatUndertakingsWhichImperilPeoplersquosLivesMustBeTreatedSolemnly

72ThereferencesaretotheenormousmausoleumQinShihuanghadconstructedforhimselffamoustodayforthe1974discoveryofanarmyofterracottastatuesinterredonitsgroundsandtoaluxuriousdetachedpalacebuiltatYangzhoubyEmperorYangofSui

46

Akingisthemotherandfatheroftheentirepopulacehemakesthewholeoftherealm

hishouseandthepeoplehischildrenHowcouldalovingfatherpossiblywishtosend

hisowninnocentprogenytodieuponthetipsofspearsHowmanypeoplewillbesent

totheirdeathsbeforeorderisreturnedtotherealmOhhowIgrievetothinkofit

一重人死命事 王者萬民之父母也以天下為家以民庶為子使無罪之子孫死鋒鏑之下豈慈父之意乎天下草昧之間萬民役死幾多乎嗟呼哀哉

IntheseshortarticlesSadafusacitestwowell-knownexamplesofwasteand

immoralityinordertomakethepointthateventhesebadactspaleincomparison

tomisguidedmilitaryventuresHethenoffersanemotionallychargedexhortation

thataltogetherbypassestheldquostrategicrdquoquestionofwhetherornotwaragainst

Kamakuramightactuallysucceedandinsteadpointstothehumancostofwaging

suchawar

4 ThatldquoHeavenlyomensarenotasgoodasadvantagesofterrainandadvantagesofterrainarenotasgoodasharmonywiththepeoplerdquo73ThesearewordsthatMenciuswroteInrecenttimestheorderoftherealmissuch

thatofahundredpartsninetyarecontrolledbywarriorhouses(武家)Intermsof

martialcouragethepeopleinourShandongareeachworthathousandmenhow

couldthedelicatebabiesoftheKinaibepittedagainstthosemightyKanto

barbarians74Theutterimpossibilityofthisneedsnofurthercomment

73Mengzi2B1TranslationgiveninVanNordenMengziWithSelectionsfromTraditionalCommentariesp5074ldquoOurShandongrdquoisasomewhatspeculativetranslationbasedontheassumptionthatSadafusaisusingShandong(ldquoEastoftheMountainsrdquo山東)whichbecametheterritorialbaseoftheQinempirefollowingitsconquestofQiasananaloguefor

47

一天時不如地利々々不如人和事 孟子書有此言矣頃年天下之躰百分兮九十者武家之有也戰士勇山東之民一兮當千豈以皇畿近州之嬰兒對東關蛮夷之勇健乎此事之不可亦叵言矣

5 ConcerningtheYellowEmperorrsquosPunitiveExpeditionChiyouwouldnotobeyimperialcommandssotheYellowEmperormountedan

expeditionagainsthim75TodaycanthewarriorsoftheKantobecountedonnotto

contraveneHeavenlyprinciple(Noofcoursenot)Thisisthefirstreasonforthe

impossibility(ofmountingasimilarexpeditionagainsttheKamakuraBakufu)

一皇帝征伐事 蚩尤不用帝命故征伐之今時關東之武士無逆天理之志歟其不可一也

InthisarticleandinthethreethatfollowSadafusaappealstoexamples

fromChinesehistorytocharacterizeGo-DaigorsquostenuouspositionHedoessorather

terselypresumablybecausehismessageisentirelycleartoGo-DaigoTheissuein

ArticleFiveseemstobethatwhiletheYellowEmperorneededtoenlisttheaidof

theldquofeudallordsrdquo(諸侯)ndashandsuccessfullydidsondashinordertoeffecthissubjugation

ofChiyouGo-Daigocouldnotcountonreceivingsimilarsupportfromeastern

easternJapanwhichbySadafusarsquostimewasalreadylongrenownedforthestrengthofitsfightingmen75Chiyou蚩尤ldquoTheWounderrdquowasapowerfullocalleaderwhowouldnotsubmittothenascentpoliticalorderledbytheYellowEmperorSadafusaislikelydrawingupontheinformationatthebeginningoftheFiveEmperors(五帝紀)sectionofShiji

ldquoChiyoufomentedrebellionandwouldnotobeyimperialcommandsThustheYellowEmperorproceededtocalluptroopsfromamongthefeudallordsanddidbattlewithChiyouinthewildsofZhulueventuallycapturingandkillinghimrdquo(Shiji13)

48

warriorswerehetochallengeKamakuraThatiseventhoughthereexistinthe

historicalrecordexamplesofsuccessful(andmorallyjustifiable)actsofmilitary

conquestpresentcircumstanceswillnotpermitGo-Daigotoenjoysimilarresults

6 ConcerningShunrsquosPacificationofTheSanMiaoTheMiaopeopleswouldnotsubmitandsoShunconqueredthemHoweverhis

conquestwasunsuccessfulHenceheputintoeffectthePlanofYufosteringculture

andvirtueandtherebygettingtheMiaotoyieldthisiswhatldquodancingunderfeathered

bannersonthepalacestepsrdquorefersto76Thisisthesecondreasonfortheimpossibility

(ofchallengingtheBakufu)

一舜服其三苗事 苗民不服故舜征之而無成功遂用禹之謀修文德服苗民舞于羽於兩階是也其不可二也

7 ConcerningChengDeposingJieDragonsdescendedintotheXiacourtandghostsweptonthefrontier77(Jie)

imprisonedTangatXiataiand(Tang)drovethepeopleawayfromvice78ChengTang

76ldquoTheemperorthenspreadwidecultureandvirtueandtheydancedunderfeatheredbannersonthepalacestepsrdquo帝乃誕敷文德舞于羽于兩階 (ShujingldquoDaYuMordquo大禹謨)Thetermsldquoculturerdquo文andldquovirtuerdquo德arevastlymorecomplexthaneitherofthesetranslationsconveyforpresentpurposesitisnotunreasonabletothinkof文德asacompoundusedbySadafusatomeansomethinglikeldquocivilvirtuerdquoiethesortofvirtueassociatedwithgovernancethroughmoralprobitynotthroughforceInasectionofChūseishitobeconsideredinthenextchapterChūgansets文德explicitlyoppositeofldquomilitarystrategyrdquo武略withtheformerconstitutingaguidingprincipleofgoodgovernmentandthelatteramereexpedient77ThisarticledrawsuponShijiandpossiblyShujing書經andwhileitsgeneralthrustisclearsomelinesaredifficulttoparseThefirstclauseintheopeninglinereferstotheappearanceofamaleandfemaledragonduringthetimeofEmperorKongjiaadissoluteandincompetentsovereignwhosereignasdescribedinShiji

49

receivedtheMandatefromHeavenandbanishedJietoMingtiaoandinthiswaywas

abletobuttresshisvirtue79AtpresentsignsportendingtheKantōrsquosfallhaveyetto

appearandwehaveyettohearofwidespreadanxietyandsufferingamongthe

populaceHowcouldYourMajestyrsquosdelicatesubjectsbemadereadytostrikeata

powerstillfavoredbyfortuneThisisthethirdreason(thatchallengingtheshogunate

isimpossible)

一湯取桀事

marksthebeginningoftheendfortheXiaDynastyKongjiareportedlyldquodelightedinfollowingghostsandspiritsandengaginginlicentiousanddisorderlyactionsrdquo(好方鬼神事淫亂)hewasunabletocareforthedragonsandlostthesupportoftheHuanlong豢龍(ldquoDragonRaisingrdquo)ClanSeeWilliamHNienhauserJretaledsTheGrandScribersquosRecordsvol1(BloomingtonIndianaUnivPress1994)p37UnfortunatelyIhavenotbeenabletolocatethereferenceforSadafusarsquosmentionofghostsweepingonthefrontierandSatoandKasamatsuoffernoexplanatorygloss78囚湯於夏臺驅民於無罪AlthoughparallelismwouldseemtosuggestthattheimpliedsubjectofthesecondsentenceisalsoJiesuchaninterpretationisdifficulttojustifyonhistoricalgroundsThoughthespecificlocution驅民於無罪seemstobeuniquetothismemorialSadafusawasprobablyrememberingtheldquoDeclarationofTangrdquo(湯誓)aspeechinShujingwhosecontentissummarizedintheShijisectionuponwhichhedrawsinthisandthefollowingarticleTangaccusesJieofhavingcommittedmanycrimesandtriestopersuadeaskepticalpeoplethathisoverthrowoftheXiaisthusjustifiableSadafusarsquosclaimthatthepeoplewereldquodrivenrdquotoastateofldquoinnocencerdquoisprobablybestunderstoodtomeanthattheywereimpelledtosupportTanginhisquestforaneworderThephrase無罪mightplausiblybeconstruedasmeaningtheonewhoiswithoutoffenseieTangThisdoesallowasomewhatstrongercasetobemadefortakingJieastheimpliedsubjectwhothroughhistyranny(inadvertently)ldquodroverdquothepeopletowardTang79成湯受命於天放桀於鳴條而有輔德SatoandKasamatsuconstrue而ascontrastiveandthusreadthephrase而有輔德asmeaningsomethinglikeldquobuthepossessedbuttressingvirtuerdquo(theirkundokuglossreadsしかるに輔德あり)Byitselfthephrase有輔德couldmeanldquotohavethemeansofbuttressingonersquosvirtuerdquoorldquotohavethatwhichbuttressesonersquosvirtuerdquo(ineithercaseanabbreviationof有所輔德)orldquotohavelsquobuttressingvirtuersquordquotaking輔德asacompoundobjectof有SatoandKasamatsursquosrenditionactuallymakesSadafusarsquosrebukeofGo-DaigoevensharperunlikeTangwhohadthemandatefromHeavenandthesupportofthepeopleGo-Daigopossessesnocomparableldquobuttressingvirtuerdquoforhiscause

50

龍降于夏庭鬼泣于國境囚湯於夏台駈民於無罪成湯受命於天放桀於鳴条而有輔德今時關東之妖孼未見萬民之愁苦未聞豈以微弱之王民伺天縱之武運哉其不可三也 8 ConcerningKingWuDeposingZhow80HemadetheMarquisofJiuintodriedstripsofmeatandtheMarquisofEinto

mincemeathedebauchedinapoolfilledwithwineandhungmeatinsuchabundanceit

resembledtreesinaforestHewasespeciallypreferentialtowardshisconsortDaJiand

enjoyedlongnightsofmusicandmerrimentHeinstitutedcruelpenallawsincluding

immolationinthefirepit(paoluohōraku )81ButtherewasKingWenaleader

whohadreceivedtheMandateandwhohadpentuphisgrievanceswhileinternedat

Youli82NextcamethesagaciousrulerKingWuwhosworehisoathofcommandat

80FollowingconventionthenameofthelasttyrantkingoftheShangDynastyZhou紂willberomanizedwithalsquowrsquoinsteadoftheotherwiseexpectedlsquoursquotodistinguishitfromZhou周81AbronzepillarwaslaidacrossafirepitandthecondemnedweremadetowalkacrossituntiltheyfellintothefireSeeTheGrandScribersquosRecordsvol1p50n111TheactsSadafusamentionsaredescribedinShiji3105-106百姓怨望而諸侯有畔者於是紂乃重刑辟有炮格之法hellip九侯有好女入之紂九侯女不喜淫肘怒殺之而醢九侯鄂侯爭之彊辨之疾并脯鄂侯ldquoThefamiliesofthehundredcognomenswerefilledwithresentmentandhatredandamongthefeudallordstherewerethosewhowereagainsthimZhowthenincreasedtheseverityofhispunishmentsandhadamethodofroastingpeopleonarackhellipTheMarquisofJiuhadafitdaughterwhoheputinZhowrsquosserviceTheMarquisofJiursquosdaughterwasnotinterestedindebaucheryZhowbecameangryandkilledherHemadetheMarquisofJiuintomincemeatTheMarquisofEremonstratedstronglyandarguedforcefullysoZhowalsohadhimmadeintodriedmeatstripsrdquo(TheGrandScribersquosRecordsvol1p50)82FearingthesupportKingWenwasreceivingfromthefeudallordsZhowimprisonedhiminanareacalledYoulilocatedinmodernHenanInanattempttosecuretheirmasterrsquosfreedomKingWenrsquosvassalscollectedvarioustreasures(andattractivewomen)topresenttoZhowwhowassoimpressedwiththegiftsthathepardonedWenKingWenthenknownsimplyasLordoftheWest西伯becameoneofthemostrespectedleadersofhisdayandevenconvincedZhowtoabolishimmolationIntimemostoftheotherfeudallordsswitchedtheirallegiancefromZhowtoWenwhosesonKingWu武woulddealthefinalblowtoZhowandbring

51

Mengjin83ButinourpresentMandate-alteringyearnosignsportendingtheKantorsquos

demisehaveappearedafactwhichIhavealreadystatedabove84Thisisthefourth

reason(thattheshogunateshouldnotbechallenged)85

一武王放肘事 脯九侯醢鄂侯瀝酒池掛肉林嬖愛妲己成長夜之樂以苛酷之刑法修炮烙之命爰有文王受命之君績憂於牖里繼以武王聖明之主發蹤於孟津革命之今時關東無妖其議聞上其不可四也 9 ConcerningtheHistoricalVicissitudesofOurImperialCourtInChinathefortunesofthethronehavetimeandagainbeensubjecttodeclineand

resurgenceThisislikelyduesimplytothefactthatdifferentfamilieskeepappearing

(toclaimpower)Inourcountrykings(setsuri刹利)comefromjustonelineasaresult

eventhoughthethronemaygrowweakerwitheachpassingdaynoresurgencecanbe

expectedThisissomethingthatYourMajestymustsurelyperceive86Particularlyafter

theHōgenera(1156-58)theMinamotoandTairafamilieseachmonopolizedpowerand

theauthorityofthethronegraduallydeclinedDuringtheGenryakuerathecaptainof

theRightPalaceGuardsLordYoritomopacifiedtherealmandswallowedupterritories

theShangDynastytoanendKingWenisthusoftenconsideredthehonoraryfounderofthesucceedingZhou周Dynasty83發蹤於孟津Mengjin盟津(alt孟津)waswhereKingWugatheredanarmyproclaimedhimselfheirtoWenandmadeaspeechbeforetheassembledlords84革命之今時關東無妖其儀聞上ThenotionofaldquoMandate-alteringrdquoyearreferstothekōshiorkinoe-ne甲子yearthefirstinthesexagenarycyclewhichinthiscasecorrespondstothefirstyearofShōchūor132485AfterproclaiminghimselfheirandannouncinghiswillingnesstodeposeZhowtheassembledlordsallsaidldquoZhowcanbechastisedrdquoButWustillrefusedtolaunchhiscampaignwaitingtwomoreyearstodosobywhichtimeZhowrsquosrulehadbecomeevenworseSadafusarsquospointseemstobethatevenKingWuwaitedfortheopportunitytostrikeattackingZhowonlywhenvictorywascertain86是聖徳之所觀見也Here聖徳meanssomethinglikeldquosagely(intellectual)capacityrdquosimilarinusageandmeaningto叡念whichSadafusauseselsewhereInessenceheissayingldquoyourownintelligenceshouldtellyouthataresurgenceofimperialpowerisunrealisticrdquo

52

largeandsmallAftertheShōkyūera(1219-21)LordYoshitokitooksolecontrolofthe

reinsofgovernment

Theabilitytoremoveasovereign(三通)orhisheir(儲貳)andtodemoteor

promotegrandministers(高槐)andsupremegenerals(大樹)areallthingsthatarise

frommilitarypowerAtpresentifYourMajestyrsquosambitionsarenotinaccordancewith

thepatternofthetimescantherebeanydoubtofaswiftandresoundingdefeatThe

imperiallinewillbenearlywipedoutTheverysafetyofthecourtitselfisnowatstake

howcanYourMajestynotreflectonthis

一本朝時運興衰事 異朝紹運之躰頗多中興蓋是異姓更出故而已本朝刹利天祚一種故陵遲日甚中興無期是聖德之所觀見也就中保元之後源平遞專國權皇威漸損元曆年中右大將賴朝卿平定天下并吞國邦承久之後義時朝臣專持國柄通三儲貳之廢立高槐大樹之黜陟事皆出自武威今時草創之 叡念若不叶時機者怱有敗北之憂歟天嗣殆盡此乎本朝安否在于此時豈不迴 聖慮哉

DepartingfromthethrustofpreviousarticlesSadafusamakesnoappeal

heretoConfucianmoralityortofamousrulersofChineseantiquityAmongthe

notablefeaturesofthisarticleisitsunusualnomenclatureofkingshipSadafusa

firstusesthesomewhatunusualwordsetsuriatermthatrefersspecificallytothe

KshatriyacastefromwhichIndianmonarchsaredrawntodescribeJapaneserulers

InasmuchasJapaneselexicalitemsofIndicorigintendtocarryBuddhistovertones

thetermmaybeseentoinscribeJapanesekingshipwithinapoliticalcosmology

differentfromthatwhichunderpinsdomesticnotionsofimperialdivinitySetsuriis

followedbyanothercomparativelyexoticwordofsimilarimporttsūsan通三(C

tongsan)whichoccursinHanshuItrefersliterallytothethreefundamental

activitiesofsoundrulendashselectingmenoftalentharmonizingwiththewillofthe

53

peopleandadaptingtotheexigenciesofthetimesbyakindofmetonymic

extensionitalsodenotesthesovereignhimselfAgaintheimplicationseemstobe

thatGo-DaigoinparticularandJapanesesovereignsmoregenerallyoccupyafully

historical(andhistoricizable)realminwhichgoodjudgmentanddecisionmaking

matter

10 ThattheHolyFortunesofRetiredSovereignsandthePowerofWarriorHousesMustEachRuntheirCourseAfterEmperorKōninassumedpowertheroyallinewasagainunified87Andalthough

EmperorHeizeiEmperorSagaandEmperorJunnawerebrothersruleoftherealm

eventuallyreturnedtothedescendantsofEmperorNinmeiThesonsoftheTenryaku

Emperor(EmperorMurakami)ReizeiandEnrsquoyūeachpracticedabdicationinfavorofa

non-linealdescendantbutintimetherealmreturnedonceagaintoEnrsquoyūrsquosline88From

thenuntilnowroyallinesspawnedfrombrothershaveoccasionallyemergedbut

ultimatelyeverythinghasstayedwithinthesamefamily89Thisischaracteristicofthe

87AfterthedeathofEmperorTenchi(r668-72)asuccessiondisputearoseinvolvinghissonPrinceŌtomoandhisyoungerbrotherPrinceŌamaPrinceŌamawasvictoriousandtookthethroneasEmperorTenmu(r673-86)severalofthesovereignswhoreignedduringtheeighthcenturywerehislinealdescendantsEmperorKōnin(r770-81)wasagrandsonofTenchiandallthesovereignswhofollowedhimwerehis(andhenceTenchirsquos)linealdescendantsTraditionalcommentatorsincludingKitabatakeChikafusahaveseenKōninrsquosascensionasareturntothecorrectlineofsuccession88ldquoAbdicationinfavorofanon-linealdescendantrdquorendersyūjō揖譲HereSadafusahighlightsthefactthatReizeiabdicatedinfavorofhisbrotherEnrsquoyūwhointurnabdicatedinfavorofhisnephewKazanYūjōiscloseinmeaningtozenjō禅譲aconceptinearlyChinesepoliticalthoughtdescribingatransferofruleinwhichthekingyieldsthethronevoluntarilytothemostvirtuouspersonintherealm 89或舅姨或兄弟之皇統時々雖出始終遂入于一家HereSadafusamentionsnotonlyroyallinesissuingfrombrothers( )butfromaffinalrelatives(kyūi )aswellThebasicsenseof iseitheramaternaluncleoronersquoswifersquosbrother indicateseitheramaternalauntoronersquoswifersquossisterandthecompound referstounclesandauntsonthemotherrsquossideSatoandKasamatsuoffernoglossonthisbutiftakenliterallyaroyallineissuingfromaffinalrelativeswouldseemtoimplya

54

JapanesecourtaloneAsregardstheaugustlineageestablishedbytheKangenEmperor

(Go-Saga)itwashisdecisiontoestablish(thelineof)EmperorKameyamaasthe

orthodoxlinethisissomethingunderstoodthroughouttherealm90EvenifEmperor

Go-Fukakusarsquoslineshouldunexpectedlyholdswayforthreeorfourreignsintheend

rulewillreturnassuredlytoYourMajestyrsquosimperialline91Thisisnodoubtbecausethe

EarthcannothavetwosovereignsanymorethanHeavencanhavetwosuns92

violationoftheprincipleofpatrilinealdescentThecomplexityofroyalfiliationandgeneralacceptanceofendogamywithintheextendedroyalfamilymakesmanythingspossiblebutatpresentitisuncleartomewhichsovereignsSadafusamighthaveinmindorifthenotionofaldquoroyallineagerdquo皇統issuingfromldquoaffinalrelativesrdquo(assumingthisiswhatismeantby舅姨)iseventenableandIhavethusavoidedthematterinthetranslationpendingmoreinformation90KameyamaandGo-FukakusawerescionsofGo-SagaandfullbrothersChikafusatooreportsthatGo-SagaintendedtohaveKameyamarsquoslineinheritthethrone91後深草院不慮雖及三四代始終定歸當代之皇胤歟Rhetoricalquestionsarecommoninhortatorywritingheretheimpliedanswerisaffirmativeyes(rule)willassuredlyreturntoyourroyallineThetermtōdai當代mayindicateeitherthepresentageorthecurrentheadofafamilysynonymousinthelattersensewithtōshu當主Whicheverisemphasizedintranslationthegistisunchanged(sinceGo-Daigocurrentlyoccupiesthethrone)IhavetakenthefirstclauseasconditionalbecausedoingsoreconcilesitnicelywiththenextsentenceHoweveritmightalsobetakenasadeclarativestatementaboutpasthistorywhichwouldbemoreinkeepingwiththeprecedingcommentsSadafusamadeaboutJapanesesovereignsInthisreadingtheclausemightbeconstruedasareferencetothefactthatpriortoGo-Daigorsquosaccessionthreeoutoffoursovereigns(FushimiGo-FushimiandHanazono)weresonsorgrandsonsofGo-FukakusaThisreadingdoeshoweverchangethesenseofthesentencethatfollows(seebelow)92蓋天無二日地無二主之故也Thesignificanceofthisdependsonwhetherweunderstandthepreviouslinetomeanthatrulewilleventuallyreturntothelegitimateline(iethatofKameyamaandthusGo-Daigo)orthatrulealreadyhasreturnedtothatlineTheformerworkswellif後深草院不慮雖及三四代istakenasaconditionalclausewhilethelatterisbetterifthatclauseistakenasastatementoffactldquoThough(thelineof)Go-Fukakusaunexpectedlyenjoyedarunofthreeorfourreigns(rule)hasnowdefinitivelyreturnedtoYourMajestyrsquoslinerdquoThisseemsastraightforwardreadingbutitbearsupontheinterpretationofthenextsentenceInsayingthatrulehasdefinitivelyreturnedtothelegitimatelineldquobecauseEarthcannomorehavetwosovereignsthanHeavencanhavetwosunsrdquoSadafusamightbeclaimingthattheBunpōCompromiseandthepracticeofalternatingruleisoroughttobeathingofthepastWhilesuchamessagewouldbecongenialtoGo-DaigorsquosambitionsitseemsoutofstepwiththeconservativetackSadafusatakes

55

MoreovertheDaoistswarnagainstthreesuccessivegenerationsholdingthe

positionofgeneral93TheKantōhascommandedthemilitarymightoftherealmfor

sevenoreightgenerationsalreadybutjustasitwaxesmustitnotalsowaneMakeno

useofarmsnowandinsteadwaitpatientlyfortheopportunemomentThisaboveall

istheessentialpointIwishtoconvey

一仙洞聖運武家權威可有其期事 光仁馭俗之後 皇胤既一統平城嵯峨淳和皆三人雖履皇位天下歸于仁明之余裔 天曆皇胤冷泉円融各兩三代遞雖有揖譲之義天下歸円融自尒以降或舅姨或兄弟之皇統時時雖出始終遂入于一家是本朝之故實而已寛元之聖統以亀山院為正統之条天下知之而後深草院不慮雖及三四代始終定歸當代之皇胤歟蓋天無二日地無二主之故也兼又三世之將道家所肆也關東天下兵馬元帥之權既七八代定有日月盈蝕之期歟不用兵革暫俟時運是大義而已

Theprecedingarticlesareclearenoughingeneraltermsthoughtherearesurely

omissions(漏脱)andambiguities(依違)Theseviews(意見)werewrittenand

everywhereelseHenceadifferentreadingalsobasedontheassumptionthattheclause後深草院不慮雖及三四代expressesahistoricalfactmightunderstandSadafusarsquosmessagetobethatrulehasrightfullyreturnedtothelegitimatelineandnowitistheheadofthatlinenotGo-FukakusarsquoswhoreignsunchallengedatthecenterofthepoliticalcosmosldquoyoursquorealreadyinchargeYourMajestydonrsquotgolookingforawaryoudonrsquotneedrdquo93三世之將道家所肆SatoandKasamatsusuggestthisderivesfromapassageinHouHanshuthatisidenticalinmeaning三世為將到家所忌ThenotionitselfisrelatedinmanyclassicalChinesesourcesthebiographyofWangJian王翦inShijiascribesthetaboototheaccumulatedldquoinauspiciousnessrdquo(不祥)thatresultsfrommultiplegenerationsbeinginvolvedinkillingldquohellipSomeonesaidlsquoWangLi(WangJianrsquosgrandson)isafamousgeneralofQinLeadingtroopsofmightyQintoattackthenewlycreatedZhaoheiscertaintotakethemrsquoAstrangersaidlsquoNotsoThosewhoserveasgeneralsforthethirdgenerationarecertaintogodownindefeatWhyaretheycertaintogodownBecausetheykilledandattackedmanyandtheirdescendantswillsuffertheevilfortunethatcomesfromthisrsquohellip或曰「王離秦之名將也今將彊秦之兵攻新造之趙舉之必矣」客曰「不然夫為將三世者必敗必敗者何也必其所殺伐多矣其後受其不祥今王離已三世將矣」(Shiji7313TranslationgiveninTheGrandScribersquosRecordsvol1p50)

56

submittedlastyearonthetwenty-firstdayofthesixthmonthThatdocumentwaskept

insidethepalaceIhaveheardarumortotheeffectthattheretiredsovereigntookit

forhimselfSurelyitwillsurfaceagainsomedayWhileitiscertainthatsomesentences

havebeenaddedandotherssubtractedandthatthingssaidinthebeginning(ofthe

firstdocument)mightnowbeattheend(ofthisone)thereisnodiscrepancy(between

thetwopieces)asconcernstheirbasicthrustHavingwrittenallthisdowncarelesslyin

travelerrsquoslodgingsIamchagrinedatwhatothersmightthink94

以前條々大概取意定有漏脱依違歟此意見去年六月廿一日狀也件狀者在禁中御調度之內仙洞被取置之由風聞定有出現之期歟文章增減首尾錯亂雖為勿論粗肝要旨趣者更不可有相違者也旅宿楚忽馳筆之間外見旁有憚矣

ThelastarticleofSadafusarsquosmemorialconcludeswitharatherlengthy

meditationontherecenthistoryoftheimperiumandtheshogunateThelessonis

bynowafamiliaroneeverythingthatwaxesmustalsowaneandpatienceis

everywherepreferabletoimpulsivenessWherepreviousarticlesappealedto

moralitythisoneappealstotwopolitico-cosmologicalideasinanefforttostayGo-

DaigorsquoshandThefirstisthatJapaneseimperialruledespiteoccasionaldeviations

alwaysreturnstothesolerightfullinendashsuchisthedefiningfeatureoftheJapanese

imperiumSadafusaexhibitsnoneoftheskepticismthatsomeothercontemporary

94ThisadmissionbySadafusathatthepresenttextisinfactacopyapparentlyfrommemoryofanearlierdocumentthathenolongerpossessesmightbeseentocompromiseitshistoricalveracityThecounterpointtothisconcernisthatifthisdocumentreallywassignificantlydifferentthananoriginalwhichwasstillextantandpossiblyinthepossessionoftheretiredsovereignthentherewouldbenopointinassertingasimilitudethatcouldbeeasilydisprovenLikewiseifSadafusaisdissemblingandhadforsomereasondestroyedtheoriginalorknewofitsdestructiontherewouldbenopointinevenbroachingitsexistenceitwouldbeeasiertosimplypassthisoneofftoposterityastheauthenticoriginal

57

thinkersmostnotablyEmperorHanazonohadexpressedconcerningtheperpetual

continuityoftheimperialfamilyIfsuchapositionseemsnaiumlveitshouldbe

rememberedthatSadafusarsquosobjectivewasentirelyperlocutionaryhesoughtto

dissuadeGo-Daigofromchallengingtheshogunatemilitarilyandmayhave

emphasizedthevauntedcontinuityoftheJapaneseroyalfamilyinordertoconvince

Go-Daigothathislinethelegitimatelinewouldultimatelywinoutregardless

makingbloodshedinthepresententirelyunnecessaryThesecondmajorconceptis

thatmilitarypoweritselfisinherentlypollutingSadafusacitestheldquoDaoistrdquobelief

thatwhentherankofgeneral(將)isheldbythesamefamilyforthreeormore

generationstheresultismisfortuneanddefeatafactthatsuggeststheKantois

overdueforafallTheoverallargumentseemstobethatimperialpowerwillonce

againriseandwarriorpowerwillinevitablyrecedeTotheextentthatsuch

processeseventhosewithanalmostldquokarmicrdquoinevitabilityareshapedbyhuman

decisionmakingSadafusaissurelywellawarethatarmedconflictmightplaya

pivotalroleinbringingaboutpoliticalchangeButheisalsoadamantthroughout

thatunderpresentcircumstanceswarwiththeshogunatewouldbeadisasterfor

boththecourtandthepopulaceatlargeandthuscounselsGo-Daigotowaituntil

conditionsaremorefavorable

IntheendGo-Daigowouldnotbedeniedandinearly1331Sadafusa

steadfastinhisownconvictionswouldbetraytheemperorrsquosplottotheshogunate

ItispossiblethatSadafusahaddecidedthatloyaltytothesystemndashincludingeven

theshogunatendashmustoutweighpersonalloyaltytotheemperoralternativelyhe

maysimplyhavewantednopartofwhathefeltwasarashanddestructivecauseIn

58

oneofthemorestrikingturnaboutsinthehistoryofJapanesecourtpoliticsa

victoriousGo-DaigowouldnotonlyforgiveSadafusabutin1333wouldreinstate

himasamajorfigureinhisnewregime95Nosubsequentwritingsattesttowhat

Sadafusathenalmost60thoughtawaitedtherealmunderGo-Daigorsquosuncontested

ruleYetamongthoseclosetotheemperortheprevailingmoodin1333seemsto

havebeenoneofconfidenceandtheinitialstepsGo-Daigotooktowards

consolidatinghispowerweremarkedmostlybyconciliationnotretributionTo

Chūgancertainly1333wasayearofpossibilitiesGo-Daigorsquosrevolutionhadfor

themomentsucceededspectacularlyforaConfucianmonarchistlikeChūganand

probablyforSadafusatooanimperialrestorationpromisedopportunitiesforsocial

andinstitutionalreformundreamtofjustadecadebeforeThechallengesinplacing

thenascentpolityonafirmfootingwouldproveimmensehoweverandthings

wouldnotturnoutastherestorationistshadhopedLessthanayearlatera

frustratedChūganwouldholdGo-Daigoresponsibleformismanaginghisown

revolutionHearticulatedhiscriticismsinafictionalizeddialoguemodeledonthose

inMengziitistothisworkwhichisaworldapartfromroyalmemorialsandunlike

anythingknownpreviouslyinJapanesekanshibunthatwenowturn

95SeeGobleKenmup139

59

AppendixEstablishingtheFundamentsofMonkhood

AlongwithGenminChūgansubmittedtoGo-DaigoacompanionessaytitledGensō

原僧(EstablishingtheFundamentsofMonkhood)Thepieceaddressestheproblems

thatarisewhenboundariesbetweenmonksandlaypersonsbecomeblurredandit

offersadefenseoftheBuddhistpracticeoftonsuringandshavingwhichhadlong

beentheobjectofcriticismbycertainorthodoxConfucianswhovieweditasa

desecrationofthenaturalbodyItalsotakesuptheoldissueofmembersofthefour

traditionalclassesabandoningtheirvocationsforthepriesthoodamatterof

concerntobothecclesiasticalauthoritiesandgovernmentpolicymakers

EstablishingtheFundamentsofMonkhood96

Istheconceptofshukke(出家)simplysynonymouswiththecuttingofones

hairNoofcoursenotShukkeinvolvesleavingbehindonesabodeinthisdefiled

worldrenouncingworldlysentimentsandembracingthe(Buddhist)WayThe

Confucians(儒)saythatonemustneverdareinjureanypartofthebodydotheynot97

YetBuddhistteachingstipulatesthatonemustbetonsuredandshavenistherereally

nogoodreasonforthisIfweimagineasituationwhereamonkrsquosouterappearance

werethesameasthatofthelaitythenordinarypeoplewouldbeunabletodistinguish

themonksandpaythemtheappropriaterespectFortheirpartmonkswholookedno

96TextinGozanbungakushinshūpp394-5Gozanbungakuzenshūvol2pp105-697Deliberatelyharmingthebodycouldbeconstruedasaviolationofonersquosfilialobligationssincethebodywasagiftfromonersquosparentstakentotheextremethisviewwasthebasisforproscriptionsagainstshavingandcuttingthehair

60

differentfromthelaitywouldbeabletoconcealthemselvesamongthegeneral

populationandactwithoutshameinwayscontrarytotheirvowsHenceweBuddhists

moveabouttheworldtonsuredandshavenWhenordinarypeopleseeamonkwith

thatestimablyroundhead(圓顱之士)theyareinspiredwithasenseofrespectand

themonkthankstohisdifferentappearancecannotconcealhimselfinthecrowdand

hethereforedaresnotactinwayscontrarytohisvowsWhenmonksdonotactagainst

theirvowsthewayofBuddhismflourishesandwhenordinarypeopleharborfeelings

ofrespectforthemonkstheirownfortunesbrighten

TheteachingsoftheBuddha(釋氏之教)mostdefinitelypossessarationale(由)

Yettodaytherearethosewhotakereligiousorders(出家)butdonotfullybase

themselvesinthisrationaletheysimplychopofftheirhairandcallthemselvesmonks

Thefourclassesofofficialsfarmersartisansandmerchantshaveallseensomeoftheir

numbercastasidetheirrightfuloccupationsandlackinganyunderstandingofwhyone

becomesamonkmakevacuousclaimstohavetakenordersSuchunscrupuloushead-

shaverscanbefoundineveryhouseholdTheseimpostorsarenotonlymiscreantsin

theeyesoftheConfucians98theyareawickedlotdoingnefariousharmtotheBuddhist

LawaswellTheresultofthistrendistheinabilitytodistinguishmonksfromlaypersons

andmoreoverthediminutionofofficialsfarmersartisansandmerchantsanda

correspondingincreaseinthenumberofidlepersonswhichissurelydamagingtothe

state(國家)

出家也者斷髮云乎哉出離俗塵之家疎于世情親于道情之稱也儒不云乎身體髮膚不敢毀傷然則佛之教剃髪除鬚其無由乎 曰若使爾形質同彼在俗之人則俗不知所以擇而敬之僧亦以爾形質不與俗異故藏身於俗中以行非法之事而無所羞也是以吾佛教剃除鬚髮表而出之是故俗見彼圓顱之士殊生恭敬之心僧以爾形質異諸人而不可藏身故不敢行非法之事僧不行非法之事則其道愈隆焉俗生恭敬之心則其福愈昌焉釋氏之教固有由也今稱出家者不本其由而止斷髮而已士農工賈之民皆廢其業不知所以為僧偷空名於出家縱意斷髮者戸有諸非唯為儒者罪人而已抑又為弊佛法之魔族也僧亦斷髮俗亦斷髮何異之有 且夫士農工賈之民漸少而徒爾不用之人愈多亦為國家之害矣

98Presumablybecausetheyabandontheirpropersocialroles

61

UnlikeGenminGensōmakesnoexplicitpolicyrecommendationsbutsimplypoints

outaproblemAlthoughtheConfucianopponentsoftonsuringcomeoffas

shortsightedChūganrsquosharshestcriticismisnotdirectedatthembutatthe

opportunistswhotrytojointhepriesthoodsimplybyshavingtheirheadsand

proclaimingthemselvesmonksItisacritiquecouchedintermsthatareultimately

quiteConfucianthetonsureisdefendedbyreferencetoitspositiveeffectsuponthe

moralityofmonksanditsabilitytoengenderaldquosenseofreverencerdquo(恭敬之心)

amongthepopulaceinturnthephenomenonoffaithlesspersonsnominallyjoining

theclergyiscriticizedbyreferencetoitseconomiccoststothecountryasawhole

Chūganishowevercarefulnottoimpugnthevalueofpriestsorthepriesthoodas

suchandhislanguagealwaysmakesclearthattheobjectsofhiscriticismarethose

wholdquofailtobasethemselvesintherationalerdquo(不本其由)forshavingtheheadthose

wholdquodonotunderstandwhyonebecomesamonkrdquo(不知所以為僧)andthosewho

ldquounscrupulouslychopofftheirhairrdquo(縱意斷髮)Inotherwordsampleroomisleft

forpersonsofsincerereligiousinclinationtoenterthepriesthoodlegitimately

62

Chapter Two Figuring Moral Kingship Constant Norms and Expedient Policies in Chūganrsquos Chūseishi

ChūganrsquosmemorialalongwiththeessaysGenminandGensōwerecomposed

inlate1333followingthedestructionoftheKamakurashogunateandthe

triumphalreturnofGo-DaigotoKyotoAtthispointtheinstitutionaloutlinesofGo-

Daigorsquosnewregimehadyettobefullyarticulatedandmanagingthemultiplicityof

conflictinginterestsandoverlappingclaimswasalreadyprovingdifficult

particularlyasconcernedthedispositionoflandrights99Chūganrsquosforegroundingof

theconceptoftsūhen通變(Ctongbian)ldquoskillfuladaptiontotheexigenciesofthe

momentrdquocouldnothavebeenmoreappositeForhispartGo-Daigoseemstohave

embodiedtheprinciplewellremainingflexibleandwillingtocompromisewhen

particularpolicieswerenotworkingasexpectedThoughChūganwasnotoneof

Go-DaigorsquosclosestadvisorshispresenceattheprominentKyototempleNanzenji

affordedhimaclose-upviewofthingsasthenascentordertookshapeHoweverin

Januaryof1334ŌtomoSadamuneChūganrsquosprincipalpatrondiedunexpectedly

ChūganleftKyotoalmostimmediatelyandtookupresidenceatEngakujiin

KamakuraHerehewouldwritewhatistodayhisbestknownworkTheMasterof

99SeeGobleKenmupp145-172andpassim

63

BalanceandRectitude(Chūseishi中正子)aneclectictreatisecomprisedoften

chaptersthatcovertopicsrangingfromConfucianethicstohorologyandBuddhist

doctrineOfparticularinteresttothepresentdiscussionisthesecondchapter

ldquoKeikenrdquo經權orldquoTheConstantandtheExpedientrdquoThechapterbeginswiththe

MasterofBalanceandRectitudeadramatizationofChūganhimselftravelingtothe

fictionalldquoLandofMobrdquo(Ukanokuni烏何之國)andinstructingitsbenightedruler

EnduringMulberry(Hōsōshi包桑氏)ontheimportanceofdistinguishingbetween

establishednormsofmorality(JkeiCjing經)andexpedientpoliciesorstratagems

(JkenCquan權)100Theepisodeismeantasasimpleallegoryforthesituationat

Go-DaigorsquoscourtasChūganperceiveditwithEnduringMulberryrepresentingGo-

DaigoonthewholetheldquoKeikenrdquochapterismoretheoreticalthanGenminGensōor

thememorialandunlikethosetextsitmakesgreateruseofallusionandlessof

directcitationItalsoprovidesthefirstinklingthatChūganwasnolongersanguine

abouttheprospectsforGo-Daigorsquosregime

TheConstantandtheExpedient101

TheMasterofBalanceandRectitudewenttotheLandofMobItsruler

EnduringMulberrywelcomedhimandinquiredthuslyldquoDisturbancesoftherealmcan

onlybestoppedbyforceofarmsHenceIhavebeenfondofarmssinceIwasyoung

100ThenameldquoLandofMobrdquowasintendedbyChūganasapunontheChinesetermwuhe烏合whichhasthesamepronunciationas烏何itdenotesliterallyamurderofcrowsandisusedmetaphoricallytodescribeanunrulymoborrabbleThenameEnduringMulberryderivesfromYijingandwillbeanalyzedbelow 101ThetranslationisbasedonIriyaYoshitakarsquosannotatededitionofChūseishiinIchikawaHakugenetaledsChūseiZenkenoshisō(TokyoIwanamishoten1972)pp123-70

64

andthepeopleofmycountryarefondofthemtooBysevenyearsofagemypeople

areabletowieldswordsandbyagetenthankstothisskilltheycanbesentintobattle

WhenitcomestomilitarymattersIcansaysimplythatIhavepouredmywholeheart

intothem102Andyetourbanditsandrobbershavenotyetbeenchasedawayandin

everycornerarmscannotbelaiddownWhyisthissordquo

TheMasterofBalanceandRectituderespondedsayingldquoDoesYourMajesty

knowaboutthewayoftheconstantandthewayoftheexpedientThekingreplied

ldquoNoIdonotbutIwouldliketohearwhatyouhavetosayrdquoTheMasterofBalanceand

RectitudethenrespondedasfollowsldquoThewayoftheconstantandtheexpedient(經權之道)isthekeytogoverningacountryTheconstant(經)referstothatwhichis

enduring(常)itiswhatcannotbealteredTheexpedientisnotfixedanditcannotlast

forlongThewayoftheconstantmustnotbeheldjealouslybutmustbemade

manifesttoallthepeopleoftherealmBytheexpedientismeantthatwhichruns

countertotheconstantbutinsodoingcompletestheWaySomethingthat

contravenestheconstantbutdoesnotcompletetheWaycannotbetheexpedient

Theconstantiscivilvirtue(文德)theexpedientismilitarystratagems(武略)

Theinceptionofmilitarystratagemswasnottheultimateintent(意)ofthesagesthe

sagesonlyputthemintoeffectbecausetheycouldnotbutdootherwiseSomething

thatisputintoeffectbutneverdiscontinuedcannotbethewayofmilitary

stratagems103If(militarystratagems)areputintoeffectandthendiscontinuedthe

orderrevertsbacktothatofcivilvirtueThisispreciselythemeritoftheexpedient

Whenthewayofcivilvirtueandconstantnorms(經常)isspreadwidelythroughoutthe

realmandmeasuressuchasmilitarystratagemsandotherexpedienciesarenot

undertakenthentheorderofYaoandShunwillobtainautomaticallyIwilltryto

explainthisfurtherIbeseechYourHighnesstolistencarefullyrdquo

102ThissentencedirectlyparallelsKingHuirsquoscommenttoMengzithatwithrespectto(thegovernanceof)hiscountryhehasldquopouredhiswholeheartintoitrdquo梁惠王曰寡人之於國也盡心焉耳矣(Mengzi1A31)103Inotherwordslegitimateldquomilitarystratagemsrdquo武略areemployedwhennecessarybutdiscontinuedthereafter

65

ThekingrepliedldquoYouhavemyfullattentionrdquo

TheMasterofBalanceandRectitudecontinuedldquoBroadlyspeakinghuman

beingsarebornintothisworldfundamentallydifferentfromthebirdsandbeaststhey

havenottalonsandteethwithwhichtocatchthethingstheywantnorhavethey

feathersandfurwithwhichtowardoffthecoldOfnecessitytheymustrelyonother

thingstonourishtheirlifeTheyformcommunitiesandpursuetheirlivelihoodsbut

whentheirpursuitscannotbesatisfiedamindsetofcompetitivestrifewillbegintoset

inThesagesofoldintheirloftyperspicacityactedbymeansofthecivilvirtuesof

humaneness(仁)love(愛)propriety(禮)anddeference(譲)Themassesresponded

tothemweretransformedandsubmittedtotheminsubmittingtothemthemasses

flockedtogether(群)andcalledthemlsquorulersrsquo(君)Therulerstooktheaforementioned

civilvirtuesandappliedthemuniversallytothewholeoftherealmthepeopleofthe

realmgravitated(往)tothemandcalledtheserulerslsquokingsrsquo(王)Thekingswerethose

whodevotedthemselvestothecultivationofcivilvirtueandeffulgentlytransformed

(旺化)thecommonpeople104

HencethatwhichisenduringandunalterableisthewayoftheconstantIfthe

kingsweretofallintolaxityandlosewhatisenduringthenthepeoplewouldalso

becomelaxandceaseholdingtowhatisrightIfthedegreeoftheirlaxityweresmall

theywouldbepunishedwithwhipsandcanesiflargetheywouldbebroughttoheel

104InthesesentencesChūgansuggestsetymologicalconnectionsbetweenwordsbasedonhomophoniesldquorulerrdquo君(CjunJkun)isimpliedtobecognatewithldquoflockrdquo群(qungun)andldquokingrdquo王(wangō)isimpliedtobecognatewithbothldquotogotowardsrdquo往(wangō)andldquoradiantrdquo旺(wangō)Theetymologicalassociationofldquorulerrdquo君withldquoflockrdquo群occursinBaihutong白虎通(ComprehensiveDiscussionsintheWhiteTigerHallc97AD)andtheseminalsecond-centurydictionaryShuowenjiezi説文解字glossesldquokingrdquo王asldquohetowhomtherealmreturnsrdquo(王天下所歸往也)Theadditionalassociationof王with旺doesnotseemtobetraditionalandmaysimplybeadisplayofverbaldexteritybyChūgan旺isnotonlyhomophonouswith王butalsosynonymous(andhomophonous)withthecomparativelyrarecharacter暀(wangō)whosegraphicstructureobviouslyresembles往

66

bypunitivemilitaryaction105Thisisthewayofexpedientmeasures(權謀之道)Hence

itisdesirablethatthewayoftheconstantbeelevatedandthewayoftheexpedientbe

heldinabeyanceThewaythatoughttobeelevatedis(whatis)implementedduring

timesofpoliticalstabilitythewaythatoughttobeheldinabeyanceis(whatis)putinto

effectduringtimesofdisorder

NowthepoliticalorderofYaoandShuncannotalwaysobtainandasaresult

thewayoftheexpedientcannotalwaysbeheldinabeyanceThusitisthat

punishmentsmaycometobecarriedoutandforceofarmsmayrisetothefore

Disorderissuppressedbyforceofarmsinordertocompletethewayofconstantnorms

assuchmilitarypowerismaintainedinorderthatitinspireaweandtrepidationBut

displayingittotherealmovertlyisunacceptableInthewordsofMasterZuoldquoIf

(militarypower)isdisplayedovertlyitwillbeusedirresponsiblyandifitisused

irresponsiblyitwillloseitsawesomenessrdquo106NowYourMajestyfailstopracticethe

wayofculture(文道)andblithelydispatchestroopsoutamongstthepeopleofyour

countryndashpeoplewhofortheirpartfeelnoparticularsenseofaweandtrepidation

Thisisthereasonthebanditsandrobbershavenotbeenchasedawayandwhythefour

cornersremainunsettledAndifthingsremainlikethisyouwilllosenotonlytheway

oftheconstantbutthewayoftheexpedientaswell

Losingthewayoftheexpedientyouspeakofhavingldquopouredyourwholeheart

intomilitarymattersrdquoWithduehumilityImustconfessthatItrulypityyourmajesty

Ingeneralifonewishestoseethewayofconstantnormsputintoeffectthroughout

thewholerealmoneoughtnotbesecretiveaboutitifonedoesnotwishtosee

expedientmeasuresexercisedovertlyonecannotbutbesecretiveaboutthem

Nowadaysthosewhocultivatethecivilvirtuesarefewandthosewhotalkabout

militarymattersaremanyTheonestalkingaboutmilitarymattersmeetwithsuccessin105大則甲兵之威征之Theideaseemstobethatiflaxityorresistancetogovernmentcontrolwerewidespreadthroughoutanentirecommunitysoldierswouldbedispatchedtoforcethepopulationbackintocompliance106左氏之語曰示則翫々則無威IhavenotbeenabletolocatethisquoteinZuozhuanorinanyothertextbutitsbasicthrustisidenticaltothequotefromGuoyuthatappearedinGenmin

67

theworldwhiletheonescultivatingcivilvirtuesfindthemselvesinstraightenedestate

Ifhighrankingcourtiersstateofficialsandcommonfolksuchasfarmersandmerchants

allengageinmartialpursuitsnonewillbesatisfieduntiltheyhavewonallfor

themselves(不奪不厭)andthecountrywillbeimperiled107 Touseanexamplesupposewehaveahouseholdinwhichallthechildrenand

servantsarethoroughlyinstructedintheconstantvirtuesofbenevolenceand

righteousnessShouldoneofthechildrenorservantsactdisobedientlythetaskof

censuringthemormetingoutcorporalpunishmentmaybedelegatedtoastewardof

theeldestsonthiswillinstillaweandtrepidationinthemandreflectsthewayof

expedientstrategiesButifthechildrenandservantsallwieldwhipsandcanes

themselvesandresistcensureorpunishmentwhatsenseofaweandtrepidationwould

theyhaveInthissituationtothink(happily)tooneselfldquomyhouseisaccomplishedin

martialpursuitsrdquowouldbeapathtocompletedisorderYourMajestyitwouldbemost

fittingifyouweretotakethisillustrationofgoverningahouseholdextrapolatefromit

andunderstanditsrelevancetoindividualprovincesandindeedtotheentirerealmrdquo

ThekingwasgreatlypleasedandofferedlavishgiftsTheMasterofBalanceand

Rectitudewouldnotacceptthemandtookhisleave

中正子適烏何之國其君包桑氏為迎而問曰夫天下之動非武不止是以寡人自幼好武國中之民亦好武民生而七歳能舞劍十歳者可以出征是寡人之於武可言盡心焉耳矣然國之盜賊未去四邊甲兵未休何如 對曰大王且知夫經權之道乎 王曰未也願聞其説對曰經權之道治國之大端也經常也不可變者也權者非常也不可長者也經之道不可秘吝也示諸天下之民可也權也者反經而合其道者也反而不合則非權也

經者文德也權者武略也武略之設非聖人意聖人不獲已而作焉作而不止非武略之道也作而止則歸文德是則權之功也文德經常之道誕敷天下而武略權謀之備不行於國則堯舜之治可以坐致吾嘗論之大王請聽之王曰寡人之望也

107ThislineriffsonceagainonthefamousopeningchapterofMengziwhichrecordsMengzirsquoscounseltoKingHuiofLiangMengziopinesthatifthekingprizesprofitoradvantage(利)overrighteousness(義)hispeoplewilldothesameandldquononewillbesatisfieduntiltheyhavewonallforthemselvesrdquoSeeMengzi1A1

68

凡人生天地之間實與禽獸相異無爪牙以供嗜好無羽毛以禦寒暑必假它物以養其生於是聚而有求求之不足爭心將作古之聖人卓然而行以仁愛禮讓之文德眾心感之化而附之附而成群謂之君君以斯文德普施天下天下之人歸而往之謂之王王者專修文德旺化諸人者也是以為常而不可變者經之道也王者之心苟怠而失常則民心亦怠而不守常繇是小則鞭扑之刑行之大則甲兵之威征之是則權謀之道也是故經之道欲舉權之道欲措可舉之道治世而施可措之道亂世而為夫堯舜之治不能常有所以權之道不能措之由是刑罰行焉甲兵興焉然而戡定禍亂以合經常之道故甲兵之具以有威懲也然而示諸天下則不可也左氏之語曰示則翫々則無威是也

今王不修文道而翫兵於國中之民々無以威懲之心故盜賊不去四邊不安宜也如是則不惟無經之道而已兼失權之道也權之道失之而謂於武盡心焉耳矣月也竊為大王惜之凡經常之道欲普行之天下不可秘也權謀之事不欲普示諸天下不可不秘今則修文者寡講武者眾講武者達修文者窮卿大夫士庶民農工賈客皆為武者不奪不厭而國危矣假令有一家者以仁義之經普教諸兒及臧獲其兒若臧獲或有悖者委其長子可用者叱之鞭之而威懲之則權謀之道也若其諸兒及臧獲咸手鞭而叱則抗鞭何威懲之有 而自以為吾家能武則大亂之道也大王以治家之喩推而知之於國且天下則可也大王喜厚幣遣之中正子不受而去

IntermsofcontenttheldquoKeikenrdquochaptercoversfamiliargroundChūgan

defendstheuseofforcewhencircumstancesrequireitbutemphasizesthesocially

corrosiveeffectsofexcessivemilitarizationItdepartsfrombothGenminandthe

memorialhoweverinitsexplicitinvocationofthebun-bu文武(Cwen-wu)binary

whichisitselfpositedasaspecialcaseofthemoregeneralkei-ken經權(jing-quan)

relationItalsodiffersinfromthosetextsinmoreadamantlyemphasizingthe

subordinationofthemartialtothecivilTheadjustmentmayseemaminoronebut

itisthefirstofseveralindicationsinChūseishithatby1334Chūganhadmisgivings

aboutthedirectionGo-DaigorsquosrevolutionwastakingTheviewespousedinldquoKeikenrdquo

thatthemartialaspectofkingshipshouldnotbeopenlydisplayedmighteasilybe

readasanargumentdirectedagainstanynumberofactionstakenbyGo-Daigonot

leastofwhichwashisdecisiontostylehisseventhregnaleraldquoKenmurdquo建武or

69

ldquoBuildingtheMilitaryrdquoWhilethecharactermu武hadappearedoccasionallyinthe

posthumousimperialtitles(shigō諡号tsuigō追号)ofJapaneserulersitsusebya

reigningJapanesesovereignindesignatinganewregnalerawasunprecedented108

NotcoincidentallyldquoKenmurdquo(CJianwu)wasalsothenameforthefirstregnaleraof

EmperorGuangwu光武thefirstsovereignoftheLaterHandynastyAsAndrew

GoblehasobservedGo-Daigowouldcertainlyhavefoundtheparallelswithhisown

situationcompellingthefoundingoftheLaterHanbymembersoftheFormerHan

rulinghouseconstitutedtheonlyexampleinChinesehistoryofthereacquisitionof

nationalhegemonybyadynastythathadbeenpreviouslyoverthrown109InJapan

whilethenominalsupremacyoftheimperialfamilyhadremainedunquestioned

theroughly100yearsbetweentheJōkyūWarof1221andGo-Daigorsquosrevolution

mightwellbecastasaninterregnumofsortsalbeitonecharacterizednotbythe

destructionoftheimperialinstitutionassuchbutbyitsincreasingsubordinationto

anautonomousmilitarygovernment110Go-Daigowouldrescuethethronefrom

thispredicamentandhewoulddosonotbyananachronisticturntoanidealized

imperialpastinwhichanidentifiableldquowarriorclassrdquoplayednoessentialpartbutby

embracingwarriorsandactivelyintegratingthemintohisnewnationalpolity111

TothisextentitmightbearguedthatwhileGo-Daigoisoftencast

(inaccurately)asabackward-lookingquixoticsovereignunawarethatthetideof

108WhilemostposthumoustitleswereselectedretrospectivelyGo-Daigotruetohispersonalityexplicitlyrequestedhisappellationinhisroyalwill(go-ishō御遺詔)109GobleKenmup176110TheJōkyūWarwasabriefinternecinedisturbanceprecipitatedbytherebellionoftheretiredemperorGo-Toba後鳥羽(r1183-98)againsttheKamakuraregime111GobleKenmupp264-70andpassim

70

historyfavoredwarriorhegemonyhewasprobablymoreatpeacewitharmedmen

andtheirintereststhanChūganwasYetcareisinorderwheninterpretingthe

positionsChūganespousesregardingwarriorsandmilitaryaffairsHispatron

ŌtomoSadamunewasasupporterofGo-Daigoandapowerfulwarriorleader

holdingthepostofshugo(militaryconstable)forthesouthernprovinceofBungo

HewasalsoamongthefewmenofhisstationtoformallytakeZenpreceptsdoing

soundertheChineseeacutemigreacutemonkQingchuoZhengcheng清拙正澄1274-1339and

hissonUjiyasu氏泰(1321-62)eventuallybecameaZenmonk112Manywarrior

familiesoftenattheurgingoftheHōjō北条thepreeminentwarriorhouseinthe

realmthroughoutmostoftheKamakuraperiodcameinvaryingdegreesto

patronizeZenTypicallytheysupportedthenewfaithbyfinancingtemple

constructionfundingthetravelsofJapanesemonksandhostingmonksfromChina

ItisthusdifficulttobelievethatChūganrsquosconcernsovertheroleofmilitarymenor

martialsymbolisminGo-Daigorsquosregimewasmotivatedbyanyspecialprejudice

againstwarriorsassuchNorisitlikelythatChūganwassimplyquixoticinhisown

rightofferingadvicegroundedinthehopelesspremisethatthenewpolitycould

ignoreoutrighttheinterestsofinnumerableindividualsandfamiliesconnectedin

somewaytosourcesofwarriorpowerwhetherthroughappointmentstojitō

(estatesteward)orshugopostsorbyhavingbeengokenin(retainers)ofthe

recentlyvanquishedKamakurashogunateInsteadtheldquoKeikenrdquochapteris

probablybestunderstoodasanattempttoofferaconceptuallycompelling

112MartinCollcuttFiveMountainsTheRinzaiZenMonasticInstitutioninMedievalJapan(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1981)p82

71

argumentforalessmilitarizedsociopoliticalordertoasovereignwhoserecent

successeshaveunderscoredtohimtheextraordinarypoliticalusefulnessof

preciselythoseindividualsandfamilies

ThefactthatldquoKeikenrdquoismoreinsistentthanGenminconveyingasenseof

crisiswithoutthecountervailingoptimismregardingroyalleadershipclearlyseems

toreflectalossoffaithinGo-Daigorsquosenterprise113Yetotherthanthechoiceof

Kenmuforthenameoftheregimersquosinauguralerandashtobesureaseriousmatterndashit

isdifficulttoidentifyspecificpoliciesundertakenbyGo-DaigobetweenDecemberof

1333andthespringof1334thatseemlikelytohavegivenChūganadrasticchange

ofheart114OnepossibilityisthatwiththedeathofSadamunewhohadbeena

supporterofGo-DaigoChūganwassimplymoreabletoexpresscriticismsthathe

hadwithheldearlieroutofconcernforSadamunersquosinterests(andbyextensionhis

own)Genericconventionstoomightbeadducedtoexplainatleastsomeofthe

differenceintonebetweenldquoKeikenrdquoandGenminwhileldquoKeikenrdquowasclearlywritten

withGo-Daigoinminditwasnotdeliveredtohiminthemannerofaformal

memorialChūganwasthusfreertoexercisehisownstylisticdiscretionchoosing

WangTongrsquosWenzhongziashisoverarchingtemplateforChūseishiandpatterning

thehypotheticalremonstrationwithEnduringMulberryintheldquoKeikenrdquochapter

directlyafterMengzirsquoswiseyetpointedcounseltoKingHuiofLiang

113SunldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquop100114RegnaleraswerechangedfrequentlyinpremodernJapantheirbinomialdesignationswerecarefullychosenforspecificpurposesbyaselectcadreofcourtscholarstypicallyonthebasisofportentologicalinvestigationsintonaturalorsocietalphenomenaBetween930and1336therewere36emperorsand124regnalerasmeaningmostemperorspresidedoverthreetofourGo-Daigorsquosreigncomprisedeight

72

InsofarasthefictionalEnduringMulberrycomesoffaswoefullymisguided

oratleastassomeonewhodoesnotappeartohaveldquoinheritedtheperspicacityof

KingWenofZhourdquothechapterseeminglydoesnofavorstoGo-Daigorsquosimage

Chūganrsquosuseofthefamily(家)asamicrocosmoflargersociopoliticalconstructs

suchastheprovince(國)orthewholeoftherealm(天下)wasentirelytraditional

butasacriticismoftheKenmupolityitcarriedparticularforceMultipleofGo-

DaigorsquossonswerepersonallyinvolvedinwarfareandthreeofthemMoriyoshi

TakayoshiandthecrownprinceTsuneyoshiwouldallmeetviolentendsoverthe

1330sastheKenmuregimefellapart115Itwashighlyunusualformembersofthe

imperialfamilytoreceivesubstantialmilitarytraininganddownrightshockingthat

theyshouldindefeatbekilledbytheiropponentsasopposedtosimplybeing

apprehendedandexiled116ItisdifficulttoknowwhetherChūganintended

specificallytocriticizethewayGo-Daigowasleadingtheroyalfamilybuttherecan

belittledoubtthathetookexceptiontowhatheperceivedastheemperorrsquos

fondnessforallthingsmartialNonethelessthechapterasawholedoesstilloffer

hopeforthefutureanditultimatelypositionsEnduringMulberryandhenceGo-

Daigoinamorepositivelightthanmightbeapparentatfirstglance

ThisismostevidentinthenameldquoEnduringMulberryrdquo(Hōsō包桑)itself

whichisadeftreferencetoYijingandnotatallunflatteringThetermhōsō(C

baosang)appearsinthetwelfthchapterldquoPirdquo否orldquoStandstillrdquowhereitdenotes

rapidlygrowingmulberryshootsTherelevantpassagereadsasfollows

115GobleKenmupp269-70116Ibid

73

NineinthefifthplacemeansStandstillisgivingwayGoodfortuneforthe

greatmanldquoWhatifitshouldfailwhatifitshouldfailrdquoInthiswayhetiesittoaclusterofmulberryshoots117

九五休否大人吉其亡其亡繋于苞桑

TheCommentaryontheAppendedPhrases(Xicizhuan繋辭傳)expatiatesonthe

enigmaticpassagethusly

TheMastersaysldquoDangerariseswhenamanfeelssecureinhispositionDestructionthreatenswhenamanseekstopreservehisworldlyestateConfusiondevelopswhenamanhasputeverythinginorderThereforethesuperiormandoesnotforgetdangerinhissecuritynorruinwhenheiswellestablishednorconfusionwhenhisaffairsareinorderInthiswayhegainspersonalsafetyandisabletoprotecttheempirerdquo118TherelevanceoftheforegoingtoGo-Daigorsquospositioniscleartheemperorisina

positionofstrengthbutmuststillnegotiatehisfortuitouscircumstanceswithskill

lesthelosewhathehasgainedThereisevidencehereandelsewherethatChūgan

thoughtthenewregimewasrushingaheadwithoutsufficientdiscretionandquite

beyondhisspecificconcernsovertherecrudescenceofwarriorpowerwantedGo-

DaigotobemorecautiousanddeliberateThephraseldquowhatifitshouldfailwhatif

itshouldfailrdquo(其亡其亡)referstotheconcernthattheldquosuperiormanrdquo(君子)has

forthefragilityofhisenterprisewhosecontinuedsuccessiscontingentuponhis

ongoingcareandvigilanceThemulberryshootsfigurevigorandendurancehence

117RichardWilhelmCaryFBaynestransTheIChingorBookofChanges(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1977)p55Thephraseldquonineinthefifthplacerdquoreferstoaparticulararrangementofyarrowstalksresultingfromacomplexdivinatoryprocedureoutlinedonpp721-23118Ibid55

74

thegreatmanrsquosuseofthemtoserveasbothanchorandguide(astheshootsgrow)

forhisendeavorChūganrsquospointseemstobethattheKenmurevolutionneedsa

moralanchorifitistobesuccessfulneedlesstosaythatanchorcannotsimplybe

martialpreeminencewhichisonlyanexpedient(ken)tothereestablishmentofa

well-orderedcivilsocietyInthefifthchapterofChūseishildquoExplicatingRevolutionrdquo

(ldquoKakukairdquo革解)whichtreatsthe49thchapterofYjingldquoGerdquo革orldquoRevolutionrdquoThe

MasterofBalanceandRectitudeopinesthatthepathofreformcannotbetread

recklessly(改革之道不可疾行也)FrustratinglyperhapsChūganoffersno

specificproposalsbeyondthatofdeemphasizingthemartialexpedientand

emphasizingthecivilconstantYetheprobablyfeltthatthisalonewouldbe

sufficienttobringaboutotherpositivechangesFurtherhealsoseemstohavefelt

itinappropriatetoreferencespecificactorsinthecurrentpoliticaldramabyname

neitherhismemorialnorChūseishimakesanyexplicitmentioncriticalorotherwise

ofthemajorpowerplayersintheKenmupolitysavethesovereignhimself119

AltogetherldquoKeikenrdquodoesnotrepresentawholesalerejectionofanyofthe

basicpointsadvancedinGenminthoughitdoesgomuchfurtherthanthatpiece

doesinimplicatingnotjustmilitarismintheabstractbuttherulerhimselfinthe

119InadditiontoriskingoffensegreaterspecificitymaynothavebeenthoughtnecessarysinceChūseishiwasprobablywrittenlessforposteritythanforGo-DaigoandarelativelysmallaudienceofcontemporaryelitesandintellectualsAsimilarsituationisobservableinJinnōshōtōkiwhichdespiteanotherwiselengthyandinformativedescriptionofGo-DaigorsquosreignhaslittleofacriticalorinterpretivenaturetosayaboutitssignaleventsChikafusamakesnoremarkaboutthecontroversialenthronementofEmperorKōgonwhoselegitimacyGo-DaigowouldlaterdenynordoeshecommentonGo-DaigorsquosexiletotheOkiIslandsafterhisinitialplotagainsttheKamakurashogunatewasbroughttolightSeeVarleyAChronicleofGodsandSovereignsp35

75

countryrsquostroublesYetdespitethisanddespitethemildlysatiricalparodicquality

ofEnduringMulberryrsquosboaststhechaptershouldprobablynotbereadasan

insultingportraitofGo-DaigonotonlydoesthenameEnduringMulberrycarry

unambiguouslypositiveconnotationsofgrowthandfortitudebuttheentire

exchangeishighlyreminiscentofthememorableexchangesinMengzibetween

MenciusandKingHuiKingHuimayappearlessthansagaciousintheseepisodes

butwhateverhismisstepshedemonstrateshisintellectualmaturitybysolicitingor

atleasttoleratingMengzirsquosadviceonmattersofstatecraftInthisconnectionit

shouldalsobenotedthatthereislittlereasontobelievethatanyJapanesesovereign

leastofallGo-Daigowouldhavetakenparticularumbrageatthenotionthathisrule

mightbeusefullyunderstoodandcritiquedthroughtheconceptsnomenclature

andsuasivestrategiesoftheChineseintellectualtraditionorthatbeingaldquogoodrdquo

sovereignentailedfaithfulconformitytoasuiteofethicalbeliefsandnormative

behaviorsdrawnprincipallyfromthattraditionItisalsoworthnotingthatMengzi

aworktraditionallyassociatedwiththeviewthatroyallegitimacyiscontingent

uponarevocableldquoMandateofHeavenrdquo(CtianmingJtenmei天命)appearstohave

hadafarmoreextensiveimpactonthemedievalJapaneseintellectuallandscape

thanissometimesassumedMengzifeaturesmorecentrallyinChūseishithanother

MastersrsquoTextssuchasXunziLaoziorZhuangzianditloomslargerthanany

ldquoclassicrdquosavepossiblyYijingMoreoverwhileMengziwasprobablymoreimportant

toChūganrsquosthoughtthantothatofanyotherfigureintheGozanmilieuhewasnot

76

theonlyfourteenth-centuryscholartovaluetheworkhighlyasbothEmperor

HanazonoandYoshidaSadafusadrewfreelyuponitaswell120

AlthoughMengziclearlyinspiredthestyleandstructureoftheldquoKeikenrdquo

chapteritwasprobablynottheprimaryinspirationforthatchapterrsquoscoreconcept

namelythedyadicrelationbetweenestablishedmoralnormsandexpedientpolicies

andtheimportanceofeachtogoodgovernanceTheexplicitjuxtapositionofkei

(jing)andken(quan)isoldoccurringasearlyasthesecondcenturyBCGongyang

commentaryontheSpringandAutumnAnnalswhichinitsdescriptionofthe

politicalfigureJiZhong祭仲(743-682BC)definesquanassomethingthatgoes

againstjingbutindoingsoultimatelyresultsingood121InMengziasimilar

relationispropoundedbrieflywhenMengziopinesthatalthoughritualpropriety

(禮)dictatesthatmenandwomenshouldnottouchoneanotherrsquoshandswhen120SeeInoueHonpōchūseimadeniokeruMōshijuyōshinokenkyūp252SunldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquop101TheimportanceofMengzitopre-TokugawaJapanesethoughtseemsuniformlyunderappreciatedSunobservesthatJapanesescholarstendtofocusprimarilyontheunderstandablylargeroleMengziplayedindiscussionsofrulershiplegitimacyandrevolutionbutpaycomparativelylessattentiontotheotherphilosophicalusestowhichtheworkcouldbeputThisisparticularlyunfortunateinChūganrsquoscaseashismostsustainedengagementwithMencianthoughtoccursinthesecondandseventhchaptersofChūseishiwhichconcernnotrevolutionbutthevirtuesofhumanitybenevolenceandrighteousness( )andhumannaturerespectively TothiswemightalsoaddthatinAnglophoneandChinesescholarshiptheproblemcanbequitetheoppositeasitisoftenassumedthatMengzirsquosviewsonlegitimaterulewereinherentlyanathematotheideologyofeternaldivinekingshiptheoreticallyinformingsovereigntyinJapanSeeforinstanceChenShuifengRibenwenmingkaihuashiluumle(TaipeiTaiwanshangwuyinshuguan1993)pp63-64ConradSchirokauerABriefHistoryofChineseandJapaneseCivilizations(SanDiegoHarcourtBraceJovanovich1989)p144InemphasizingthispointbyitselftheauthorsriskimplyingthatMengziwasgenerallyrejectedbyJapaneseintellectualswhichitwasnotandthatJapaneseintellectualswereeverywherebeholdentoaldquonativistrdquoroyalorthodoxywhichtheywerenot121權者何權者反於經然後有善者也(GongyangzhuanldquoHuanGongrdquo桓公 11)

77

exchangingobjectsitwouldbeexpedient(quan)tograbyoursister-in-lawrsquoshandif

sheweredrowning122Herequanissetoppositetoldquoritesrdquoorldquoritualproprietyrdquobut

thebasicideaisthesameanestablishedmoralnormisviolatedbecauseexigent

circumstancesaresuchthatupholdingthenormwoulddomoreharmthangood

Thisconceptionofquanleadsultimatelytothearchetypaljing-quanbinaryofHan

Confucianisminwhichquanisconstruedasanydiscretionaryactionthatldquoin

violatingjingcompletestheWayrdquo(反經合道)123Althoughlaterthinkerssuchas

ChengYi程頤(1033-1107)andZhuXi朱子(1130-1200)woulddevelopthejing-

quandyadinnewdirectionsChūganrsquosusageoftheideainChūseishiaccordsmost

closelywiththatseeninHantextsandbearslittletraceoftheCheng-Zhuthought

withwhichhelikemostotherGozanliteratiwasotherwisequitewell

acquainted124

Itisnoteworthythatcontrarytotheusualrelationshipfoundtoobtain

betweenpre-TokugawaJapanesekanbuntextsandtheirChineseanaloguesthe

ldquoKeikenrdquochapteroffersamuchlongerandmoredetailedexpiationonthejing-quan

relationthananyoftheworkstypicallycitedforcomparisonthissuggestseither122嫂溺不援是豺狼也男女授受不親禮也嫂溺授之以手者權也(Mengzi4A17)ldquoIfyoursister-in-lawisdrowningbutyoulendnoaidyouarenothingbutabeastThatmenandwomenwhengivingandreceivingthingsshouldnottouchoneanotherisamatterofritualproprietythatwhenyoursister-in-lawisdrowningyouhelpherbyextendingyourhandisamatterofexpediencerdquo123SeeYueTianleildquoZhuXilunlsquoquanrsquordquoZhongguowenhuayanjiusuoxuebaoNo56(Jan2013)p1 124SpecificallyChengYiconcludedthatldquoquanarenothingbutjingrdquo(權即是經)ndashamovethatwouldseemtoundothedynamictensionthatChūganseesasessentialtothejing-quanbinaryZhuXiarguedinanevolutionaryveinthatldquojingaresimplyquanthathavebeenfullyestablishedwhilequanareasyetun-establishedjingrdquo(經是已定之權權是未定之經)whichseemstoadumbratequitemodernideasabouttheformationandhistoricalcontingencyofsocialnorms

78

thattherelevantChinesesourcetexthasyettobeidentifiedorthatChūgan

independentlychosetopursueanunusuallydetailedelaborationoftheidea125

Eitherwayhemusthavethoughtitausefulconceptualframeinwhichto

communicatehispointtocontemporaryreadersandtoGo-Daigoinparticular

Inherentintheconceptofquanasldquoexpediencyrdquoorldquodiscretionrdquoispreciselythesort

offlexibilitythatanyrulerinGo-Daigorsquospositionwouldfindcongenialpossiblytoa

faultSuchflexibilityismostnecessaryduringtimesofsocialrupturewhich

presentchallengesthatdemandunconventionalresponsesAsChūgansaysthe

orderofYaoandShuncannotalwaysobtainSincesuchapointcouldwellhave

beenmadewithoutframingitentirelyintermsofjingandquanitisreasonableto

assumethatGo-Daigowasalreadyquitefamiliarwiththejing-quandyadSuchan

assumptionisallthemoreplausibleinlightofGo-Daigorsquosunusuallyextensive

knowledgeofChinesetextswhichasearlyas1317wasappraisedveryhighlyby

HanazonohimselfamongthemostlearnedsovereignsinJapanesehistory126Texts

inwhichGo-DaigoisknowntohavebeenversedincludeShiji史記(Recordsofthe

125SunRongchengnotesthatwhilethepairingofjingandquanisitselfextremelycommonheisnotawareofanyotherworkeitherChineseorJapaneseinwhichtheyareexplicitlyassociatedwithwenbunandwubuastheyareinldquoKeikenrdquoJingandquandooccurtogetherintheldquoViscountofWeirdquo魏相chapterofWangTongrsquosWenzhongziatextwhoseimportancetoChūganhasalreadybeennotedbutthedyadisnotdevelopedindetailitisglossedbytheSong-eracommentatorRuanYi阮逸(flmid11thc)byreferencetotheGongyangcommentarySeeSunldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquop100andIriyaChūseiZenkenoshisōp403126GobleKenmup11LestthereaderthinkHanazonowassimplyflatteringthefutureoccupantofthethroneitshouldbeemphasizedthathewasoftheJimyōinbranchoftheimperialfamilyrivaltoGo-DaigorsquosDaikakujilineandanoutspokenscholarunafraidtovoiceopinionsatoddswithimperialorthodoxy(seenote141below)HanazonosetgreatstorebythestudyofChinesehistoryandliteratureandhewouldnothavegoneoutofhiswaytodeemGo-DaigorsquosknowledgeofChinesetextsexceptionalhaditbeenmerelyaverage

79

GrandHistorian)Hanshu(HistoryoftheHan)andHouHanshu後漢書(Historyofthe

LaterHan)Zhongyong(DoctrineoftheMean)andLunyu論語(Analects)Shangshu

尚書(TheBookofHistory)YijingandLiji禮記(TheRecordofRites)Zuozhuanand

Laozi老子(knownfrequentlyasDaodejing)Difan帝範(ModelsforanEmperor)

andHuainanzi (MastersofHuainan)Go-Daigoalsosponsoredacademic

discussionsofworkslesscommonlyreadinJapansuchasYangXiongrsquos (53BC

ndash18AD)Taixuanjing太玄經orldquoClassicofGreatMysteryrdquo127

OfparticularrelevancetothepresentinquiryisHuainanziwhichcontains

numerouspassagestreatingthemoralandpoliticalsignificanceofquanWhileIam

notawareofanycurrenttreatmentofChūseishithatexploresthematicorrhetorical

parallelswithHuainanzithelatterseemsafarmorelikelytouchstonefortheviews

articulatedintheldquoKeikenrdquochapterthandoestheGongyangcommentarythe

responsesofDongZhongshuorWenzhongziAltogetherHuainanziprobably

offeredmoreintellectualjustificationforradicalpoliticalactionthananyothertext

Go-DaigoisknowntohavestudiedafactnotlikelytohavebeenlostonChūgan

Theconceptofquanasanexpedientstrategyfeaturesparticularlyprominentlyin

chapterthirteenldquoFanlunrdquo氾論orldquoBoundlessDiscoursesrdquowhosecentralthemeis

thesagerulerrsquosadaptabilitytocircumstanceAsSarahQueenandJohnMajor

observeldquoFanlunrdquoprovidesthemostcomprehensivediscussionofchangeinthe

entireHuainanziitisoneoftheworkrsquosmostovertlypoliticalchaptersemphasizing

boththehistoricalcontingencyoflawsandritesandthenecessityofadaptingonersquos

127GobleKenmupp2127-28

80

policiestosuittheneedsoftheage128Quanprovidesthekeytosuccessinan

inherentlyproteanworldthoughitisnotsomethingjustanyrulercangrasp

ExpediencyissomethingsagesaloneperceiveThusthosewho[first]disobey[ritualnorms]butultimatelyaccordwiththemaresaidtounderstandexpediency(Huainanzi1311)129權者聖人之所獨見也故忤而後合者謂之知權 IndaysofoldtheDocumentsofZhouhadasayingthatreadldquo[Sometimes]oneelevateswordsanddenigratespracticalities[sometimes]onedenigrateswordsandelevatespracticalitiesElevatingwordsisthenormdenigratingwordsistheexpedientrdquoThisisthetechniqueforsurvivinginthefaceofdestructionButonlyasageiscapableofunderstandingexpediency(1311)130 昔者周書有言曰「上言者下用也下言者上用也上言者常也下言者權也」此存亡之術也唯聖人為能知權

Itisimportanttonotethattheusageofthetermldquosagerdquo(聖)inHuainanziis

somewhatlessrestrictivethanthatseeninprototypicallyldquoConfucianrdquoclassicaltexts

AsintheFiveClassicsthesagesofhighantiquityarecreditedwithcreatingthe

moralandinstitutionalunderpinningsofhumancivilizationHoweverHuainanzi

doesnotlocatethechiefefficacyofthesageinthepastmodernrulersnotonlycan

attainsagelywisdomtheymustdosoiftheyaretobringharmonytotheirpresent

disorderedage131AccordingtoAndrewMeyerthesageofHuainanziismuchcloser

tothatofDaodejing(Laozi)thantothatoftheConfucianclassicsheachieves

sagehoodnotonlythroughthestudyofclassicaltextsandthephenomenalworld

128JohnSMajoretaledsTheHuainanziAGuidetotheTheoryandPracticeofGovernmentinEarlyHanChina(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2010)pp483-89129Ibidp508130Ibidp506131Ibidp887

81

butalsothroughldquoaprogramofapophaticpersonalcultivationcenteredonpractices

ofcontemplativemeditationandyogicregimensrdquo132OnecaneasilyimagineGo-

Daigowhoseinterestinesotericreligiousritualswaslegend133findingmuchtolike

aboutthefigureofthesageinHuainanziMasterofhispoliticalcosmosthesage

regulatesritesandmusicbutheisnotregulatedbythem(聖人制禮樂而不制于禮

樂)134

IntheldquoKeikenrdquochapterChūganinvokesthefigureofthesageonlytosaythat

theldquoexpediencyrdquoofformulatingmilitarystratagemsisnothisultimateaimbut

rathersomethinghedoesbecausethereisnootherchoice(武略之設非聖人意

聖人不獲已而作焉)Suchapositionwouldseemtobesomewhatdifferentatleast

inemphasisfromthatarticulatedinHuainanziwhichisonthewholeagooddeal

morepositivethanldquoKeikenrdquoregardingtheuseofquanYetthehierarchical

relationshipChūganpositsbetweenkeijingandkenquanwiththelatterclearly

morallysubordinatetotheformerisvisibleinHuainanziaswell

ThewayoftheFiveThearchsandtheThreeKingsconstitutesthewarpandweftoftheworldandtherulesandstandardsoforderNowShangYangrsquosldquoOpeningandClosingrdquoShenzirsquosldquoThreeTestsrdquoHanFeizirsquosldquoSolitaryIndignationrdquoandZhangYiandSuQinrsquosldquoHorizontalandVertical[AllianceSystem]allwereselectiveexpedienciesonesliceofthearts[ofgovernance]Theyarenotthegreatrootoforderortheconstantnormofservicethatcanbeheardwidelyandtransmittedthroughtheages(2034)135

132Ibidpp887-88133SeeGobleKenmupp96-97134Huainanzi133135MajoretaledsHuainanzip833

82

五帝三王之道天下之綱紀治之儀錶也今商鞅之啓塞申子之三符韓非之孤憤張儀蘇秦之從衡皆掇取之權一切之術也非治之大本事之恒常可博聞而世傳者也

ForChūganthemostdesirablestateofaffairsisonewherekeijingare

promoted(舉)anddevicesclassifiableaskenquanareputaside(措)untildisorder

requirestheiruseThemethodsoflegalistreformerssuchasShangYangShen

BuhaiandHanFeiziareheldinHuainanzi2034toconstitutesuchdevicesthe

particularityandtemporarinessofwhichstandsincontrasttotheenduringquality

ofldquoconstantnormsrdquo(恒常)InhismemorialtoGo-DaigoChgūancitesShangYangrsquos

reformsapprovinglybutcriticizestheQinforholdingtoolongtothelegalistcourse

TherethepointwastoapplaudandjustifyGo-Daigorsquoswillingnesstoviolatethe

statusquoinordertorectifycurrentillsanobjectivefacilitatedbytheinvocationof

keymomentsinChinesehistoryatwhichradicalactionwaswarrantedInldquoKeikenrdquo

theintentisquitetheoppositeemphasisisplacedontheinherentlyspecificnature

ofldquoexpedientmeasuresrdquo(權謀)whicharelimitedinscopeanddurationandstand

incontrasttotheunchangingwayoftheconstant(常而不可變者經之道也)

whichinturnisidentifiedwithcivilvirtue

InallldquoKeikenrdquooffersalucidallegoricalrepresentationofJapanese

sociopoliticalconditionsin1334Itsthoughtfulapplicationoftwodyadicrelations

jing-quanandwen-wutoJapanesepoliticswashighlyoriginalanditsuseofa

dramatizeddialogicexchangebetweenrulerandministerpatternedcloselyafter

thoseinMengzialsoappearstobeuniqueamongpre-Tokugawaworksofpolitical

suasionThedistinctionChūgandrawsbetweenenduringnormsandtemporary

83

expedienciesisstraightforwardasishisbeliefalreadystatedforcefullyinGenmin

thatfartoomanypeoplehavebecomeinvestedinmartialpursuitsInutilizinga

vocabularyofgovernanceandkingshiplargerandmoreflexiblethanthatofthe

ConfucianclassicsChūganwasabletodescribetheeventsofhisageinwaysthat

werenovelyetentirelylegiblewithinChinesepoliticaldiscourseThoughhewasby

nomeanstheonlyJapanesefiguretoseekanunderstandingofJapaninostensibly

ldquoChineserdquotermsndashevencontemporaryarticulationsofShintooftendrewheavilyon

ChineseBuddhismandyin-yangtheoryndashfewofhiscompatriotscouldboast

comparableknowledgeofthebroadercorpusofHanpoliticalwritingandprobably

nonesharedhisfamiliaritywiththeSui-eratextWenzhongzi

ChūseishiwasChūganrsquoslastmajorcontributiontopoliticaltheoryduringthe

KenmuRestorationThenetworkofalliancesonwhichGo-Daigorsquospolitydepended

provedvulnerabletodisruptionandinmid1335anunexpected(andunexpectedly

successful)uprisingbyHōjōremnantsagainstthehouseofAshikagaineastern

JapansetinmotionaseriesofeventsthatwithintwoyearswouldseetheAshikaga

riserapidlytomartialpreeminenceandeffectivelydisplacetheimperialcourtasthe

fulcrumofnationalgovernance136ItisnotdifficulttoimagineChūganreactingwith

dismaytothepoliticalmutationsandmachinationsthatplayedoutoverthe

followingyearGo-DaigoandhiserstwhileallyAshikagaTakaujieachscroungingfor

supportamongdozensofregionallypowerfulfamilies(andamongdifferent

branchesofthesamefamilies)bloodybattlesmotivatedmorebypersonalor

136TheHōjōuprisingwasthemostimportanteventinwhatisknownastheNakasendaiDisturbance(中先代の乱)DetailsmaybefoundinGobleKenmupp244-61

84

familialgrievancesthanbypoliticalidealsandtheJimyōinlineoftheimperial

familythrowingitssupportbehindtheupstartTakaujidespiteknowingfullwell

thattheimperialinstitutionitselfwouldbelittlemorethanadependentjunior

partnerwithinanAshikaga-ledconfederacyBeforetheendof1336Go-Daigofled

thecityofKyotoforasecureredoubtintheYoshinomountainsofYamatoprovince

withtheJimyōinprinceYutahitoenthronedasEmperorKōmyōbyTakaujiJapan

nowhadnotjusttworivalimperiallinesbuttwoimperialcourtsandanew

shogunatewithmorepowerovertheprerogativesoftheKyotoaristocracythan

everbeforeItishardtoenvisionasituationmoreantitheticaltotheidealsofroyal

preeminencesoenergeticallyespousedinChūganrsquosmemorialUnfortunatelythe

textualrecorddoesnotpermitadetailedreconstructionofChūganrsquospost-Kenmu

politicalthoughtafactwhichgivestheinaccurateimpressionofaretreatfrom

publicintellectuallifeInfacttheseemingpaucityofexplicitlypoliticalmaterial

fromthisperiodstemsinlargepartfromthelossofwhatfromamodern

perspectivemighthavebeenChūganrsquosmostsignificantintellectualworkhadit

survivedTheworkinquestionishisinfamoushistoricaltreatiseNihonsho日本書

ARecordofJapanabriefglimpseatwhatisknownofwhichwillconcludethis

chapter

Writtenin1341Nihonshoseemstohavebeenintendedasalong-termstudy

ofJapanesehistoryandperhapsmorespecificallyasacounterpointtoKitabatake

ChikafusarsquosrecentlycompletedJinnōshōtōkiItsexistenceisonlyknowntoday

becauseitadvancedanunusualtheoryregardingtheoriginsofJapanrsquosroyalfamily

Accordingtothefifteenth-centuryGozanliteratusTōgenZuisen桃源瑞仙(1430-

85

89)ChūganproposedthattheprimordialJapanesedeityKunitokotachinomikoto

國常立尊wasinactualitya(human)descendantofPrinceWuTaibo呉太伯(alt泰

伯)ascionofKingTaiofZhouandthepurportedfounderofthestateofWu137The

notionthattheJapaneseimperialfamilywasultimatelydescendedfromWuTaibo

wasnotinitselfnewitappearsinseveralChinesesourcesincludingWeiluumle魏略

(ABriefHistoryoftheWeiDynastymid3rdcentury)Liangshu梁書(ARecordofthe

LiangDynasty635)andJinshu晋書(ARecordoftheJinDynasty648)anditis

explicitlymentionedndashandsummarilydismissedndashinJinnōshōtōki138Whatdoes

seemtohavebeenoriginalwasChūganrsquoslinkingofWuTaibowithKunitokotachia

deityofcentralimportancetothemedievalreligio-culturalmovementthatcameto

beknownasIseShintoBeginninginthelateKamakuraandearlyMuromachi

periodspriestsassociatedwithIsersquosOuterShrine(gekū外宮)whichtraditionally

veneratedagoddessoffoodstuffsandfecunditynamedToyouke豊受(incontrastto

theInnerShrinenaigū内宮whichveneratedAmaterasu)undertookeffortsto

137ItmightbenotedthatTōgenwasfrankinhisrejectionofthisidealdquoSayingsomethinglikelsquothedeitycalledKunitokotachinomikotoisadescendantofWuTaiborsquoisnonsenseChūganwasaredoubtablemanbut(thistheory)whileelegantwasnonsenserdquo國常立尊ト云ハ呉太伯ノ后裔ヂャナンドト云ハ合ワザル事ゾ中巌ホドノ人ヂャガウツクシウモ合ワザル事ヲセラレタゾSeeInoueHonpōchūseimadeniokeruMōshijuyōshinokenkyūp263SunldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquopp107-110138TheoriginofthenotionisunclearthoughtheChinesesourcesallreportthatitwastheWa倭themselveswhoclaimeddescentfromTaiboWeiluumlenolongersurvivesintactbutthepassagesconcerningtheWaarepreservedintheTang-eraworkHanyuan翰苑SeeSunldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquop158n321

86

articulateandevangelizeShintoinnewlycoherentterms139Inmattersofdoctrine

theInnerandOutershrinescouldofcoursebeseenascomplementarybutthey

wereadministeredbytwodistincthereditarypriestlyfamilies(theArakidaand

Watarairespectively)andthehistoricallyprivilegedpositionoftheInnerShrine

coupledwiththegrowingneedtosecurematerialsupportinaneraofdwindling

courtresourcesmadetherelationshipacompetitiveoneInordertoenhancetheir

positionvis-agrave-vistheArakidatheWataraipriestsproposedthattheirdeity

ToyoukewasinfactKunitokotachiwhoasoneoftheearlycreatordeitiesoccupied

aplaceinthepantheonostensiblyldquohigherrdquothanthatofAmaterasu

IseShintohadamajorinfluenceonelitesandintellectualsofthefourteenth

centurynotleastofwhomwasChikafusawhoseGengenshū元々集(Collectionof

theOriginofOrigins1337)explicatesthesignificanceofvariousshrinesanddeities

byreferencetotheteachingsofShintotheoristWataraiIeyuki渡来家行(1256-

1351)alongwithaccountsdrawnfromJapanesemythohistoricalchroniclesJinnō

shōtōkialsoreflectsIsedoctrineparticularlyinitsmemorableopeningpassage

whichhasbeenatouchstonepolemicfornativistwritersandideologuesdownto

thepresentdayldquoGreatJapanisthedivinecountryItwasfoundedbytheHeavenly

Ancestor(ieKunitokotachi)andistransmittedinperpetuitythroughthelineageof

theSunGoddess(Amaterasu)Thisissomethingtrueofourcountryalonethereis

nothingcomparableinotherlandsrdquo140ByidentifyingKunitokotachinomikoto

139SeeHagiwaraTatsuoldquoShintōtheWayoftheKamirdquoinKasaharaKazuoedAHistoryofJapaneseReligion(TokyoKōsei2001)pp299-314140大日本は神國なり天祖はじめて基をひらき日神ながく統を傳え給う我國のみ此事あり異朝には其たぐひなし

87

whosenameprobablymeantsomethinglikeldquoTheAugustDeityWhoPermanently

EstablishestheCountryrdquowithWuTaiboChūganseemstoofferabluntrepudiation

ofthisnewlyburgeoningJapaneseexceptionalism141Possiblyheintendedtodo

morethanthishistheorymightbereadasanattempttointerpretmythical

accountsofJapanrsquosfoundingeuhemeristicallythoughwithoutfurtherevidence

suchareadingmustremainspeculative142Thattheworkhasnotsurvivedisa

greatlosstocurrent-daystudentsofmedievalJapanesehistoryhistoriographyand

politicalthoughtthoughitisperhapsnotaltogethersurprisingEvidencesuggests

thatevenduringChūganrsquoslifetimetheworkmetwithnosmallmeasureof

disapprovalandwiththeemergenceofShintoasadoctrinallydistinct(and

distinctlyldquonativerdquo)faithtraditionitsviewsprobablyappearedincreasingly

141ItisofinteresttonotethatChūganwasnottheonlyprominentintellectualtorejectsuchexceptionalismEmperorHanazonoisnotedforhisbluntdismissalofthenotionthatdivinedescentautomaticallyensuredtheperpetualcontinuityoftheimperialinstitutionHisKaiTaishisho戒太子書(AdmonitionstotheCrownPrince1330)anessayonsovereigntyandgoodgovernmentthathecomposedforhisnephewPrinceTokihitoindicatesquiteclearlythatthenativistideologywithinwhoseframeworktheJapaneseimperialfamilywassupposedtoexistwasnotinitselfsomethingautomaticallychampionedbymembersoftheimperialfamilySeeGobleldquoSocialChangeKnowledgeandHistoryrdquop119142SeeUenoTakeshildquoWajinnokigentoGonoTaihakudensetsurdquoinMoriKōichiedNihonnokodaivol1ldquoWajintōjōrdquo(TokyoChūōKōron1985)p327UenoseesinthispossibilityaldquoConfucianrationalismrdquo(儒教的合理主義)thatissetoppositetobeliefindivineorsupernaturalforcesasagentsofhistoryWemightnotethatsuchaviewisalsoreminiscentofAraiHakusekirsquos(1657-1725)boldbutlinguisticallyproblematicargumentthattheJapanesewordforldquodeityrdquokami神simplydenotedthosewhoweresociallyldquoaboverdquo(kami上)ordinarypeopleWhilethewordsareentirelyhomophonousinModern(andMiddle)JapaneseinOldJapanesethesyllablemiinkami神wouldhavebeenpronounceddifferentlythanthemiinkami上

88

subversiveasthecenturiespassed143Theonlydirectevidenceconcerningthe

contemporaryreceptionoftheworkisprovidedbyGidōShūshinwhowasamong

ChūganrsquosforemostintellectualdisciplesandisregardedtodayasoneoftheldquoTwin

Pillarsrdquo(双璧)ofGozanliteraturealongsideZekkaiChūshinInashortaddress

deliveredinChūganrsquoshonorin1367GidōmakesdeftreferencetoNihonshoandthe

controversysurroundingit

He(Chūgan)assiduouslystudiedthecountryrsquoshistoryldquounderstandmeby

theSpringandAutumnAnnalscontemnmebytheSpringandAutumnAnnalsrdquoHisconductwasinkeepingwiththemonasticrulesinwalkinghewasastheMasterinrushinghewasastheMaster144

修國史兮知我春秋罪我春秋行清規也步亦夫子趨亦夫子

ThelineldquounderstandmebytheSpringandAutumnAnnalscontemnmebythe

SpringandAutumnAnnalsrdquoisadaptedfromapassageinMengzi

143Itisdifficulttodeterminewhetherthelossoftheworkwasactuallyduetointentionalsuppressionorsimplytothehistoricalvicissitudesbearinguponmanuscriptcopyingandre-copyingwithoutwhichverylittlefrombeforetheearlymodernerawouldbeexpectedtosurviveThegreatearlymodernNeo-ConfucianthinkerHayashiRazan林羅山(1583-1657)whosupportedChūganrsquostheoryreportedinhisJimmutennōron神武天皇論thattheimperialcourttookumbrageattheworkanddestroyeditChūganwashighlyactiveinpublicreligiouslifeforthenexttwodecadesandwhileheseemstohavesufferednopersecutionorofficialcensureforNihonshoitmaybethathedecideditwouldbebettertoabandontheprojectthantoriskalienatinginfluentialbackerswiththeresultthatfewifanycopiesoftheworkwereevermadeTōgenhimselfseemsnevertohavepossessedacopyoftheworknotinginhisShikishō史記抄(NotesonShiji)thatChūganrsquosworkldquocausedcontroversyandwasnevercirculatedrdquoTheJimmutennōronmaybefoundinNakagawaTarōldquoHayashiRazanrdquoinAbeYoshioetaledsShushigakutaikeivol13ldquoNihonnoShushigaku(2)rdquo(TokyoMeitoku1975)pp163-67withrelevantportionstranslatedindeBaryetaledsSourcesofJapaneseTraditionpp357-60144GZBTvol2p982

89

WhentheworldfellintodeclineandtheWaywasobscuredperniciousdoctrinesandviolentactsaroseagaintherewerecasesofministersmurderingtheirrulersandcasesofsonsmurderingtheirfathersConfuciuswasfrightenedatthisandsocomposedtheSpringandAutumnAnnalsAworkliketheSpringandAutumnAnnalsisthebusinessoftheSonofHeaven145ItwasforthisreasonthatConfuciussaidldquoThosewhounderstandmewillsurelydosobywayoftheSpringandAutumnAnnalsthosewhocontemnmewillsurelydosobywayoftheSpringandAutumnAnnalsrdquo世衰道微邪説暴行有作臣其君者有之子其父者有之孔子懼作春秋春秋天子之事也是故孔子曰知我者其惟春秋乎罪我者其惟春秋乎(Mengzi3B9)

GidōsuggeststhatChūganlikeConfuciushasbeenbothappreciatedandscorned

forwhathehaswrittenandheimplicitlyaccordsChūganrsquoshistoricaltreatisea

placeinJapanesepoliticalthoughtanalogoustothatoccupiedbytheSpringand

AutumnAnnalsinChinaThecomparisonofthetwotextsmightsimplyhavebeen

GidōrsquoswayofaccordinghismentortheloftiestpossiblepraiseYetitisbynomeans

inconceivablethatChūganhadintendedallalongtoadvanceNihonshoasaJapanese

SpringandAutumnAnnalsaworkmeantforanageofdivisionandldquopernicious

doctrinesrdquoandonethatmostlikelyofferedanessentiallyConfucianvisionof

JapaneseculturalandinstitutionalhistoryWhateverthecaseinhavinghiswork

comparedtosuchanesteemedclassicandhisconductlikeneddirectlytothe

MasterrsquosChūganseemsultimatelytohaveearnedboththeaccoladesandthe

opprobriumbefittinganoutspokenscholar-monkandfaithfuladmirerofthatmost

controversialofChineseConfucianistsWangTong

145Becauseitoffersmoraljudgmentsconcerningrulersandministerswhichistheprerogativeoftheemperoralone

90

Chapter Three An Essay on the Kun and the Peng Hermeneutics Cosmology and the Figural Reading of Fictional Characters 或問荘老中正子曰二子爰清爰静荘文甚奇其於教化不可SomeoneaskedaboutLaoziandZhuangziTheMasterofBalanceandRectituderepliedldquoThosetwomastersexemplifytranquilityandquiescenceZhuangzirsquosproseisparticularlywondrousthoughassuchitisentirelyunsuitableformoraleducationrdquo Chūseishi(1334)

物者也名言之迹也非言非默之理獨荘子能言而足盡其極而已 WhatwecallldquothingsrdquoarethetracesofwordsandnamestheyaretheprincipleofthatwhichisneitherspeechnorsilenceOnlyZhuangziwasabletousewordsinamannersufficienttoexhausttheirlimitsKonpōron(c1350)

WhenChūganleftKyotoinearly1334andbeganwritingChūseishimoral

suasionwasstillhisforemostconcernGo-Daigorsquosrevolutionwasongoingandas

suggestedbythestructureandcontentoftheldquoKeikenrdquochapterChūganstillsought

toinfluencetheemperorrsquosthinkingonmattersofpolicyEventhehistoricalwork

Nihonshopresentedtothecourtin1341hadamongitsostensibleobjectivesthe

repudiationoftheldquoofficialrdquonarrativeregardingdivineimperialdescentInso

openlychallengingnativistformulationsofJapanesehistoryandimplicitly

91

repudiatingtheviewsoffavoredintellectualssuchasKitabatakeChikafusaChūgan

wasalmostsurelyguidedbythehopethathisscholarshipwouldprovemeaningful

inthepublicdomainAswehaveseenhisinterventionwasunwelcomeand

unsuccessfulanditprobablyaddedtothepersonalandprofessionaldifficultieshe

facedthroughoutthe1340s146Ontheintellectualfronthoweveritwaslikely

duringthistimethatanembattledChūganbegantoventurebeyondtheConfucian

traditionproperandreconsidertextsthathehadoncedismissedForemostamong

thesewasZhuangzi

ThoughrecognizedbybothChineseandJapanesecontemporariesforhis

exceptionalacquaintancewithmultipleschoolsofChinesethoughtChūganrsquosearly

workshowsgreateraffinitywithbothclassicalConfucianismandtheldquoNeo-

ConfucianrdquoCheng-Zhuschoolthanwithanytextortraditionthatmightreasonably

belabeledDaoistAsChūgansawittheworkofConfucianthinkerssuchasMengzi

XunziandYangXiongsimplyhadgreaterrelevancetopracticallearningandpublic

policythanthatofLaoziorZhuangzi147Exactlywhatsparkedhismid-lifeinterest

inthelatterisunclearthoughinlightofthevicissitudesheenduredafterhismove

fromSōtōtoRinzaiZenoneistemptedtopositatraditionalindeedalmost

146AsnotedinthebiographicalintroductionthesinglemostsignificanteventinthisregardwasnotChūganrsquosauthorshipofNihonshobutratherhisdecisiontoswitchsectarianaffiliationsfromtheSōtōlineofDongmingHuiritotheRinzailineofDongyangDehui147ThissentimentthoughdiscernibleinseveralplacesisarticulatedmostdirectlyinthethirdchapterofChūseishildquoHōenrdquo方円ldquoThethreemastersMengziXunziandYangXiongareoftheutmostvaluetolearningAlthoughZhuangziiswithoutvalue(tolearning)(histhought)maybetakenasawarningtocheckonersquosdesiresrdquo孟荀揚之三子最有益於學者也惟荘無益然可以為窒欲之警也SeeIriyaYoshitakaetaledsNihonkotenshisōtaikeiv16ldquoChūseiZenkenoshisōrdquo(TokyoIwanamiShoten1972)pp134and173

92

stereotypicalturnfromtheparadigmaticallypublicrealmofConfucianismtothe

privateanodynerealmofphilosophicalDaoism148Whateverhismotivations

sometimeafter1340Chūganauthoredanextraordinaryessayonthesymbolic

significanceoftwofamouscharactersfromtheopeningchapterofZhuangzithe

giganticKun鯤fishandtheenormousPeng鵬birdThisldquoThesisontheKunand

thePengrdquo(Konpōron鯤鵬論)offersanallegoricalreadingthatintegratesBuddhism

yin-yangtheoryandnumerologyinamannerthatisconceptuallycompellingand

entirelywithoutprecedentintheJapaneseexegeticaltraditionItalsoinvites

productivequestionsregardingfigurationandfiguralreadingthepowerand

limitationsoflanguageandtheinterplayofaffectanddiscursiveintellect

Longbeforethepost-HeianemergenceofinstitutionalZenandthe

efflorescenceofChineseliterarystudiesitfosteredseveralclassicalcommentaries

onZhuangzihadenjoyedwidespreadfavoramongJapaneseliteratiincludingthose

byGuoXiang郭象(c252-312)SimaBiao司馬彪(c243-c306)andCheng

Xuanying成玄英(flmidseventhc)LinXiyirsquos林希逸(1193-1271)ZhuangziYan

Zhaikouyi莊子鬳齋口義mayalsohavebeenavailableinChūganrsquosdaythoughthe

firstJapanesescholartomakesubstantialuseofthisworkseemstohavebeena

slightlylaterGozanwriterIshōTokugan惟肖得巖(1360-1437)TheNihonkoku

kenzaishomokuroku日本國見在書目錄abibliographicresourcefromtheearly148ThisintellectualtrajectoryistraditionallyassociatedwithministersorliteratiwhofallfrompoliticalfavorInHeianJapanlearnedmenwhofoundtheirchancesforofficialprefermentdiminisheddoseemtohaveturnedfrequentlytoDaoismforsolacethefamousstatesmanandpoetSugawaranoMichizane菅原道真providesthehistoricalarchetypeOnthisseeRobertBorgenSugawaranoMichizaneandtheEarlyHeianCourt(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress1994)pp57and295

93

Heianperiodlists21ZhuangzititlesthenextantinJapanincludingGuoXiangrsquos

commentaryinthirtyfasciclesandSimaBiaorsquosintwentyfascicles149Newerworks

hadlikelybeenintroducedbyJapanesemonkswhotraveledtoChinaandKoreafor

religiouspurposesafterthecessationofofficialcourt-sponsoreddiplomatic

relationsintheninthcenturyStillothersmighthavebeenobtainedbyJapanese

religiousestablishmentsviaprivatetransactionswiththesizableexpatriate

communityofChinesemerchantsresidinginthesouthernportcityofHakata150

Finallythroughouthiseight-yearstayinChinaChūganwasanactiveparticipantin

thesalon-likeatmospherethatprevailedatsomeofthetempleshevisited

exchangingpoemsndashandstrugglingatleastinitiallytoconverseinvernacular

ChinesendashwithsuchcelebratedliteratiastheCentralAsianpoetandpainterSaDula

薩都刺(fl1320s)151Itisquitepossiblethatduringsuchinteractionshewas

exposedtonovelinterpretationsofZhuangzithoughtomyknowledgenospecific

attestationstothiseffectarefoundinhiswritingsItisalsoabundantlyclearthathe

wasdeeplyfamiliarwithmodesofinterpretationassociatedwithyin-yangtheory

andcorrelativecosmologyandwasalmostsurelywellacquaintedwiththepost-

HanBuddhistreceptionoftheprincipalworksofphilosophicalDaoismAmore

thoroughaccountingofthesepotentialinfluencesuponhisthoughtwillbegiven

149SeeYajimaGenryōNihonkokukenzaishomokurokushūshōtokenkyū(TokyoKyūkoShoin1984)pp122-4150ForahistoryofHakatacityanditsroleinbothofficialandprivatetradeseeBruceBattenGatewaytoJapan(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress2006)ContactswithprominentChinesemerchantscouldbehighlyprofitableforfledglingZentemplesinonefamouscaseawealthylocalnotableknownasXieGuoming謝國明fundedtheconstructionofJōtenji承天寺atemplethatremainsactivetothisday151KagekiHideoGozanshishinokenkyū(TokyoKasamaShoin1977)p224-25

94

belowitisenoughtonoteherethathewasworkingfromaknowledgebasethat

whileimpossibletoreconstructwithprecisionwascertainlyextensiveandpossibly

quiteup-to-date

Konpōronisbothaseriousworkofhermeneuticsandanexercisein

imaginativeallegoresisInordertocarrytheprojectoffChūganfirstneededto

performaground-clearingoperationinwhichliteralinterpretationsofZhuangzi

wererejectedandtheKunandthePengwereconstruedasbothallegoricaland

entirelyfictionalInthistheybecomepurposivecreationsofthesortknownin

medievalWesternhermeneuticsasallegoriainverbisthepurelyliterary

counterparttothetypeofallegorymostoftenassociatedwithscriptural

interpretationallegoriainfactiswhereineventsareheldtohavesymbolic

significanceyetalsotobefactuallytrue152Toalimiteddegreethishadbeen

standardpracticesinceatleastGuoXiangwhonotedinhiscommentarythathe

couldnotattesttotheexistenceofactualcreaturesfittingthedescriptionoftheKun

andthePengEvidentlycontenttoletthematterrestGuoXiangopinednofurther

afterthisdisclaimerHeprobablyfelttherewasnoneedingeneralthetraditional

commentariesarenotdedicatedtothedisclosureofanocculttextfromthereceived

Zhuangziandtheydonotforcefullyandsystematicallyattempttoprivilegelatent

overmanifestsenseInthefollowingpassagesChūgansetsthestageforhisown

symbolicinterpretationoftheKunandthePengbyrefutingthewayinwhich

credulousreadersingeneralandmisguidedNeo-Confuciansinparticularmighttry

toapprehendthem152SeeSimonBrittanPoetrySymbolandAllegory(CharlottesvilleUnivofVirginiaPress2003)p21

95

BeforeZhuangzitherewasnobodywhotalkedabouttheKunandthePengandnothingaboutthemisrecordedinancienttextssuchasShijingShujingYijingandChunqiuOnlyinZhuangziismentionmadeofthem153LatergenerationsmistakenlybelievedthattheKunandthePengwererealTheirfailuretoconsiderreason(道理)andtheirfruitlessclingingtowordsandtracesissurelyanextremecaseofnotthinking154 WhenIwasyoungIaskedthevariouslearnedmeninmyvillageaboutthisbuttoamanalltheycoulddowashemandhawWhenIreflectbackonitnowitseemsobviousthattheycouldnthopetohaveknownjustwhatkindoffish(theKunwas)orwhatkindofbird(thePengwas)Alltheycoulddowasstareatthesentences(文)comprisingZhuangzirsquosworkorhearexplanationsaboutparticularwrittencharacters(字)bylaterConfucians155Havingonlythetextitself(文字)theylostsightofthefactthatitssubstance(實)wasthestuffofpurefantasy156

莊子前無云鯤鵬之事如詩書易春秋之古書所不戴也惟莊子一言之後世以爲實有云鯤鵬之物其不考之道理徒拘於言迹且不思之甚也予幼年時問之之諸先生皆含糊而已今反復而思之固應不知夫果爲何等之魚耶何等之鳥耶特以覩其文於莊子之書又聞其字於後儒之言而已徒有文字而亡其實者兔角龜毛是類焉

Apparentlyfeelingitinsufficienttosimplyrejecttheassumptionofliteral

referentialityoutofhandChūgangoesontoargueinalmostpatronizinglyexplicit

termsthatabirdsuchasthePengisaphysicalimpossibilityWhilethisisbyfarthe

leastconceptuallyinterestingportionofhisessayappearingatfirsttobelittlemore

thanasimplisticfoilforthemorenuancedreadinghewilloffersubsequentlyits

153AswillbecomeclearlaterinhisessayChūganisnotsuggestingherethattheactualwordsldquokunrdquoandldquopengrdquodidnotexistpriortotheirappearanceinZhuangzionlythattheapplicationofthosedesignationstotwofantasticcreatureswasnovel154Theconnectionbetweenwords(言)traces(迹)andthings(物)isoffundamentalimportancetoChūganrsquosthesisandwillbeaddressedinmoredetailbelow155ldquoLaterConfuciansrdquorenderstheepithetkōju後儒(Chouru)whichappearsinbothChinaandJapanasabroadreferencetoConfucianscholarsofrecenttimesandduringtheSongeraandthereaftertoadherentsoftheCheng-Zhu程朱schoolinparticular156LiterallyldquohornsonarabbitorhaironaturtlerdquoacommoneuphemisminZenliteratureforsomethingthatdoesnrsquotexistinnature

96

forceandsimplicityrecallshisapproachtohomilyndashagenreinwhichChūganlike

otherGozanliteratiwasextremelyproficientInitslaboriousnessitisalsowryly

funny

ThenatureofabirdistoflyIftherewereabirdwhosewingsreallybeatthewindfor90000liandwerelikecloudssuspendedfromtheheavensthentheywouldcoverallthelandinChinawhenspreadTravelling(fromChina)inthefourdirectionsoneneednotevengo10000litotheeastbeforepassingthethreeKoreankingdomsandgoing(10000li)tothewesttakesonebeyondtheKunlunMountainsGoing(10000li)tothenorthtakesonebeyondthedesertand(10000li)tothesouthbringsonetotheedgeofmountainandsea157AllofthiswouldbeunderthePengrsquoswingsandforthoseaffecteditwouldbelikebeingunderneathanoverturnedbowlonewouldbeunabletoseethelightfromthesunorthemoonandtherewouldbenodifferencebetweendayandnightItwouldbeperpetuallydarkWhatrsquosmoretheforceofthewindandwaves(thatthePengwouldgenerate)wouldbesostrongthateveryboatwithinthefourseaswouldbequitebeyondsalvation158JustonebirdtakingtotheairwouldimperilthecountrynowimaginethesebirdsflyinginaflockthentherealmwouldbeinrealtroubleYetIhaveneverheardofsuchastrangeoccurrenceinanyepochTheChunqiucontainsveritablerecordsoftheagesandallofthemmentionnaturalcalamitiesandunusualeventsBut(aPeng-induceddisaster)issomethingthatisnotwrittendowninanyofthehistoriesClearlythenthestoryissimplyoneofZhuangzirsquosallegories(寓言)couchedinthemostfancifulandfar-fetchedlanguage

鳥之性以飛爲常且如九萬里搏風之翼若垂天雲者一展其翅亦縣神州之地四方不過萬餘里東及三韓西過昆崙北踰沙漠南際嶺海皆在翼下如覆盆中不見日月之照無晝夜之分永爲暗昧也且夫風濤之勢四海舟揖之利不可濟也一鳥一飛尚難爲國土況此鳥飛以群則國土奈之何未聞何代何時而有如斯之怪乎春秋歷世有實錄皆記災異然諸史所不戴也是乃莊子寓言荒唐開誕之語耳

157Thetermldquomountainandseardquorenders嶺海whichseeminglyreferstotheFiveRidgesofsouthernChina(Dayu大庾Qitian騎田Mengzhu萌渚Dupang都龐andYuecheng越城)andtheseaoffthecoastofwhatistodayGuangdongandGuangxiprovinces158Thephrase四海舟揖之利不可濟也seemstomeansomethinglikeldquoeventhebenefit(利)gainedfromthesupplications(揖)ofeveryboatinthefourseaswouldnotbeenoughtosavethemrdquo

97

HavingthusdeniedsimplereferentialinterpretationsofZhuangzirsquosPengonthe

basisofhistoryandcommonzoologicalsenseChūganturnstophilologyinrejecting

theoftencounteredassociationofthePengwithanotherlegendarybirdthefeng鳳

commonlyrenderedinEnglishasldquophoenixrdquo159Hearguesthatthiserroneous

identificationstemsfromconfusionwithyetanotherquasi-mythicalbirdtheso-

calledldquoblazingfirebirdrdquo(jiaoming焦明)ofSimaXiangrursquosfamousRhapsodyon

ShanglinImperialPark(Shanglinfu上林賦)Theblazingfirebirdwasexplainedby

thenotedfifth-centuryscholarPeiYinasabirdthatldquoresemblesthephoenixrdquo似鳳

thisglossseemstohavetakenrootveryearlyasitisalsogivenbythethird-century

lexicographerZhangYi160TomakemattersworseSimaXiangrursquosbiographyinHan

shucallsthisbirdnotjiaomingbutjiaopeng焦朋andChūganfocusesonsemantic

correspondencesbetweenthethreecharactersfeng鳳peng朋andpeng鵬as

centralfactorscontributingtothemisinterpretationofZhuangzirsquosallegoricalbird

Thecharacter鵬wasoriginallywritten朋(peng)andwassynonymouswiththecharacter鳳(feng)Thetraditionalexplanationforthisisthatwhenthefengbirdfliesflocksofotherbirdsfollowitenmassetherebyearningitthestyleldquopengrdquo鵬hellip161Zhuangziwasfondofallegoriesandsohesimplyborrowedthewordldquopengrdquo朋and

159HealsorejectsoutofhandthestillmoreexoticassociationofthePengwiththegolden-wingedgaruda(金翅鳥)ofBuddhistlore160ZhangYiisnotedforcompilingthedictionaryGuangya廣雅whichcontainsover17000charactersSomewhatunusuallyhisglossonthejiaopengassociatesitwiththewestasopposedtothesouthSeeTakahashiTadahikoShinshakukanbuntaikeiv80ldquoMonzenfuhenrdquopt2(TokyoMeijiShoin1977)p104161Thislineisanearquotefromthesecond-centurydictionaryShuowenjiezi説文解字Chūganaddsthatthetermldquopengrdquo isusedpredominantlyasignifierforapair(相偶)suggestingthatitisthesenseofbirdscomingtogetherorldquopairinguprdquothatisbehindtheuseofthegraph鵬todenotethebirdcalledldquofengrdquo

98

useditasthenameofagiantbirdItwaslaterConfucianswhoonthebasisofthebirdradicalinthecharacter鵬assumedthattherereallywassuchabird鵬本爲朋與鳳字同説者曰鳳飛則群鳥相從以萬數故爲鵬hellip 莊子好寓言故假朋字爲大鳥之名而已後儒從鳥成鵬以為實有斯鳥也

ThatChūganwouldmustersuchlengthysoberappealstophilologyand

recordedhistorytoadvancetheseeminglyobviouspointthatthereisnosuchthing

asthePengisconsistentwithhispenchantfordramaticandpolemicalarguments

ItisalsopossiblethatthehighculturalstatusaccordedtotheChineseclassicswould

foratleastsomemedievalJapanesereadershaveeffectivelyguaranteedthe

historicityofthestoriestheyrelatemakingsuchathoroughgoingrebuttalauseful

propadeutictothetypeofsymbolicreadingthatheintendedtooffer162The

foremostgoalofChūganrsquosreadingwastoelucidatetheprincipleofldquotransformationrdquo

(物化)anideaoffundamentalimportanceinbothBuddhistandDaoist

philosophicaldiscourseandonewhichChūganbelievedwasaptlyfiguredbythe

physicalmetamorphosisoftheKunintothePeng

162HereitmightbenotedthattheKunwasapparentlylesscontroversialItsnamewasconstruableasdenotingeitherasinglegiganticfishorsomewhatparadoxicallyminisculefisheggsndashabasicmeaningofthewordldquokunrdquoAswillbeseenbelowChūganbelievedthelattersensewasactuallythemoreimportantbutperhapsbecausegiganticseacreaturessuchaswhaleswereknowntoexistheofferednoexplicitcritiqueofthegargantuanproportionsascribedtotheKuninthestory

99

Hebeginshisinterpretation

byexplainingthesignificanceofthe

termNorthernDarkness(北冥)the

bodyofwaterinwhichtheKunis

heldtoresideAccordingtoChūgan

northisthedirectionwhereyang

energyliesdormantandwherethe

ldquoOneofHeavenrdquo(天一)bringswater

intobeingHerehedrawsexplicitly

ontheldquoYellowRiverChartrdquoorHetu(河圖)afamousdiagraminwhichasymmetric

arrangementofgroupsofdotsrepresentcorrespondencesbetweenthenatural

numbersfromonetotenthecardinaldirectionsandthefivephases(fig1)He

furtherexplainsthatthedirectionnorthisassociatedwiththedivinatorytrigram

kan(坎)whichshowsoneyanglinetrappedinbetweentwoyinlinesand

symbolizeswaterFinallyhenotesthatthecharacterming冥(Jmei)canbeusedto

denotetheseaandthatthecloselyrelatedhomophonouscharacter溟connotesa

particularlydarkseamaking北冥suggestiveofthatwhichisldquohiddendark

mysteriousandatrestrdquo(幽晦玄寘)ToChūganZhuangzirsquosNorthernDarkness

representsldquoaplacewherethemyriadthingsliedormantandconcealedrdquo(萬物潛藏

之地耳)

ThisinterpretationoftheNorthernDarknessbuttressedandperhapseven

helpedmotivatehisdecisiontofocusnotonthemanifestsenseoftheKunasa

Fig1

100

giganticfishbutratheronthemeaningofthewordldquokunrdquoasfisheggs(魚卵)which

maybeseentoembodythesamequalitiesoflatencyinchoatenessandhidden

potentialassociatedwiththekantrigramPhilologicallyspeakingthisreadingis

wellsupportedthegreatpre-QinlexicographicalworkErya爾雅definesldquokunrdquoas

roewhichisalsohowthewordappearsinGuoyu國語atextcompiledbetweenthe

fifthandfourthcenturiesBC163HistoricallyZhuangzischolarshiphasbeendivided

onthematterwithsomeearlyscholarssuchasWeiZhao韋昭(204-73)notingat

leastthatthetermldquokunrdquoproperlymeansroewhileothercommentatorsavoided

thiscomplicationaltogetherandadheredintheirinterpretationstothemanifest

qualitiesofZhuangzirsquosKuntheEasternJinscholarCuiZhuan崔譔forinstance

proposedthattheKunwasinfactawhale(鯨)164Chūganrsquosreadingwasprobably

motivatedlessbyageneralconcernforphilologicalrigorthanbytheneedto

establishthelogicalgroundworkforhissymbolicinterpretationofthepassageasa

wholeConstruingtheKuntobeawhaleorothersuchcreaturesapstheanecdote

ofthehumorandironicwitcharacteristicofsomuchofZhuangziandobviously

rulesoutfictionalallegoryasaninterpretivemodeBycontrastforegroundingthe

basicsenseofthewordldquokunrdquocreatesaratherstarkbutextremelyproductive

terminologicaldisjunctionbetweenthenameandthecharacterthatbearsitTothe

extentthatitplainlysubvertscategoricaljudgmentsconcerningsizendashkunaretiny

163SeeWangShuminZhuangzijiaoquanvol1pp4-5164IbidEnglishtranslationsofZhuangzialsofrequentlyunderstandtheKunsimplyasanenormousfish(HerbertGilesfamouslyrendereditLeviathan)withnoreferencetothefactthatthewordldquokunrdquomeantroeManymodernChineseandJapaneseeditionsdosoaswellapparentlywishingtoavoidaninterpretiveschemethatwouldrequiretoolongadetourintophilologyorsymbolism

101

buttheKunisenormousndashthisdisjunctionishighlyconsistentwithZhuangzian

rhetoricingeneralanditiswhatwilllaterallowChūgantoplacephilologyinthe

serviceofphilosophy

Aldquokunrdquoisaneggwhosebodyisamorphousandhasyettoassumethefullformofafish165ItlieslatentandconcealedandisextremelyminisculeYettheambitionitnurturesisvaststretchingforwhoknowshowmanythousandliAlthoughonemightsaythatitistinyandhiddenitnonethelessrepresentstheseedofadragon(iesomethingwiththepotentialforgreatness)鯤體渾渾然而未具魚體之卵也潛伏而微小之甚也然所養之志氣浩大不知其幾千里也雖云微潛亦龍種耳HereChūganunderstandsthephraseldquowhoknowshowmanythousandlirdquo不知其

幾千里whichinthetextostensiblydescribestheactualphysicalsizeoftheKunas

anentirelyfigurativeexpressionThedefiningcharacteristicofZhuangzirsquosKunis

thusitsimmensepotentialtheultimaterealizationofwhichisitstransformation

intothePengAndjustastheinitiallocationoftheKuninthecoldwaterofthe

NorthernDarknesscanbywayofYijingsymbolismbeunderstoodtoadumbrate

thecreaturersquoscentralqualitiesndashlatentyangenergyconcealedbutreadytoburst

forthndashsothedirectionintowhichthePengfliescanbeseenasamarkerofits

significanceasasymbolofnewlyliberatedradianceChūgannotesthatthesouthis

associatedwiththetrigramli(離)whichshowsoneyinlinebetweentwoyang

165ItisimpossibletoconveyinEnglishthedoubleentendrethatChūgancreateseverytimehewritesldquokunrdquo鯤whichbothdenotes(orconnotes)thegargantuancharacternamedKunandconverselyconnotes(ordenotes)thewordthatmeansroeThedescriptiongiveninthispassageismanifestlyaboutthewordbutthereaderismeanttoholdZhuangzirsquosKuninmindaswellasitssymbolicconnectiontoroeiswhatdrivesChūganrsquosentireinterpretation

102

linesandrepresentsfireandbyextensionbrightnessandclear-sightedness166He

observesfurtherthatfirehastheabilitytoldquotransformthingsrdquo(化物)andthat

accordingtotheelementalcorrespondencesintheHetudiagramitisbegottenby

theyinnumber2Waterasalreadynotedisbegottenbytheyangnumber1To

Chūganthiscorrelationbetweennumerologyandfive-phasestheoryisreflectedin

thephysicalformsoftheKunandthePengjustasthenumber1precedesthe

number2sotheKunwhichisunitary(單)andodd(奇)precedesthePengasits

ldquoelderbrotherrdquo(kun昆toaddtoanalreadymultilayeredwordplay)ThePengby

contrastiseven(偶)afactreflectedinthebilateralsymmetryofitswingswhich

formapair(peng朋)AndwhereasthebodyoftheKuniswholeand

undifferentiated(一合昆侖)asitlayssubmergedintheNorthernDarknessthe

Pengrsquostwowingsworkinunison(二張朋會)asitsoarsintothesouthernsky167

Thestrategyofexplicatingaparticularwordviareferencetoahomophonous

wordwrittenwithacognatecharacterfeaturesprominentlyinChūganrsquosessay168It

166CommentingontheirhexagrammaticformswhichsubsumethesymboliccontentofthetrigramsRichardWilhelm(translatedbyCaryFBanes)putsitevocativelyldquoWhileKanmeansthesoulshutwithinthebodyListandsfornatureinitsradiancerdquo(TheIChingp118)167ThesearedifficultlinestoparseandIsuspecttheremaybeawordplayatworkinvolving昆侖and朋會thatenrichesanotherwisesimpleparallelismInfullthelinesreadasfollows鯤體一合昆侖而伏于溟北鵬翼二張朋會而騫于天南InYijingthefirstdivinatoryjudgmentpertainingtothesecondhexagramndashwhichhappenstobepronouncedkun( )ndashsaysthatthesuperiorman(君子)willgainfriendsinthesouthorwestandlosethemifhegoesnorthoreast西南得朋東北喪朋SeeSuzuki(1974)pp100-1andWilhelmandBaynes(1976)p11168Recallalsothevariousphono-semanticlinksChūganemphasizedbetweenthecharacters君and群andbetween王往旺and暀intheldquoKeikenrdquochapterofChūseishi(seeChapterTwoofthepresentstudy)

103

driveshisfinalactofcorrelativereasoningwhichbeginswiththestraightforward

associationofnorthwiththecelestialstemren壬(Jnin)andsouthwiththe

celestialstembing丙(Jhei)Thereisnothingparticularlynovelaboutthissince

renandbingaretraditionallyassociatedwithwaterandfirerespectivelyandthe

HetuaswehaveseenassociatesthoseelementswithnorthandsouthButChūgan

proposesafurtherphoneticandsemanticconnectiontotheZhuangzistoryarguing

thatthenorthbeingrensymbolizesastateofpregnancy(CrenyunJninrsquoyō妊孕)

andthesouthbeingbingastateofbrightness(CbingyaoJheiyō炳曜)169Even

thesecompoundsseemcarefullychosenasthesecondcharacterineachcontains

radicalelementssuggestiveoftheKunandthePeng子(childprogeny)羽(wings)

隹(bird)Rhetoricallyspeakingthetermsalsoconcludethisportionoftheessay

nicelyaseachencapsulatesandrestateskeymotifsoftheZhuangzistorywherethe

KunispregnantwithpotentialhiddenintheNorthernDarknessthePengasits

transfigurationescapesthisdarknessandascendsintothelight170

Toreturntoanissuebroachedbrieflyabovesuchameticulousfigural

readingofaChinesetextbyaJapanesescholarwillnaturallyleadthegeneticcritic

(andtheintellectualhistorian)tooneintriguingquestionhowmuchofthisreading

wasoriginaltoChūganandhowmuchistraceabletoknownChinesesources

169ThesephoneticcorrelationsholdinbothLateOldChinesethelanguageofZhuangziandMiddleMandarin(PulleyblankrsquosEarlyMandarin)whichreferstothelanguageoftheZhongyuanyinyun中原音韻compiledcirca1300whichisalsoaroundthetimeChūganwasinChinaNotsurprisinglytheyalsoholdinJapanesesolongasoneusesthegorsquoon呉音readingldquoninrdquofor壬170AsawholethepassageinwhichtheseideasarearticulatedisdenseandsignificantlymoredifficultthantheportionstranslatedearlierAcompletetranslationisventuredintheappendixtothischapter

104

WhileIhaveyettodiscoveranythingdirectlyparallelingKonpōroninthe

commentarialtraditionitisclearthatinterpretationsoftheKunandthePengin

termsofyin-yangtheorydidexistInhisZhuangziYanZhaikouyi莊子鬳齋口義the

aforementionedLinXiyirejectedsuchreadingsonthegroundsthattheywere

overwroughtunfortunatelyhiscommentsareterseanddonotgiveasenseofhow

theinterpretationshehadinmindwereconstructedphilosophicallyor

rhetorically171Moregenerallyawell-establishedpoeticsofnatureinwhichfish

embodiedyinandbirdsembodiedyangwasseeminglycommonknowledgeandthe

juxtapositionofthetwoanimalsinliteraturepredatesevenZhuangzi172Moreover

theYijingsymbolisminformingChūganrsquosKonpōroniscloselyconsonantwithseveral

importanttrendsinSong-eraYijingexegesisTheintellectualcultureofthe

NorthernSongDynasty(960-1126)evincedextraordinaryfascinationwith

divinatorychartsanddiagramsandYijinginterpretationduringtheerareflecteda

resurgentinterestintheXiangshu象數(ldquoImagesandNumbersrdquo)andChenwei讖緯

(ldquoPrognosticardquo)traditionsthatfirstemergedduringtheHan173TheDaoistpriest

ChenTuan陳摶(d989)aneclecticandapparentlyquitepopularfigureconversant

171LinremarksldquoThenamesKunandPengaresimplyallegoricalSomehaveexplicatedthembymeansofyinandyangbutallsuchinterpretationsareforcedandintroduceunnecessarycomplexitiesrdquo(鯤鵬之名亦寓言耳或以陰陽論之皆是強生節目)SeeZhuangzikouyi(TaipeiHongdaowenhuashiye1971)pp2-3172SeeAkatsukaKiyoshiZenshakukanbuntaikeiv16ldquoSōshirdquo(TokyoShueisha1974)pp26-7ForanearlyexampleoftheliteraryjuxtapositionofbirdswithfishAkatsukacitesthepoemldquoHanLurdquo早麓(ldquoTheFoothillsofMountHanrdquo)fromShijing詩經(Maono239)whichcontainsacoupletthatreads鳶飛戾天魚躍于淵ldquoThekitetakesflightandreaches(戻=至)theheavensandthefishfrolicinthedeeprdquo173SeeRichardJSmithFathomingtheCosmosandOrderingtheWorldTheYijing(I-ChingorClassicofChanges)andItsEvolutioninChina(CharlottesvilleUnivofVirginiaPress2008)p114

105

withbothBuddhismandtheConfucianclassicstaughtXiangshuideaswidelyandis

oftencreditedwithpromulgatingtheHetuandLuoshudiagrams174Connections

betweenYijingandZhuangziwerealsodeepandlongstandingcenturiesearlierthe

famedscholarandexegeteWangBi王弼(226-49)haddrawnheavilyonLaoziand

ZhuangziindevelopinganapproachtoYijingstudiesthateventuallybecamethe

schoolofldquoMeaningsandPrinciplesrdquo(Yili義理)aninfluentialalternativetothe

XiangshuschoolNearertoChūganrsquosowntimethepoetYeMengde葉夢得(1077-

1148)evenopinedthattheessenceofYijingisentirelycontainedinZhuangziand

anotherDaoistclassicLiezi列子175BeginningintheSixDynastiesera(220-589)

BuddhistwriterstoomadefruitfuluseofLaoziandZhuangzifewmoreextensively

thanSengzhao僧肇(384-414)176Aswillbeseenbelowtheenigmaticopening

passageofKonpōroncloselyparallelsportionsofSengzhaorsquosfamouscollectionof

essaysZhaolun肇論DuringtheTangDynastytheBuddhistscholasticfootprintin

YijingstudiesgrewdramaticallywithnotablecontributionsmadebyHuayan華嚴

(Kegon)exegetessuchasLiTongxuan李通玄(635-730)whocreativelyinvoked

bothYijingitselfandtheldquoYijingapocryphardquo(易緯)inordertoexplicatecertain

aspectsofHuayanphilosophy177Lestthisaccountingofplausibleinfluencesupon

Chūganrsquosthoughtgrowunmanageablylongwemayconcludebynotingthatthe

eminentdualmasterofHuayanandChanGuifengZongmi圭峰宗密(780-841)

174Ibidp114-15TheLuoshu洛書wasadiagramsimilartotheHetubutusedadifferentarrangementofcorrespondences175Ibidp133176SeeWangZhongyaoZhongguoFojiaoyuZhouyi(TaipeiDazhan2003)p100177Ibidpp256-68

106

perhapsthemostfamousBuddhistthinkerofhiseradeftlyglossedvarious

doctrinalconceptsfundamentaltoMahayanaBuddhismbywayofreferenceto

YijingZhuangziandLaozi178

ThefoundationslaidbySixDynastiesandTangtheoristswouldcontinueto

inspiresyncreticallymindedwritersoftheSongandYuaneraswhichwere

characterizedbytheincreasinglywidespreadparticipationofostensiblyldquoConfucianrdquo

scholarsinChanBuddhismandtheparticipationofChanprelatesintheacademic

studyofldquoexteriorrdquo(ienon-Buddhist)classicaltextsHencelikeanywell-placed

BuddhistscholarofthefourteenthcenturyChūganwasheirtoalongandfertile

intellectualtraditionthatincludedelementsofIndicphilosophynotablyYogācāra

andMādhyamikaphilosophical(andevenalchemical)Daoism179numerologyyin-

yangtheoryandConfucianethicsItwasatraditionofimmensebreadththatcould

bemarshaledinsupportofanextraordinaryvarietyofinterpretiveapproachesnot

leastofwhichwasallegoresis

178Ibid343-67SeealsoPeterNGregoryAnInquiryintotheOriginofHumanityAnAnnotatedTranslationofTsung-mirsquosYuumlanjenlunwithaModernCommentary(KurodaInstituteClassicsinEastAsianBuddhismHonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress1995)passim179FamousalchemicaltextssuchastheHan-eraZhouyicantongqi周易參同契(TokenfortheAgreementoftheThreeAccordingtotheZhouChanges)attesttothelongstandingconnectionbetweenYijingscholarshipandalchemicalDaoismandChenTuanwasakeyfigureinthedevelopmentoftheSong-eraldquoinneralchemyrdquo(neidan内丹)traditionSeeSmithFathomingtheCosmos106-7and115

107

InterpretationandAuthorialGenius

IntheChinesecommentarialtraditionatypeofreadingthatcanjustifiably

betermedldquoallegoricalrdquowasencouragedbymultiplefactorsthemostbasicofwhich

wasthepersistenttendencyofcommentatorstomakeevenanostensiblysimple

textsuchasapoemfromShijingmeansomethingotherthanitsmanifestsense

TheapproachwaswellknowntoJapanesescholarsoftheNaraandHeianperiods

andiscommonlyassociatedinbothChinaandJapanwithConfucianmoral

imperativestodiscover(andultimatelyprivilege)politicalmessagesinclassical

proseandpoetryFromalinguisticstandpointallegoresiswasfurtherabettedbya

processofterminologicalsedimentationwherebycertaintermsofartgradually

accretedmanylayersofmeaningthroughcenturiesofuseinchangingconceptual

environmentsThewordswerethusstronglypalimpsesticanditwasrelatively

easyforphilologicallyinclinedcommentatorstobringtolightlatentmeaningsof

specificwordsandphrasesTheeffectwasthustomultiplythenumberofpossible

newldquotextsrdquondashunderstoodfollowingMcGannasldquolacednetworksoflinguisticand

bibliographiccodesrdquondashthatcouldbewroughtfromthewordsofanexistingwork180

Yetanothersignificantfactorwastheenduring(post-Han)influenceofwhathas

beencalledbyWesternscholarsldquocorrelativecosmologyrdquoamodeoftaxonomic

thinkingconducivetotheproliferationofconnectionsbetweenseeminglydisparate

180JeromeMcGannTheTextualCondition(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1991)p13

108

phenomena181NeedlesstosayKonpōronmakesextensiveuseofthisparadigm

forginggeographicelementalandnumericalrelationshipsbetweenvariouskey

wordsintheZhuangzipassageitexplicates

Whilesymbolicrepresentationandfiguralreadingwereintegraltothe

Chineseinterpretivetraditionquestionswereraisedseveraldecadesagoregarding

thespecificnatureofthesymbolsandfiguresthemselvesThetypeofallegory

commonlyencounteredinChineseliteraturehasbeenheldbymanyscholarsto

differfundamentallyfromthatwhichpredominatesintheliteraturesoftheWest

TheformerasanalyzedbyAndrewPlaksissynecdochicthingsmayrepresent

otherthingsbutasaruleboththevehicleandthetenorinanymetaphoric

substitutionareofthesameontologicalorderwhereWesternallegoryldquolooks

upwardrdquotowardsaprivilegedmetaphysicalplaneChineseallegoryldquolooks

outwardrdquo182QuiteunlikehisWesterncounterparttheChinesepoethasthusbeen

judgedtoinhabitanessentiallymonisticcosmosinwhichnoabsoluteseparation

waspositedbetweentheldquohumanrdquoandtheldquodivinerdquobetweenphenomenaand

noumenaTotheextentthatsuchadescriptionisaccuratefiguresandsymbolsin

ChineseliterarytextsnecessarilyworkmetonymicallythereisasPaulineYuputit

nomovementtowardsldquoatranscendentrealmthatisautonomousanddifferentin

kindfromthesensoryworldofthepoetandhisreaderssimplybecausesucha

181ThephraseldquocorrelativecosmologyrdquoisnotatranslationofatraditionaltermbutarelativelyrecentneologismThecomplexofideasitattemptstocaptureisdenotedinhistoricalsourcessuchasHanshu漢書(111AD)andWenxuan文選(ca530)byphrasessuchasldquothejunctureofHeavenandManrdquo天人之際182SeeAndrewPlaksArchetypeandAllegoryintheDreamoftheRedChamber(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1976)p180

109

realmwasnotheldtoexistrdquo183Thepoetmoreoverwasnotacreatorassuchbut

anorganizerorexcavatorofestablishedtropesandfiguresthatembodiedpre-

existingrelationships184Yuhasevenappliedthispositiontothesymbolismfound

inBuddhist-inspiredpoetrycitingthenon-dualismofformandemptiness

articulatedintheHeartSutraandnotingthatldquotheapparentdichotomybetweenthis

worldandanothersamsaraandnirvanatheillusoryandtherealcouldbe

explainedbyBuddhistdialecticianswithintheirsystemoflsquodoubletruthrsquoasmerely

conventionaltruthrdquo185TheresultpredictablyisthattheBuddhistpoetlikehis

ldquoConfucianrdquocounterpartisheldnottohavebeenalludingtoarealmthatwas

fundamentallyotherThepointiselegantandpowerfullygermanetoour

understandingofaworklikeKonpōronthoughitmightbehedgedwiththeobvious

provisothatthemetaphysicalperspectivesoftheHeartSutraandother

PrajntildeāpāramitāsutrasneednotbeautomaticallymappedontoeveryBuddhistpoet

oreverypoeticinvocationofldquoemptinessrdquo(空)Morefundamentallythebroad

metaphysicalcommitmenttoanon-dualorganismiccosmosamongEastAsian

intellectualsdidnotinitselfmeantheabsenceofdiscoursesoftranscendence

whichattheveryleastservedheuristicandrhetoricalpurposeseveniftheymight

beshownbyanextendedjourneyontheviaphilosophicatodifferfromsimilar

discoursesintheWest

183PaulineYuldquoMetaphorandChinesePoetryrdquoChineseLiteratureEssaysArticlesReviews(CLEAR)32(Jul1981)p220184Ibidpp220223andpassim185Ibidpp223-24

110

NonethelessevenasChūganrsquosallegoresisimpliesthepossibilityof

transcendencethemetaphysicsbehinditmaystillbelabelednon-dualisticallthat

theKunwillbecomeiscontainedgerminallywithinitndashanalmosttooobvious

implicationofthenameKun(ldquoRoerdquo)ndashandnowheredoesChūganrsquosdiscussion

dependexplicitlyonthepresumedexistenceofldquohigherrdquoorotherwise

incommensurableordersofrealityByandlargethenKonpōronmaybesaidto

lookldquooutwardrdquoinpreciselythewayscharacteristicofcorrelationistexegeses

revealingaunifiedsocio-cosmicordergovernedbynaturallawsandpre-existing

correspondencesThereishoweveronesignificantrespectinwhichChūganrsquos

accountoftheKunandthePengdoesdepartfrombothpurelyyin-yang

correlationistandConfucianistallegoricalreadingsWhileheholdstheoverarching

purposeofthestorytobethesymbolicillustrationoftheprincipleof

transformationhealsoholdstheKunandthePengthemselvestobeingeniousand

entirelyfictitiousliterarycreationsofthehistoricalZhuangzi

ItseemsMasterZhuangwasabletoperceivetheprocessofchangedrivingthetransformationofthingsandelucidatetheiressentialnature186Thisiswhyhelefthis

186ldquoEssentialnaturerdquorendersseishō精性(Cjingxing)精seemsanalogoustoitsuseintermssuchasseiki精氣(jingqi)ldquoessentialpneumardquoandseishin精神 (jingshen)ldquoquintessentialspiritrdquo(thesetranslationsfollowCsikszentmihalyiedReadingsinHanChineseThoughtandMajoretalTheHuainanzirespectively)SeishōisnotaparticularlycommoncompoundthoughitdoesoccurinBuddhisttextsandwithespeciallyhighfrequencyintheHeroicValorSutra(首楞嚴經)ItisreminiscentofotherBuddhisttermstreatingvarioustypesofldquonaturerdquosuchastaishō體性(tixing)whichhasalsobeentranslatedasldquoessentialnaturerdquo(seeSwansonFoundationsofTrsquoienTrsquoaiPhilosophyp77)ChūganseemstobelievethatseishōisdifficultbutnotimpossibletounderstandthroughlanguagepresumablyotherbaserformsofnaturearemorereadilyaccessibleAndalthoughhedoesnotofferanexplicitcounterparttoldquoessentialnaturerdquooneisremindedofthedistinctionbetweenldquooriginalnaturerdquo(本然之性)andldquophysicalnaturerdquo(氣質之性)madebyZhuXi

111

traceinathingthatwasnotathingwhichwassufficienttoenablehimtoleavetraceswherenonecouldotherwisebeleft187HewasalsoabletotakeaccountofthevastnumberofnamesandnormsanddiscerntheirmysteriousprinciplesThisisthereasonhegroundedhiswordsinanamelessnameanditispreciselyhowhewasabletosaythatwhichcouldnotbesaid

蓋夫荘生能觀物化之變而明其精性故遺迹於無物之物足能迹所不能迹之迹也又籌名數之量而分其玄理故立言於無名之名是能言所不能言之言也

ToChūganZhuangziwasamastersymbolistwhousedfictionalizedcreatures

whichistosaycreatureswhosenames(名)asdeployedwithinthetextdidnothave

directreferentsoutsideitinordertoldquosaywhatcouldnotbesaidrdquoFictionalityitself

wasfundamentaltothisendeavorsincetousenamesinamannerthatsimply

denotedwellknownreal-worldreferentswouldbetoremainentirelywithinthe

associationalparadigmtypicaloftraditionalConfucianallegoryByemploying

signifiersinawaythatwasatoncedenotativelynewndashpriortoZhuangzithewords

ldquokunrdquoandldquopengrdquohadnrsquotbeenusedinparadoxicalfashiontonameagargantuanfish

andacontinent-sizedbirdndashyetwhichsimultaneouslypreservedandplayeddeftly

uponthereferentsthetermsoriginallydidpossessZhuangziachievedsomething

bothstylisticallyandconceptuallynovel

OnthisaccountatleastChūganrsquosreadingoftheepisodecomesremarkably

closetoPaulineYursquosconceptionoftheprototypicalWesternallegorywhichldquocannot

betakenatfacevalueasaliteralrecordofactualeventsrdquobutisratherldquoasystemof

signswhoseverymeaningconsistsinassertingtheirfictivenessandtheirfunction

187Thenounphrase迹所不能迹之迹mayberenderedmoreliterallyasldquotoleave[astrace](迹)thesortoftracethatcannotbeleftastrace(所不能迹之迹)rdquoorldquotoleave[astrace]tracesinaplacewherenotracesmaybeleftrdquodependingonhowonechoosestoconstrue所不能迹

112

assignifiersforsomethingbeyondthetextrdquo188Thislastqualificationofcourse

returnsustotheissueofmetaphysicsandthequestionathandbecomeswhether

ornotortowhatextenttheprincipleoftransformationmightmeaningfullybe

construedaslyingldquobeyondrdquothetextAlongstandingproblemfacingexegetes

workingonthetextsofphilosophicalDaoismwasthefactthattheDaowasboth

immanentandtranscendentitwasapproachablevialanguageinitseffectsor

ldquofunctionsrdquo(CyongJyō用)butnotinitsundifferentiatedtotalityastatethat

precedesandbydefinitionprecludesldquonamesrdquoofanysortYetintheworkof

renownedLaozicommentatorLuXisheng陸希聲(fl9thc)namesldquoareaccorded

valueinananagogicwaytheyaretheyongofDaotheyrelyonitandpermitthe

searchforthelsquofoundationrsquo(CtiJtai體)rdquo189Tothisextentnamesarepartofa

metaphysicalorderthatdoesnotadmitofanontologicaldualityinthemannerof

AbrahamicorPlatonicthoughtbutwhichinmostformulationsisnonetheless

hierarchicalChūgantoopositsaclearhierarchybetweentheDaoandthe

phenomenalworldofwhichlanguageisoneparticularconstituentAsthe

conditionofpossibilityforbothsensoryexperienceanddiscursivereasontheDao

cannotbeentirelycapturedndashldquoexhaustedrdquo(盡)ndashbyanyordinarydevicelinguistic

orotherwise190Yetldquothingsrdquo(物)whicharespecificinstantiationsoftheDaoand

188PaulineRYuldquoAllegoryAllegoresisandtheClassicofPoetryrdquoHarvardJournalofAsiaticStudies432(Dec1983)pp377-412189RobinetldquoTheDiverseInterpretationsoftheLaozirdquop147190IntheinterestofcompletenessitmightbenotedthatChūgandoesnotcommentonthepossibilityofexperiencingtheDaothroughmysticalunion

113

thusgesturetowardsitareamenabletoverbalexplicationatleastbysomeoneas

skilledasZhuangzi

ThosewhocansaysaywhatcannotbesaidthoseabletoleavetracesleavetraceswherenotracesmaybeleftNowtheDaoistheprincipleofspontaneousorderItcannoteitherwithwordsorwithsilencebewillfullymadeintosomethingwithdeterminateexistenceorwillfullydenieddeterminateexistenceZhuangzisaidldquoifspeakingwereenoughthenonecouldspendalldayspeakingandtherebyexhaustivelydescribetheDaoifspeakingwereinsufficientthentospendalldayspeakingwouldyieldanexhaustivedescriptionofthingsrdquo191ThingsrefertothetracesofnamesandwordsTheyembodytheprincipleofneitherspeakingnorremainingsilentOnlyZhuangziwasabletospeakaboutthemandfullyprobetheirlimits能言者言其所不能言能迹者迹其所不能迹夫道也者自然之理也不可使言之與默強有之強無之耳荘子曰言而足則終日言而盡道言而不足則終日言而盡物物也者名言之迹也非言非黙之理獨荘子能言而足盡其極而已

ThesearethememorableopeninglinesofKonpōronTheyfeatureseveralof

themostpotentandpolysemoustermsoftheDaoistcommentarialtraditionshizen

自然(Cziran)ri理(li)u有(you)mu無(wu)andbutsu物(wu)while

unambiguouslyaffirmingofthepoweroflanguageandZhuangzirsquossingularuse

thereofThephraseldquoneitherspeakingnorremainingsilentrdquo(非言非黙)isseenin

Zhuangzi2510AsrenderedbyVictorMair(1994)thatpassageendswiththe

followingstatementaboutthenatureoftheDaoldquoTheWayisthedelimitationof

thingsNeitherwordsnorsilencearesatisfactoryforconveyingitWithoutwords

andwithoutsilenceourdeliberationsreachtheirutmostlimitsrdquo(道物之極言默不

191Zhuangzi2510

114

足以載非言非默議有所極)192Thereisevidentlysomedisagreementamong

scholarsoverwhethertointerpretthestatementldquotheWayisthedelimitationof

thingsrdquo道物之極asMairdoesorwhethertotake道asbeingparalleltothenoun

phrase物之極ieldquotheDaoandthelimitofthingsrdquobutinanyeventthemessageis

thatneitherspeakingnorremainingsilentndashbothofwhichareultimatelydiscursive

strategiesndashcandothejobChūganhoweverseemsnottoregarddefianceof

discursiveexplicationasanintrinsicpropertyofthingsbutratheraresultofhuman

limitationswhichZhuangziwasabletoovercomeInthetranslationaboveldquothe

principleofneitherspeakingnorremainingsilentrdquo(非言非默之理)wasconstrued

astheoperativeprincipleofthingsItisalsopossibletoconstruethatphraseasa

topiconwhichtheensuingsentenceisacommentieldquo(Withrespectto)the

principlethatisneitheroneofspeechnorofsilenceonlyZhuangziwasableto

speakaboutitandfullyprobeitslimitsrdquoIneithercasetheclaimisthatZhuangzi

stoodaloneinhisabilitytouselanguagetorevealsomethingaboutthehidden

orderinformingphenomenalrealityAcompleteunderstandingofthisorderor

ldquoprinciplerdquowouldseemtoaffordthemostcompletediscursiveknowledgeofthe

Daopossiblesincesuchanunderstandingwouldrepresentamoregeneralldquometardquo-

physicalgraspofphysical(andsocial)phenomena193

192VictorHMairWanderingontheWayEarlyTaoistTalesandParablesofChuangTzu(NewYorkBantamBooks1994)p267193InthisandsimilarcontextsldquoprinciplerdquoisanoccultthoughstillimmanentaspectoftheDaoAsRobinetexplainstheDaoldquoactsthroughanaturalorderwhichsomecallli andwhichisalsooneofitsaspectsrdquo(ldquoTheDiverseInterpretationsoftheLaozirdquop149)

115

AnotherconceptcentraltoChūganrsquosessayisthatoftheldquotracerdquo迹(JsekiC

ji)avestigialrelationthroughwhichthingsandwordsremaincommensurableThe

termisparticularlyredolentofBuddhistphilosophicaldiscoursewhereitdenotes

externalindicationsorempiricalevidenceastraightforwardextensionofitsbasic

meaningoftracksorfootprintsChūganholdsthings(物)tobetheldquotracesofnames

andwordsrdquo(物也者名言之迹也)Thisprovocativeformulationappearstoinvert

therelationshipthatmightordinarilybeexpectedtoobtainbetweenlanguageand

thingswhoseexistencewouldotherwiseseembothlogicallyandtemporallyprior

tothatofthenamesandwordsdevisedtoidentifythemUnfortunatelyhedoesnot

expandupontheclaimorreturntoitelsewhereintheessayabsentfurther

evidenceaconservativereadingofChūganrsquospositionwouldsimplybethatheholds

ldquothingsrdquotobetheoutwardlysensiblesideofadipartiteidiographicrelationwords

andthingsarecoevalinsofarasanygivenldquothingrdquoisnrsquotperceivedassuchuntilitis

identifiedandidentificationisnecessarilyalinguisticactThetracerelation

providesthekeylinkbetweenwordsandobservablephenomenathatenablesthe

formertoldquoexhaustrdquothelatterwithrespecttothePengpassageitisthislinkthat

ultimatelymakespossibleZhuangzirsquoselucidationoftheprincipleoftransformation

Chūganinscribesthisthesiswithinalargeandlongstandingdiscourseon

languageandepistemologythatatleastinpartfindsitsoriginintheworkofthe

aforementionedSengzhaoSengzhaowasaneclecticBuddhistthinkeranda

talentedrhetoricianandChūgandrawsexplicitlyonhisstyleofexpositioninthe

veryfirstlineofKonpōronAsrenderedabovethislineproclaimsldquothosewhocan

saysaywhatthatcannotbesaidthoseabletoleavetracesleavetraceswhereno

116

tracesmaybeleftrdquo(能言者言其所不能言能迹者迹其所不能迹)Theenigmatic

wordingcloselyparallelsapassagefromalettertraditionallyincludedamongthe

fouressayscomprisingZhaoluninwhichSengzhaorepliestoquestionsposedto

himbyaneducatedandpiousaspirant194TherelevantportionreadsldquoHenceone

whoisskilledatspeakingwordsseekstosaythatwhichcannotbesaidonewhois

skilledatleavingtracesinvestigateshowtoleavetraceswherenotracesmaybeleftrdquo

(是以善言言者求言所不能言善迹迹者尋迹所不能迹)195Yettheclose

similaritiesindictionbelieasubtledifferenceinphilosophicalfocuswhereas

Sengzhaorsquosdiscussionofnamesandthingssoughttohighlightthearbitraryand

contingentnatureofthesignifyingprocessitselfChūganrsquossoughttoposition

Zhuangziastheultimatemasteroflanguagesomeonendashindeedtheonlyonendashwho

wasabletoexhaustthemysteriesofthingsthroughwordsThegoalofKonpōron

wasthusnottodeconstructaspurioushomologybetweennamesandphenomenal

realitybuttoreconstructthepathbywhichZhuangzigotfromtheformertoan

otherwiseinscrutableaspectofthelattertransformationassuchisnotathingbut

194ForacompletetranslationseeRafalFelburldquoEssaysofSengzhaordquoinThreeShortTreatisesbyVasubandhuSengzhaoandZongmi(MoragaBDKAmerica2017)pp47-135WalterLiebenthalChaoLunTheTreatisesofSeng-chao(HongKongHongKongUnivPress1968)pp81-100195Thephrase迹所不能迹mightbetakenas迹之所不能迹apartitivestructureinwhichthefirst迹isanounthesecondisaverbandthewholethingmeanssomethinglikeldquotracesofthesortthatcannotbeleftastracesrdquosimilarinmeaning(thoughnotinsyntax)to所不能迹之迹aboveAlternativelyitmaybereadsimplyasaverbphraseinwhichthefirst迹isatransitiveverbldquotoleaveastracerdquotakingthenounphrase所不能迹ldquothatwhichcannotbeleftastracerdquoorperhapsldquotheplacewherenotracemaybeleftrdquoasitsdirectobjectThelatterresultsinthetranslationgivenaboveldquotoleavetraceswherenotracesmaybeleftrdquo

117

aprinciplethatactsthroughanduponthingsandonewhoseoperationmaybe

communicatedgivensufficientmasteryoflanguage

Thusfartheanalysisundertakeninthepresentstudyhasnotaddressed

whatissurelyamongthemostobviousandenduringproblemsofhermeneutics

namelythattheexegesisofanyparableplacestheformitselfinquestionif

somethingismeanttobeunderstoodandmayinfactbeexplainedwhyofferonlya

symbolicorellipticalillustrationofitIfZhuangzirsquospurposehadbeentoelucidate

theprincipleoftransformationasChūganclaimswhydidhenotdosodirectlyvia

thesortofcorrelativeexpositionChūganhimselfemploystoldquodecoderdquotheKunand

thePengChūganprovidesnoexplicitanswerstothesequestionsthoughhis

commentssuggestatleasttwointriguingpossibilities196Thefirstandperhaps

mostcompellingpointheraisesregardingZhuangzirsquosuseofsymbolismisthatit

simplymakeshisworkmoreenjoyablethanapurelyexpositorytextofsimilar

importwouldbeandthatthispropertyenablesaqualitativelydifferentkindof

readingexperienceoneinwhichdelightseemsbothanenduntoitselfandanaidto

theacquisitionofknowledge

hellipClearlythenitwassimplyoneofZhuangzirsquosallegoriescouchedinthemostfancifulandfar-fetchedlanguageStupidConfuciansadheredinvaintothetracesandfailedtoglimpsetherealprincipleAretheynotoffendersagainstZhuangziWhatcouldmatch

196ItisworthpausingheretoemphasizethatChūganwouldneverhaveentertainedthepossibilitythatZhuangzididnotofferapurelyexpositoryaccountbecausehewasnrsquotabletodosoAssuchthefactthatmuchofwhatconstitutesldquocorrelativecosmologyrdquopostdatesZhuangzibyseveralcenturiesisnotespeciallyrelevantthevariouscorrelationsandcorrespondencesChūganpurportstorevealinthePengpassageweretohimfundamentalaspectsofnatureandtherecanbelittledoubtthatChūganwouldhaveassumedasamatterofcoursethatthehistoricalZhuangziwasperfectlyawareofallofthem

118

transformingoneselfintoapersonwithoutanameridinguponthisbirdbefriendingZhuangziintheboundlesswildsandfollowinghimasheroamsuntotheendsoftheEarthIsthisnotdelightfulhellip 是乃莊子寓言荒唐開誕之語耳愚儒徒泥乎言迹而不見眞理不亦為莊子罪人耶何當吾化成無名人而乘是鳥拍莊子肩於壙埌之野從遊於八極之表不亦快哉 ChūganhadalreadycriticizedldquolaterConfuciansrdquo後儒forfailingtolookbeyondthe

manifestsenseofthetextandherehetreatswithevengreatercondescensionthose

ConfucianswhofailtoappreciatethepleasureofidentificatoryexperienceItis

unfortunatethathedoesnotdevelopthispointfurtherasitrepresentsan

uncommonlystrongaffirmationofthevalueofdelighttoeducationZhuangziit

wouldseemsurpassesotherworksofphilosophybecauseitencouragesthe

dynamicinterplayofbothcognitiveandaffectivefacultiesThatsaidperhaps

Chūgandidnrsquotbelaborthepointbecausetodosowouldhaveweakenedtheraison

drsquoetreofhisownprojectoneneedharbornoRomanticprejudicesagainstallegory

toconcedethatthehabitsofminddrivingafinelywroughtcorrelationist

allegoresisareratherdifferentfromthosethatpermitareaderthepaidicjoyof

ldquoridinguponthePengbirdrdquoandldquobefriendingZhuangziintheboundlesswildsrdquo197

197InthisconnectionitmightbeobservedthatthereareperRogerCailloisrsquodefinitionsofludus(controlledrule-boundplay)andpaidia(uncontrolledfantasy)stronglyludicelementstotheapplicationofyin-yangcorrelativethinkingtotextualinterpretationInformulatingareadingbasedonyin-yangtheoryalargeandwellestablishedbodyofconventionsactasrulesthatstructureanddelimittherangeofpermissibleinterpretationsasatisfyinginterpretationisonethatsuccessfullyconnectstogetherasmanyelementsaspossiblewithoutviolatingtheconventionsSeeMeyerBarashtrRogerCailloisManPlayandGames(UrbanaUnivofIllinoisPress2001)p13

119

AnadditionalpointofinterestisChūganrsquosassertionthatincreatingtheKun

andthePengasfictionalcharactersZhuangzildquogroundedhiswordsinanameless

namerdquo(立言無名之名)TheldquonamesrdquoreferencedhereareKunandPengandthe

locutionsuggestssomethingakintoastrategyofdefamiliarizationAswehaveseen

thewordsldquokunrdquoandldquopengrdquoalreadypossessedreferentswhosequalitieswere

differentfromandinthecaseofldquokunrdquoverynearlyoppositetothoseascribedtothe

fictionalKunfishandPengbirdTheconceptualconnotationsofbothtermsalong

withthenumerousassociationseachhadwiththeotherfirestheimaginationina

waythatChūganclearlybelievesisproductiveofgreaterunderstandingZhuangzirsquos

carefullycraftedsymbolismiseffectivebecauseitencouragesreaderstomake

conceptualleapsItisworthnotingthatsuchapositionisbroadlyconsistentwith

viewsofparableespousedinotherhermeneuticaltraditionsearlyChantheorists

associatedwiththeNorthernSchoolforinstancerejectedtheliteralreadingsof

importanttechnicaltermsinfavorofallegoricalglossesdesignedtosupport

doctrinalpositionsthatwereinmanywaysatvariancewiththoseofIndian

Buddhism198FurtherafieldofChūganThomasAquinasopinedthatspiritualtruths

areusefullyveiledinsymbolandmetaphorbecausedoingsoldquodoesnotlettheminds

ofthosetowhomtherevelationhasbeenmaderestinthemetaphorsbutraises

198SeeJohnRMcRaeTheNorthernSchoolandtheFormationofEarlyChrsquoanBuddhism(KurodaInstituteStudiesinEastAsianBuddhismno3HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress1986)p198-99AccordingtoMcRaewhilemetaphorwasutilizedbyallschoolsofBuddhismthedeviceplayedanespeciallylargeroleinNorthernSchoolChanwithmostofthemetaphorsfoundinNorthernSchooltextsaimedattransformingallofBuddhismintoldquoanallegoryforthepracticeoflsquocontemplationofthemindrsquordquo(JkanshinCguanxin觀心)

120

themtotheknowledgeoftruthsrdquo199Aquinasrsquohandlingoftheissuereflectsof

courseanapproachtoscripturalallegorythatisrootedinanontologydifferent

fromthatofBuddhismandDaoismStillexegetesineachtraditionsharedthebasic

needtodetermineorthodoxyconstrueparablesldquocorrectlyrdquoasserttheirpedagogical

valueandattempttoexplainhowwordsandworldlythingscouldfiguretruths

whosevalueastruthstranscendedanyparticularmanifestationorinstantiation

thereofintherealmofordinaryexperience

Toreturntoapointraisedatthebeginningofthisinquiryitisnotable

thoughnotespeciallysurprisingthatChūganrsquosacademicappreciationofZhuangzi

seemstohavearisenlaterinlifeafterhisinitialperiodofscholarlyproductivity

duringthe1330sTherecanbelittledoubtthatChūganviewedZhuangziasa

seriousworkofphilosophyatleastifbythatismeantaworkwhosechiefaimwas

theinvestigationandadvancementofhumanknowledgeThereisalsolittledoubt

thathewasdeeplyimpressedwithwhathetooktobethesingularintellectand

rhetoricalpanacheofthehistoricalZhuangziConvenientlytheparableoftheKun

andthePengisheldinKonpōrontodemonstratethatworldlylearningandliterary

skillofpreciselythesortprizedbytheGozanintelligentsiawasthekeytoachieving

uncommoninsightintoacomplexnaturalorder

AhMasterZhuangHeperceivedthetransformationsexhaustedtheessencesaccountedforthenormsprobedthemysteriestotheirutmostextentandroamedfreelyacrossthewideworldWondrouslyhedroveallofexistenceintothetipofhisbrushndashverilythemyriadthingshadnowheretorunHisinfluencereachedevenunto

199SummaTheologica11i9QuotedinBrittanPoetrySymbolandAllegoryp31

121

thingsthatlayhidinthedarkwithoutsubstancewithoutformandwithoutnames200AndyethewasstillabletowondrouslyseekthesethingsoutdrivethemonandmakeallofthemintohisownendowmentWithhisprosehemadethembeatandmadethemdanceandinthisheglimpsedtheirsublimity吁莊生觀化盡精籌數極玄逍遙乎六合之表冥驅萬物入己筆舌萬物固無攸逃焉其餘波遠及於幽冥無象無質無形無名之物猶能冥搜之旁驅之而皆為己資文章鼓之舞之以見其玅也

ItisonlyafterthisencomiasticdescriptionofZhuangzirsquosaccomplishmentwhich

comesquiteneartheendoftheessaythatChūganproceedstoofferhisown

analysisoftheparableoftheKunandthePengAssummarizedpreviouslyChūgan

readstheparablethroughamultitudeoflaw-likenaturalcorrelationsorldquonormsrdquo數

andtakesittofiguretransformationThroughouthisreadinghereturnsrepeatedly

tothetwintropesofconcealmentandrevelationChūganrsquosZhuangzimarshalshis

extensiveknowledgeandrhetoricalabilitiestoexposewhatishiddenHe

investigatesandldquodrivesrdquo驅thethingsoftheworldasonedrivesahorseultimately

ldquomakingthemallintohisownendowmentrdquo皆為己資Chūgancomescloseto

personifyingtheldquomyriadthingsrdquo萬物whenhesaysthattheyldquohadnowheretorunrdquo

無攸逃201ratherasanomotheticallyinclinednaturalistmightdoinspeakingof

NatureasldquosurrenderinghersecretsrdquoHebookendshisaccountwithyetmorepraise

200TheideaofaldquonamelessrdquothingseemsacuriousandpossiblycontradictorynotiongivenChūganrsquosearlierdefinitionofthingsastracesofwordsandnamesReasoningasbeforethatathingisonlyrecognizedassuchinandthroughlanguageitmightbesupposedthatwhatChūganhasinmindherearesimplyphenomenandashldquothingsrdquointhebroadestsensendashthatnoonehasyetperceivedandwhichthushaveyettobenamed201 isequivalentinmeaninghereto所andthephrase無攸逃wouldlikelyhavebeenreadnogarurutokoronashiinJapanese

122

forZhuangzirsquosredoubtablelinguisticskills(JhitsuzetsuCbishe筆舌)whichareto

himnotmerelydecorativebutthemeansforcommunicatingperceptualinsights

thatarenormallyineffable

OhtoperceivethetransformationswithoutdependingonessencesTotraversethenormsinawaythatdidnotdependonbeingmysterious(玄)WhoelsecouldgothisfarWhatrsquosmoreitwasbymeansofthemarveloussubtletywithwhichhedevelopedtheseinhiswritingthathewasabletoexhaustthemandprobetheirlimitsAuthorsoflateragescouldnotevenattempttomatchhim吁觀化不以精步數不以玄則孰能造於此哉加之以其筆舌鼓舞之玅盡之極之後世作者不能企而及也

ThesearetheclosingwordsofKonpōronChūganrsquosdecisiontobookendhis

allegoricalreadingoftheKunandthePengwithyetmorepraisefortheircreator

suggeststhathewishedhisownaccounttobeseennotasanactofcreationassuch

butsimplyofrevelationandthatwhatitrevealsisnotonlythetruemeaningofa

parablebutthematchlessauthorialgeniusbehinditAtthesametimeand

particularlywhentakeninconjunctionwithhisearliercelebrationofidentificatory

delightthemoveexposesameasureofanxietyovertheactofinterpretationitself

FromamodernperspectiveChūganrsquosreadingdemonstratesthewaysinwhichyin-

yangcorrelativecosmologydramaticallyamplifiesthehermeneuticpotentialofa

textallowingappropriatelyconditionedreaderstolinkvariouselementsofthe

storyworldtoaplethoraofphenomenaoutsideitTheparadigmaticsubstitutions

licensedbythisapproachareinprincipleboundedbyyin-yangtheoryYetin

movingfreelyacrossanenormousrangeofentitiesandideasthechainsof

associationcangrowlonganddependingontheconnectionsbeingproposedthey

123

canthreatentobreakawayfromthesyntagmaticexpectationsthatwouldordinarily

structurethereadingprocess

InKonpōronthefirstchainofassociationswiththeKunwereasfollows

NorthernDarknessnorthwaterthenumber1thefirstEarthlyBranch(ieldquoratrdquo

子)childbeginningtheanimalldquoratrdquo(鼠)water(again)lurkingconcealmentthe

BlackTortoise(玄武)202Somelinksinthischainareperfectlysyntagmaticgiven

theelementsoftheparablethenumberonewaternorthandchildarejoinedin

thestorybythefactthattheKunisasinglefishlivinginanorthernbodyofwater

anditsnameisalsoawordthatadmitsldquoroerdquoasaprincipalmeaningStillitisplain

thatthiskindofapproachmightleadtoevenmorebaroqueinterpolationsand

ChūganwasprobablywellawarethattherehadalreadybeencriticismslikeLin

Xiyirsquosoftheapplicationofyin-yangtheorytoZhuangziRecallthatLinrsquosopinionof

yin-yangcorrelationistreadingswasthattheyinsisteduponintroducingldquoknotsrdquo(強

生節目)LinhadreadilygrantedthatthenamesKunandPengwereallegoricalthe

problemitwouldseemwasthatcorrelationistallegoresestendedtostraytoofar

fromthemanifestsenseofthetextandindoingsotheycreatedcomplexitieswhere

noneneedexistLinrsquosbasicpointishardtorefuteaheavilywroughtworklike

Konpōronisimplicitlybasedontheseeminglyunprovableassumptionthatthe

parableitexplicateswasalwaysintentionallycomplexalwayspossessedofasurfeit

ofmeaningthatwasnotcreativelyimputedbytheexegetebutintendedallalongby

itsauthorandnotimmediatelyapparentattheldquosurfacerdquolevelofdenotationItisan202SeethetranslationinAppendix1attheendofthischapterAtpresentIhavenotbeenabletodeducethesymbolicsignificanceofsomeoftheseandtheythereforedidnotfeatureinmyanalysisofChūganrsquosaccount

124

assumptionthatinthiscaseinevitablyrevealsmoreaboutChūganthanitdoes

aboutZhuangziwholikemanyancientwritersisknownalmostexclusively

throughthewritingascribedtohimMoregenerallyitalsobespeaksthe

precariousnessoftheinterpreterrsquospositionforitishardtobebothafaithfulinsider

andanactivecreatorbothconduitandsourcethecloserinterpretationcomesto

resembleauthorshipthefurthertheinterpreterisestrangedfromhisobject

TothisextenttheeffusivepraiseofZhuangziinoculatesChūganand

perhapshisreaderstooagainstthepossibilitythatitistheyandnottheNeo-

Confucianswhoaretherealoffendersdistortingthetextbyimposingextraneous

materialuponitKonpōronmakesnoclaimtomysticalorotherwisenon-discursive

accesstoZhuangzi(ortoZhuangzi)yetintheverycomplexityofitsinterpretation

itclearlypurportstoofferaninsiderrsquostakeontheKunandthePengWhatmakes

suchapositioncredibleatleastwithintheinterpretiveframeworkChūgan

developsisaratherremarkablepropertyheimputestothehistoricalZhuangzi

whoaccordingtohimwascapableofldquoprobingthemysteriestotheirutmostextentrdquo

(極玄)yetalsoabletoldquotraversethenormswithoutbeingmysteriousrdquo(步數不以玄)

ThiscommentseemsmeantinparttodistinguishtheapproachtakenbyZhuangzi

fromthattakenbyLaoziwhowascloselyassociatedwiththeconceptofldquomysteryrdquo

(CxuanJgen玄)onaccountoftheprominencethatnotionenjoysinthefamous

openingchapterofLaozi(Daodejing)203Stillmoreimportantlythehistorical

203ThatChūgantooassociatedLaozifirstandforemostwithmysteryissuggestedbytheopeningcoupletofashortpanegyricverse(JsanCzan贊)hededicatedtotheoldmasterldquoInmysteryhisthoughtsdidrightlyrestamindcontentandself-possessedhelliprdquo玄宜思潭澹泊心甘(GBZS440)

125

Zhuangzirsquosabilitytodowhathedidwithoutbeingmysteriousiswhatenables

ZhuangzitobeinterpretableintheordinarydiscursivesenseItisboththemeans

toachievingauniquefusionofaestheticandintellectualexperienceandthe

conditionofpossibilityforinterpretationinthefirstplaceanditissomethingwe

aretoldthatnootherauthor(作者)oflateragescouldmatchItisapitythat

Chūgandidnottry

126

Appendix1ACompleteTranslationofChūganrsquosCorrelativeAccountoftheKunandthePeng

WithrespecttothetermldquoNorthernDarknessrdquonorthrepresentsconcealment

accordingtotheHetudiagramitisthedirectioninwhichyangenergyliessunkand

concealedTheoneofHeavenbegetswaterinthenorthOneisthebeginningof

numbersinthesexegenarysystemitisthechild andmayalsobeglossed( )as

ldquobeginningrdquo Itrsquosspirit( )isthatoftherat ananimalthatlurksconcealedin

poolsofwaterInform( )itbelongstotheBlackTortoise anditstrigramiskan

(TheAbysmalWater)204IntheldquoHongFanrdquochapterofTheBookofHistoryitis

writtenthatwateristhatwhichsoaksanddescendsandinsoakinganddescendingit

makessaltrdquoThisdescribestheseaMing isalsoanamefortheseawhichbased

uponitsblackcoloriscalledming andwhichinitsdarkobscurity()becomes

hai 205ZhuangziusedthetermNorthernDarknessinordertoputintowordsthat

whichisdarkprofoundpossessedofahiddenessenceandistheplacewherethe

myriadthingsliedormantandconcealedAfishisacreatureofthewaterwhorsquosnature

istobesubmergedkunisaneggwhosebodyisamorphousandhasyettoassumethe

fullformofafishItlieslatentandconcealedandisextremelyminisculeYetthe

ambitionitnurturesisvastldquostretchingforwhoknowshowmanythousandlirdquoAlthough

onemightsay(thatkun)istinyandhiddenitrepresentsnonethelesstheseedofa

dragonTheloftyflairofZhuangzirsquosstylecanbeglimpsedhere

Thesubstanceofthefengbirdistobeofbrilliantvariegatedcolorsandtosoar

intotheheavensHowmeetitisthatitfliestothesouthSouthisthedirectionof

patternedbrightness()anditstrigramisli (TheClingingFire)Libelongstofire

204TheBlackTortoiseisoneoftheldquoFourCelestialAnimalsrdquo(四神)orldquoFourSymbolsrdquo(四象)mythologicalcreatureseachassociatedwithaseasonadigram(爻)atrigram(卦)acardinaldirectionandalsowithaspecificsetofsevenoftheTwenty-EightMansions(二十八宿)inChineseastronomy205Heretwowordsthatdenotethesea(溟海)areexplainedascognatewithtwowordsthatsuggestdarknessandobscurity(冥晦)

127

andfirehastheabilitytotransformthingsThusthetext(ofZhuangzi)saysldquo(theKun)

transformsintoabirdrdquoIntheldquoHongFanrdquochapterofTheBookofHistoryfireisthat

whichblazesandascendsandinblazingandascendingitbecomesbitterrdquoBitteristhe

tasteofthatwhichisburnt(jiao) andthePengisalsotermedjiaopeng afact

duesimplytoSimaXiangrursquosrhapsody206InformitbelongstotheVermillionBird

ofthesouth

IntheHetudiagramtheTwoofEarthbegetsfireTwoisdivisible being

divisibleitiseven andcomprisedofapair (peng)Thenumberoneisunitary

beingunitaryitisodd andasingularindividualamongmany (kun)207Forthis

reasonthebodyoftheKunissingularlyconceived( )andconcealedinthedarksea

ofthenorthThePenghastwowingsthatspreadsymmetricallyanditsoarsintothe

heavensandgoessouthWithrespecttopositionvis-agrave-visthesunnorthisren it

representsastateofpregnancy whereeggs (kunrsquoer)liesubmergedWith

respecttopositionvis-agrave-visthesunsouthisbing itrepresentsastateofbrightness

(bingyao)whereflocksofbirds (pengyu)ascendintothesky

206Likethefengabirdknownasthejiaoming焦明hasalsobeenassociatedwithZhuangzirsquosPengitappearsinSimaXiangrursquosfamousrhapsodyontheimperialhuntingpark(上林賦)andisrenderedldquoblazingfirebirdrdquobyDavidKnechtgesThealternatetermjiaopeng焦朋appearsinSimaXiangrursquosbiographyinHanshuwhetherChūganissimplyconflatingthepoem(asitappearsinWenxuan)withthebiographyorwhetherhewasusinganeditionofWenxuan(oranothersourcealtogether)inwhichthebirdinthepoemwasrenderedjiaopenginsteadofjiaomingisunclearThispartofChūganrsquosessayissomewhatperplexingatleastinsofarashewaspreviouslyquiteadamantthatZhuangzirsquosPengisnotidenticaltothefengandhereheseemstobedrawingconnectionsbetweenfeng鳳jiaopeng焦朋andpeng鵬notingtheassociationeachhaswithfireTheVermillionBirdisoneoftheFourCelestialAnimalsandisassociatedwithsouthfireandyang207ldquoSingularindividualamongmanyrdquoisanadmittedlycumbersomerenderingof昆thatattemptstoconveyChūganrsquosunderstandingofthecharacterwhichseemstobebasedmainlyonthesenseitpossessesintermssuchaskunchong昆蟲ldquo(aswarmormultitudeof)insectsrdquoandkunqun昆羣ldquomultituderdquoThissenseisobviouslypresentinkun鯤whenconstruedasldquoroerdquoandwhatChūganseemstobeemphasizingintheconnectionbetweenunity單oddness奇andkun昆isthesenseofbeingsmallanddiscreteevenifpartofalargergroup

128

129

Appendix2

IntheHetudiagramlinkedblackandwhitedotsrepresentnaturalnumbersfrom1to10Even(yin)numbersarerepresentedwithblackdotswhileodd(yang)numbersarerepresentedwithwhitedotsAdjacentpairsofyinandyangnumberscorrespondwiththefiveelements1and6withwater2and7withfire3and8withwood4and9withmetaland5and10withearthThesepairsaresaidtobecomprisedofasmallerldquobegettingnumberrdquo(生數)andalargerldquocompletednumberrdquo(成數)thecommondifferencebetweenwhichisalwaysfive

130

Chapter Four

Poems of Remembrance Poems of Social Engagement 1 Chūgan Engetsu and Early Gozan Poetry An Historical and Stylistic Overview

PoetrywasthecentralliteraryendeavorwithintheGozanmonasteriesso

muchsothatthemoderncoinageldquoFiveMountainsLiteraturerdquo(Gozanbungaku五山

文学)ubiquitousinsurveysofmedievalJapaneseliteratureisfrequentlyusedasif

poetrywereitsonlyconstituentThoughsomewhatmisleadingthisconvention

suggeststhelongstandingappreciationforboththequantityandartisticqualityof

thepoetrycollectionsintheFiveMountainscorpusthesecollectionshavegenerally

beenheldbymodernandearlymodernscholarstorepresentthezenithofmedieval

JapanesekanshiFormallyspeakingthevehiclesofchoiceamongGozanpoetswere

thegātha(JgeCji偈)astrictlyreligioustypeofverseintendedtoencapsulateand

conveydoctrinalpositionsandtheshi詩whichinitsfive-andseven-syllable

varietieshadbeenpracticedassiduouslyinJapansinceatleasttheeighthcentury

LikeeverynotablecontributortoGozanliteratureChūganwasanaccomplished

poetthathewasarguablyanevenbetterexpositorandessayistisbutoneofthe

idiosyncrasiesdistinguishinghimfromhiscontemporariesAnothermorespecific

totherealmofpoetrywashiswillingnesstothematizethepoliticaltumultofthe

eraandtouseunorthodoxoratleasthighlyuncommonpoeticformsandsyllabic

metersAlthoughtheprincipalcollectionofChūganrsquosworkTōkaiichiōshū東海一漚

131

集isdominatedbyexpositoryproseitrsquosfirstfasciclecontainsthreefu賦(lengthier

metricallyunregulatedpoemsusuallytermedldquorhapsodiesrdquo)whilethenextfive

contain227shialargenumberrelativetootherGozancollectionsMostofthe

majorstylesofshiarerepresentedincludingfive-andseven-syllableldquorecent-stylerdquo

quatrains(JzekkuCjueju絶句)regulatedverses(risshiluumlshi律詩)ldquoancient-stylerdquo

versesofvaryinglengthandevenhexasyllabicquatrains208Stylisticallythe

collectionishighlyvariableandbespeaksnosinglepreponderantsourceof

influenceorinspirationwhilesomescholarshavenotedChūganrsquosfondnessforHigh

Tang(c713-66)poetryothershaveemphasizedtheinfluenceofSong(960-1279)

models209MoreoverthefactthatheplayedaseminalroleinpopularizingSantishi

三體詩(JSantaishi)ananthologyofmostlyMid-andLateTang(c827-907)verse

plainlysuggestsinterestinthosestylesaswellInthepoemstreatedbelowthe

mostsalientthematicconnectionsaretobefoundwiththeworkofpoet-scholars

suchasOuyangXiu歐陽修(1007-72)andFanChengda範成大(1126-93)who

wereespeciallynotedfortheirattentiontosocialillsandthevicissitudesofplebian

life

208So-calledldquorecent-stylepoetryrdquo近體詩(JkintaishiCjintishi)isgovernedbyprosodicandstructuralconstraintsstricterthanthosethathadgovernedearlyshipoetryafterthefullestablishmentofrecent-styleverseduringtheTangthelessrule-boundvarietycametobetermedldquoancient-stylepoetryrdquo古體詩(kotaishigutishi)Shipoetryinthesix-syllablemeter(六言詩)isvastlylesscommonthanpenta-andheptasyllabicvarietiesChūganappearstohavebeenthefirstGozanfiguretousetheformandsomegeneralremarksregardingbothitshistoricaldevelopmentanditsadaptationofrecent-styletonalconventionswillbegiveninthefollowingchapter209SeeKagekiHideoGozanshishinokenkyū(TokyoKasamaShoin1977)p219

132

AsaresultofthisartisticorientationChūganoccupiesasingularniche

withintheroughly250-yearhistoryofGozanpoetryThishistoryisoftenheldto

comprisetwobroadepochsthefirstcharacterizedbygrowthandcreativitybegins

aroundthetimeofChūganrsquosbirthin1300andpeaksneartheturnofthefifteenth

centurythesecondmarkedunsurprisinglybystagnationanddeclinebeginsinthe

midfifteenthcenturyandroughlytracksthegradualeconomiccollapseoftheGozan

establishmentitselfTheeacutemigreacutemonkYishanYining一山一寧(JIsshanIchinei

1247-1317)whoarrivedinJapanasaYuanemissaryin1299isoftenidentifiedas

theprogenitoroftheGozanliterarymovement210Otherseminalwritersinclude

YishanrsquosJapanesediscipleSessonYūbai雪村友梅(1290-1348)whowouldspend

twenty-twoyearsinChinaandbecomeoneofthefirstmajorGozanpoetsand

KokanShiren虎関師錬(1278-1346)whosegroundbreakingtreatiseGenkō

shakusho元亨釋書constitutestheearliestgeneralhistoryofJapaneseBuddhism

TomanyscholarswhatdistinguishesGozanliterature(andindeedGozanmonastic

life)ofthistimefromthatofthelatefourteenthcenturyandbeyondisitsexplicitly

religiouscharacterwritersofthiseraincludingevengiftedlyricistslikeSesson

wereZenpriestsfirstandforemostnotliteratiwhohappenedtoresideinZen

temples211

210ThissuggestionseemstohaveoriginatedwithKamimuraKankō上村觀光(1873-1926)thefirstmodernscholartostudyandcollateasignificantfractionoftheGozancorpusitremainswidelyacceptedtodaySeeKamimuraGozanbungakushōshi(TokyoShōkabō1906)pp3-4211HagaKōshirōldquoZenbungakutoGozanbungakurdquoinYamagishiTokuheiedsNihonkanbungakushironkō(TokyoIwanamiShoten1974)pp409-415

133

Theimpetusbehindtheshiftawayfromreligiouslifeandtowardssecular

avocationswasironicallytheincreasingsuccessoftheZensectitselfWhile

AshikagapatronagebroughtthemajorGozanmonasteriesunprecedentedwealth

andpoliticalprominenceitalsodrewthemostartisticallyandintellectuallygifted

prelatesawayfromreligiouspraxisandintoelitesocialcircles212Thepivotalfigure

inthistrajectoryisZekkaiChūshin絶海中津(1336-1405)whoalongwithGidō

Shūshin義堂周信(1325-88)helpedmaketheso-calledKitayama北山erandashnamed

forthelavishprivateestateoftheshogunAshikagaYoshimitsu足利義満(r1368-

94)ndashaheydayofmedievalhighculture213FlourishingagenerationafterChūgan

Zekkairepresentstomanymodernscholarsthetriumphofsecularaestheticsover

religiousconvictionhisliteraryrenownbespeakstheapogeeofGozanpoetrywhile

alsoauguringthedecadencetocome214WhereasChūganisrelativelywellknown

tointellectualhistoriansbutfiguresonlymodestlyinmostsurveysofGozanpoetry

ZekkaiisalmostuniversallyregardedasthegreatestshimasterintheGozanmilieu

ThisappraisalisdueinlargeparttotheunusualesteemhisworkearnedinChina

tellinglyheistheonlyJapanesepoetinhistorytohaveoneofhispoemshonored

212SeeCollcuttFiveMountainspp98-102213ThisestatecontainsthefamoustempleRokuonji鹿苑寺betterknowntodayasKinkakuji金閣寺ldquoTheTempleoftheGoldenPavilionrdquoYoshimitsuisalsofamous(orinfamous)foracquiescingtothehierarchicaldiplomaticdemandsoftheMingcourtinordertoreestablishtraderelationswithChinaThemoveearnedhimthetitleldquoKingofJapanrdquo(日本國王)inChinaandtheenduringdisfavorofJapanesenationalists214HagaldquoZenbungakutoGozanbungakurdquop409HeinrichDumoulinZenBuddhismAHistoryJapan(BloomingtonWorldWisdom2005)pp169-77

134

witharesponsorialversebyareigningChineseemperor215Andalthoughmodern

criticswouldgenerallyavoidevaluatingJapaneseliterarySiniticmediasolelyonthe

basisoftheirfidelitytoChinesenormstherecanbelittledoubtthatZekkairsquos

historicalreputationhasbeenpredicatedonjustsuchacriterionInhisNihonshi

shi日本詩史(AHistoryofJapaneseShiPoetry1771)theearly-modernpoetand

scholarEmuraHokkai江村北海spokeofZekkai(andGidōShūshin)intermsthatif

somewhatpolemicalarenonethelessentirelyrecognizableinmuchscholarship

today

ZekkaiandGidō(Shūshin)areoftenmentionedtogetherandheldupasrivalsIread(Zekkairsquos)ShōkenkōsometimeagoandIhavealsoread(Gidōrsquos)KūgeshūItisclearthattheyarethetwogreatbulwarksofZen216Ifwersquoretalkingaboutwhoadvancedfurtherinlearning(學殖)thenitwouldseemthatGidōsurpassesZekkaiButintermsofpoetictalent(詩才)GidōisnomatchforZekkaiZekkairsquospoemsnotonlyhavenoequalintheancientandmedievalperiodsbuteventhefamouspoetsofrecenttimeswouldinalllikelihoodcastofftheirarmorandfleeintothenightThereasonisthatalthoughtheworksoftheancient(ieNaraandHeian-era)courtgentlemenarenotwithoutbeautifullinesandarrestingcoupletstheyarealsofulloffaultsanditisveryraretofindversesthatarebeautifultheentirewaythroughAndwhileimpeccableversesmayoccasionallybefoundtheyarestillonlypoemsofourcountrywhichwhen

215SeeInoguchiAtsushiShinshakukanbuntaikeivol45ldquoNihonkanshirdquopt1(TokyoMeijiShoin1972)p96OnZekkairsquosaudiencewiththeHongwuEmperor(MingTaizu)seeMicahSpencerHechtldquoConventionsofUnconventionalityrdquo(PhDDissUnivofHawairsquoi2005)pp124-30InbriefZekkaiappearedbeforetheemperorin1376toanswerquestionsonBuddhistdoctrineEvidentlycuriousaboutZekkairsquoshomelandtheemperorpointedtoamapofJapanandaskedaboutthefamoussiteofKumanowhereaccordingtolegendtheancientdivinerXuFu徐福traveledinsearchoftheelixirofimmortalityZekkaicomposedapoemattheemperorrsquosrequestandtheemperorgenerouslyauthoredaresponsorialverseofhisownBothversesthematizeKumanoandXuFursquoslegendaryjourneytheyaretranslatedinHechtpp125-29216ldquoThetwogreatbulwarksofZenrdquorendersthephrase二禅の壁壘FromcontextitseemsthatEmuramustmeanZenliteratibutitisalsopossiblethathedidnotentertainasharpdistinctionbetweenspiritualadvancementontheonehandandexcellenceinlettersontheotherandtookthelattertobeindicativeoftheformer

135

comparedtothoseoftheChinesearevastlyinferiorEventhepoetsoftodaycanseeforthemselvesthattheseareafteralljustJapanesepoemsperenniallyblightedbyunorthodoxiesofdictionButinthecaseofZekkaithisisnotso217絶海義堂世多く並稱して以て敵手と為す余嘗て蕉堅藁を讀み又空華集を讀む二禅の壁壘を審かにす學殖を論ずれば則ち義堂絶海に勝るに似たり詩才の如きは則ち義堂絶海の敵に非ず絶海の詩 古昔中世敵手無きのみに非ざる也近時の諸名家と雖も恐らくは甲を棄てて宵に遁れん何となれば則ち古昔朝紳の詠言佳句警聯無きには非ず然れども疵病雜陳全篇佳なるもの甚だ稀なり偶佳作有るも亦唯我邦の詩のみ之れを華人の詩に較ぶれば殊に 我邦の詩なり往往俗習を免れ難し絶海の如きは則ち然らず

WhileChūganrsquospoetryismorevoluminousandthematicallyvariegatedthan

Zekkairsquosithasrarelywoncomparableacclaimfromearly-modernormodern

scholars218NonethelessChūganrsquospoeticoeuvremuchlikehiscorpusofprose

remainsamongthemostcompellinginthehistoryofmedievalkanshicomprising

notonlyworksoneremitismreligiouscontemplationandscenesofnaturendash

commonthemesamongZenpoetsndashbutalsostridentpoliticalworkstreatingthe

effectsofpovertywarfareandsocialdislocationWhilesuchtopoiarewellwithin

theambitoftraditionalChinesepoetrytheyareseldomencounteredinpremodern

kanshiandareevenrarerinwakaEvenbytheeclecticstandardsofGozan

literatureChūganrsquosldquopoliticalrdquopoetryisentirelyuniqueinbothquantityandlyrical

217ShimizuShigeruetaledsShinNihonkotenbungakutaikeiv65ldquoNihonshishiGozandōshiwardquo(TokyoIwanamiShoten1991)pp77 218ThefamousMeiji-TaishoerasinologistandpoetKuboTenzui久保天随(1875-1934)istomyknowledgetheonlyliteraryfigureofnotetofavorChūganrsquospoetryoverZekkairsquosSeeInoguchiShinshakukanbuntaikeiv45pt1p48EmuramakesnomentionofChūganinNihonshishi

136

intensityperhapsnotsurprisinglyitisthistypeofpoetrythatismostoften

selectedtorepresenthiminmodernanthologiesofJapaneseliterarySiniticverse

WhilemanyofChūganrsquosthematicinclinationsadhereinthemaintoartistic

precedentsthatinsomecasesdateasfarbackastheEasternHan(25-220)andJin

(265-420)dynastiesothersreflectthecomparativelyrecentinnovationsoftheSong

DynastyIngeneralpoetsoftheSongweredistinguishedfromtheirTangandSix-

Dynastiespredecessorsbytheirwillingnesstotreatawidevarietyoftopicsdrawn

fromordinarylife219OnesuchtopicwasillnessandphysicalinfirmitywhichSong

poetsbuildinguponprecedentssetbyHanYuandMengJiaowouldapproachwith

extraordinarycandor220UnusuallyforaJapanesepoetofhiseraChūgantoowould

poeticizeillnessdetailinginversethebodilyexperienceofbeingsickwithmalaria

whileontourinChinaAlthoughthepiecetitledsimplyldquoMalariardquoisnotinany

sensealdquopoliticalrdquopoemitslanguagestructureandrelativelyearlydatemakeitan

especiallyfineintroductiontoChūganrsquospoeticsensibilitieswhichinmanyways

remainedquitestableevenashematuredstylisticallyoverthe1330sTheworkis

theonlyofitskindinTōkaiichiōshūandtomyknowledgenosimilarworksare

foundelsewhereinthecorpusofGozanpoetryUsefullyitillustratesmultiple

rhetoricalfeaturescommontoallbutoneofthepoemstreatedintheremainderof

thischapter

219RonaldEganldquoShiPoetryAncientandRecentStylesrdquoinZong-qiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetry(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2008)p308220StephenOwenThePoetryofMengChiaoandHanYu(NewHavenYaleUnivPress1975)passimPoemno13ofMengJiaorsquosseriesldquoAutumnMeditationsFifteenPoemsrdquo秋懷十五首analyzedonpp179-81isparticularlystrikinginthisregard

137

瘧疾

Malaria三尸謀疾疫 TheThreeCorpsesplotmalaise二竪穴胸膈 TheTwoChildrenburrowinsidemychest221老夫盍誅之 ldquoThisolrsquowightletrsquosputhimtodeathrdquo222陰蟲放毒螫 Hiddenpestswithpoisonbarbs熏熇氣相蒸 Inthehotsmokeoffumigationmyqiisbrazedaway風雷勢 Windandthunderroarswithfrighteningforce天地成 Thewholeworldbecomesaboilerandhotplate223濈濈汗流腋 Sweatstreamsfrommyarmpits俄爾輙送寒 ThensuddenlyIhavethechills凛凛氷底溺 Likebeingdrownedatthebottomofanicyriver衾裯重繒絖 Silkenfabricspiledatopmyquiltandbedsheets當暑莫之 Whentheweatherrsquoshotnothingismoredetestable胡為須臾間 Howinthespaceofaninstant陰陽忽變易 Canyinandyangchangeplacessoabruptly咳嗽和噴嚏 Coughingandsneezing涕泗交津液 Tearsandsnotmixedwithotherfluids224221TheThreeCorpsesalsoknownastheThreeWorms(三蟲)andTheTwoChildrenrefertospiritsresidinginsidethebodythoughttocauseillness222Thephraseldquooldfellowrdquo老夫(ClaofuJrōfu)hastorefertoChūganthoughhewasonlyinhistwentiesatthetimeThetranslationabovetakes盍as蓋ldquooughttordquoandconstruesthelineasaninterjectioninthevoiceoftheTwoChildrenAlternativelyif老夫istakenasafirstpersonsubjectpronoun(anattestedusage)and盍isunderstoodasaninterrogativepronounessentiallyequivalentto何thenthelinemightberenderedldquoHowamItoeliminatethemrdquo(withthereferentof之nowbeingtheTwoChildren)223Theactualcharacterthatappearsinthefinalpositionofthislineisnot butthe

variantform whosetypesetversionsarenotrecognizedbyMicrosoftWord224Thetermshinrsquoeki津液(Cjinye)isageneralreferenceforbodilyfluidsintraditionalChinesemedicinebyitselfthecharacter津mayrefereithertosalivaorperspirationandsincethelatterwasmentionedalreadyinlineeight(albeitwithadifferentword汗)wemightimaginephlegmtobeintendedhereThepreviouscompoundteishi涕泗(Ctisi)ldquotearsandsnotrdquohasalonghistoryinpoetryappearinginworksbyRuanJiandDuFuamongothers

138

反仄不蹔安 TossingandturningIcannotgetcomfortableforlong何當定枕席 WhenwillIfinallybeabletoresteasy起臥偕歎為 Sittinguporlyingdownbotharetaxingtodo動輙求扶掖 AgainandagainIaskforhelp眼眩混方圓 DizzyIcanrsquottellsquaresfromcircles顛倒視黒白 AndIconfoundblackandwhite平生茹蔬荀 AllmylifeIhaveeatengreensandshoots欣然口自適 FortunatelyIfindtheysuitmypalette今設五候鯖 NowIhavebeforemesomeFiveMarquisfishstew苦淡同氷蘗 Asbitterandblandasamealoficeandcork225少間倚繩牀 AfterawhileIreclineonafoldingchair痩質如乾腊 Irsquomasgauntasapieceofdriedmeat傍有相過者 Atmysidearesomewhorsquovecometovisit視吾疑欺魄 UponseeingmetheycouldswearIrsquomaghost終日口唅呀 AlldaylongImuttertomyself觸事多怒嚇 Contactwiththingsoftheworldentailssomuchangerandfear回心自省身 Iturnmymindinwardandreflectuponmyself萬里海外客 Atravelerfromfaracrossthesea所志無人知 ThefeelingsIharbornooneknows越語憐莊舃 InmyownldquoYuetonguerdquoIsympathizewithZhuangXi226

Genuinethematicinnovationisalmostalwaysaccompaniedbyatleastsome

liberalizationintherealmoflanguageThispoemwrittenwhenChūganwas

twenty-sixincludesmultiplewordsandphraseswellremovedfromthemainstream

ofJapanesekanshiwhichonthewholeemphasizedselectmodelsfromtheTangand

225ldquoFiveMarquisStewrdquo五侯鯖wasawellknownstewoffishandmeatherethecharacter鯖simplymeansldquostewrdquonotldquomackerelrdquo226ZhuangXiwasanativeofthecoastalstateofYue越whoservedasanofficialintheinlandstateofChu楚thoughsuccessfulandwellassimilatedherevertedtothedialectofhishomelandwhenillZhuangXiappearsinShijiinthememoirofZhangYi張儀andalsoinWangCanrsquosfamousrhapsodyldquoClimbingtheTowerrdquo(登樓)

139

Six-DynastieserasAndwhileeveryagehasitsiconoclastsalineofverseconsisting

simplyofldquocoughingandsneezingrdquo(咳嗽和噴嚏)ndashtheseremainthestandardterms

inmodernChinesendashprobablyfindsaneasierhomeinSongpoetrythaninthe

poetryofanypreviousepochIntermsofnarrativestructureldquoMalariardquolikeallof

Chūganrsquoslongpoemsislineartracingthepathoftheillnessfromonsettopartial

recoverywithnodisruptionsintemporalcontinuitySomewhatatypicallyfor

ChūganthelyricalldquoIrdquoispresentatleastimplicitlyineverysinglecoupletandin

mostlinestheobjectofdescriptionremainsthesubjectofenunciationInsumitis

anentirelyautobiographicalpieceThecoupletshavingtodowithphysical

symptomsarestrikingthattheyoccupyjustafractionofthepoemrsquostotallength

mightsuggestacautiousapproachtosuchdetaillestanunrelentingfixationonthe

morbidcasttooheavyashadowoverthewholeoftheworkAlternativelyitis

possiblethatChūganrsquosprimaryinterestwasnottheparticularharrowingdetailsof

theexperienceitselfbuttheensuingreflectionuponhumanfrailtyanddependency

towhichsuchanexperienceleadsIneithercasethecontrastproducesaneffect

commontoagreatmanyofChūganrsquospoemswhichoftenbringonekindofaesthetic

sensibilitytothereaderrsquosattentiononlytoabruptlywithdrawitinfavorofanother

Nowhereisthisrhetoricalstrategyemployedmorefrequentlyandmoreeffectively

thaninhispoliticalpoemswhicharebothsufficientlynumerousandartistically

compellingenoughtomeritextendedtreatment

140

2 A Country Divided A Future Uncertain Poetry in Times of Turmoil

1333-1343

Poemsofsocialcommentarysomewithastrongsubtextofpoliticalcriticism

begintofeatureprominentlyintheyear1333whichwitnessedthestunning

collapseoftheKamakuraShogunateandEmperorGo-Daigorsquostriumphantreturn

fromexileHavingonlyrecentlyreturnedfromChinaChūganwasstillinKyushuas

theseeventsunfoldedBythefifthmonthhehadtakenupresidenceatthewell-

knowntempleManjuji萬壽寺inBungoProvince227Atthebehestofhispatron

ŌtomoSadamunewhowasanallyofGo-DaigohedepartedthatautumnforHakata

ShortlythereafterheembarkedforKyotoinSadamunersquoscompanywherehewould

deliverhismemorialtotheemperorThejourneytookhimpastmultiplesitesof

localinterestandinsomecaseshistoricalorreligiousimportanceandit

occasionedaseriesoftencommemorativequatrainstwoofwhichspeakdirectlyto

theupheavalsofthetime

檀浦

Dannoura228

晚浦煙橫日影斜 Atduskonthebaymistspreadswidecastingshadowsaslantin

theeveningsun漁歌送恨落蘋花 Fishermenrsquossongsbetellinggrievancesofoldscattertheping

blossoms229

227InformationconcerningChūganrsquostravelsandthetemplesatwhichheresidedcomesmostlyfromhisBusshuEsaiZenjiChūganGetsuoshōjirekifu(hereafterjirekifu)GBSSv4pp611-32Thisisachronologicallyorganizedautobiographicalrecordcomprisedofbriefsummariesofvariouskeyeventsforeachyear228Thesiteofafamoustwelfth-centurybattle(seebelow)

141

封侯能有幾人得 Intheendhowmanycanwinenfeoffment戰骨乾枯堆白沙 Bonesofthewardeadliedriedandbleachedmoundsofwhite

sand230

鞆津TomoHarbor231

楸梧風冷海城秋 Throughcatalpaandparasoltreesthewindblowschillseaside

rampartsmantledinautumn燹火煙消灰未收 Thefiresthatragedinwarsmoldernolongerbuttheirashes

haveyettobecleared232229Thepingorbaiping白蘋(HydrocharisdubiaJtochikagami)isafloweringaquaticplantthatgrowsinshallowmuddywaterPerhapsbecausetheblossomsreachjustinchesabovethewaterrsquossurfacepoemsdescribingthemashavingldquofallenrdquoseemtoberelativelyrareTheinterpretationfollowedherewassuggestedbyKamimurawhosekuntenmarkingsinGBZSindicateaJapanesereadingofgyokauramiookuritehinkaootosuinwhich落isconstruedasatransitiveverbwithsubject漁歌andobject蘋花230GBZSv2pp32-33GBSSv4p327231AnhistoricallyimportantharborinwhatisnowHiroshimaPrefecture 232ThelastcoupletrecallsDuMursquosfamousquatrainldquoMooredontheQinhuaiRiverrdquo泊秦淮whosesecondcoupletreadsldquoSinginggirlsknownothingoftheshameofthecountryrsquosruinStillintoningfromacrosstheriverthetuneofRearGardenBlossomsrdquo商女不知亡國恨隔江猶唱後庭花ThespecificeventreferredtointhesecondlineofldquoTomoHarborrdquoisunclearafactthathasledtosomeconfusioninmodernsourcestreatingthispoemTheseriestowhichitbelongsendswithanoteseeminglywrittenbyChūganhimselfthatreadsldquoTheforegoingtenpoemswerecomposedaftertheGenkōDisturbancewhenIwasonmywayfromHakatatothecapitalrdquo右十首元弘亂後自博多上京道中作也Howevertheearliestrecordofaneventcorrespondingtothelanguageofthepoem(andindeedofamajorfortificationatTomoHarbor)isfrom1342intheBattleofTomo鞆合戦theDaigashimaFortress大可島城builtearlierthatyearonanislandjustoutsidetheharborwasattackedbyforcesoftheNorthernCourtandcompletelydestroyedItisconceivablethatincollatingthismaterialseveraldecadeslaterChūganmisrememberedwhenldquoTomoHarborrdquowascomposedontheotherhandthelocationhadbeenofstrategicandcommercialimportanceforcenturiesanditisequallypossiblethathesimplywitnessedtheaftermathofanearlieroutbreakofviolencethatoccurredaroundthetimetheshogunatefellIneithercasetheldquorampartsrdquomentionedinthepoemcannotrefertoTomoCastle鞆城whichwasconstructedundertheaegisoftheMōrifamilyinthe16thcentury

142

遊妓不知亡國事 Thecourtesansknownothingoftheruinationofthestate聲聲秦曲泛蘭舟 Singingtomusicalaccompanimenttheybobalongonbedizened

boats233

Thejuxtapositionofdescriptivecoupletswithcriticalordidacticonesisa

recurrentfeatureinChūganrsquospoliticalpoemsThisjuxtapositionmoreoveris

alwaysanunevenonewiththepoliticalstatementsinthesecondcouplet

unambiguouslyprivilegedoverthedescriptionofferedinthefirstStructurally

speakingthisisconsistentwithpopularpoeticpracticeoftheSongandYuaneras

accordingtothecompositionalprinciplesadvancedintheaforementionedSantishi

whichwascompiledaround1250bythepoetandtheoristZhouBi周弼(1194-

1255)thethirdlineofaquatrainisthedominantlineandthemostimportanttothe

overallsuccessofthepoem234InldquoDannourardquotheturninthethirdlinetowards

discursiveprosaiclanguagecomesneartowhatZhouBitermsldquoemptycontinuationrdquo

虛接whereinthefirstandsecondlinesofaquatrainarenon-affectiveorldquosolidrdquo實

whilethethirdrevealsthefeelingsoropinionsofthepoetandistermedldquoemptyrdquo

虛235ldquoEmptycontinuationrdquowasacommonstrategyandonethatgrantsspecial

prominencetothepoemrsquosdiscursiveldquopointrdquobysettingitinreliefagainstan

233GBZSv2p33GBSSv4p328234ZhouBirsquoscriticalcommentsaretranslatedandanalyzedbyStephenOweninReadingsinChineseLiteraryThought(CambridgeHarvard-YenchingInstitute1992)pp421-34235OwenReadingsinChineseLiteraryThoughtpp422-25AlthoughthefirstcoupletofldquoDannourardquoisheavyondescriptiontheuseofthetermldquogrievancerdquo恨inthesecondlinedoesimplyjudgmentandhencealyricalsubjecttotheextentthatitforeshadowsthepoliticalmessageofthesecondcouplettherupturebetweenthecoupletsisnottotalandthepoemisnotaperfectexampleofldquoemptycontinuationrdquo

143

ostensiblyobjectivenon-evaluativebackgroundChūganstructuredmanyofhis

quatrainsthiswayandinlightofhisnotedfondnessforSantishiitisreasonableto

positthatheusedthecollectionverymuchasZhouBihadintendednamelyasan

explicitlyldquowriterlyrdquoguidebooktopoeticcomposition

Fromanartisticstandpointthebrevityofthequatrainformmakesitabetter

vehicleforimagismthanforsocialcritiqueandldquoDannourardquoinparticularseems

almostcalculatedtofrustrateaestheticexpectationsinitiallyofferingthereaderthe

pleasureofdetachedimagisticdescriptiononlytosnatchitawaywiththe

impositionofabluntmoralmessageItisanapproachthatcontrastsmarkedlywith

thattakenbyotherGozanpoetswhogenerallyavoidedovertdidacticismeven

whencomposingpoemsthatfitthematicallyintotheldquohistoryrdquo(JeishiCyongshi咏

史)sub-genreWhiletheBattleofDannouramayhaveheldparticularsignificance

forChūganasanexampleofsenselessfeudalwarfarehewasnottheonlyGozan

poettomemorializetheeventinverseNolessafigurethanZekkaiChūshinwould

alsodososeveraldecadeslaterthoughtomuchdifferentartisticeffectandmost

likelywithmuchdifferentmotivationsinmindThecontrastbetweenthetwo

versesisinstructive

赤間関

Akamagaseki236 風物眼前朝暮愁 Thescenebeforemyeyesbringsgrieffrommorningtillevening 寒潮頻拍赤城頭 Acoldtideceaselesslypoundingruinsofredstoneramparts 236AlocationonthesouthwesterntipofHonshuinwhatistodaythecityofShimonosekiItoverlookedthewatersinwhichtheBattleofDannouraoccurred

144

怪岩奇石雲中寺 Fearsomecragsandcuriousrocksguardatempleintheclouds 新月斜陽海上舟 Underthenewmoonandthesettingsunaboatdriftsuponthe

sea 十萬義軍空寂戚 Arighteousarmyofhundredthousandvanishedintoemptiness 三千剣客去悠悠 Threethousandswordsmenlostforalltime 英雄骨朽干戈地 Bonesofheroeswitheredawayuponthebattlefield 相憶倚欄看白鷗 LostinremembranceIleanonthebalustradewatchingthe

gulls237

TheBattleofDannourawasthefinaldecisiveengagementoftheGenpeiWar

源平合戦(1180-85)anepisodeofstrifeandgenerallawlessnessframedprincipally

bythecontestbetweentwomilitaryhousestheMinamoto源andtheTaira平The

TairawhohadbeenfleeingwestwardafterlosingKyotoweresoundlydefeatedand

wouldneverrecovertheirspectacularriseandfallwouldinspirewriters

throughoutthemedievaleraandtheBattleofDannourawouldcometobeseenas

themostpoignantanddramaticofallhistoricalJapanesebattlesThiswasnot

simplybecauseitwaslargebythestandardsoftheerabutbecausetheannihilation

ofthenewlyascendantTairawastotalandbecausetheyoungEmperorAntoku(r

1180-83)bornofaTairamotherandbarelysixyearsoldatthetimewasamong

thethousandsdrownedinthemelee

BothldquoDannourardquoandldquoAkamagasekirdquotreatthesamehistoricaleventbut

theirdifferencesarestrikingwhereChūganspeaksonlyofthebonesofthewar

237GBZSv2p1920IriyaedldquoGozanbungakushūrdquopp96-97

145

deadZekkaispeaksofthebonesofheroeswhereZekkaiconcludeswithan

aestheticizationofviolencethatmovesthereaderfromhumanmortalitytothe

freedomofnatureChūgansimplysuggeststhatthewarwasamisguidedconflict

overalimitedresource(ldquoIntheendhowmanycouldwinenfeoffmentrdquo)Zekkairsquos

poemmaybeinterpretedasoneofspiritualconciliation(chinkon鎮魂)a

traditionalfunctionofmuchmedievalliteratureontheGenpeiWarChūganmay

havechoseninsteadtoemphasizethefutilityofthatconflictformoreimmediate

purposesalmostsurelyintendinghisversetobeseenbyGo-DaigoandSadamune

HereitshouldberemarkedthatinsofarastheGenpeiWarrepresentedexactlythe

sortofconflictmostantitheticaltoafundamentallystatistConfucianworldview

Chūgansurelysawnocontradictioninbemoaningitevenashebackedtheroyal

causeagainsttheKamakuraregimeinhismemorial

AsobservedpreviouslyChūganbegantoexpressmorecriticalviewsofGo-

Daigorsquosrevolutioninearly1334followinghisreturntoKamakurauponthesudden

deathofSadamuneWhathefoundwhenhearrivedwasatownscarredbyviolence

anddespoliationDuringthesummerof1333aforcegatheredbythewarlordNitta

Yoshisada(1301-38)hithertoaprincipalvassaloftheshogunatehadmarchedon

KamakuraandattackedtheHōjōgarrisonAccordingtothefamousaccountinthe

historicalchronicleTaiheiki太平記thefightingwasheavyandlastedforsome

dayswithdefeatimminentHōjōTakatokisetfiretonumerousadministrative

buildingsretreatedtothetempleTōshōjiandcommittedsuicidealongwithseveral

146

hundredofhismen238ApproximatelyfiveyearslaterChūganmemorializedthese

eventsinaseriesofheptasyllabicquatrainsandbemoanedtheongoingpolitical

disarray

惜陰偶作

ImpromptuVersesLamentingthePassageofTime

昔年是日鎌倉破 SeveralyearsagoonthisdaythecityofKamakurafell 所在伽藍氣像皆 Thetemplesthatweretherethesceneryndashallofitwasreduced

tonothing239 商女不知僧侶恨 Thepeddlergirlsknownotthemonksrsquogrievances 賣柴賣菜打官街 Sellingfirewoodandgreenstheyhawkupanddownstreetsonce

linedwithgovernmentoffices240 雨壓炎塵涼似秋 Raintampsthescorchingdustandthecoolnessfeelslikeautumn 無根緑樹翳林丘 Rootlessverdanttreesshadewoodedhills241 摩挲老眼看如畫 Strainingmyoldeyesitlooksjustlikeapainting 若箇濛濛佛也愁 ButinthisdrizzlymisteventheBuddhawouldfeelmelancholy

238Taiheiki102104239Thecharacter皆nearlyalwaysadverbialheredenotesaverbmeaningldquotobereducedtonothingrdquoIhavebeenunabletodiscovercomparableexamplesofthisusageinChinesetextsthoughthevernacularJapaneseexpressionsminaninasuldquoexhaustrdquoldquoreducetonaughtrdquoandminaninaruldquobeexhaustedrdquowereincommonusebythemid-thirteenthcenturyTheearliestexampleseemstobefromKokonchomonjū古今著聞集acollectionofsetsuwa説話from1254KamimuradoesnotindicateakunreadingforthecharacterwhileYamagishiTokuheisuggeststsukiruwhichimpliesaroughsynonymywith盡hiscompletekundokurenderingofthepoemmaybefoundinldquoGozanbungakushūEdokanshishūrdquopp90-91240ThiscoupletonceagainseemstodrawdirectlyonthesecondcoupletofDuMursquosldquoMooringontheQinhuaiRiverrdquo(seenote214)241Presumablymistisobscuringthelowerportionofthetreesmakingitappearasiftheywereldquorootlessrdquo

147

佛也愁時神更悲 InatimewheneventheBuddhafeelsmelancholythegodsmust

besadderstill腥風鼓海社簾吹 Afoulwindwhipstheseaandtheblindsoftheshrineareblown

open去年華表隨龍去 Lastyeartheornamentedcolumnsfollowedthedragonand

departed水稽天人作龜 Amidstabanefulfloodofexcessthatreachestheheavensmen

becomeasturtles 更無前代好衣冠 Gonemoreoverarethegoodgentryofagespast 滿眼氛埃暗社壇 Myeyesfillwithbalefulduststhatbenightthealtar 終古黃梅時節雨 Fromtimeimmemorialtheseasonofripeplumshasbrought

rain今朝特地著愁看 TodayhoweverIlookuponitwithasenseofanxiousgrief242 世事隆衰自有時 Theaffairsoftheworldflowandebbeachinitsowntime 山河是矣但人非 Mountainsandriversareconstantbutmanisnot 戰骨未収邊戍起 Bonesofthewardeadlieuncollectedasbordergarrisonsarise 鐡衣早晩復儒衣 Butthesuitsofarmorsoonerorlaterwillbeexchangedonce

againforConfucianrobes243

242IfthesubjectistakentobetheseasonitselfthelastlinemightberenderedldquoTodayhoweveritwears(著)amienofgrief(愁看)rdquoThebasicsenseofthelineseemstobethattherainyseasonusuallyahappytimeisnotsothisyeartheinvocationofrainmayalsobeseentocontinuethefloodmetaphorintroducedinthesecondverse243GBZSv2pp35-36GBSSv4p352ThefourthverseisfoundonlyinGBSSwhichalsoincludestwoadditionalversesinthisgroup

148

AsinldquoTomoHarborrdquowomengoingabouteverydayactivitiesarepresented

asfiguresofignorancewhiletheylacknotformaterialmeanstheyremain

oblivioustothesociopoliticalproblemsthatsoexerciseChūganInthefourthand

lastversethecorrosiveeffectofmilitancyisthematizedintermsreminiscentofhis

essaysGenminandGensōNotablythispoemalsoemploysastrikingtonalprosody

thatreinforcesitsmessagewheretheopeningcoupletadheresperfectlytothe

tonalconventionsofarecent-stylequatrainthesecondquiteunexpectedlybreaks

entirelywiththoseconventionsTheresultisadramaticandproductivedissonance

inwhichinitialfidelitytoprosodicrulesbuttressesthedetachedandaphoristic

qualityofthefirstcoupletwhilethesubsequentviolationofthemamplifiesthe

impassionedcriticaltenorofthesecond244

Thesecondthirdandfourthversesseemjoinedinnarrativecontinuitywith

thesecondfunctioningasamostlydescriptivepreambletotheothertwoIneffect

thethreepoemsevinceanextensionofthedescriptive-didacticmodeswitching

observedpreviouslyonthelevelofindividualcoupletsThethirdverseisarguably

themostinterestingandtheonlyonethatallowsaplausibledateofcompositionto

beadducedItsfirstcoupletframedclearlyasacontinuationofthepreviousverse

244Thetonaldistributionisasfollows仄仄平平仄仄平 平平仄仄仄平平 仄仄仄平平仄仄(theexpectedpatternis平平仄仄平平仄) 仄平仄仄仄平平(theexpectedpatternis仄仄平平仄仄平)SuchalterationwasbynomeansunprecedentedintheChinesetraditionitishighlightedonlytodemonstratethemannerinwhichtonalpatterningaformalpropertymaycontributeintegrallytoapoemrsquoscontent

149

isamongthefewinChūganrsquospoetrytoexplicitlymentionJapanesekamiWhat

becomesclearinthenextcoupletwhichasdetailedbelowseemsdrivenbyan

uncommonlybolddoubleentendreisthattheentirepoemisanacerbictakeonthe

presentconditionoftheJapaneseimperiumByearly1337EmperorGo-Daigohad

fledKyotofortheruralmountainsofYoshinowherehehastilyestablishedarival

courtthatwouldholdoutagainsttheAshikagaShogunateforthenexthalf

century245AssumingGo-DaigorsquosflighttoYoshinoisindeedwhatChūganis

referringtotheversemusthavebeencomposedsometimein1338Theterm

renderedasldquofloodofexcessrdquoiskōsui 水(Cjiangshui)arelativelyrarephrasethat

appearsmostfamouslyinMengzi

BoGuisaidldquoIexcelevenKingYuinwatermanagementrdquoMengzirepliedldquoYouaremistakensirInwatermanagementKingYufollowedthewayofwaterForthisreasonKingYuhadtheFourSeasashisreservoirButyouonlyhaveneighboringstatesasyourreservoirOpposingthecourseofthewateriswhatledtotheldquooverflowingwatersrdquo( )Theoverflowingwaterswerefloodingwaters(洪水)ThisissomethinghatedbybenevolentpeopleYouaremistakensir246白圭曰丹之治水也愈於禹孟子曰子過矣禹之治水水之道也是故禹以四海為壑今吾子以鄰國為壑水逆行謂之 水 水者洪水也仁人之所惡也吾子過矣

BoGuifailsbecauseheunlikethegreatKingYuattemptstocontrolwaterwithout

regardforitsnatureInlightofbothChūganrsquospreviouswritingsandtheother

versesinthisgrouptheimplicationofthepoemseemsobviouslikeBoGuirsquos

245ThisiswhatisreferredtoastheSouthernCourtitsestablishmentmarksthebeginningoftheso-calledNorthernandSouthernCourts(Nanbokuchō)南北朝erainJapanesehistorywhichcontinueduntilarapprochementbetweenthecourtswasreachedin1392246Mengzi6B11VanNordenMengzip168

150

misguidedapproachtomanagingwaterthepursuitofsuzeraintythroughmartial

preeminenceisaviolationthewayofthebenevolentman(仁人)andtheupheavals

ithaswroughtuponthecountryhavesaddenedthekamiThephraseldquomenbecome

asturtlesrdquoisintriguingandpossiblyquiteedgyAtfirstblanchldquoturtlerdquomayappear

anunsurprisingimageinacoupletthatcontainsfloodwatersandadragonsince

bothdragonsandturtlesareconventionallyassociatedwithwaterAconservative

interpretationofthelinemightthereforebethatpeoplenormallyterrestrial

creaturesareforcedtobecomeldquoamphibiousrdquoinordertosurvivethenewpolitical

environmentThewordldquoturtlerdquohowevercouldalsobeaninsultinvernacular

Chinesemeaningeitherldquobastardrdquoorldquocuckoldrdquo247Inthislightthelineseemsto

suggestthatpeoplehavebeendupedanddegradedamidstapowerstrugglethat

representsorhasunleashedadeluge(水)ofpoliticaldysfunctionItneednotbe

assumedthattheldquofloodofexcessrdquoisGo-DaigorsquosaloneChūgansurelywouldhave

laidagreatdealofblameupontheascendantAshikagawhorepresentedprecisely

thekindofauthorityheloathedndashyetanotherldquohegemonrdquo覇inastatestillwithouta

truekingEvensogiventhatldquodragonrdquoisamongthecommonesteuphemismsfor

247ThefirstsensederivesfromafolkbeliefaccordingtowhichmaleturtleswereincapableofcopulationrequiringfemaleturtlestomatewithsnakesinordertolaytheireggstherebymakingturtlesldquobastardsrdquobydefinitionAccordingtoMorohashiTetsujithesenseofldquoturtlerdquoassomethinglikeldquocuckoldrdquo(specificallyamanwhosewifeisengagedinextramaritalliaisonsorprostitution)datestotheTangasmightbeexpectedhowevertextualexamplesaremuchmoreplentifulinlaterperiodsAninformativeanalysisofvernacularinsultsinthenovelShuihuzhuan水滸傳(WaterMargin)theearliestportionsofwhichwereauthoredaroundthetimeChūganwasactiveisgiveninLiuPeipeildquolsquoShuihuzhuanrsquolimayanjiujiqizaiHuayuwenjiaoxuezhongdeyiyirdquo(MAThesisNationalChengchiUniversity2011)ldquoTurtlerdquoandrelatedtermsarecoveredonp39

151

emperorsandthedragoninthisverseseemsunambiguouslytobeGo-Daigothe

coupletmaywellbethemostdaringinhisoeuvre248

Continuingthefocusonthedeclineofoncehallowedinstitutionsthefourth

verselamentstheabsenceofestimableofficials(衣冠)andseeminglytheprofaning

ofthereligiousworldbycurrentevents(thisatanyratewouldappeartobethe

implicationoftheintriguinglocutionldquobalefuldustsbenightingthealtarrdquo)249The

termrenderedasldquoaltarrdquoisshadan社壇(Cshetan)thisisthebroadestandmost

elementarytranslationanditisconsistentwiththeuseofthewordinpre-and

earlyimperialChinaInaspecificallyJapanesecontexthowevershadanmayalso

denotetheraisedareaofearthonwhichthemainbuilding(shaden社殿)ofaShinto

shrineisbuiltItisreasonabletoassumethatthissensewouldhavebeeneasily

apprehendedbymostmedievalreadersespeciallyinlightoftheexplicitmentionof

kamiinthepreviousverseTotheextentthatterminologyassociatedwithkami

worshipleadssyntagmaticallytoJapanesekingshipandthetraditional

apotheosizedbodypoliticonemayreadilyinterpretthebenightingoftheldquoaltarrdquoto

figurethecorruptionorocclusionoftheimperialmajestyAltogetherthelanguage

mightseemtosuggestaratherromanticizedvisionoftheoldroyalorder

248Intheinterestofphilologicalcompletenessanadditionalandquitedifferenthistoricalmeaningofthephrase作龜isldquosetuptheturtlerdquoandreferstoplastromancyamethodofdivinationinwhichturtleplastronsareheatedandtheresultingcracksinterpretedItisnotimpossibletoconstruethelineonthebasisofthissenseforinstancebysupposingittomeanthatinuncertaintimespeopleturntodivinationHoweverthiswouldseemarathermildandanticlimacticconclusiontoalinethatbeganbyemphaticallydescribingastateoframpantmoralwaywardnessandmismanagementndashldquoabanefulfloodofexcessthatreachestheheavensrdquo( 水稽天)249Onldquobalefuldustsrdquo氛埃seenote252below

152

objectivelyspeakingJapanwasprobablygovernedaswellduringtheKamakura

periodasduringanyageofitspremodernhistoryEventheimperialcourtwhile

increasinglyovershadowedbytheshogunatewasatthattimeasubstantially

healthierinstitutionthanithadbecomebytimeofthispoemIndeedChūganmay

beimplicitlyadmittingasmuchthroughhisuseofthesomewhatelastictermzendai

(Cqiandai前代)whichcouldjustaseasilyrefertothepreviousageastoldquopastagesrdquo

ingeneralAndgiventheseeminglynostalgicreferenceinthefirstversetoldquostreets

(once)linedwithgovernmentofficesrdquo(官街)itisevenconceivablethatChūganwas

nolongerquitesoilldisposedtowardsthevanquishedKamakuraregimeashehad

beeninhisearlierwritingshavinggrownupinthevicinityofKamakuraitselfhe

couldnotbuthaverecalledthattheyearsofhisyouthwereatleastmarkedby

politicalstabilityifnotbyhisdesiredpoliticalorderInanyeventtheoverriding

themeoftheseversesndashdissolutionandlossonlevelsbothinstitutionalandspiritual

ndashwasonetowhichChūganwouldreturnfrequentlyduringtheyearsofcivilunrest

thatinauguratedtheturbulentMuromachiera

Yetregardlessofhisdistasteforshogunalauthorityorhishopeforunitary

imperialgovernanceChūgancouldseeaswellasanyonethatbytheendofthe

1330sthefightinghadsucceededonlyinmovingJapanevenfurtherfromthatideal

Inthewinterof1339Chūganassumedtheheadshipofthenewlybuilttemple

KichijojiandpubliclyembracedtheRinzailineageofDongyangDehuiDespitethe

hostilitythisprovokedtheearly1340swereaproductivetimehispoeticoutput

remainedhighandhishistoricalworkNihonshowhichwouldprobablyhave

requiredmanymonthsofresearchwascompletedin1341Thatyearalso

153

occasionedwhatisprobablyhismostfamoussinglepoemalengthymeditationon

thesufferingofthepoorduringanunusuallydestructiveblizzardThepieceis

amongthefinestworksofsocialengagementinmedievalJapaneseliteratureand

waspossiblythefirstofChūganrsquospoemstobetranslatedintoEnglish250

春雪

SpringSnow 辛巳二月二十五 Onthetwenty-fifthdayofthesecondmonthintheyearofjunior-

metalsnake(1341)相陽大雪深五尺 Sōyōrecordedasnowfallfivefeetdeep251初聞郭索歩窗前 AtfirstIheardasoundlikecrabsmarchingatthewindow俄驚樹杪風淅瀝 Thensoonaroseawindwhistlingthroughthetreetops252

250SeeBurtonWatsonJapaneseLiteratureinChinesevol2(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1976)pp28-29251ThefirsttwolinesdespiteseemingmorelikeparatextualheadnotesaretreatedinthevulgateeditionofTōkaiichiōshūandallsubsequentsourcesaspartofthepoemproperThisseemstobebecausetheentering-tonecharacter尺rhymeswiththeremainingfinalcharactersofeven-numberedlinesallofwhichareenteringtoneandinMiddleChineseconcludewiththeconsonantclusteriekiɛk252ThesoundofcrabsmarchingisanunusualfigureforthesoundsassociatedwithfallingsnowChūganseemstohavelikeditforitappearsintheopeningcoupletofanotherofhispoemsldquoExpressingMyFeelingsontheTopicofSnowrdquo題雪寄懐ldquoThemarchingofcrabsiswhatfirstIheardinthebamboosoutsidemywindowInadreamitrapsuponmyfreezingpillowasoundlonelyandsparserdquo蟹歩先聞窓外竹夢敲寒枕響疎々AlocusclassicusforthisfigurehasremainedelusiveIriyaYoshitakaremarksthatheisunawareofexampleselsewhereSeeldquoGozanbungakushūrdquop297Thewordkakusaku郭索(Cguosuo)doesappearinacoupletbyLinBu林逋(967-1028)ldquoThroughthegrassandmudcrabsgomarchingFrombecloudedtreescomecriesofthefrancolinrdquo草泥行郭索雲木叫鉤輈TherestofthispoemseemstohavebeenlostbutthecoupletiscitedwithadmirationbyOuyangXiuinhisGuitianlu歸田錄andagainbyShenKuo沈括(1031-1095)inhisfamousMengxibitan夢溪筆談(DreamPoolEssays)TherelevanceofthisissimplythatLinBuwasalreadymuchbelovedbyGozanpoetsandacoupletofLinrsquospraisedbyOuyangwouldstandanexcellentchanceofcirculatingwidelyamongthem

154

淅瀝轉作砰湃聲 Thenthewhistlingbecamearoaring百千雷霆鬭相撃 Athousandthunderclapsatwarwithoneanother253開窗昧目萬斛灰 Openingthewindowmygazewasdarkenedbyvastmassofash急掩扉頃便堆席 HurriedlyIshutthedoorandstackedupthemats254去年栽竹忽遭摧 ThebamboosIplantedlastyearwerecrushedinaninstant林木挫抑何是惜 Butwithwholestandsofwoodlandtreesbentandbowedwhat

useisthereinbewailingthem鎌倉城在海東南 InKamakurathecitybytheseasoutheastofhere古老皆言未嘗覿 Theoldmenallsaytheyrsquoveneverseenanythinglikethisbefore且如今年元日来 ThoughthefirstdayoftheNewYearhasdawned天弄陰機非旦夕 Heavenhasseenfittolooseitsmysteriousdesignanderaseall

distinctionbetweenthedawnandtheevening255陌上泥濘没牛尻 Onroadsthemudswallowsoxenuptotheirhindquarters故旧訪我難為屐 Impedingtheprogressofoldfriendswhotrytovisitme北客見慣能憑陵 Visitorsfromthenorthaccustomedtosuchconditions

shamelesslybullyandcadge土人縮頸不便僻 Localsmerelykeeptheirheadsdownunwillingtoactspeciously253ThiscoupletrecallslinesfromOuyangXiursquosldquoRhapsodyontheAutumnWindrdquo秋聲賦ldquoAtfirstitblewwithawhistlingshrillThensuddenlyitroaredlikeathunderinggalloprdquo初淅瀝以蕭颯忽奔騰而砰湃254WhiteashappearsinearlierChinesepoemsasametaphorforsnowHoweverashalsocarriesconnotationsofdeathandinthecontextofthispoemthesensethetermgeneratesisoneofforeboding255ThelinescontainamildpunonthefirstdayoftheNewYearwhichisconventionallytermedgantan(Cyuandan元旦)orldquoFirstDawnrdquoThecompoundterminki陰機(Cyinqi)renderedaboveasldquomysteriousdesignrdquoseemstobeparticularlycommoninpoemstreatingblizzardsItisfoundforinstanceinonebyHanYutitledldquoSnowintheYearofJunior-MetalHarerdquo(辛卯年雪)whichincludestheexactphrase弄陰機andinonebytheQingpoetQianQianyi錢謙益(1582-1664)alsotitledldquoSpringSnowrdquo(春雪)

155

咫尺鄰里少相過 Evenpeoplefromtheclosestneighboringvillagesseldomcrosspaths

百賈晝眠絶交易 Merchantssleeptillnoonandceaseconductingbusiness富門御冬蓄有余 Therichhaveamplestorestogetthemthroughthewinter机俎羅張厭脯腊 Withtraysandtablessplendidlyarrayedtheyhavetheirfillof

driedmeats銷金帳裡那知寒 Shutsafelybehindgoldencurtainswhatdotheyknowofthe

cold淺斟低唱情自適 Sippingwineandsingingsoftlytheyarecompletelyatease256窮家数日突無煙 Butfrompoorhousesnosmokerisesfordaysonend嬴臥陋巷同窀穸 Inmeanalleyshovelslielowlikerowsofgraves詩書萬巻徒撑腸 Allthepoemsandbooksintheworlddonothingtofillanempty

stomach竟不能療朝饑慼 Nevercouldtheyofferrelieffromthemorningrsquoshunger一束柴索價遼天 Forasinglebundleoffirewoodthegoingpriceishigherthanthe

heavens五合黄陳無處糴 Andameaslyfivecupsofstaleyellowedgrainarenowheretobe

bought或言雖晩瑞豊年 Somesaythatalthoughitcamelatetheblizzardbetokensayear

ofgoodharvests為我未免按剣戟 Buttomeitaugursnotbutfurtherresorttoswordsandspears257

256Thephraseldquosippingwineandsingingsoftlyrdquo淺斟低唱isacommonidiomthatappearsinnumerousSong-erapoemsincludingonebyFanChengda257HereChūganmaybemakingapunonthephrase為我(CweiwoJwagatame)whichhappensalsotodenoteYangZhursquosldquohedonistrdquophilosophyofself-preservation(inthismeaningthecompoundwouldgenerallybepronouncedigainJapanese)Ifthisissotheideawouldseemtobethatrampantself-interestperhapsintensifiedinthewakeoftheblizzardisultimatelywhatmakesthefightinginevitableAsaprepositionalphrase為我appearsinHanyuefuwiththemeaningofldquoonmy(orour)behalfrdquoandinChūganrsquospieceitisprobablybestunderstoodtomeansomethinglikeldquobymylightsrdquo

156

IntheJapanesekanshitraditionldquoSpringSnowrdquoisreminiscentofamasterful

seriesoftenpentasyllabicpoemstitledldquoFeelingtheColdEarlyrdquo寒早bySugawara

noMichizane菅原道眞(845-903)acourtscholaroftheHeianperiodwhoremains

oneofJapanrsquosmostwidelyappreciatedliterarySiniticpoetsAlltenpoemsbegin

withthelineldquoWhofeelsthecoldtheearliestrdquo何人寒氣早theythenproceedto

identifyvariouspeoplesuchaspeasantrunawaysorphansandelderlywidowers

whosewintertimesufferingisexacerbatedbytheirdifficultpersonalcircumstances

ThoughtheindividualsandsituationsMichizanedescribedwereinspiredbyhis

actualexperiencesasaprovincialgovernorthepoemsthemselvesbetraylittle

informationregardingthecontextoftheircompositionandtheartisticgazeofthe

poetisrarelyifeverintrusiveorinsistentTothisextenttheyareperhapsmore

aestheticallysatisfyingthanldquoSpringSnowrdquowhichdespitepossessinggreater

linguisticrichnessthanldquoDannourardquoandldquoTomoHarborrdquoshareswiththoseversesa

persistentlyldquosingulativerdquothrustthatanchorsitfirmlytoitshistoricalmoment258It

ishardtoconceiveofalesspoeticcoupletthantheonewithwhichldquoSpringSnowrdquo

beginsthismatter-of-factstartalongwiththestrictchronologicalorderinwhich

eventsarepresentedimpartstothepieceastronglydocumentaryordiaristicflavor

TheclosinglineforegroundsthelyricalldquoIrdquowhooffersfinaljudgmentonthe

significanceoftheeventsjustdescribedThisspeakerwhomthereaderisledby

conventiontoconstrueasChūganhimselfposesquestionsrelatesindirectquotes

258BycontrastMichizanersquospoemscomeclosertoldquoiterativediscoursesrdquowhereasinglediscourseevokesapluralityofsimilareventsSeeRichardHowardtransTzvetanTodorovIntroductiontoPoetics(MinneapolisUnivofMinnesotaPress1997)p31

157

andrecountsbothhisownresponsestotheblizzardandtheresponsesofothers

Asidefromldquocrabsmarchingatthewindowrdquoandtheconventionalsubstitutionofash

forsnowfigurativelanguageisalmostnonexistentparticularlyinthesecondhalfof

thepoemwherenearlyeverycoupletseemstoadvancesocialcritiqueDescription

tooiskepttoaminimumatleastifthattermistakentomeanthesortofdetached

non-evaluativetreatmentofobjectivephenomenainwhichsymbolismratiocination

andintertextualcodingiseschewed

ItiseasyenoughtounderstandtheserhetoricalfeaturesofldquoSpringSnowrdquoas

aconsequenceofChūganrsquospoliticalcommitmentswhichwhenarticulatedinverse

producedworksmoreorlessanalogousinspirittohisexpositoryproseSocial

protestisofcourseamongtheoldestestablishedfunctionsoftheshiandtothat

extentldquoSpringSnowrdquofitsreadilyintothebroaderChinesepoetictradition

Moreoverasanancient-styleshiwithnofixedlengthorstringentprosodic

requirementsldquoSpringSnowrdquoissubstantiallyfreerandmorecapaciousthantightly

knitrecent-stylequatrainssuchasldquoDannourardquoandldquoTomoHarborrdquoProseof

courseisfreerstillandsentimentslikethoseexpressedinthesecondhalfof

ldquoSpringSnowrdquowouldindeedbewellsuitedtothevariousnon-fictionalprosegenres

commonlyusedtolodgeprotestinmedievalJapanegge解mōshijō申状and

shūjō愁状Butbyexpressingtheminashithepoetautomaticallyunderscores

theiremotionalauthenticitywithoutcompromisingthehistoricalveracityofthe

eventsrelatedIncontradistinctiontoworksfromgenressuchasfushiwere

traditionallyreadasnon-fictionalemotionallysinceretreatmentsofthings

158

witnessedorexperiencedbythepoet259Whilethisassumptionofnon-fictionality

canprobablyberelaxedsomewhatforpost-Tangshi260ldquoSpringSnowrdquowouldstill

generallyhavebeenreadbyChūganrsquoscontemporariesasbothatruthfulaccountof

andaliterarymemorialtoreal-lifehardshipswitnessedfirsthandAdditionallyby

fusingmoralconcernwithaestheticexperiencepoemslaidclaimtoavastlylarger

readershipthanpracticaldocumentstypicallydidwhilealdquopeasantgrievance

reportrdquo(hyakushōshūjō百姓愁状)wasintendedtoelicitactionfromgovernment

officialsandestateproprietorsapoemwasintendedforposteritySolongasthe

shigenreremainedvitalevenoneassingulativeasldquoSpringSnowrdquowouldsurvivethe

passageoftimeintactandundiminisheditsinterventionistpotentialoperativenot

justontheleveloflogosbutalsoandindeedprimarilyonthelevelofpathos

InthemeanddictionampleprecedentforldquoSpringSnowrdquomaybefoundasfar

backastherealistpoetryoftheJianrsquoan建安era(196-220)particularlyinthework

ofpoetssuchasWangCan王粲(177-217)CaoZhi曹植(192-232)andtheslightly

laterFuXian傅咸(239-94)whosebriefpentasyllabicpieceldquoSufferingThrougha

RainySpellrdquo(愁霖詩)touchesonaverysimilarthemeandemploysstrikingly

similarmotifs

舉足沒泥濘Iliftupafootonlytosinkintothemuck市道無行車Ontheroadtothemarketnocartsgo

259StephenOwenTraditionalChinesePoetryandPoetics(TaipeiSouthernMaterialsCenter1985)pp3457260OwennotesthatsomeofLiShangyinrsquospoetrycomesveryneartofictionandthatSong-erapoetsnolongersharedthesamefaithastheirforebearsinanldquouncreateduniverserdquowheretraditionalmodesofpoeticexpressionweresimplyldquonaturalrdquoSeeTraditionalChinesePoetryandPoeticspp5288-89

159

蘭桂賤朽腐Orchidsandcinnamonarecheaperthanrottingtrash柴栗貴明珠Firewoodandmilletaremorepreciousthanlustrous

pearls261

ThelatterhalfofldquoSpringSnowrdquoispropelledbyaseriesoftropesthatwouldhave

beenimmediatelyrecognizabletoFuXianamillenniumbeforethedisparity

betweentherichandthepoorthedifficultiesingettingaroundandthepriceof

dailynecessitiesIfthereisanotablepointofthematicdifferenceintheway

ChineseandJapanesepoetshandledthistypeofmaterialitisthatpolitical

conditionsinChinaatleastduringerasofunityandstrongcentralgovernance

ofteninclinedpoetstheretofocusspecificallyontheroleoferrantgovernment

policiesincausingorexacerbatingpovertyBoJuyi白居易(772-846)probablythe

bestknownChinesepoetinpremodernJapanproduceddozensofintenselydidactic

poemssomeintheldquoNewMusicBureaurdquo(xinyuefu)genrebemoaningpeasant

hardshipsandexcoriatingofficialcorruption262Shipoetryexpressingsimilar

sentimentswascommonthroughouttheSongDynastybeginningwiththeworkof

earlyfiguressuchasOuyangXiuandWangAnshi王安石(1021-86)Bothwereelite

scholar-bureaucratswhoexpressedinverseharshcriticismsofgovernmentpolicies

theythoughtmisguided263AndFanChengdaapoetofotherwisehumble

261Taipingyulanv1ldquoTianburdquo11ldquoYuxiardquo262SeeKondōHaruoHaku-shimonjūtokokubungakushingafushinchūginnokenkyū(TokyoMeijishoin1990)LiaoMeiyunYuan-Baixinyuefuyanjiu(TaipeiTaiwanxueshengshuju1989)263FamousexamplesincludeWangrsquospoemldquoConfiscatingSaltrdquo(收鹽)whichdepictstheenforcementofthegovernmentsaltmonopolyandOuyangrsquospoemldquoThePeopleWhoEatDregsrdquo(食糟民)whichcriticizesthegovernmentmonopolyonwine-making

160

beginningsstillaspiredlikemostofhiscontemporariestoacareerintheofficial

bureaucracyanaspirationherealizedafterpassingtheimperialexaminationin

1154LikeOuyangXiuandWangAnshihispoeticoeuvrecontainsmanyverses

highlightingthesufferingofthepeasantryseveralofwhichmakereferencetotax

burdensndashathemealsoaddressedbyBoJuyi264

ThoughnotunknownsuchpoetrywasagooddeallesscommoninJapan

Whileseveralfactorsmightbeadducedtoexplainthisdifferenceinartistic

sensibilitytwoseemparticularlyrelevantFirstandmostparsimoniouslythe

numberofovertlyldquosociallyconsciousrdquoJapanesepoetswaslimitedbythefactthat

vernacularpoeticmediawereseldommarshaledforsocialcriticismalthoughthe

greatManrsquoyōshūpoetYamanouenoOkura山上憶良(c660-733)diddoexactlythat

hestandsfaroutsideofwhatbecamethemainstreamwakatradition265Second

andmoregermanetopresentpurposesprofessionalservicetoalargecentralized

bureaucraticstatewithwidespreadauthorityovertaxationandlandadministration

wasnotanavenueavailabletothemedievalJapanesepoetsincesuchastatesimply

didnotexistTherewasnoimperialexaminationsystemorcomparablemechanism

fordrawingmenoftalentintogovernmentserviceandeveniftherehadbeenthe

Kyotoauthoritiesevenbeforethewrenchingeventsofthe1330swereinno

positiontomakeandenforcepolicyonacountrywidescaleItistherefore

264SeeRonaldEganldquoShiPoetryAncientandRecentStylesrdquoinCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetryp324KondōHaku-shimonjūtokokubungakupp307-311265Justhowdifferenthewas(andremains)fromanyothermajorwakapoetisrevealedbythefactthatinjustonelongversehisfamousldquoDialogwiththeImpoverishedrdquo(ldquoHinkyūmondōnoutardquo貧窮問答歌)heuses30termsfoundnowhereelseinManrsquoyōshūndashacollectionofalmost4500poems

161

unsurprisingthatChūganrsquospoemconcludesnotbycastigatinggovernment

monopolies(therewerenone)orexcessivetaxationbutwithconcernoverthe

ever-presentpossibilityoflocalizedwarfare266

WhileldquoSpringSnowrdquomayhavedrawninspirationfromthewritingsofSong

DynastyintellectualssuchasFanChengdaandOuyangXiuthepoemisotherwise

consonantwithlongstandingrhetoricalconventionsregardingthetreatmentof

socialillsinshianditdoesnotrevealcharacteristicallySong-eraaesthetic

preferencesasplainlyassomeofChūganrsquosothercompositionsdoAndbecausefew

linesweresetinthedescriptivemodeldquoSpringSnowrdquoalsoevincesgreaterstylistic

uniformitythanapoemsuchasldquoDannourardquowhichswitchedfromacomparatively

staiddescriptivevignetteofflowersandfishermentoasubject-centeredmoral

argumentaboutfeudalcompetitionSuchmodeswitchingcreatescleavagesinthe

poemthatdisruptthereadingprocessandbeckonthereaderbacktothelevelof

narrativecontentalthoughtheapproachworksagainstaestheticreverieitmakes

forveryeffectivehomilyahortatorygenreinwhichChūganlikemostGozanliterati

266OppressivetaxationcouldofcoursebeaprobleminmedievalJapantoobutrarelyifeverbecauseofpoliciesadoptedbytheimperialcourtoreventheshogunateBythethirteenthcenturylegalrightstoagriculturalincome(shiki職)wereofmanifoldvarietyonagivenpropertymanydifferenttypesofshikiwouldbeheldbymanydifferentclaimantswhoseinterestsmighteasilycomeintoconflictWhilethehighnobilityortheshogunatemightclaimrightstoincomefromacertainpropertysotoomightmilitarygovernors(shugo)andtheirdeputies(shugo-dai)localestatestewards(jitō)estatesuperintendants(gesu)estatemanagers(tadokoro)andsoonMoreoftenthannotthosemostresponsibleforsqueezingtheresidentsofaparticularestatewerenotKyotoaristocratsbutjitōandotherldquomenofthelandrdquo(kokujin)Bytheearly15thcenturytaxesleviedbyshugowereoftenmoreonerousthanthoseleviedbytheMuromachishogunate

162

waseminentlyproficient267Whilethisfactisnotespeciallyrelevanttoworksthat

werenotintendedtoteachorpersuadeitiscentraltopoemswhosemanifestaimis

toimparttothereaderreligioustruthsSuchisthecasewithmanyverses

exchangedwithotherZenprelatesthesetendtounfoldratherlikesermonsand

theyresemblegāthasintheclarityoftheirdoctrinalargumentsThefollowing

poemwritteninresponsetoonefromfellowGozanluminaryBetsugenEnshi別源

円旨(1294-1364)isamongChūganrsquosfinestandillustratestheapproachwell

和答別源

HarmonizingReplytoBetsugen 窓間吐月夜沈々 Thewindowdisclosesthemoonasnightwearson 壁角光生藤一尋 Inacorneroftheroomitglintsinthelightmysix-footstaff 窮達与時倶有命 Frustrationandsuccessarrivewhentheywillasbothare

determinedbyfate268 行藏於世総無心 Actioninandwithdrawalfromtheworldmustalwaysbedonein

astateofno-mind 夢中誰謂彼非此 Whointhemidstofadreamwoulddeclarethatldquothatrdquoisnot

ldquothisrdquo 覺後方知古不今 Itisonlyuponwakingthatoneknowsthepastisnotthepresent 自笑未能除僻病 Ilaughatmyselfforbeingstillunabletoeliminatemywayward

habits 逸然乗興發高吟 IneaseandidlenessIfollowwherevermyinspirationleadsand

chantversesaloud

267Chūganmayhavebeenevenmoreadeptatdoctrinallyfocusedhomileticexpositionthanhispeersasreligiousdisquisitions(説)andcommentaries(疏)arefoundingreaternumbersinTōkaiichiōshūthaninmostGozancollections268Thephraseldquotobefatedrdquo有命isunderstoodasinLunyu125ldquoI(Zixia)haveheardthislsquoDeathandLifearemattersoffatewealthandworldlyhonorareinthehandsofHeavenrsquordquo商聞之矣死生有命富貴在天

163

Iftheopeningcoupletofthisversemaybeascribedaspecificrhetorical

functionitistoclearthemindandallowittorestinimagerythatisinsomeway

propadeuticaltotheensuingmessageThesuddenappearanceofthemoonitselfa

conventionalsymbolofenlightenmentrevealsinitslightanobjectthatisbotha

metonymfortheBuddhistpriesthoodandowingtoitssheen(ithasbeenrubbed

smoothoveryearsofuse)asymbolforoldageandtheworld-wisdomitbrings

Possessedofaquietdignitybefittingitssymbolicpotencythestaffconnectsone

prelatetoanotherandinturnconnectsanywould-bereadertothebroader

BuddhistepistemeHavingthussettheappropriatemoodChūganproceedstooffer

aseriesofthematicallytraditionalaphoristicstatementsaboutthenatureofaction

andindividualachievementBothldquofrustrationrdquo(窮)andldquosuccessrdquo(達)are

contingentuponbeingintherightplaceattherighttimeundersuchcircumstances

thechoicefacingtheprincipledscholariethatbetweenacting(行)intheworld

andwithdrawing(蔵)fromitisbestmadeinastateofnon-intentionalityHere

twoconceptsredolentofBuddhistthoughtldquono-mindrdquo無心andldquoawakeningrdquo覺are

marshaledtoaddresswhatisinessenceaclassicproblemofConfucianethicsactin

corruptedworldandriskbeingcorruptedorwithdrawandwaitforamore

opportunemomentInamovetypicalofZenliteraturethefinalcoupletresolves

thematterbylettingitgoandturnsinsteadtowardsprivatejoys

ThereismuchinthispoemthatspeaksdirectlytoChūganrsquospersonal

experiencestheidealisticscholar-vizieronceeagertoservehiscountryinaldquopublicrdquo

capacityisrejectedforhisbeliefsyetinturningwithinandreflectinguponhisown

164

shortcomingsheultimatelyachievesameasureofpeaceItisoftenthecasein

Chūganrsquospoetrythatplaintsofindividualmisfortuneandstatementsofself-

reflectionfeaturemostprominentlyinversesexchangedwithfriendsThisistobe

expectedalthoughworkssuchasldquoDannourardquoldquoSpringSnowrdquoandthepoems

comprisingldquoImpromptuVersesLamentingthePassageofTimerdquoallexpressthe

subjectivemoraljudgmentsoftheirauthortheymainlydescribesocietalas

opposedtoindividualmisfortunesandareaddressedtonooneinparticularThe

nextversewhichwascomposedforanotherofZhuxianFanxianrsquosJapanesedisciples

UnbōEitaku雲夢裔澤isessentiallyapersonallettersetinrhymingcoupletsIt

beginswithafamiliarrecountingofsocietalillsbutthennarrowsitsfocustothe

varioustrialsbesettingthetwofriendsaswithldquoSpringSnowrdquoitsadherencetothe

formalconventionsoftheshirendersitnotjustadescriptionofbutalsoamemorial

tothehardshipsitrecounts

送澤雲夢

SeeingoffTakuUnbō269乾坤干戈未息時 Atatimewhentheviolenceoftheworldremainsunabated氛埃眛目風橫起 Balefuldustsblownaslantcloudtheeyes270餓者轉死盈道路 Thestarvingdieinturnfillingtheroads

269ldquoTakuUnbōrdquo澤雲夢isaninvertedthree-characterabbreviationofUnbōEitaku雲夢裔澤theseabbreviationshadbeenacommonpracticeamongJapaneseliteratisinceantiquityAsnotedinthebiographicalintroductionChūganEngetsu中巌円月usuallybecomesldquoGetsuChūganrdquo月中巌270IriyaYoshitakaunderstandsthecompoundfunrsquoai氛埃(Cfenrsquoai)asldquodustofwarrdquo戦塵(senjinzhanchen)atermthatdoesappearelsewhereinChūganrsquospoetryItsbasicsenseissimplyldquofoulairrdquo

165

荒城白日狐狸嬉 Intheruinedcityfoxesandbadgerssportinbroaddaylight我問楽土在何許 WhereIaskisthereaplacefreefromsorrow一身可以安棲遲 ThatImightliveinpeaceandease固欲適他無所適 HowIhavewishedtogosomeplaceelsebutthereisnowhereto

go之子先我將何之 Thisfellowwhogoesbeforemendashwhereishegoing倉卒告別難為情 Withsuchahurriedpartingfeelingsareimpossibletoexpress袖出剡藤索吾詩 Itakefrommysleeveapieceofpaperandtrytocomeupwitha

verse浮雲流水無定跡 ldquoDriftingcloudsandflowingwaterleavenofixedtrace再得會合試難期 Thereisbutthefaintesthopethatwewillevermeetagainrdquo久厄艱危我羸臥 LongbesetbytroublesIlaydownillandgaunt磨墨揮毫皆不為 Irubinkandtakeupmybrushbutitisalltonoavail感君拳拳有厚意 Movedbytheearnestnessofyourconviction勉強起來拂烏皮 Iforcemyselfupandclearoffmydesk惜君學道不日成 Ilamentthatyourstudieswillsoonbecomplete如何早離金仙師 Howisitthatyoutakeleavesosoonofyourgoldensaintly

master271想君似我乏供給 Ithinkyoulikemeareinstraightenedestate不得已故得相辭 Andwethushavenochoicebuttosayourgoodbyes望君此去逢佳境 Ihopeafteryouleavehereyoufindaplaceofhappiness招我薯蕷同充饑 Invitemethenforsomewildyamsandletuseatourfill

together272271IeZhuxianFanxian272GBZSv2p7GBSSv4p335IriyaldquoGozanbungakushūrdquopp289-91

166

Asinthemoreexplicitlypoliticalpoemsencounteredalreadywarandsocial

unrestfigureprominentlybutthisversearrivesataconclusionthatisintriguingly

ambiguousThefinalcoupletoffersawarmentreatythatbespeaksatleastthe

possibilityofenjoymentamidstprivationyettherestofthepoemclearlybelies

Chūganrsquosconfidencethataldquoplaceofhappinessrdquocaninfactbefoundorthatthetwo

friendsreallywillseeeachotheragainOtherfeaturessuchasself-interrogation

andlanguagesuggestiveofeverydayspeecharehighlytypicalofChūganrsquoswork

whiletheinsertionofametacouplet(ldquoDriftingcloudsandflowingwaterleaveno

fixedtraceThereisbutthefaintesthopethatwewillevermeetagainrdquo)itselfpart

ofanekphrasticaccountofthewritingprocessisuniquetothispoemEvenby

ChūganrsquosstandardsthepieceisunusualintherangeoftopicsitcoversThegazeof

thepoetmovesgraduallyfromalargethematicspace(medievalJapan)anda

universaloratleastwidelysharedemotionalexperience(livingintimesofstrife)

toanintimatespace(theZenmonasticcommunity)andasinglemomentinthearc

ofaparticularfriendship

ForChūganpersonalexperienceandsocietalexperiencewereimbricatedto

adegreeunseeninthepoetryofhiscontemporariesThisisnotofcourse

equivalenttoclaimingthathefeltthesufferingofothersorthetumultofhisage

morekeenlythandidotherpoetsonlythathewasmorewillingthantheywereto

directlythematizeviolenceandsufferinginhisworkAtthispointitisnaturalto

wonderwhetherChūganeverdidexpressinpoetrythesamesortofadvocacyfor

unitaryimperialgovernancendashandforaroyalmonopolyonmilitaryforcendashthathe

167

espousedsoforcefullyinhismemorialtoGo-DaigoAsmightbeinferredfromthe

materialsurveyedherenearlyearlyeveryversethattouchesuponthepolitical

situationduringthe1330sseemstoechothedenunciationofwarandmilitarism

putforthintheldquoKeikenrdquochapterofChūseishiaworkthatlikemostofthepoems

treatedabovewaswrittenafter1333Onefeaturesharedbyallofthesepoemsis

thattheywereeitherunbiddenldquodeclarativerdquoresponsestoworldlyeventsor

ldquodialogicrdquoproductsofprivateexchangeswithclosefriendsYetfornotedGozan

writersespeciallythosepatronizedbyshogunsorpowerfulprovincialleaders

poetrynolessthanprosecouldsometimesserveentirelyprofessionalendsA

cleardemonstrationofthisisthenumberofinscriptions(JmeiCming銘)

preservedinGozancollectionsincludingTōkaiichiōshūthesemightbeengraved

uponnewlycasttemplebellsandothervaluedobjectsandtheyoftenconcluded

withformaltetrasyllabicpoemsInChūganrsquoscasethesocialandfinancialsupport

hereceivedfromSadamunecouldwarrantreciprocationintheformofpublicbelle-

lettristicsupportforŌtomofamilyobjectivesThatthisarrangementmighthave

resultedinatleastsomeldquopro-Kenmurevolutionrdquopoetryisrevealedbythefollowing

versewhichisuniqueinformandthematiccontent

軍士圖

SoldiersinFormation 沈而思 Immersedtheyponder呑而知 Imbibingtheyknow承歟乘歟 DowetakeitonDoweride兵莫持疑 Amongthesoldiersnotonehasdoubts笑而喜 Laughingtheyrejoice

168

嗔而恚 Scowlingtheyrage壯哉驕哉 HowstrongHowproud人馬美矣 Themenandthehorsesndashallsobeautiful273

Seeminglycraftedtoeulogizeadepartingarmyitisdifficulttooverstatehow

differentthispieceisfromanythingelseinTōkaiichiōshūItisclassifiedinthe1764

vulgateeditionasaformalpanegyricorsan(Czan贊)Thisappearstobeunique

tothateditionwhichwaspreparedbythepriestDaigeSōdatsuandpresumably

reflectshispersonalclassificatorychoices274Whilethelackofparatextual

informationprecludeseasycontextualizationwemightsurmisethatChūganwas

askedtocomposethepoemforaspecificcompanyofsoldiersperhapsone

marshaledbytheŌtomointheearlydaysoftheKenmuRevolutionThoughthe

brevityofeachutteranceandthemixingofmetersimpartstoeachhemisticha

staccatorhythmthepieceasawholeishighlysymmetricalandgovernedby

extremelytightparallelismThebeautyofstrongconfidentmenontheeveofbattle

isanunusualthemeforanykanshipoetparticularlyoneofChūganrsquosideological

temperbutasabenedictivepraisepoemldquoSoldiersinFormationrdquoisundeniably

successful

273GBSSv4p363GBZSv2p41274TheeightversesSōdatsugroupedundertheheadingsanarescatteredthroughoutTamamuraTakejirsquosmoderneditionofTōkaiichiōshūSōdatsuseemstohavelistedtheseversesassanbecauseoftheircontent(egofferingpraisetofamousfiguressuchasLanxiDaolongLaoziLieziZhuangziandConfucius)orbecauseoftheiruseofthesolemn-soundingtetrasyllabicmeterwhichisidentifiedasessentialtoaproperzaninthelatefifth-centurycriticaltreatiseWenxindiaolong文心雕龍

169

Withtheexceptionofthisversethepoemstreatedinthischapterare

broadlyunifiedbytheirattentiontopoliticalillsandpopularwelfareAcompelling

casecanbemadethatthewillingnesstotreatthesesubjectsatlengthwasChūganrsquos

mostnotablethematiccontributiontoJapanesekanshiandanoutstanding

contributiontoJapaneseliteraturemorebroadlyInitsunusualformldquoSoldiersin

FormationrdquoalsorevealsChūganrsquosequallynotablewillingnesstoventureoutsidethe

dominantpenta-andheptasyllabicmetersandexperimentwithmetrical

irregularityTheseexperimentsmoreoverwerenotconfinedtospecialsub-genres

suchaspraisepoemsorinscriptionsChūganexperimentedwithmetricalvarietyin

shitoocomposingaseriesofquatrainsintheunusualsix-syllablemeterEven

moreunusuallyforaJapanesepoethealsostudiedtheldquosonglyricrdquoorci詞whilein

ChinaandincludedacompositionofhisowninTōkaiichiōshūTheciwasamajor

poeticgenrebythe11thcenturyandthegradualexpansionofitsthematicand

stylisticrangeranksamongthemostculturallysignificanttrendsinChinese

literatureaftertheTangDynastyBeyondofferingfurthertestimonytotheartistic

adventurousnessofanindividualpoetthesepiecesshedlightonthescopeof

ChineseliteraryformsinmedievalJapan

170

Chapter Five

New Directions in Form Ci Poetry and Hexasyllabic Shi

ItisnosurprisethatinthehistoryofJapanesekanshipoemsinthefiveand

seven-syllablelineshouldpredominatealmosttotheexclusionofallothermeters

TheconcertedstudyofChinesepoetrybeganinJapanonlyintheseventhcentury

bywhichtimethepentasyllabicmeterhadbeendominantonthecontinentfor

severalhundredyearsandtheheptasyllabiclinewasrapidlygainingtraction

ThoughearlyJapanesekanshiwereoverwhelminglypentasyllabicbythemiddleof

theHeianperiod(794-1192)kanshianthologiescontainedmostlyheptasyllabic

eight-linepiecesthatgenerallyconformedtothecomplexrulesofrecent-style

regulatedverse275PerhapsbecausemostHeianpoetswerearistocratstrainedto

appreciatefinedistinctionsandtoupholdexactingstandardsofdecorumthe

prosodicconstraintsofregulatedversedidnotimmediatelygiveriseto

countervailingpressuresforgreaterartisticlibertyAsEdwardKamenshas

observedinrelationtovernacularJapanesepoetryofthesameeratheprotocolsof

publicaristocraticlifesometimesmeantthatcourtersrsquopoemswerenotsomuch

expressionsastheywereperformancesofexpression276

275SteinengerChineseLiteraryFormsinHeianJapanp85276KamensldquoTerrainsofTextinMid-HeianCourtCulturerdquoinAdolphsonetaledsHeianJapanCentersandPeripheries(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress2007)p136SeealsoHelenCraigMcCulloughBrocadebyNightKokinWakashūandtheCourtStyleinJapaneseClassicalPoetry(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1985)pp46-48andp421

171

So-calledldquoancient-stylerdquopoetrywhichdevelopedintandemwithrecent-

styleversebutwasprosodicallyfreerroseinpopularityduringthemedievalperiod

andwaswidelyfavoredbyZenliteratiWhilemanyGozancollectionsstillboasted

animpressivenumberofcarefullycraftedrecent-stylequatrainsregulatedverses

andeventheoccasionalextendedregulatedverse(JhairitsuCpailuuml排律)theless

ornamentedancient-stylewasseentofacilitatedirectlyricalexpressionandcould

beturnedeasilytocausesrangingfromreligiousdevotiontosocialcritiqueYet

withtheexceptionofreligiousencomiainscriptionsanddeathpoemsndashsmallbut

importantsub-genresthatfrequentlyusedthesolemnsoundingtetrasyllabicmeter

ndashfiveandseven-syllablelinesremainedthenorminmedievalJapanregardlessof

subjectmatterortonalprosodyTobroachapointthatwillbeaddressedingreater

detailbelowtheoverwhelmingdominanceamongkanshipoetsofpenta-and

heptasyllabicshiisatleastmildlysurprisingsinceJapaneseliteratiweregenerally

wellacquaintedwithcontemporarytrendsinChinaandnewerpoeticmediasuchas

theci詞(Jshitenshi塡詞)andqu(Jkyoku曲)whichemployedmixedsyllabic

meterswerecomposedbysomeofthesameChinesepoetsalreadywellregardedin

Japanfortheirshipoetry277

Atpresentrelativelylittleisknownaboutthepracticeofcipoetryin

medievalJapanorwhatinfluenceitmighthavehaduponJapanesekanshiasthe

277Owingtothehomophonybetweenthecharacters詞and詩inJapanesethecompoundtermtenshi塡詞whichliterallymeansldquofillingin(themusicalpiece)withlyricsrdquoispreferredwhenreferringtoci

172

topichasreceivedonlysporadicinterestfromscholarsmostofitquiterecent278

TheoldestknowncibyaJapanesepoetwascomposedbyEmperorSaga(r809-23)

andispreservedintheroyallycommissionedcollectionKeikokushū經國集(827)

despitethisearlyimprimaturtheformwouldnotreceivesustainedattentionin

JapanuntiltheearlyTokugawaperiod(1600-1868)279Fewcompletecifrombefore

theseventeenthcenturyremainandnonebutEmperorSagarsquosexplicitlyindicate

theirtunetitles(cipaishihai詞牌)Withouttheseaccurateidentificationrequires

theattentionofaspecialistasthecompositionsappearatfirstglancesimplytobe

unregulatedpoemsofmixedsyllabicmeterIndeedpremodernJapanesecollators

ofliterarycollectaneamayhavebeengenerallyunawareoforunconcernedwith

thehistoricalconnectionbetweenciandmusictheearliestclearindicationthata

Japanesepoetunderstoodcitobelyricssettomusicappearsinthesixteenth-

centuryworkNotesonAchievingPerfectiontheStudyofPoetry詩學大成抄bythe

GozanmonkIkōMyōan惟高妙安(1480-1568)280Whilethematerialconsidered

278SeeMatsuoHatsuko松尾肇子ldquoGozanZenrinniokerushinojuyōrdquo五山禅林における詞の受容Fengxu13(Dec2016)pp60-82NogawaHiroyuki野川博之ldquoGozanni-ryūgakusōnotenshiseisakuRyūzanChūgannoMokurengerdquo五山二留學僧の塡詞製作 龍山中巖の木蘭花Chūgokubungakukenkyū25(1999)pp96-109NogawaldquoChūganEngetsunoSōshishōkai中巖圓月の宋詞紹介Chūgokubungakukenkyū26(1999)pp71-84AnearlyinvestigationofciinJapanisKandaKiichirō神田喜一郎NihonniokeruChūgokubungaku日本における中国文学vol1ldquoNihontenshishiwardquo日本塡詞史話(TokyoNigensha1965)279SagarsquoscimaybefoundinGunshoruijūvol6p562ItissettothetuneldquoAFishingSongrdquo漁歌子andappearstobemodeledcloselyononebytheTangpoetZhangZhihe張志和(c730-810)280ThisworkcontainsJapaneseglossesandexplanationsofmaterialexcerptedfromthelateSongorearlyYuan-eratreatiseShixuedacheng詩學大成(AchievingPerfectionintheStudyofPoetry)SeeMatsuoldquoGozanZenrinniokerushinojuyōrdquopp61-62

173

belowmakesitnearlyimpossibletobelievethatIkōwasthefirsttograspthiseven

inChinatheactualmannerinwhichthecituneswereoriginallysunghadlongbeen

lostandthefewJapanesepoetswhoattemptedtocomposecimayhavesimplyseen

thetunepatternswhichdeterminedmeterrhymeplacementandthepositionof

tonesasakindofchallengenotunliketherequirementsofrecent-styleshi281

SignificantlyChūganrsquospersonalcollectionofwritingsTōkaiichiōshūisone

ofonlytwofromthemedievaleracurrentlyknowntoincludeacompleteciTōkai

ichiōshūhappensalsotobethefirstGozancollectiontofeaturequatrainssetinthe

unusualhexasyllabicmeterwhilesix-syllablelineswereusedfrequentlyinciand

quregularhexasyllabicshiwerequiterareinbothChinaandJapanThischapter

willexaminethesepiecestogetherwithanothercisettothesametunepatternby

oneofChūganrsquosoldercontemporariesandwillattempttosituatetheminrelation

torelevantChineseprecedentsScholarshiponthereceptionandcompositionofci

inpre-TokugawaJapanhasonlyjustbegunandthefactthatChūganrsquosciwasnot

indentifiedassuchuntil1999despiteTōkaiichiōshūhavingbeenavailableinprint

foralmost90yearsshouldsuggestthediscoveriesthatremaintobemadeamong

thevastbodyofGozanpoetryyettobesurveyedBecausebothciseemtohave

beencomposedinthe1320spredatingthehexasyllabicquatrainsbyadecadeor

moreouranalysiswillbeginthere

281OntherulesgoverningciseeMajiaBellSameildquoCiPoetryShortSongLyrics(Xiaoling)rdquoinZong-qiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetrypp245-48

174

兜率寺陋房夜為大風雨所擺搖醒而作 ComposedwhenIwasawakenedinmyramshackleroomatDoushuaiTemplewhich

thankstofiercewindandrainwasbeingjostledabout雨澎滂 Rainfallsinawildonslaught 海雷浪 Theroilingseahaththunderbrought 1313轆轆侵柴牀 Surgingandrumblingitassailsmybrushwoodcot 建瓴 Theeaveslikecaskswithwaterbrimming 潢盈庭 Poolsandpuddlesthegardenfilling 屋欲流兮動不停 Myhutrsquosabouttobewashedawayndashitshakeswithnorelenting 中正禪子住其中 ButwithinresidesthePrelateofBalanceandRectitude 至於此極未為窮 Whoevenbroughttothisextremeisnotamanentrapped睡受三禪天上樂 DozinghereceivesthejoyoftheThirdMeditationHeaven 夢覺又御冷然風 Wakingfromhisreverieheshieldshimselffromicydrafts282

PerhapsowingtotheextremerarityoftheciinJapanthevulgateeditionof

Tōkaiichiōshūwhichwascompiledin1764simplylisteditasanancient-styleshi

NogawaHiroyukihasidentifiedthepieceasonesettothetuneldquoLilyMagnoliasrdquo(木

蘭花)whichappearsinthecollectionHuajianjiandisgenerallytracedtotheFive-

DynastiespoetWeiChengban魏承班(d925)283AsisoftenthecaseinciChūganrsquos

compositionincorporateselementscommontomultiplepoeticgenresrepeateduse

ofthereduplicativebinomespengpang澎滂(Jhōbō)yinyin1313(inrsquoin)andlulu轆

轆(rokoroku)evoketheverbosestyleoffuorldquorhapsodiesrdquo(Jfu賦)whilethe

trisyllabiclinesrecallyuefu(Jgakufu樂府)Therhymeschemeismixedina

mannertypicalofciwhichusesstrophes(asopposedtocouplets)asthebasic

282GBSSv4p354283NogawaldquoGozanni-ryūgakusōnotenshiseisakurdquop105-06

175

structuralunit284HeretheendrhymesswitchinEarlyMandarinfromndashaŋ(滂浪

牀)inthefirstthreelinestondasheŋ(瓴庭停)inthefourthfifthandsixth285

Whereasinshinarrowlydefinedthesamesyllabicmeterisgenerally

retainedthroughouttheentiretyofthepoemciusuallyemploylinesofvariable

lengthThisenablesgreatvarietyinrhythmandreflectsthestructureofthemusic

towhichthelyricswereoriginallyset286Thespecific3+3+7syllabicpatternofthe

firsttwostrophesofChūganrsquosciisidentifiableasfarbackasHan-erayuefuandit

appearsincompositionssuchasDuFursquosfamousldquoBalladoftheArmyCartsrdquo(兵車行

c750)Whilethismediumlengthworkispredominantlyheptasyllabicitopens

withasinglestanzathatiscloselyanalogoustothestrophesfoundinci

車轔轔 Thecartsgoclikety-clack 馬蕭蕭 Thehorseswhinnyandneigh 行人弓箭各在腰Withbowsandarrowsattheirwaiststhesoldiersmarch

awayhellip287

284ThetermstropheindicatesaunitofverseendinginarhymeincitheymaybecomprisedofonetofourindividuallinesSeeSameildquoCiPoetryrdquop248285ReconstructedpronunciationshereandelsewherefollowEdwinGPulleyblankLexiconofReconstructedPronunciationinEarlyMiddleChineseLateMiddleChinese

andEarlyMandarin(VancouverUnivofBritishColumbiaPress1991)AsnotedinChapterThreeEarlyMandarinreferstothelanguageofthefourteenth-centuryrimebookZhongyuanyinyun中原音韻somescholarsincludingMichaelFullertermthislanguageMiddleMandarin286SameildquoCiPoetryrdquopp245-46287QTS21611ldquoBalladoftheArmyCartsrdquoisanancient-stylepoemofmixedmeter(雜言古詩)representativeofatypeofnarrativepoemtermedaldquosongballadrdquo(CgexingJkakō歌行)ExamplesmuchbelovedinJapanareBaiJuyirsquosldquoBalladoftheLuterdquo琵琶行andldquoSongofEverlastingSorrowrdquo長恨歌ldquoBalladoftheArmyCartsrdquoalsoappearsinthewellknown18thcenturyanthologyTangshisanbaishou唐詩三百首(ThreeHundredTangPoems)whereitisclassedasaheptasyllabicyuefu

176

ThelastfourlinesofChūganrsquosciwhichcompriseitssecondsectionorldquoverserdquo

(CqueJketsu )returnthereadertothetypeofprosodicsymmetry

characteristicofshiTheselinesinvokebothBuddhismandallusively

Confucianismwhilemaintainingtheplayfulchattyqualityofthefirstsection

Togethertheunbalancedhemistichesmirrortwodifferentaspectsofthepoetrsquos

psychologicalexperiencethequiescentjoyofmeditationpunctuatedbytheexciting

tumultofastorm

NogawatheorizesthatChūganwasfirstintroducedtocibytheexpatriate

monkRyūzanTokken龍山徳見(1284-1358)afellowZenprelatewhowasofa

differentRinzailineagebuthadalsostudiedunderGulinQingmao288Fora

JapanesemonkRyūzanwasunusuallywellestablishedintheChineseChan

communityandwashighlyfamiliarwiththeliterarycultureofthemajorsouthern

monasteriesHehadalreadybeenlivinginChinafor24yearswhenChūganmet

himattherenownedmonasteryYunyansi雲巖寺in1325andhewouldnotreturn

toJapanuntil1349Ryūzanhastohiscreditonesurvivingcithatisalsosettothe

tuneldquoLilyMagnoliasrdquoItsheavyuseofallusionandstronglyreligiouscharacter

makeitconsiderablyhardertointerpretthanChūganrsquosthesefeaturesalsosuggest

thattheworkwasprobablynotRyūzanrsquosfirstattemptatci

288RyūzanbelongedtotheHuanlong黄龍lineagewhileChūganbelongedtotheYangqi楊岐bothofwhicharoseintheNorthernSongGulinseemsnottohavebeenparticularlyconcernedwithestablishingconsistenttransmissionthroughasingledharmalineagereportedlyacceptingdisciplesprincipallyonthebasisoftheirskillincomposinggatha偈頌SeeNogawaldquoGozanni-ryūgakusōnotenshiseisakurdquop99

177

送有知客參黄龍 呉人 SeeingoffVisitorsrsquoOfficerYouWhoisGoingtoJointheHuanlongSchool

(HersquosaManofWu)289

蘇州有 WersquovegotlsquoeminSuzhou常州有 WersquovegotlsquoeminChangzhou 擬議思量成過咎 Exercisingthemindwithdeliberationistofallintoerror 收驢脚 Sowithdrawyourdonkeylegs 展佛手 AndextendyourBuddhahand 道火何曾燒著口 Evenifyouspeakfirehowcouldyourmouthbeburned 處處秋林落葉黃Everywhereautumnwoodsaredeckedwithfallenleavesofgold 處處春風鬧花柳Everywherevernalbreezesrousetheblossomsandwillows 還它有眼定古今 Ifyoudefertothoseoftrueinsighttodeterminepastandpresent六六元來八十九 Thensixbysixturnsouttobeeighty-nineafterall290

TotakethelastlinefirstNogawasupposesittobeadeliberatelynonsensical

propositionthatrepudiatesconventionaltruthThecharacters六六areconstrued

assixtimessixonthebasisofwhatwouldappeartobeasyntacticallyhomologous

linefromoneofGulinrsquospoems九九依然八十一whichplainlyseemstosayldquonineby

nineisasusualeighty-onerdquoToassumestrangenessorincomprehensibilitytobe

anintendedfeatureofthetextandnotaneffectofcurrentcriticallimitationsis

alwaysariskybusinessbutNogawarsquoshypothesisiscompellingsolongasRyūzanrsquos

lineisunderstoodtoworkgrammaticallylikeGulinrsquosthisinturnseemsa

reasonablesuppositionasitisunlikelythatacopyistrsquoserrorcouldresultin三十六

289ThetitleisdifficulttounderstandAzhike知客(Jshika)wasoneofthesixadministrativeofficersatatemple(六頭首)andwaschargedwithreceivingvisitorsYou有appearstobehisfamilynameandNogawabelievesthesmallercharacters呉人belowthetitleidentifyMrYouassomeonefromtheWuareatheopeninglinesofthepoemseemtopunhumorouslyonhisnameandplaceofbirth290GBSSv3p278

178

appearingas八十九Wemightofferfurthersupportfortheinterpretationby

notingthatifRyūzanrsquospurposewasindeedtopositanarithmeticidentitythatis

logicallyabsurdhehaschosenhisnumberswelleighty-nineisprimewhilethirty-

sixcontainsmoredivisorsthananyintegersmallerthanitmakingitaso-called

ldquoanti-primerdquoorhighlycompositenumber291

ThehumorousopeninglinesalludetoapopularNewYearrsquoscustominthe

SuzhouregionthehistoricalcenterofWu呉cultureonNewYearrsquosevechildren

wouldshoutmaichidai賣癡獃ldquoduncesforsalerdquoasiftoinvitebuyersfromother

regionstohelpreducethesurplusofidiotstraditionallyheldtoresideinWu292

Howexactlythisconnectsconceptuallywithwhatfollowsisdifficulttodetermineit

isconceivablethattheidiotsareinthiscasethosewhodoexercisetheirmindsin

ratiocinationandtherebyfallintoerrorNogawanotesthatthepracticeoflikening

onersquoshandstothoseoftheBuddhaandonersquoslegstothoseofadonkeyistraceable

tomethodsofChaninstructionusedbythepatriarchoftheHuanglongschool

291Thereremainsofcoursethepossibilitythatthereisinfactalegitimatearithmeticconnectionbetween六六and八十九(whateverthesecharactercombinationsaretakentomean)orthatthepurposeofthelineistopresentakindofnotationalpuzzleforthereadertointerpretandsolveIf六六and八十九areallowedtobereadasshorthandfortwodifferentmathematicaloperationsthensuchconnectionsmaybefoundegif八十九istakennotaseighty-ninebutastheproductof810and9and六六isallowedtomean6(sixfactorial)thenwewouldhavethelegitimaterelation6 5 4 3 2 1=8 10 9=720Moderngamesofthissortarequitecommonldquoperfect3srdquoforinstancepresentsexpressionssuchas333=7andasksreaderstocreatetrueequationsusingonlythesenumbersandbasicoperationseg(3divide3)+3=7292NogawaldquoGozanni-ryūgakusōnotenshiseisakurdquopp99-100ThecustomwasevidentlywidelyrecordedamongthecollectedworksofthepoetFanChengdawhosepossibleinfluenceuponChūganwasdiscussedinChapterFourisacientitledldquoSellingDuncesrdquo賣癡獃

179

Huinan慧南(1002-69)293Likethefinallineofthesecondversethefinallineofthe

firstversealsomakesaseeminglyparadoxicalclaimandtheoveralllessonofthe

poemseemstobethatrationaldiscursivethought(擬議思量)cannotleadto

enlightenment

Astheseexamplessuggestcimayemploysyntacticrhythmsandpatternsof

metricalvariationseeninolderformssuchasfuandyuefuandtheymayalso

includewholesectionsthataremetricallyregularandprosodicallyakintoshi294

Pointsofoverlapbetweentheciandshiwereinfactnumerousandlongstanding

andthegradualexpansionofthecirsquosthematicrangeduringtheSongDynasty

eventuallygaverisetocriticaldiscussionsofwhatitsproperpurviewoughttobe

vis-agrave-vistheolderandmoreprestigiousshi295EliteliteratilikeSuShibroughtthe

refinedsensibilitiesofshitotheciwhiletheleadingcipoetoftheNorthernSongLi

Qingzhao李清照(1084-1151)criticizedSursquoseffortsasyieldingldquonothingbutshi

withirregularlinesrdquo296BythetimeChūganarrivedinChinaithadlongbeenthe

casethatpoetsknownprimarilyforcomposingshiwouldalsocomposecievenif

fewwouldhavewishedthisfacttobeartooheavilyupontheirownliterary

293Ibidp102294NotethatinthesecondsectionofChūganrsquoscithecharactersattheendofthesecondandfourthlines風and窮behavepreciselyastheywouldbeexpectedtoinshibotharelevel-tonewordsandalthoughtheyareonlyslantrhymesinModern

MandarintheyrhymecompletelyinbothEarlyMandarin(fuŋkʰjuŋ)andMiddleChinese(fjywŋkɦiwŋ) 295OnconnectionsbetweenearlyciandshiseeShuen-fuLinldquoTheFormationofaDistinctGenericIdentityforTzrsquourdquoinPaulineYuedVoicesoftheSongLyricinChina(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1994)pp14-17296XindaLianldquoLongSongLyrics(Manci)rdquoinZong-qiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetryp263

180

legacy297Whileitisdifficulttoascertainwhetherornotthestudyofciplayeda

meaningfulroleinencouragingChūgantobemoreexperimentalinhisshiitseems

fittingthataftertryinghishandatcicompositionhewouldlaterventuretocompose

shiintheunorthodoxhexasyllabicmeterCimadefrequentuseofsix-character

linesandhexasyllabicshioftenusedlanguagethatwascomparativelycolloquial

andprosaicWeiShaoshenghassurmisedthatthedevelopmentofciwasinfact

influencedbyhexasyllabicshi298giventhatshiemployingthatparticularmeter

whilealwaysraredidbecomemoreprevalentaftertheTangitalsoseemspossible

thattheburgeoningpopularityofciamongseriouspoetslikeSuShifostered

increasedcompositionofsix-syllableshi

ThefourhexasyllabicshiincludedinTōkaiichiōshūareinformalvignettesof

ChūganrsquostravelsaroundaruralestateineasternJapantheyaredescriptivebutnot

austereusingordinarylanguageandavoidingtheimagisticdensityoftenassociated

withSongandYuan-eradescriptivepoetryThereisnoindicationastowhyhe

chosethisastheoccasiontoexperimentwithanovelsyllabicmeterbutinsofaras

hewasclearlycomfortabletreatingjourneysandlandscapesinverseitispossible

thathefeltanewventureinformwasmorelikelytobesuccessfulifthetopicwasa

familiarone

297SeeRonaldCEganldquoTheProblemoftheReputeofTzrsquouDuringtheNorthernSungrdquoinYuedVoicesoftheSongLyricpp191-225298WeiShaoshengLiuyanshitiyanjiu(BeijingSocialSciencesAcademicPress2010)pp183-203

181

利根山行春LateSpringintheMountainsofTone299

陰涯或有残雪 平平仄仄平仄春溪 平平仄仄平平風日乍寒乍暖 平仄仄平仄仄杖屨且留且之 仄仄仄平仄平ShadycragsndashsomewithremnantsnowSpringtimestreamsndashhalffullwithicefromthemeltWindandsunshinendashitrsquoscoldoneminuteandwarmthenextOutfittedforthehikeItarryandgotarryandgo白雲溶溶洩洩 仄平平平仄仄 流水潺潺湲湲 平仄平平平平乗興行春未盡 平仄仄平仄仄胡為倦烏先還 平平仄平平平WhitecloudsundulatingsoftlyStreamsbabblinggently300IshalltakeadvantageofthefactthatspringisnotyetoutHowcouldItireHowcouldIturnback301 299ldquoLatespringrdquorenders行春whichinthisusageliterallymeansldquodepartingspringrdquoAnothermorespecializedmeaningthatmayalsobegermaneisldquospringtimeinspectiontourrdquowhichdescribesthecustomofofficialsconductinginspectionsonfootorhorsebackoncewinterhadendedofplacesundertheirjurisdictionItwasnotuncommonforZenmonkstobetaskedwithadministrativedutiesontemplepropertiesoronestatesheldbyprivatepatronsgiventhatTonewasanŌtomofamilyshōenitispossiblethatsuchaninspectiontourwasthecontextforthetravelsdescribedinthepoems300TheimageryandheavyuseofreduplicativebinomesisstronglyreminiscentofacoupletbytheChanmonkZhengjue正覺(1091-1157)whichispartofthesixthverseofhisseriesldquoTwoHundredandFiveGathasrdquo偈頌二百零五

溶溶洩洩山上雲 Undulatingsoftlyndashthecloudsoverthemountain 潺潺湲湲山下水 Babblinggentlyndashthestreamatitsbase301Inthethirdlineif行春 istakentomeanldquospringtimeinspectiontourrdquothelinewouldmeanldquoIshalltakeadvantageofthefactthatmytourhasnotyetfinishedrdquo

182

枯藤屈曲蟲盤 平平仄仄平平怪石斕 仄仄平平仄平拒暘雪積巌罅 仄平仄仄平仄揺緑春囘燒痕 平仄平平平平DriedoutwisterialiecoiledlikewormsStrangerocksofvariegatedcolorsresemblecrouchingbeastsTheyblockthesunrsquosraysallowingsnowtoaccumulateinthecrevicesAmidstswayinggreenspringreturnstoreclaimgroundoncecharredbywildfire302 山深風俗淳朴 平仄平仄平仄民楽無懐之時 平仄平平平平溪梅別有風韻 平平仄仄平仄野質村姿更奇 仄仄平平仄平 DeepinthemountainscustomsaresimplePeopleareateaseasinthetimeofWuhuai303PlumblossomsinthevalleypossesseleganceunmatchedYettherusticityofthefieldsandbeautyofthevillagesismorecharmingstill

DatingtheseversesisdifficultbutthereferencetoToneinthetitlesuggests

theywerelikelycomposedafter1337Between1337and1359Chūganspentpart

ofnearlyeveryyearatoneoftwoŌtomofamilypropertiesineasternJapan

WisteriaValley(Fujigayatsu藤谷)andToneEstate利根庄thelatteramountainous

demesneinwhatistodayGunmaPrefectureToneEstatewasthesiteforthe

302ThelanguagehererecallsthelineldquoSittingdownIseethespringreturntogroundoncecharredbyfirerdquo坐看春回入燒痕fromaquatrainbythemonkHuihui慧暉(1097-1183)HuihuirsquospoemisincludedinthewellknownseriesNineteenVersesEulogizingtheOld頌古十九首compiledbytheChanmasterFaquan法全(1114-69)TheseriescontainsbothshiandcianditstitlemaybeanodtotheNineteenOldPoems古詩十九首afoundationalgroupofearlypentasyllabicshi303Wuhuaishi無懐氏(JMukaishi)isamythicalrulerwhoissometimesplacedinthegenerationjustafterFuxi伏羲andthecreatorgoddessNuwa女媧orasinShijiinthemuchlatergenerationjustprecedingtheYellowEmperorHiseraisinvokedheretofigurepeaceandpopularcontentment

183

templeKichijōji吉祥寺builtwithŌtomosupportin1339andheadedbyChūgan

andanattachedZenretreatcalledShishian止止庵304Theseplacesofferedprivacy

andrespiteduringthedifficulttimesfollowinghisrejectionoftheSōtōsectand

adoptionofDongyangDehuirsquoslineofRinzaiZenThefourversesarelistedinthe

vulgateeditionofTōkaiichiōshūashexasyllabicquatrains六言絶句Though

somewhatmorecommonthanhexasyllabicregulatedversesquatrainsinthismeter

arestillextremelyrareOftheapproximately48000shiintheQuanTangshi全唐

詩onlyabout150arehexasyllabicandthemostprolificuseroftheformZhang

Yue張説(667-730)iscreditedwithjusteightverses305Amongpoetsofwider

reputeWangWeiisknowntohavecomposedsevenhexasyllabicshiLiBaithree

andBaiJuyitwo306NostudyofwhichIamawareexaminestheprevalenceofthe

forminJapanthoughbecauseitspopularitywasrisinginChinathroughoutthe

SongDynastyitislikelythatmanyJapanesepoetswereawareofitAmongGozan

writerstheprincipalusersseemtohavebeenChūganandhisillustriousyounger

compatriotGidōShūshin(1325-88)wholeftnolessthaneleveninhismassive

collectionKūgeshū空華集307

304ThenameofboththetempleandtheretreatalludetotheaphorismldquoGoodfortuneliesinstoppingwhenitistimetostoprdquo吉祥止止whichisderivedfromZhuangzi21ldquoObservethevoidndashtheemptyroomemitsapurelightGoodfortuneliesinstoppingwhenitistimetostoprdquo瞻彼闋者虛室生白吉祥止止(trMairWanderingontheWayp33)GivenChūganrsquosabidinginterestinmoralbalanceandhisviewthatGo-DaigohaddisastrouslyoverplayedhishandintheKenmuRestorationthenamesarewellchosen 305Liuyanshitiyanjiup95306Ibid307GBZSv2pp472-73

184

Thereisdisagreementamongscholarsastowhetherpoemsofthismetercan

infactqualifyasrecent-stylepoetryatallwithsomeoptingtolimitthatdesignation

topenta-andheptasyllabicpoems308Intermsoftonalprosodyhexasyllabicshi

maysometimescontainlinesofwhichfourfiveorinsomecasesallsixwordsare

homotonousandtheso-calledldquoadherencerulerdquo(粘法)ofrecent-styleversewhich

helpstiecoupletstogetherisnotfollowedrigorously309Nonethelesshexasyllabic

shididgenerallyincorporateatleastsomeofthepatternsoftonalalteration

characteristicofrecent-styleversestrongtonalcontrastbetweenwordswithina

singlelineandbetweenlinesofasinglecoupletwasmorecommonthanthelack

thereofandhexasyllabicshialmostalwaysupheldtheessentiallyinviolablerecent-

stylerulethatevenlinesmustrhymeandthatrhymingwordsmustbeinlevel

tone310Thesimilaritieswereevidentlyenoughtomotivateatleastsome

premodernpoetstoincludesix-syllableshiintheircollectionsofquatrainsHong

MairsquosencyclopedicWanshouTangrenjuejuuml萬首唐人絶句(late12thc)forinstance

includes48suchversesndashstillamodestnumbergiventheimmensesizeofthe

work311Inanyeventtheboundarybetweenancient-styleandrecent-stylepoetry

washistoricallyratherfluidwithsomepoemscharacterizedasquatrainsor

308RenBantangTangshengshi(ShanghaiXinhuaShudian1982)309Therulestipulatesthatthefirsttwowordsofthelastlineofonecoupletshouldbeofthesametoneasthefirsttwowordsofthefirstlineofthesucceedingcouplet310Anoverviewoftheconventionsofrecent-stylepoetrymaybefoundinZong-QiCaildquoRecent-StyleShiPoetryPentasyllabicRegulatedVerserdquoinZong-QiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetry(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2008)pp161-77311WeiLiuyanshitiyanjiup150HongMai洪邁(1123-1202)aministerandscholarduringtheSouthernSonginitiallycompiledacollectionof5000TangquatrainsandpresentedittoEmperorXiaozong孝宗thiswassubsequentlyexpandedintoaworkof100volumescontaining100quatrainseachaboutthreequartersofwhichareheptasyllabic

185

regulatedversesbasedseeminglyonthefactthattheysomehowldquosoundedrdquolike

recent-stylepoemsdespitecontainingagreatmanytonalviolations312

Intermsoftheirgrammaticalstructurehexasyllabiclinesdonotscanin

thepatternstypicalofpenta-andheptasyllabiclinesproducingsyntacticrhythms

thatarenotonlystrikinglydifferentbutmorevariableaswell313Incipoetry

associatedwiththeschoolofldquoHeroicAbandonrdquo(ChaofangJgōhō豪放)thesix-

charactermeterwassometimesusedtoproducedramaticandhighlyimagisticlines

thatreliedonpureparataxisandavoidedfinalpredication

名月別枝驚鵲 Thefullmoonslantingbranchesastartledmagpie XinQiji辛棄疾(1140-1207) 孤村落日殘霞 Alonelyvillagethesettingsunlingeringhuesofpink輕烟老樹寒鴉 Lighthazeanagedtreeacrowinthecold BaiRenfu白仁甫(1226-1306)

WhiletheconventionsofclassicalChinesegrammardonotadmitofrigidly

definedpartsofspeechndashagivenwordmayfunctionasanounverbadjectiveor

adverbdependingoncontextandsyntacticpositionndashtheselineseffectivelycontain

312OwenReadingsinChineseLiteraryThoughtp432313ThedifferencesinsyntacticrhythmbetweenshiofdifferentmetersarenotnecessarilyapparentifreadingisdoneaccordingtoJapanesekundokuconventions(anymorethansuchdifferencesarenecessarilyapparentinEnglishtranslation)AsnotedintheintroductiontheworkingassumptionofthisstudyisthatChūganwasattentivetothewayhispoemssoundedinChineseEminentkanshipoetswereusuallywelltrainedinmattersoftonalprosodyeventhoughmostdidnotspeakChineseandtheassumptionthatChineseprosodywassignificantforapoetsuchasChūganwhobyallaccountsdidpossessnotableproficiencyinspeakingseemsespeciallywarranted

186

noverbssavethoseusedasparticiples(egthesettingsun落日)andtheyuseno

prepositionsparticlesorotherdevicestospecifygrammaticalrelationsThelines

scaninthe2+2+2semanticrhythmproducingadistinctivestaccatostyleChūganrsquos

versesworkdifferentlymakingfrequentuseofgrammaticalparticlesandfeaturing

linesthatconstitutecompleteornearlycompletesentencesInterestinglythismore

prosaicstylewasnotonlycommoninciandquwhichisunsurprisinggiventhe

vernacularoriginsofthoseformsbutwasalsoamainstayofhexasyllabicshiafact

WeiShaoshengbelievesmayreflecttheinfluenceoffu314Examplesreflectingthe

prosaicstylebyLiBaiWangJianWangWeiandmanyothereminentpoetsappear

plentifulwhenconsideredasafractionofthetotalnumberofsurvivinghexasyllabic

shiandtheversesofldquoLateSpringintheMountainsofTonerdquobearmanysimilarities

toarchetypessuchasthefollowing

題舒州山谷寺石牛洞 WrittenonShiniuGrottoatShanguTempleinShuPrefecture315

水泠泠而北出 Thewaterisclearandcoolandflowsnorth 山靡靡而旁圍 Thehillsarescatteredaboutandencirclethearea 欲窮源而不得 Iwantedtofindthesourcebutwasunabletogetit竟悵望以空歸 IntheendmyhopeswentunrealizedandIreturnedemptyhanded316 WangAnshi王安石(1021-86)314WeiLiuyanshitiyanjiup168 315ShanguTempleismorecommonlyknownasSanzuTemple三祖寺owingtothefactthattheThirdChanPatriarchSengcan僧璨(510-606)onceresidedthereShuPrefectureislocatedinthemodernAnhuiProvince316Ibidp168

187

田園樂七首

SevenPoemsontheJoysofFieldsandGardensno6

桃紅復含宿雨 Peachblossomsflushwithcolorstillholdlastnightrsquosrain柳緑更帶春烟 Willowslushandgreenremainmantledinspringtimemists 花落家僮未掃 Petalsliestrewnaboutandthehouseboyhasyettosweepthemaway鶯啼山客猶眠 Anoriolecallsoutbutthemountaintravelerstaysfastasleep317 WangWei王維(699-759)

OfthetwoWangWeirsquospoemisthemoredescriptiveandthelessinsistently

subject-centeredthoughineachlinewordssuchasldquostillrdquo(復更猶)andldquohasyettordquo

(未)underscorethepoetrsquospersonaljudgmentaboutthesceneSuchwasalsothe

casethroughoutthefirstverseofldquoLateSpringintheMountainsofTonerdquowhich

reliedheavilyuponsimilaradverbialexpressions(或半乍且)andinthesecond

versewhosesecondcoupletfeaturedtwointerrogativelocutions(胡為烏)318The

particlesandconjunctionsinWangAnshirsquosverse(而以)imparttoitastrongly

prosaicqualitythispointcanbeeasilyappreciatedbyimaginingthesecondlineas

onerephrasedinthepentasyllabicmeterwithout而where山靡靡而旁圍yields

ldquothehillsarescatteredaboutandencircletheareardquothetruncated山靡靡旁圍might

bestberenderedldquohillsscatteredaboutencircletheareardquoTogetherwiththeclearly

metaphoricalsecondcoupletndashthewordsldquosourcerdquo源andldquoemptyrdquo空areredolentof

Buddho-Daoistthoughtndashthepoemasawholecouldnotbemuchfurtherfromthe

317Ibidp74318Throughaprocessofparanomasticborrowingthecharacter烏isusedforitssoundwu(EarlyMandarinuMiddleChineseɁuǝ)torepresentthewordldquohowrdquo

188

austerenaturalisticmodeglimpsedinthelinesofHeroicAbandoncibyXinQijiand

BaiRenfu

ThepentasyllabicparaphraseofWangAnshirsquoslineadumbratesafeature

commonnotonlytoChūganrsquoshexasyllabicpoemsbuttohexasyllabicshimore

generallynamelyhowreadilyagreatmanylinesmayberecastintohypothetical

fiveorseven-syllablevariantswithnosubstantivechangeinmeaningForinstance

thefirstcoupletofChūganrsquosthirdverseldquoDriedoutwisterialiecoiledlikeworms

Strangerocksofvariegatedcolorsresemblecrouchingbeastsrdquomightberephrased

intheseven-syllablemeteras枯藤屈曲若蟲盤怪石斕斒似獣蹲whichsimply

makesexplicittherelationsoflikenessimpliedintheoriginalBothlinesnowscan

intheveryfamiliar2+2+3patternbetterstillsince若(ldquoasifrdquo)and似(ldquoto

resemblerdquo)areentering-tonewordsbothlinesnowalignperfectlywithrecent-style

tonalrequirementsSimilarlytheopeninglinesofthesecondverseldquoWhiteclouds

undulatingsoftlyStreamsbabblinggentlyrdquomightbeshortenedfrom白雲溶溶洩洩

流水潺潺湲湲to白雲溶洩洩流水潺湲湲althoughtheresultingtonaldistribution

doesnotaccordentirelywithrecent-styleconventionsthelinesscaneasilyand

theirmeaningremainsunchanged

Thisexercisemayseemlittlemorethanaspeculativeindulgencebutit

suggeststherelativeeasewithwhichaparticularpoeticimagemightberealizedin

multiplesyllabicmetersItalsoillustratesacompositionalstrategythatisinfact

knowntohaveinformedtheearlydevelopmentofpentasyllabicshipoetrynamely

theexpansionoffour-syllablelinesintofive-syllableequivalentsviatheuseof

particlesorbinomes(forinstanceusingdaolu道路forldquoroadrdquoinsteadofjustdao道

189

orlu路alone)319Historicallyofcourseheptasyllabicversewasrarebeforethe

TangDynastyandthusplayednoformativeroleinthedevelopmentofhexasyllabic

shiassuchButitseemsquitepossiblethatpentasyllabicpoetrymighthaveandin

anyeventbythetimeChūganwasactivetheseven-syllablelinehadbeendominant

inbothChinaandJapanformanycenturiesmakingmoreorlesscontinuous

interplaybetweenalloftheseformslikelyItisthereforeunsurprisingthatin

additiontotheapparentstylisticinfluenceofearlierhexasyllabicshiastockof

phrasesandpoeticimagesculledfromheptasyllabicpoemssuchasthosebythe

monksZhengjueandHuihuiseemalsotohaveinfluencedtheversesofldquoLateSpring

intheMountainsofTonerdquo

ConclusionCiandSiniticPoetryinMedievalJapan

ThecentralaimofthischapterhasbeentohighlightworksinTōkaiichiōshū

whoseformalpropertieswereunusualforSiniticverseinJapanandtoconsider

theminreferencetorelevantpoeticdevelopmentsinChinaChūganwasnotthe

onlyfigureintheGozanmovementtounderstandthesedevelopmentsbuthewas

evidentlymorewillingthanmostofhiscontemporariestoexperimentwiththemin

hisownverseoratleastmorewillingtopreservetheresultsforposterityYetin

lightoftheextraordinarypopularityandartisticvibrancythecihadachievedin

ChinabytheendofthetwelfthcenturyitsneartotalabsencefromGozan

collectionsisamongthemostcuriousfacetsofGozanliterarycultureandindeedof

319SeeStephenOwenTheMakingofEarlyChineseClassicalPoetry(CambridgeMAHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2006)p74

190

medievalkanshibunmoregenerallyTheproblemitshouldbenotedwasnotalack

ofbasicknowledgetheearliestandmostinfluentialanthologyofciZhaoCongzuorsquos

tenth-centuryHuajianji花間集islongknowntohavecirculatedamongGozan

literati320andseveralotherfamousworksthatdiscussorcontainexamplesofci

suchasShirenyuxie詩人玉屑andJuefanHuihongrsquosLinjianlu林間錄wereprinted

inJapanviawoodblockandpublishedbymajorGozanmonasteries321Giventhe

generalesteemaccordedtoChinesebellelettresitisthusrathersurprisingthat

notableJapanesepractitionersofcididnotappearuntiltheeighteenthcentury

nearlyamillenniumaftertheformrsquosemergenceinChina322

Multipleexplanationsmightbeadducedfortheapparentlackofinterestinci

amongpremodernJapanesepoetsthemostparsimoniousofwhichissimplythat

thenewformwastothemlargelysuperfluoustheshiremainedartistically

sufficientfortheirpurposesandfewJapanesepoetswereinclinedtostudyanew

formwhosemasterydemandedknowledgeofdozensoftunepatternsthat

determinedmeterrhymeschemeandtonalprosodyButtressingthispositionis

thefactthatkanshipoetsbyallindicationswereneverbesetbyasenseof

320SeeKandaKiichirōNihonniokeruChūgokubungakuvol1(TokyoNigensha1965)pp56-7321SucheditionsareknowntodayasldquoGozaneditionsrdquo(Gozan-ban五山版)SeeKandaNihonniokeruChūgokubungakup53322SeeChenZhuhui陳竺慧ldquoNomuraKōennolsquogashirsquotoShindainoshidansonoeibutsushiotegakarinirdquo野村篁園の「雅詞」と清代の詞壇その詠物詞を手がかりにWasedaDaigakudaigakuinbungakukenkyūkakiyō62(Mar2017)pp203-215AsChennotesevenintheEdoperiodciremainedaminorartformoflittleinteresttomostkanshipoetsThefirstJapanesetreatiseofcipoeticsTenshizufu塡詞図譜wascompiledbyTanomuraChikuden田能村竹田(1777-1835)andpublishedin1807

191

belatednessorBloomiananxietyvis-agrave-visthegreatChinesepoetsofthepastnor

didtheyfeelaneedtoescapefromtheweightofanoppressiveshitradition

Meaningfulparticipationinthattraditionwasaccomplishmentenoughandthefact

thatLiBaiorDuFuremainedunsurpassabledidnotdriveJapaneseshipoetsaway

fromthemediumortowardsconspicuousstylisticnovelty323

Anadditionalandperhapsevenmoresalientfactorthatmighthave

motivatedthearmrsquos-lengthapproachGozanmonkstooktocindashreadandreprint

thembutdonrsquotwriteyourownndashwastheformrsquoshistoricalassociationwithwomen

andtheentertainmentquarters324IndeedHuajianjiisdominatedbytheostensibly

femininethemesofloveandabandonment325andtotheextentthatthiscollection

wasthemajorsourceofinformationaboutciinearlymedievalJapanGozanpoets

mighthaveapprehendedtheformasaninherentlyfeminizedoneMoreoverwhile

mostmaleliteratiexpressedvaryingdegreesofdisapprovalforexcessive

indulgenceinciGozanmonksmighthavetakenspecialnoticeofthefactthatitwas

aChanmonkFayunFaxiu法雲法秀(1027-1090)whoofferedthegreatpoetHuang

Tingjian黃庭堅(1045-1105)afamousadmonitionagainstdabblingintheformat

all

323LestthisbethoughtsimplyareflectionofageneralconservatismamongJapaneseliteratiitisworthnotingthatintherealmofvernacularpoetryattemptstobreakfreefromcertaintraditionalpoeticstrictureswerebeingmadeatthistimebywakapoetsoftheKyōgyoku京極schoolandthedevelopmentofseriouslinkedverse(renga連歌)wouldsoonfundamentallytransformJapanesepoetryandpoetictheory324SameildquoCiPoetryShortSongLyrics(Xiaoling)rdquop245EganldquoTheProblemoftheReputeofTzrsquourdquopp194-207andpassim325Sameip251

192

hellipOnedaythedharmamastersaidtoLuzhi(HuangTingjian)ldquoTherersquosnoharminwritingasmanyshiasyoulikebutyoushouldstopcomposingeroticsongsandlittlecirdquoLuzhilaughedldquoTheyarejustwordsintheairIrsquomnotkillinganyoneandIrsquomnotstealingSurelyIwonrsquotbesentencedtooneoftheevildestiniesforwritingthesesongsrdquoThedharmamasterrepliedldquoIfyouusewickedwordstoarouselustinmenrsquosheartscausingthemtoignoreproprietyandviolatethelawthenyourwordswillbeasourceofcrimeandwrongandIrsquomafraidyouwillnotmerelybepunishedwithevildestiniesrdquoLuzhinoddedandsubsequentlystoppedwritingsongs326

AsithappenedHuangTingjiandidnotstopwritingcithoughinhisown

accountofthisexchangetheChanmasterisevenmoreexplicitinhiswarning

opiningthatrebirthintheHellofSlitTonguesawaitsthosewhouseoffensive

language327Notablythemasterisdecidedlyunconcernedwithshianditiseasyto

imagineZenmonksinJapanharboringasimilarprejudiceagainstthecievenasthey

pursuedshicompositionassiduouslyHadthecibeenasartisticallyprominentin

theeighthcenturyasitwasbythetwelfthitmighteasilyhavefoundquick

popularityamongNaraandHeianaristocratswhoatthetimewerethetastemakers

inthesmallworldofJapanesekanshibunandmuchenamoredwithpalace-styleshi

whosethematicsimilaritiestociweresubstantial328Andinsofarasmotifssuchas

clandestineromancesabandonmentandunrequitedloveemergewith

extraordinaryprominenceinvernacularJapaneseproseandpoetryoftheHeianera

itisquiteconceivablethatmalearistocratsofthetimemighthavebeenmore

326QuotedinEganldquoTheProblemoftheReputeofTzrsquourdquopp202withminororthographicchanges327Ibid328SeeKang-iSunChangTheEvolutionofChineseTrsquozuPoetryFromLateTrsquoangtoNorthernSung(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1980)p18citedinLinldquoTheFormationofaDistinctGenericIdentityforTrsquozurdquop16

193

amenabletostereotypicalcithemesthantheirmonasticcountrymenweretobe

fourcenturieslater

194

Conclusion

Gozan Literature in Retrospect

1 KanshibunandtheKokugaku国学LegacyInmodernformulationsofJapaneseliteraturetheGozancorpusoccupiesa

uniquepositiononethatisunquestionablycentraltothehistoryofJapanese

kanshibun漢詩文ndashpoetryandprosecomposedinthetrans-nationaltrans-

linguisticmediumofldquoliterarySiniticrdquondashandyetforthatveryreasonperipheralto

thecanonasawholeToasignificantdegreethisstateofaffairsistheresultofthe

monolingualandphonocentricimperativesthatbegantoinformtheconstructionof

aldquonativerdquoJapaneseliterarycanonintheeighteenthcenturyScholarsassociated

withthekokugaku国学orldquonativestudiesrdquomovementsoughttorecoverthe

indigenouslinguisticandculturalsensibilitiesofearlyJapanTheireffortswere

motivatednotsimplybyphilologicalcuriositythoughmanywereindeedgifted

philologistsbutbyanabidingdesiretodevelopanideologicalalternativetothe

Neo-ConfucianismascendantinTokugawa-eraintellectuallifeThoughcoloredby

ananti-Chineseandanti-BuddhistoutlookthatGozanliteratiwouldundoubtedly

havefoundbizarreanddistastefulthemovementwasextremelyproductive

kokugakuscholarsundertookrigoroushermeneuticalexaminationsofJapanese

textsthathadnotpreviouslyreceivedsuchattentionthemostculturally

consequentialofwhichwouldturnouttobethelittleknownmythohistorical

195

chronicleKojiki古事記(ARecordofAncientMatters712)Equallysignificanttothe

fieldofliterarystudiesweretheirreconsiderationsoffamousvernacularworksof

poetryandprosefictionsuchasIsemonogatari伊勢物語(TalesofIse9thc)Genji

monogatari源氏物語(TheTaleofGenjic1010)Manrsquoyōshū万葉集(Collectionof

MyriadLeaves759)andKokinwakashū古今和歌集(CollectionofJapanesePoems

AncientandModern905)Theseinvestigationslaidthegroundworkforsubstantial

advancesinlinguisticsandlexicography329AndacenturybeforeEnglishliterature

hadearnedaplaceintheBritishacademyalongsidetheGreekandLatinclassicsthe

effortsofkokugakuscholarshelpedestablishtheformalstudyofvernacular

JapaneseliteratureasanacademicenterpriseonparwiththestudyoftheChinese

classicswhichuntilthenhadbeentheonlyldquoclassicsrdquorecognizedassuchinJapan330

Bythelatenineteenthcenturythenativistimpetusbehindkokugakuhad

beenaugmentedbyaburgeoningnationalismasJapansoughttodefineitsplacein

329SeeSusanBurnsBeforetheNationKokugakuandtheImaginingofCommunityinEarlyModernJapan(DurhamDukeUnivPress2003)passimThisisnottosaythatkokugakuwasexclusivelyorevenprimarilyaphilologicalorldquotextualrdquomovementonlythatitsideologicalgoalsnecessitatedtheinterpretationoftextsandthatthisimperativeledtovariouscriticaladvances330Terminologicallyspeakingwordsoftentranslatedasldquoclassicsrdquo(tenseki典籍tenpun典墳)referredmostoftentoChinesetextsSimilarlywordssuchassaigaku才学ldquolearningrdquoreferrednotjusttoknowledgeingeneralbuttoknowledgeoftheChineseclassicsinparticularForexamplethepoetandloverAriwaranoNarihira在原業平(825-80)whoseadventuresarerecountedinIsemonogatariisdescribedinthehistoryNihonsandaijitsuroku日本三代實録asldquoratherbereftofsaigakubutexcellentatcomposingwakardquo略無才學善作倭歌WhiletheprecisemeaningofthislineisthesubjectofongoingdebatethetraditionalviewfirstputforthbykokugakuscholarshasbeenthatthecompilersofSandaijitsurokuwereappraisingNarihirainrelativetermsasbeingunremarkableinChineselearningbutdistinguishedinwakacompositionMeijiacademicsfromthelate1880sonwardwouldbegintofreelyapplythetermkoten古典ldquoclassicsrdquotovernacularJapaneseworks

196

theWestphalianworldorderEuropeanphonocentrismjibednicelywiththe

longstandinganti-logographicbentofkokugakuwhichhadfromitsinception

praisedJapanesekana(andSiddhamscript)whiledisparagingChinese

characters331AndEuropeannotionsofanessentialorganicrelationbetweena

peopletheirspokenlanguageandtheliteraturewroughtfromthatlanguagewere

easytoreconcilewiththeethnocentricclaimsofkokugakuscholarswhowereoften

atpainstoemphasizethealterityofallthingsChineseWhenKadanoAzumamaro

荷田春満(1669-1736)afoundingfigureinthekokugakumovementreferredto

Manrsquoyōshūasldquotheessenceofoutnationaltemperamentrdquo(国風の純粋)hewas

positingthepersistenceinJapaneseliteratureofwhatHippolyteTaine(1828-93)

wouldlateridentifyastheldquoinnateandhereditarydispositionsrdquothatbelongtoa

particularpeopleandaremanifestintheirliterature332Tainewasoneofseveral

WesterntheoristswhoseworkwouldbeenthusiasticallyreceivedbyMeiji-era

scholarsinJapanbothbecauseitansweredcontemporarypedagogicaland

ideologicalneedsandbecauseitdovetailednicelywithlongestablishednativist

convictionsInasimilarveinthereverenceshowntofolksongsbythepoetand

philosopherJohannGottfriedHerder(1744-1803)alignedneatlyinbothitsmotives

331SeeReganEMurphyldquoEsotericBuddhistTheoriesofLanguageinearlyKokugakuTheSōshakuoftheManrsquoyōdaishokirdquoJapaneseJournalofReligiousStudies361(2009)pp65-91332QuotedinWmTheodoredeBaryedSourcesofJapaneseTradition(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1958)pp513HVanLauntransHippolyteTaineHistoryofEnglishLiterature(LondonChattoandWindus1878)p10ThesedispositionscomprisewhatTainefamouslytermsldquolaracerdquothemeaningofwhichasexplainedbyhistorianNathalieRichardsisnotsomuchaldquodeacuteterminismebiologiquerdquobutaldquoformedrsquoespritcollectiverdquoSeeRichardsHippolyteTaineHistoriePsychologieLitteacuterature(ParisClassiquesGarnier2013)p145

197

anditscriticalnomenclaturewithkokugakuscholarsrsquovenerationofsimilarmediain

JapanHerderbelievedthatlanguagewasafoundationalevensacredconstituent

ofapeoplersquosidentityandhisnotionofthesprachgeist(spiritoflanguage)foundan

easyhomeamongMeiji-eratheoristslongaccustomedtotherevivifiedand

repurposednotionofkotodama言霊(thespiritofwords)whichhadbecomea

centralconceptinlateTokugawakokugakudiscourse

Theeventualresultoftheseinteractionswastheformationofanew

academicandideologicalventureknownaskokubungaku国文学orldquonational

literaturerdquowhichbythe1890shadbecomethedominantcriticalparadigm

governingthestudyofpremodernJapanesetextsThoughheirtomuchofthe

intellectuallegacyofkokugakukokubungakuassimilatedEuropeanideasabout

literaryformandhistorythattookthenation-stateasthepreeminentexpressionof

culturalandpoliticaldevelopmentThisimpartedtothedisciplinecertain

ideologicalobjectivesandformalinterestsnotsharedbyitspredecessorWhereas

kokugakuhadplacedparticularemphasisonwakapoetrykokubungaku

emphasizedJapaneseprosefictionwhichsharedmanyattributeswiththe

novelisticwritingthathadwonsuchesteemintheWestAndwhereaskokugaku

hadsoughttouncoveranauthenticprelapsarianYamatoidiomunsulliedby

continentalinfluenceskokubungakuendeavoredtopresentJapaneseliteratureas

theuniquelyidentifiableproductofatranshistoricalculturemore-or-less

coterminouswiththetraditionalgeopoliticalboundariesoftheJapaneseimperium

Inprinciplekokubungakuthushadthepotentialtobequitecapaciousasany

writtenartifactofarchipelaganoriginmightconceivablybeconstruedasfalling

198

withintheboundariesofldquoJapaneserdquoliteratureYetwhileitscanonwasindeed

largerthanthatofkokugakumainlybecauseitdidnotexcludeTokugawa-period

workskokubungakutoostruggledtoaccommodateJapanesekanshibunand

continuedtoprivilegevernaculargenresasthequintessenceofJapaneseliterary

expression

FortheleadinglightsofMeijikokubungakukanshibunwasitwouldseem

stilltooldquoChineserdquoAsearlyas1890thepioneeringkokubungakuscholarHaga

Yaichi芳賀矢一(1867-1927)haddefinedacircumlocutoryldquogracerdquo(yūbi優美)as

theessenceofJapaneseliteraryaestheticsincontrasttotheldquostrengthrdquo(yūsō勇壮)

ofChineseliteratureandtheldquoprecisionrdquo(seichi精緻)ofWesternliterature333

NearlytwentyyearslaterHagawouldarguestronglyfortheincorporationof

kanshibunintoacademictreatmentsofJapanrsquosnationalliterature334butbythenthe

dyehadlargelybeencastInpartkanshibunliteraturewasexcludedbyaesthetic

fiatitslanguagetostatetheobviousaspiredtoartisticeffectsdifferentfromthose

ofwakaormonogataritomostspecialistsofnationalliteratureevenwhenitwas

gooditwasnotreallyJapaneseFurtherpushingkanshibuntothemarginswas

kokubungakursquosformalfocusonthenovelAlthoughkanbunfictionwasnot333HagaYaichiandTachibanaSensaburōedsKokubungakutokuhoninHagaYaichisenshūhenshūiinkaiedHagaYaichisenshūvol2(TokyoKokugakuin1983)pp192-93AsimilarviewwaspropoundedbyMasaokaShikithoughinexplicitrelationtolanguagesheheldWesternlanguagestobeprecise(緻密)andgiventometiculousdescription(叙事詳細)Chinesetobeboldandmagnificent(雄渾雄大)andJapanesetobegracefulandfine(優美繊柔)SeeMatsuiToshihikoldquoMasaokaShikishūrdquoinNihonkindaibungakutaikeivol16(TokyoKadokawaShoten1972)p132334MatthewFraleighPluckingChrysanthemumsNarushimaRyūhokuandSiniticLiteraryTraditionsinModernJapan(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2016)pp6-7

199

unknownitwasvastlyoutweighedinquantityandqualitybyvernacularfictionIn

lightofboththeformidablelinguisticchallengesandlongstandingscholastic

prejudicesagainstfictionitselfitisprobablysafetosaythatthesmallminorityof

JapaneseBuddhistorConfucianliteratiwhopossessedsufficienttechnical

competenceinliterarySinitictocomposefictionalstoriesmarkedbycomplex

characterizationandpsychologicaldepthhadlittleinterestinactuallydoingso

WhileoutstandingJapanesekanshipoetsdidoccasionallyproduceworkssufficient

tomeetwithapprobationinChinandashZekkaiChūshinandAraiHakuseki(1657-1725)

arefamousexamplesndashthereistomyknowledgenoworkofliterarySinitic(or

vernacularChinese)fictionbyaJapaneseauthorthatiscomparableinqualityto

notableworksoffictionbyChineseauthorsortonotablevernacularJapanese

monogatari335

Thethornyissueoforiginalityposedyetanotherproblempremodern

JapanesehistoricalandphilosophicalwritingwasasdeeplysteepedinBuddhism

andConfucianismasEuropeanhistoryandphilosophywasinPlatonismand

AbrahamictheologyButwhilerepublicanRomeandtheancientGreekpoleis

bulkedlargeintheEuropeanimaginationtheywerelongextinctandbore

essentiallynorelationtothepolitiescontrollingItalyandthePeloponnesusinearly

335AsnotedinChapterFourZekkaiexchangedpoemswiththefoundingemperoroftheMingDynastyZhuYuanzhangForHakusekimattersunfoldedmoreserendipitouslyAcollectionofhispoemsseemstohavebeenbroughttotheRyūkyūKingdomandthensubsequentlytoChinawhereaHanlinacademyscholarZhengRenyue鄭任鑰appraisedithighlyandwrotealaudatoryprefaceSeeBurtonWatsonJapaneseLiteratureinChinese(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1976)v2pp13-14andYoshikawaKōjirōHōchōfushiRongozakkiAraiHakusekiitsuji(TokyoShinchosha1971)pp81-193

200

moderntimesBycontrastChinesedynastiesincludingeventheMongolYuan

(1280-1368)andManchuQing(1644-1912)purportedtoupholdidealsofroyal

paramountcyandculturalexcellencethatinprincipleextendedasfarbackasthe

ZhouDynasty(1046-256BC)QingrulerspartookextensivelyofChinesehigh

cultureadoptingBeijingastheircapitalcityandretainingthebasicbureaucratic

machineryoftheirvanquishedMingpredecessorsItwasanapproachthat

contrastsmarkedlywiththatoftheroughlycontemporaneousOttomanrulersof

GreeceandithelpedfosterthesensethatldquoChinardquoasapoliticalandculturalentity

wascharacterizedbyanextraordinarydegreeofcontinuitycertainlyfarhigher

thanthatwhichcharacterizedthevariousearlymodernEuropeanstateswhose

landswereoncehometotheMediterraneancivilizationsofantiquityThissenseof

anldquoeternalrdquoChinalongnotedinEuropeanwritingsonAsiawasalsoverymucha

partofthepremodernandearly-modernJapaneseimaginationInthisconnection

itisillustrativetocontrasttherelationshipthatearly-modernEuropeanpowers

enjoyedwiththefruitsofGreco-RomanculturewithJapanrsquosrelationshiptothe

ChineseculturallegacyWhereastheformerwaslargelycuratorialandrarelyif

evermarkedbychauvinismonthepartofEuropeansthelatterwascomplicated

fromtheoutsetby6thand7th-centuryJapaneserulersrsquodesireforpoliticalparity

withtheSuiandTangcourtsEventheopenhostilitydisplayedtwelvecenturies

laterbyjingoistickokugakupartisansfoundasympatheticdomesticaudiencein

partbecauseQingChinaremainedageopoliticalcompetitortoJapan

FinallythehistoricallegacyofGozanwritersmustbeunderstoodin

referencenotonlytoJapaneseattitudestowardsChinaandtheChineselanguage

201

butalsototheebbingfortunesofinstitutionalBuddhismduringtheTokugawaera

(1600-1868)FormallyspeakingBuddhismwasanldquoestablishedrdquoreligionatleast

insofarastheTokugawashogunatedeterminedtoextirpateChristianityinthe

wakeoftheShimabaraRebellion(1637-38)legislatedtheuseoftemplesascenters

ofcompulsoryreligiousregistrationOntheintellectualfronthoweverthefaith

wasincreasinglyonthedefensiveasNeo-Confucianandkokugakupolemicistsndash

ideologicallyalignedinthisparticularinstancendashattackedbothitstenetsandits

institutionalstructure336Asearlyas1666thedaimyoofOkayamadomainIkeda

Mitsumasaorderedthat598Buddhisttemplesbeabolishedandthatreligious

registrationattemples(tera-uke)bediscontinuedinfavorofregistrationatShinto

shrines(shinshoku-uke)337Similarpolicieswerecarriedoutbyotherdaimyo

sometimesundertheaegisofpromotingShintoandalwayswithaneyetowards

strengtheningdomainalfinancesbyreturningtemplelandstothetaxrollsBythe

endoftheTokugawaperiodactsofviolenceagainsttempleshadoccurredin

multipledomainsandfurtherdespoliationofBuddhistpropertyfollowedinthe

yearsaftertheshogunatersquosdissolution338TheMeijireformersfortheirpartdid

notactuallyseekthewholesaleeradicationofBuddhismndashtheinfamousslogan

haibutsukishaku癈佛毀釋ldquoAbolishtheBuddhaandDestroyShakyamunirdquowasnot

officialpolicyYettheyleftlittledoubtthatBuddhismwasatbesttobeseenasan

unessentialelementintheculturallifeofthenewnationandatworstasan

336SeeMartinCollcuttldquoBuddhismTheThreatofEradicationrdquoinMariusBJansenandGilbertRozmanedsJapaninTransitionFromTokugawatoMeiji(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1986)pp143-167337Ibidp146338Ibidp146

202

unwelcomeadulteranttoShintofromwhichitwastoberigorouslyseparated339

ThiscleavingofBuddhismfromShintoshinbutsubunri神佛分離wasofficialpolicy

anditbroughttoanendalmostamillenniumofinstitutionalreligioussyncretism340

Morethanthisithelpedinstantiateinthereligiousrealmthesamepursuitofpurity

andnationalessencethatsooftenpropelledkokubungakudiscourse

AsaresultoftheseprocessestheGozancorpuswasmultiplyalienatedfrom

themodernunderstandingofJapaneseliteratureitslanguage(oratleastits

orthographyndashmoreonthisbelow)wasChineseitsdominantgenreswereshi

poetryandnon-fictionalexpositoryproseanditseclecticsubjectmatteraimed

mostlyateliteaudienceswasheldtoreflectvaluesthatwerefundamentallyalien

andpossiblyevenanathematotheindigenousJapaneseVolksgeistFully

integratingtheworksofleadingGozanliteratiintotheJapanesecanonwasthus

ideologicallyfraughtinawaythatforexampletheintegrationintotheEnglish

canonofWilliamofOccamrsquostheologicalandscientificwritingswhichareinLatin

wasnotThebroadexclusionofGozanliteratureandotherliterarySiniticwritings

meantthatanimmensevolumeofshipoetryalongwithanimposingbodyof

scholarshipinareassuchasstatutorylawandpoliticalphilosophywasassigneda

moremarginalpositionthanithadinfactoccupiedhistorically341Evenmore

339Ibidpp150-51340Ibidpp151341ThecentralityofkanbuntextstopremodernJapaneseeducationisdetailedextensivelyinHaruoShiraneldquoCurriculumandCompetingCanonsrdquoinShiraneandTomikoYodaedsInventingtheClassics(StanfordStanfordUnivPress2000)pp220-249InsomecaseskanbuntextsconstitutedtheentiretyofacurriculumandoccupiedthebulkofextracurricularreadingTheAshikagagakkōaninfluentialinstitutionofcollegiateeducationforsamuraimaintainedacurriculumcomprised

203

perniciouslybyfosteringtheimpressionthatpremodernandearly-modernJapan

producedhighlyoriginalvernacularpoetsandprosewritersbutnotjuristsand

philosophersthemonolingualcharacterofthekokubungakucanonabetted

essentialistandanti-rationalistclaimsaccordingtowhichJapanunlikeChinaand

theWestwasacultureofaffectiveimmediacynotdiscursivereason

Whilesuchclaimsprovedremarkablydurablecontinuingeventodaytohold

securepurchaseuponthenationalistimaginationitwouldbemisleadingtoimply

thatideologicalfactorsaloneexplaintherelegationofkanshibuntotheperipheryof

theJapanesecanontheydonotNolessgermaneisthesimplefactthatachieving

masteryofliterarySiniticwashardcomparativelyspeakingforJapanesewriters

Evenwithextensiveformaltrainingitisnomeanfeattowriteartfullyinamedium

developedtotranscribealanguagedrasticallydifferentfromthatwhichonespeaks

AndevenifweassumeasiscommoninmuchcurrentscholarshiponJapanese

kanshibunthateducatedwritershadsothoroughlyinternalizedthekundoku訓読

methodsthroughwhichliterarySiniticscriptwasrealizedinJapaneseastomakeits

useldquosecondnaturerdquoitmuststillberememberedthatasaproductivemedium

literarySiniticisnotanalternativeorthographyfortheJapaneselanguageinits

entiretyRatheritisanalternativeorthographyforkundokubun訓読文itselfwhich

isbutoneveryparticularregisterofJapaneseItisofcoursetheoreticallypossible

ofbothBuddhistandsecularChinesetextswiththelatterassuminganincreasinglydominantpositioninthe15thcenturyAsShiraneobserves76percentoftheuniversityrsquosbooktitleswereworksofChineseliteraturephilosophyanddivination16percentwereBuddhisttextsand7percentwereJapanesetextsthatmoreoftenthannotwerewrittenwhollyorpartlyinkanbunegWakanrōeishūAzumakagamiandGoseibaishikimoku

204

thataJapanesewriterrsquosinnermonologuemightbeinsomethingquitecloseto

kundokubuninwhichcasehecouldeasilyputhisthoughtstopaperusingliterary

SiniticwhathecouldnotdowithliterarySinitichoweveristranscribethespoken

languageofanyeraofJapanesehistory342

Therelevanceofthisfacttotheskillofkanshibunwritersortheliterary

valueoftheirworksisdifficulttoassessdisinterestedlyasanysuchassessmentwill

appeartoimplyeithersupportfororresistancetothekokubungakuvalorizationof

vernacularlanguageTraditionallyofcoursethemostcommonassumptionamong

criticshasbeenthatalthoughJapanesekanshipoetsmightpossessestimable

technicalproficiencytheircompositionswillgenerallylacktheartisticpanacheand

ldquoauthenticityrdquoofvernacularJapanesepoemsOnceagaintheproblemwithsucha

conclusionisnotthatitisdemonstrablyfalsebutthatitspremiseonlyinvites

furtherquestionsIfoneprizesspontaneityabovecraftorbelievesthatan

ldquoauthenticrdquopoeticvoicenecessarilyemploysthepoetrsquosspokenlanguagethen

kanshiwillfallshortbydefinitionYetinthecontextofpremodernJapanese

literatureonemaywellaskwhythelineshouldbedrawnatkanshiawakapoetof

thenineteenthcenturymightchoosetocomposeinthelanguageoftheninthwhich

isgrammaticallyneartomodernJapaneseinmanyrespectsbutisnonethelessa

verylongwayfromvernacularSuchcompositionsmoreovermayinvolveasmuch

mentationandcraftasthetypicalkanshiparticularlyforwakapoetswhoarepartial

tothecomplexregimeofwordplaysandrhetoricaldevicesdevelopedoverthe

courseoftheHeianperiod(794-1185)Itisalsoworthrememberingthatdebates342TheseandrelatedpointsaredevelopedmorefullyintheappendedessayldquoKanshibunKundokuandtheJapaneseLanguagerdquo

205

regardingtheartisticmeritofversescomposedspontaneouslyasopposedtothose

carefullyworkedandreworkedoverlongerperiodsoftimehadbeencommonplace

forcenturiesinbothChineseshiandJapanesewakacriticism343Andwhilesome

post-Heianwakapoetsdidaspiretoamoredirectunembellishedstylethefact

remainsthatagreatmanypremodernJapanesepoetsgrantedasecureplaceinthe

kokugakuandkokubungakucanonsweremastersofcraftsticklersforconvention

andeverywherereliantuponanimmensebodyofacquiredtextualknowledge

Henceifunusualartisticqualityorldquoauthenticityrdquoaretheparamountcriteriafor

admissionintothecanonitbecomesdifficulttojustifyconsigningkanshitothe

marginsunlessoneispreparedtodothesametomanymajorwakapoetsofthe

conservativeNijōschoolforexample

Suchanapproachtoclassicalliteraturewouldofcourseresultina

dramaticallysmallerandartisticallyimpoverishedcanonNijōwakaareproperly

canonicalnotbecausetheyappearbrilliantwhenderacinatedfromtheirhistorical

context(theyusuallydonot)butbecausetheywerevaluedhighlybygenerationsof

poetsschooledtoappreciatetheparticularqualitiesoftraditionalcourtlyverse

Thefactthatsuchpoetrygenerallyfailstosatisfymodernaestheticsensibilities

oughtnotbematerialtoitscanonicityespeciallysincethecanonisnotprimarily

envisionedbymodernreadersasprescriptiveandldquowriterlyrdquoinnatureGozan

kanshitooisworthyofstudyandappreciationbecauseitconstitutestheverybestof

343SeeStephenOwenTheEndoftheChineseMiddleAgesEssaysinMid-TangLiteraryCulture(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1996)pp107-129EsperanzaRamirez-ChristensenMurmuredConversationsATreatiseonPoetryandBuddhismbythePoet-MonkShinkei(StanfordStanfordUnivPress2008)pp36-3953-5568-60

206

anesteemedgenrethatwaspracticedcontinuouslyinJapanforovertencenturies

ifitisnotagenrethatanswersadequatelytomodernneedsthecontemporarypoet

mayfreelyabandonitbutforthecritictodothesamewouldbetolettheaesthetic

preferencesofthelasthundredyearsguidethecriticalevaluationofthelast

thousand

Suchconsiderationsnotwithstandingworksofliteraturethatseemingly

transcendtheaestheticandideologicalvaluesthatgovernedtheirproductionare

rightlydeservingofspecialattentionTheseareworksthatlaterreadersmay

approachontheirowntermsandwhichareaestheticallyrewardingevenwhenread

withminimalknowledgeofthesemioticsysteminwhichtheirvarioussymbolsand

motifsoriginallyencodedmeaningInsofarasthepoetryandproseofGozanwriters

rarelysatisfiesthiscriterionthemodernstudentofGozanliteraturemuststillface

thequestionofwhythisimposingcorpusisworthyofintensivestudyOneanswer

wouldreturnusimmediatelytotheissueofcanonformationinthelonguedureacuteeof

JapaneseliteraryhistoryGozanliteratureappearsofminorimportancenotbecause

ofitslowintrinsicqualitybutbecauseitwasexcludedfromearly-modernand

moderncanonsdespitepossessingimpressivethematicbreadthandconceptual

richnessItsometimeshappensinthehistoryofliteraturethattextscanbe

extremelyimportantwithoutbeingparticularlyldquogoodrdquo(earlyMeijiexperimentsin

approximatingthestyleofEuropeanfictionmightbeadducedasonesuchexample)

inthebestGozankanshiwefindtheconverseworksthatwerequitegoodbythe

standardsoftheshigenrendashinthebestcasesevenearningtheesteemofcriticsin

Chinandashbutwhichwerenotenormouslyimportanttothesubsequenttrajectoryof

207

Japaneseletters344EventhishoweverprobablyunderstatesthecaseforGozan

literatureforifitappearstodaytohavebeenlittlemorethanacul-de-sacin

Japaneseliteraryhistoryitbearsemphasizingthatduringthefourteenthand

fifteenthcenturiesleadingGozanliteratiwereinfactveryimportantfigureswho

helpedshapetheelitecultureofthateraandtheirwritingsyieldinsightsinto

medievalJapanesepoeticshermeneuticsandpoliticalthoughtunavailable

anywhereelseTheprincipalsubjectoftheforegoingstudyChūganEngetsu

illustratesthiswithparticularclarityEvenifoneerrsonthesideoftraditional

criticsandremainsskepticaloftheartisticmeritofawrittenmediumsofar

removedfromthespokenvernacularinthematteroforiginalityatleasttherecan

benodoubtthatChūganwasamongthemostoriginalthinkersinallofJapanese

history

SomeGozanwritingsmoreoverdidinfluencedevelopmentsbeyondthe

medievalperiodForinstanceincontradistinctiontoliteratifromhereditary

scholarfamiliesGozanliteratieagerlyembracedSongNeo-Confucianismandwere

thefirsttoproduceannotatedJapaneseeditionsofsuchfoundationalworksasZhu

344HerethereadermightaskwhethertheldquostandardsoftheshigenrerdquowhichhistoricallyspeakingderivedentirelyfromChinesemodelsconstituteanappropriatecriterionforevaluatingJapaneseshiIbelievetheydoandthatmostGozanwriterswouldhavesaidthesame(theidiosyncraticBanriShūku(1428-1502)mightbeoneexception)ItwasnotuntiltheTokugawaperiodthatJapanesekanshipoetsinordertobettertreatthequotidianaspectsofEdosocietybegantowidelyembracerhetoricthatdeviatedmarkedlyfromChinesepoeticnormsOnBanrirsquospoetryseeDavidPollackZenPoemsoftheFiveMountains(AARStudiesinReligionno37NewYorkTheCrossroadPublishingCo1985)p146ForatreatmentofQing-DynastyChineseviewsofldquoJapanizedrdquo(和習)Tokugawa-erakanshiseeGuoYing(HanshiyuhexicongldquoDongyingshixuanrdquodaoRibendeshigezijue(XiamenXiamenDaxuechubanshe2013)pp202-24andpassim

208

XirsquosCommentsontheFourBooksinSectionsandSentences(Sishuzhangjujizhu四書

章句集注)345Gozanscholarshipwouldappearintheworkofphilosophers

FujiwaraSeika(1561-1619)HayashiRazan(1583-1657)andYamazakiAnsai

(1619-82)andisthereforeimmediatelyrelevanttothestudyofNeo-Confucian

thoughtduringtheearlyTokugawaeraFinallyitshouldnotbeforgottenthatfew

Japaneseliterarymovementswhethermodernorpremodernhaverangedsofreely

acrosssovastanepistemeBuddhismConfucianismDaoismandcorrelative

cosmologyformtheintellectualmatrixoftheGozanwriterwhoseprincipalgenres

includedexpositoryessays(ron論)religiouscommentaries(sho疏)sermonsor

disquisitions(setsu説)inscriptions(mei銘)poeticrhapsodies(fu賦)ldquoclassicalrdquo

Chinesepoetry(shi詩)devotionalverses(ge偈)andinthecaseofChūganroyal

memorials(hyō表)Itisacorpusthatgenerouslyrewardscriticalinquirymaking

uniquecontributionstothestudyofintertextualityandphilosophicalsyncretism

withinaspecificallypremoderntransnationalcontext

345Shishokunten四書訓点byGiyōHōshū岐陽方秀(1361-1424)istheseminalworkinthisareabutseveralothernotableGozanscholarslecturedonNeo-Confuciantopicsafactdemonstratedbythemanysurvivingshōmotsu(altshōmono抄物)whichrecordthecontentoftheselecturesSeeYamagishiTokuheiedNihonkotenbungakutaikeivol89ldquoGozanbungakushūEdokanshishūrdquo(TokyoIwanamiShoten1966)pp14-21andAishinImaedaldquoTheZenSectsrdquoinKazuoKasaharaedPaulMcCarthyandGaynorSekimoritransAHistoryofJapaneseReligion(TokyoKosei2002)pp227-54

209

Appendix

Kanshibun Kundoku and the Japanese Language

Theanalysisofkanbun漢文proseandkanshi漢詩poetryleadsquicklyto

conceptualandterminologicaldifficultiessurroundinglanguageandorthography

Sincethe1990sthesedifficultieshavemotivatedseveralnotablechangesinthe

nomenclatureusedbyAnglophonescholarsofEastAsianliteratureswhereitwas

oncecommontoseekanbunrenderedsimplyasldquoChineserdquoandkanshiasldquopoetryin

ChineserdquophraseologiesthatdonotusethewordldquoChineserdquosuchasldquoLiterarySiniticrdquo

ldquoSino-JapaneserdquoldquoSiniticpoetryrdquoandthelikearenowprevalent346Eventheonce

ubiquitoustermldquoChinesecharacterrdquohasbeenreplacedinrecentscholarshipbythe

neologismldquoSinographrdquoandforreasonsthatwillbeaddressedbelowtheJapanese

termskanbunandkanshiarethemselvesoftenavoidedThesechangesreflect

greaterrecognitionoftwofundamentalpointsThefirstisthatthetrans-regional

reachandtrans-culturalimpactofldquoSiniticrdquowritingmakesitusefultodevelopa

nomenclaturethatdoesnotcalltomindaculturalorgeopoliticalconstructas

specificasphraseologiesinvolvingldquoChinardquoorldquoChineserdquomightHeretheskeptical

346ThephraseldquoliterarySiniticrdquoseemstohavebeenpopularizedfirstbyVictorHMairseeldquoBuddhismandtheRiseoftheWrittenVernacularinEastAsiaTheMakingofNationalLanguagesrdquoTheJournalofAsianStudies533(Aug1994)pp707-751ldquoSino-JapaneserdquoisthepreferredtranslationofkanbunforJohnTimothyWixtedseeldquoKanbunHistoriesofJapaneseLiteratureandJapanologistsrdquoinSino-JapaneseStudies102(April1998)pp23-31ldquoSiniticpoetryrdquoisusedbyMatthewFraleighandmanyothercurrentscholarstorenderkanshiseeFraleighPluckingChrysanthemumsNarushimaRyūhokuandSiniticLiteraryTraditionsinModern

Japan(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2016)p20

210

readerwillnodoubtopinethattheshiftismerelycosmeticsincethemodern

EnglishtermChinaalongwiththeJapaneseShinaPersianCīnīSanskritCīnaand

LatinSina(fromwhichisderivedtherootSino-)areallthoughttohavearisenfrom

thesamesourcenamelytheancientstateofQin秦orconceivablythestateofJing

荊347NonethelessitisdifficulttodenythatldquoSinographrdquoandsimilarneologismsdo

notsuggestmodern-daylinguisticorpolitico-culturalreferentssoreadilyTheir

relativeopacityinthisregardmakesthemwellsuitedtoapplicationinmore

specializedacademiccontextswherethemildinconvenienceofnewvocabulary

maybepreferabletotheconnotativebaggageentailedbymorecommonterms

Thesecondfundamentalpointisthatcaremustbetakentoavoidconflating

orthographywithlanguageAsamodeofinscriptionkanbunwassothoroughly

adaptedtotheJapaneselanguageviathedevelopmentofkundoku訓読that

Japanesewritersofkanbunproseandkanshipoetryneedneverhaveconceivedof

themselvesaswritinginalanguagethatwasanythingotherthanldquoJapaneserdquono

matterhowcloselythetextstheyproducedhappenedultimatelytoconformto

orthodoxChineseusageAndtheldquodomesticityrdquoofkanbunemergeswitheven

greaterclarityoutsidetherealmofhighliteratureTocountlesspremodern

governmentofficialsmerchantsandliteratewarriorskanbunbroadlyconceived

347EndymionPWilkinsonChineseHistoryAManual(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2000)p753SeealsoJoshuaAFogelldquoNewThoughtsonanOldControversyShinaasaToponymforChinardquoSino-PlatonicPapers29(Aug2012)SuZhongxiang positedthenameofthestateofJingastheoriginofthetermZhina支那whichwasfirstusedbyIndianmonksandcenturieslatergainedcurrencyinearly-modernJapanSeeldquoLunlsquoZhinarsquoyicideqiyuanyuJingdelishihewenhuardquoamp$13Lishiyanjiu134(April1979)pp34-48citedinFogelp13

211

wassimplythemostnaturalmediumofrecordforawidevarietyofordinary

workadaypurposesWhetherthedocumentstheyproducedusedSinographsin

accordancewiththesemanticandsyntacticnormsoflanguagessuchasOldChinese

(c600BCndash0AD)MiddleChinese(c0ndash800AD)ortheearlyandmiddlestages

ofMandarin(800ndash1600AD)orwhethertheywouldhavebeenintelligibleatallto

adenizenofthecontinentwasentirelyimmaterialtotheirutilityinJapan

Inthisconnectionitisimportanttorememberthatthewordldquokanbunrdquoisa

superordinatetermthatcanbeappliedtoanextremelywidespectrumoftextsIn

modernJapanesenomenclatureoneendofthisspectrumisoccupiedbywhatare

sometimescalledjunkanbun純漢文orldquopurekanbunrdquotextstheseareentirely

logographicandadherecloselytoconventionsofusagetypicalofwhatiscalled

wenyanwen文言文inmodernChinaandldquoliteraryChineserdquoorldquoclassicalChineserdquoin

theWestThisisthekindofwritingthatpredominatesthroughoutsuchworksas

Nihonshoki日本書紀(c720)Honchōmonzui本朝文粋(mid11thc)andmost

Japaneseanthologiesofshi詩poetryTherestofthespectrumisoccupiedbytexts

thatuseChinesecharactersinwaysthatdepartinvaryingdegreesfromthenorms

ofliteraryChineseSuchtextsaresometimesassignedtocategoriessetexplicitly

againstjunkanbunsuchaswashūkanbun和習漢文(ldquoJapanizedkanbunrdquo)orhentai

kanbun変体漢文(ldquodeviantkanbunrdquo)Alternativelythewritingstylemaybe

describedinreferencetoatextualcategoryofwhichitischaracteristiceg

kirokutaikanbun記録体漢文(ldquodocument-stylekanbunrdquo)whichfromapurely

linguisticperspectiveissynonymouswithldquoJapanizedrdquoorldquodeviantrdquokanbunandis

212

simplyanalternativetermonemightencounterinthefieldofJapanesediplomatics

(komonjogaku古文書学)FinallyperhapsbecauseJapanrsquosoldestextant

mythohistoricalworkKojiki古事記(710)haslongreceivedspecialvenerationits

scriptisoftendescribedasldquokanbunthatbendstherulesrdquo(hensokunokanbun変則

の漢文)amorerespectfulphraseologythanldquohentaikanbunrdquo

Worksemployinganytypeofkanbunmayofcoursebeenunciatedorldquoread

outrdquoinliteraryJapaneseviatheapplicationofkundokurulesSignificantlyfor

presentpurposesalthoughkundokuisoftenunderstoodprimarilyasamethodof

translationalreadingitcouldalsoserveasasetofinstructionsmdashaldquoprogramrdquoof

sortsmdashforcomposinginkanbunwithoutanydirectknowledgeoftheChinese

languageassuchMoreinterestingstillisthefactthatthekanbuntextresulting

fromsuchaprocedureneednotbeldquodeviantrdquoorldquoJapanizedrdquoatallToreiteratea

pointraisedearlieraJapaneseauthorwithprofoundexpertiseintheconventionsof

kundokuyetentirelyignorantofanyChinesedialectcouldintheorywriteatextin

kanbunthatisindistinguishablefromliteraryChinesetextswrittenbyChinese

authorsThepowerofkundokuisthustwo-folditenablesessentiallyanyliterary

ChinesetexttobereadasifitwereencodingmeaninginJapanesealbeitinarather

specializedregisterofJapanese(moreonthisbelow)anditenablesanauthor

speakingorthinkinginthatregistertowriteldquoJapaneserdquousingSinographsina

mannerfullyconsistentwithChineselinguisticnorms

ItisforthisreasonthatDavidLuriehascautionedagainstinvokingtheterms

ldquoJapaneserdquoandldquoChineserdquotodistinguishbetweensaythelanguageofKojikiandthat

ofNihonshokibothofwhicharewrittenentirelyinSinographsForwhileitistrue

213

thatthelatteradheresmorecloselytoliteraryChinesenormsandcanberead

smoothlyasChinesebothtextsareequallyrealizablethroughkundokuandthus

equallyreadableasJapanese348EvenaChineseworksuchastheeclecticHuainanzi

淮南子animportantsourceforthecompilersofNihonshokicouldbeapprehended

asaJapanesetextbyareaderhighlyskilledinkundokuyetsomehowunawareof

Huainanzirsquoscontinentalprovenance

Kundokuisindeedanastonishingachievementinlinguistictechnology

utterlywithoutparallelinWesternlanguagesandmoreextensivelydevelopedthan

similarsystemsknowntohaveexistedinKoreaandVietnam349Moreoverin

specificallylinguistic(asopposedtoculturalorldquoliteraryrdquo)termstheexistenceof

kundokuundeniablyunderminesthecommoncomparisonofkanbuninJapanto

LatininEuropeasLuriehasobservedwhileanearlymodernEnglishwritermight

beextremelyproficientinLatintherewasnosystematicsetofstructuralandlexical

equivalencesallowinghimtomentallyprocesswrittenLatinasEnglishYetforthe

purposesofthisstudyandforthestudyofJapanesekanshibunmoregenerallyI

believecautionisinorderwhenoptingfornomenclaturesthatinattemptingto

redressthesimplisticsuppositionsofearlierscholarshipeschewreferenceto

348LurieRealmsofLiteracyEarlyJapanandtheHistoryofWriting(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2011)p180349MethodsanalogoustokundokuareknowntohaveemergedontheKoreanPeninsulasometimepriortotheiremergenceinJapananditislikelythateacutemigreacutescholarsfromPaekcheplayedaninstrumentalroleindevelopingandpopularizingthesemethodsonthearchipelagoJapanesekundokuisuniquenotbecauseitwastheearliestsuchsystembutbecauseithasbeenincontinuousattesteduseforwelloveramillenniumanditscomplexarrayofrulesandconventionsarewelldocumentedEventodayitremainstheprincipalvehiclethroughwhichstudentsinmodernJapanbeginlearningliteraryChinese

214

ldquoChineserdquo(orldquokanbunrdquo)altogetherMypurposeisnottorejectattractiveneologistic

alternativessuchasldquoliterarySiniticrdquowhichhappenstobeanexcellentparaphrase

ofldquojunkanbunrdquoandwhichIusefrequentlythroughoutthisstudyHoweverinthe

remainderofthisessayIwillattempttohighlightsomepotentialshortcomingsof

thenewterminologyandtoarguebrieflyfortheongoingutilityoftheever

capacioussuperordinatetermldquokanbunrdquoinWestern-languageJapanological

scholarshipIwillalsoofferabriefdefensewithinspecificparametersoftheold

practiceofdescribingJapaneseworksofliterarySiniticasldquoChineserdquo

2 Between Style and Language Kundokubun and Literary Sinitic

ldquoPeople[inearlyJapan]oftendidnotreallyknowwhatlanguagetheywerewritinginChineseorJapaneseandweareofteninnobetterpositiontomakeajudgmentonthequestionwhenwestudysomeofthedocumentstheyproducedrdquo

RAMiller1967350

ldquoFromthevantagepointofscriptbothBaiJuyirsquosandMichizanersquospoemscanbecharacterizedasldquoChineserdquobutreadaloudby[MiddleCaptain]TadanobutheyarejustasequallyldquoJapaneserdquo

BrianSteininger2017351

350TheJapaneseLanguage(ChicagoUnivofChicagoPress1967)p131351ChineseLiteraryFormsinHeianJapanPoeticsandPractice(CambridgeHarvardUniversityAsiaCenter2017)p8

215

ThecourtscholarandstatesmanSugawaranoMichizane菅原道真(845-

903)wasamongthefinestshipoetsofHeianJapanThedegreetowhichhiswritten

worksmaybeviewedaslinguisticallyJapaneseoratleastnotasexclusively

Chinesedependsuponthedegreetowhichlogographicscriptcanbeunderstoodto

representtheJapaneselanguageSincekundokuclearlyliesatthecruxofthematter

itwillproveusefultoexpanduponthepointsbroachedaboveandinvestigateits

propertiesmorecloselyTobeginitisimportanttorecognizethatthekundoku

registerisnoticeablydifferentfromthatofvernacularJapaneseproseandpoetryof

anytimeperiodadmittingmanyphraseologiesfoundnowhereelseintheJapanese

language352Thekundokuregisterevenincludessomephraseologiesthatstrictly

speakingareungrammaticalbythestandardsofvernacularJapanese353Whilea

352ItmightbeobjectedthatourcurrentunderstandingoftheprecisekundokurulestaughtindifferenttimeperiodsoratparticulartemplesoracademiesistooincompletetopositsuchawholesaledisjunctionbetweenkundokuandvernacularJapaneseItistruethatthekundokumethodswidelytaughttodaygenerallyrepresentconventionscurrentinthenineteenthcenturyandthatthetechniquesofagreatmanypremodernschoolsofkundokuhavebeenlosttohistorySomesurelyhewednearertovernaculardictionthanothersbutaswillbeshownbelowanytruekundokusystemndashonethatpermitsboththereadingandcompositionoflogographiclocutionsndashwillrunupagainstchallengesthatmakedeparturesfromvernacularJapaneseusageessentiallyinevitableAtbottomthisisbecausevernacularJapanesecannotbefullyencodedlogographicallyatleastsolongastheonlylogographsatyourdisposalareldquoSinographsrdquo353Anexampleistheenunciationofthepossessiveparticlenousedtoglossthecharacter之insentencessuchas仕王之人ldquoapersonwhoservesthekingrdquoThismaybereadviakundokuasldquoŌnitsukaurunohitordquodespitethefactthattheparticlenoisnotusedinvernacularJapanesetosubordinatenounstoverbssuchrelativeclausesareformedbydirectlymodifyingthesubordinatenounwiththeverbinaspecificconjugationcalledtherentaikei連体形HeretheJapaneseverbtsukau(tsukafu)whichisthekundokuglossfor仕isalreadyinitsrentaikeiformtsukauru(tsukafuru)makingnosemanticallysuperfluousandindeedgrammaticallyldquowrongrdquoThoughtheviolationdoesnotcompromiseintelligibilitytheeffectisperhapsakintosayinginEnglishsomethingalongthelinesofldquoapersonwhodoesservesthekingrdquo

216

fullaccountingofthesefeatureswouldnecessitatetoolengthyadigressionclose

examinationofoneexampleshouldhelpclarifyboththepowerandthelimitations

ofkundokuasaninterlingualmediumAsamethodoftranslationalreading

kundokuiseasilyappliedtoalogographiclocutionsuchasthis王為臣之所尊ldquothe

kingisesteemedbyhisministerrdquoWhiledifferentkundokutraditionscanbe

expectedtoproducedifferentrenderingstwobroadapproachesmaybeidentified

namelythatofmetaphraseandthatofparaphraseTheformerseekstopreservea

senseofalterityandtomaintainmaximumlinguisticfidelitytothesourcetext

theseprioritiesleadtoaJapaneserenditionsuchasŌshinnotōtomutokorotonasu

王臣の尊む所と為すThelatterbycontrastmightresultinthesomewhatmore

liberalŌwashinnitōtomaru王は臣に尊まるThissentenceuseseveryday

JapanesegrammarandbetraysnoconnectiontologographicwritingorldquoChineserdquo

savepossiblyforthetermsldquokingrdquoandldquoministerrdquowhichdoappearfrequentlyinthe

ChineseclassicsBothoftheseapproachesareinfacttaughtinmodernkanbun

textbooksasequallyvalidstandardwaysofhandlingtheliteraryChineseldquopassiverdquo

constructionX為Y(之)所VwhichmeansldquoXisV-edbyYrdquo354Yetitisapparent

howdramaticallythetworenditionsdifferThemetaphraseattemptstoaccountfor

asmanylexicalelementsintheoriginalsentenceaspossibleandconsequentlyit

354TechnicallythisstructureshouldprobablynotbelabeledldquopassiverdquoasitsimplymeansldquoXisthatwhichYV-srdquoTheword所constituteswhathistoricallinguistEdwinPulleyblanktermsaldquorelativepronounrdquoitsfunctionistotransformtheverborverbphraseitprecedesintoanounphraseeg買=ldquotobuyrdquo所買=ldquothatwhichonebuysrdquoorldquothatwhichisboughtrdquoForpedagogicalpurposeshoweverthisconstructionisoftenpresentedinbothEnglish-languageandJapanese-languagetextbooksofliteraryChineseasoneofseveralgrammaticalpatternsexpressingthepassivevoice

217

departsfromvernacularJapaneseusageparticularlyinitscharacteristic(though

notungrammatical)useoftokorotorenderthespecialpronoun所355Likea

smudgeonaphotographoramicrophoneboominamoviescenethepresenceof

lexicalelementsredolentofthekundokuregisterisalinguisticpunctumreminding

thereaderthattheotherwiseJapaneselocutionldquotōtomutokorotonasurdquois

stylisticallyconnectedtotheworldofkanbun

BycontrastthesecondreadingconstitutesavernacularJapaneseparaphrase

completewithpostpositionalparticles(wani)notpresentanywhereintheoriginal

alongwithaJapaneseverbconjugationthatexpressesthepassivevoiceChineseof

courseisanuninflectedlanguageandhasnoverbconjugationswhatsoever

Consideredtogetherthesetworenderingsof王為臣之所尊revealthedifficultyin

acceptingtheviewthatkundokucaneverbequiteasldquoinvisiblerdquoassomescholars

haveimpliedeitheronemustoptforametaphrasethatinFriedrich

Schleiermacherrsquosterminologywillgenerateatleastamildsenseofldquoalienationrdquoin

thetargetlanguageoronemustoptforaparaphraseandtherebyldquonaturalizerdquothe

355Like所inEarlyChinesethebasicsenseoftheJapanesewordtokoroisldquoplacerdquoorldquolocationrdquoItadmitsawiderangeofextendedusesincludingdesignatingaldquopointintimerdquooraldquopartrdquoofsomething(egomoshirokarikerutokoro=ldquothepartIfounddelightfulrdquo)BythemedievalperiodusesderivingfromtheliterarySinitic所constructionareseeninworksofJapaneseprosethatseekspecificallytoreplicatetheformalauthoritativeregisterofliterarySiniticHenceinthefirstchapterofHeikemonogatariwehaveminkannoureurutokorooshirazarishikaba=ldquobecause(rulerslikeZhaoGaoofQinandWangMangofHan)wereignorantofthepeoplersquosdistresshelliprdquoTheuseoftokorotomakerelativeclausessuchastsukurutokoronoteraldquothetemplesthatwerebuiltrdquostemsdirectlyfromkundokupracticessomethingveryneartothiswasalmostcertainlyhowtheliterarySiniticphrase所造之寺whichappearsinBook25ofNihonshoki(Taika188)wasenunciatedSuchrelativeclausesarefoundoccasionallyinvernacularproseegkorosutokoronotorildquothebirdsthathekilledrdquo(Tsurezuregusa162)butarefarlesscommonthanalternatives

218

sourcetext356ThefirstapproachmakeskundokuvisiblebyusingJapanesewordsin

distinctiveorunusualwayswhileinthelatterkundokubecomesvisibleduringits

applicationtothesourcetextbecauseoftheinterpolationofwordsorgrammatical

elementsnotpresentthere

Significantlythissameslippageisalsoseenwhenkundokuisused

productivelyasameanstofacilitatelogographicwritingSupposethataJapanese

writerseekstorepresenttheJapanesesentencemukowashūtonihomeraretari

(ldquothegroomwaspraisedbyhisfather-in-lawrdquo)entirelylogographicallywhichisto

sayinldquogoodrdquokanbunthatupholdsliteraryChinesenormsHowmighthedoit

Therearemanyoptionsandthishappenstobequiteaneasysentencetohandle

butanyrepresentationourwriterchooseswillinevitablyendupelidingsome

elementsofJapanesegrammarSinographsareafterallclosedmorphemesthat

cannotbedeclinedorconjugatedorotherwisealteredanditisimpossibleto

modifythemwithothercharacterstoeffectivelyindicateallJapaneseinflectional

endingsEventhesimplestJapanesesentencewilltypicallyinvolvechoicesoftense

andmodalitythatmusteitherbeleftunexpressedinkanbunormustbe

approximatedimperfectlybyadverbialauxiliariesManyofthemostcommon

Japaneseinflectingsuffixessuchaskiritsunurashimeriandnumerousothers

havenoconventionalkanbunequivalentsmeaningthatthevastbulkofJapanese

356OntheldquoinvisibilityrdquoofkundokuseeSemizuYukinoldquoInvisibleTranslationReadingChineseTextsinAncientJapanrdquoinTranslatingOtherspp283-295

219

locutionsthatarenotalreadyinthekundokuregistercannotbefullyencodedin

kanbunatall357

AdditionallytherearealsoawiderangeofJapaneselocutionsthatcanbe

encodedinkanbunbutonlywiththeinclusionoflexicalelementsthatareeither

awkwardornonsensicalinliterarySiniticForinstanceletusimaginealocution

suchasldquoLordTokihirahasnowboardedtheboatrdquoAsentencewiththismeaning

couldconceivablyappearinaJapanesehistoricaldocumentasTokihira-donowa

funeninorashimetamaiowannuandbewritteninkanbunas時平殿令乘給船畢

ManyelementshereareunusualinliterarySiniticandthecharacters令～給which

mayappearinavarietyofpositionsandrendertheJapanesehonorificconstruction

shimetamaumakenosensewhatsoever358Andwecouldgofurtherstillsuppose

357ThisproblemmayofcoursebesolvedifonedepartsfromliterarySiniticandallowsdesemanticizedcharacterstobemixedinaswiththeso-calledsenmyō-gaki宣命書きorldquoproclamationstylerdquoofwritingusedduringtheNaraandearlyHeianperiodsInthisstylethelocutionmukowashūtonihomeraretarimightbewritten婿者舅仁褒良礼多利wherethedesemanticizedcharactersaremadegraphicallysmallerndashacommontechniqueinsenmyō-gakindashandfunctionlikeokuriganainmodernJapaneseIndeedthisapproachdemonstratesthatanessentiallymodernmixofgraphicallydistinctlogographicandphonographicscriptorderedaccordingtoJapanesesyntaxwashituponquiteearly358Inmedievalandearly-moderndocumentssomeattestedexamplesofldquodeviantrdquokanbuncomestrikinglyclosetovernacularChineseeg見了返給mi-owaritekaeshitamauldquo(he)returneditafterlookingitoverrdquoHere給isstillconstruedasthehonorificsuffixtamauYetthesentencecanbereadinmodernMandarinwith給pronouncedasgei(areadingnotusedinclassicalChinese)andinterpretedtomeansomethinglikeldquo(he)lookedatitandgaveitbackrdquoTheexampleistakenfromKarikomeHitoshi苅米一志Nihon-shiomanabutamenokomonjokokirokukundokuhō日本史を学ぶための古文書古記録訓読法(TokyoYoshikawaKōbunkan2016)p73VocabularyitemsdrawnfromvernacularChinesesuchasjinmo甚麼(ldquowhatrdquo)andshashi這些(ldquothistheserdquo)doappearinZenwritingsanditseemspossiblethatcertainidiosyncraticusagesobservedinldquodeviantrdquokanbunwereadaptedfromorinspiredbyvernacularChinese

220

thetextweretosayTokihira-donowaeumajikarikeruonnaomotometamaikemuldquoIt

wouldseemLordTokihirapursuedaladywhowasimpossibletowinrdquoSucha

sentencemayofcoursebetranslatedintokanbunwhetherldquopurerdquoorldquodeviantrdquobut

itcannotbewritteninkanbun

Returningfinallytothesomewhateasierchallengeposedinitiallyour

hypotheticalwritermightverywellchoosetorepresentthesentencemukowashūto

nihomerarekerias婿為舅之所褒whichhappenstosharetheexactsamestructure

astheearlierexample王為臣之所尊forwhichweadvancedtwopossiblekundoku

renderingsNotethelackofanyexplicitmarkerindicatingthepasttenseThisisin

factentirelynormallocutionsinliterarySinitictypicallyrelyuponcontextandthe

readerrsquoscommonsenseforthedeterminationoftensewhichmeansthatanyother

representationourwriterchooseseg婿褒於舅婿被舅褒etcwillbeunableto

provideametaphrasetheJapaneseinflectionalendingkeri359

Thepointoftheforegoingissimplytosaythatifwewishtoavoida

nomenclaturethatoveremphasizesthealterityofkanbunorthatimpliestoofacilea

dichotomybetweenwhatisnativeandwhatisforeignwemustalsorecognizethat

asamediumofinscriptionkanbunbyitselfcanonlyeverrepresentaspecific

registeroftheJapaneselanguageandthattheaccuracyofsucharepresentationwill

oftencomeattheexpenseoffidelitytoliterarySiniticnormsSowhatisthe

359Theverbalprefix被whichmayindicatethepassivevoiceinmodernMandarinbutisgenerallynotusedassuchinorthodoxliterarySiniticbecameacommonplaceindicatoroftheJapanesepassiveconjugation~ruraruinldquoJapanizedrdquokanbunwritingsofthemedievalandearly-modernperiodsSincethisconjugationmayalsobeusedasanhonorific被wasusedinthissenseaswellwiththecommonhonorificverbnasarufrequentlyseenas被成or被為inhistoricaldocuments

221

current-dayscholartodoMyprovisionalansweristwofoldFirstretaintheterm

kanbunanditsrelatives(kanshikanshibun)whilerecognizingthatlike

innumerableothertermstocapturetheattentionofculturalandliterarytheorists

(ldquonationrdquoldquosignrdquoldquotextrdquoetc)thesedenotesomethingmorecomplexthanhas

traditionallybeenappreciatedUsefullykanbunandkanshimaystillbeunderstood

toencodemeaninginJapanesendashbearinginmindthelitanyoflimitationsoutlined

abovendashyetthetermsthemselvesmakenoclaimonwhetheranindividualauthorof

apurelylogographicworkthoughtofhimselfaswritinginJapaneseorinChinese

ThephrasesldquoLiterarySiniticrdquoandldquoSiniticpoetryrdquoareofcourseusefulinthisway

toobuttheyaresuitedexclusivelytologographicworksintelligiblethroughoutthe

Sinosphereandarequiteinapplicabletowritingsinldquodeviantrdquokanbun

AdmittedlytheJapanesetermscomeatapriceThecentraldownsidetoa

termsuchaskanbunisthatitparticipatesinexorablyinthefamousdyadicrelation

ofldquowa-kanrdquo和漢mostfrequentlyandovertlybybeingpairedwiththetermwabun

和文ldquoJapaneseproserdquoInmodernusagethewa-kandyadtendstoimplyan

ontologyinwhichculturalandlinguisticphenomenafromanyeraareyokedtoan

ostensiblytranshistoricalJapanesenationalidentitywaisldquoJapaneserdquoinalltheways

salienttothemodernprojectofunitinglanguagecultureandethnicityunderthe

rubricofnationhood360Itneedhardlybesaidthatsuchaviewencourages

kan(bun)tobeconceivedofassomethingculturallyandlinguisticallynon-Japanese

anarrowandanachronisticconceptionthatisbeliedpartlybytheinterlingual

360AdetailedanalysisoftheseissuesisgiveninJasonWebbldquoBeyondWa-KanNarratingKanshiReceptionandSociolectsofPoetryrdquoinProceedingsfortheAssociationofJapaneseLiteraryStudies5(Summer2004)pp245-259

222

propertiesofkundokuandunderminedcompletelybytheenormouswelterof

historicaldocumentsthatwhilewritteninkanbunareonlyunderstandableas

JapaneselinguisticartifactsStillitisimportantthatadeconstructionofthe

metaphysicsinformingmodernnationhoodnotleadtotheequallymisguidednotion

thatpremodernJapaneseliteratipossessednosenseofldquoJapanrdquoasasingular

geopoliticalentityorofldquoJapaneserdquoasameaningfulculturalandlinguisticcategory

Evidenceofaconsciousnessthatabsentaconvenientadjectivalformoftheword

ldquocountryrdquocanmostreasonablybecalledldquonationalrdquoisidentifiableamong

archipelaganelitesforasfarbackasthetextualrecordextends361Thisinitself

doesnotconstituteareasontoapproveofthetermskanbunandkanshiitisnoted

onlytorejectthepositionthatmereparticipationinmoderndiscoursesconcerning

nationalidentityandnationalliteraturemustfatallycompromisethem

Somescholarshaveavoidedthetermkanbunbecauseitsliteralmeaning

ldquoHan(Chinese)writingrdquoseemstoeffacetheinterlingualcharacteroflogographic

writinginJapanThisisafairpointthoughsomeoftheproposedalternativessuch

361ItisinterestingtonoteinthisconnectionthatthetermldquointernationalrdquoiswidelyusedincurrentscholarshiptodescribeintercoursebetweenpremodernEastAsianpolitiesItsWestphalianringnotwithstandingsuchadescriptionisnotaltogetherinaccurateforanimaginedcommunityinthesenseofBenedictAndersonneednotbeheldtoexistamongageneralpopulaceforsomethingquitesimilartobepresentamongthesmallcadreofindividualsinvolvedindomesticadministrationdiplomacyandoverseastradeWithrespecttolanguageinparticularakeenawarenessofthelinguisticdifferencesbetweenwhatwasspokenonthearchipelagoandwhatcouldbesetdowninorthodoxliterarySiniticispossiblysuggestedbyŌnoYasumarorsquosfamousprefacetoKojikiIbelievethatitisthoughLurieconteststhisinterpretationForhisargumentsseeRealmsofLiteracypp247-50andtheextensivediscussionofYasumarorsquosprefaceinLurieldquoTheOriginsofWritinginEarlyJapanFromthe1sttothe8thCenturyCErdquo(PhDDissertationColumbiaUniversity2001)pp300-10

223

asdescribingproseorpoetryasldquoChinese-stylerdquo362seemtopresenttheirown

problemsHerethephraseldquoChinesestylerdquoisreallynolessvaguethantheldquokanrdquoin

kanbunorkanshiandthehighlyelastictermldquostylerdquobegsadditionalquestionsFor

instancepracticalkanbundocumentsthoughsetexclusivelyinSinographsmayuse

mostlyJapanesevocabularyandshowlittletonoawarenessofChineseliterarystyle

ConverselysomeJapaneseproseworksoftheMeijiperiodwerecomposedina

registerveryneartokundokubuncompletewithvocabularydrawndirectlyfrom

theChineseclassics363ArebothldquoChinesestylerdquoalbeitindifferentwaysOrdoes

onlyone(orperhapsneither)qualifyassuchAgainmypurposeisnottorejectout

ofhandthephraseldquoChinesestylerdquowhichisusefulinasmuchasitclearlyindicates

someconnectiontotheChineseliterarytraditionwithoutplacingtheworkit

describesexclusivelywithinthattraditionThispointleadstothethorniest

questionofallnamelywhetherworksbyJapaneseauthorsthatdocomportwith

literaryChinesenormscaneverbelegitimatelytermedldquoChineserdquo

ThequestionhaspracticalaswellastheoreticalimplicationsInthesummer

of2000theLibraryofCongressadoptedanewclassificationschemeforkanshibun

materialsmovingfromascript-basedSinocentricsystemtoonebasedsquarelyon

362FraleighnotesthatsomescholarshaveusedthephraseldquoChinese-stylepoetryrdquotodenoteshicomposedbynon-ChineseauthorsincontradistinctiontoldquoChinesepoetryrdquowhichisreservedforshicomposedbyChineseauthorsSeePluckingChrysanthemumsp20363ForexampleNiwaJunrsquoichirōrsquosKaryūshunwa花柳春話(1877)aJapanesetranslationofEdwardBulwer-LyttonrsquosErnestMaltraverscleavessocloselytothekundokuregisterthatitslanguageissaidtobeldquokanbunkuzushirdquo漢文崩しastylemeanttoreplicatethekundokurenderingofliterarySiniticForanexaminationofthistextseeIndraLevySirensoftheWesternShoreTheWesternesqueFemmeFataleTranslationandVernacularStyleinModernJapaneseLiterature(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2006)pp29-31

224

nationalprovenancePriortothatdatesuchmaterialshadbeenshelvedaccording

toChinesedynasticchronologyandinterfiledwithworksbyChineseandKorean

authorstoWesternbibliographerstheseworkswereunifiedbythefactthatthey

wereallwritteninclassicalChinese364Thechangebearssignificantlyuponour

earlierdiscussionofterminologyforbyshelvingcollectionsofshipoetryby

JapaneseauthorsalongsidecollectionsofwakafromthesameperiodofJapanese

historythenewarrangementstronglyimpliesthatbothareequallyapartof

ldquoJapaneseliteraturerdquoanditatleastleavesopenthepossibilitythattheformermay

evenbeviewedaslinguisticallyJapaneseThenewapproachseemstomean

improvementovertheoldthoughitdoesunavoidablyreinforcethenationasthe

preeminentframeworkfororganizingliteraryscholarshipsomethingthatmaybe

especiallymisleadingwhendealingwithworksinliterarySiniticIndeeditisquite

conceivablethatprominentGozanliteratisuchasZekkaiChūshin絶海中津(1336-

1405)orRyūzanTokken龍山徳見(1284-1358)mightwellhavepreferredtheir

workstoappearwiththoseoftheircontemporarieswhetherJapaneseChineseor

KoreanwhoalsowroteinliterarySinitic365Allwereheirtoaculturallegacywhose

fountainheadwasChinabutwhosescopewaspan-Asianandallwouldhaveviewed

themselvesasoperatingwithinabroadlyConfucianintellectualepistemethatby

364OnthisseeFraleighPluckingChrysanthemumspp7-8365ZekkaiissometimesregardedasthegreatestshipoetinJapanesehistoryhehadthehonorofexchangingpoemswiththefirstemperoroftheMingDynastywhowascuriousaboutJapanandsummonedZekkaiforanaudiencein1376RyūzanemigratedtoChinain1301whenhewasseventeenandbecamewellestablishedintheChancommunityhedidnotreturntoJapanforalmost50years

225

theTangDynastywasbeingreferencedwithcharacteristicpithandsolemnityas

ldquoThisCulturerdquo(CsiwenJshibunKsimun斯文)

Therelevanceofthistotheproblemathandissimplythatweshouldbeopen

tothepossibilitythatatleastinsomecasestheEnglishphraseldquoinChineserdquomight

comeclosesttoconveyinghowapremodernJapanesewriterofliterarySinitic

actuallyconceivedofhisownenterpriseIndeedeventoadedicatedshipoetofthe

TokugawaperiodwhohadalmostsurelyneverleftJapanandmightneverhave

studiedspokenChinesetheapplicationtoonersquospoetryoftheepithetldquoJapanizedrdquo

washū和習和臭wasascathingindictment366Tobesuretheselfimageof

premodernkanshibunwriterslargelyirrecoverableanyhowprovidesnolinguistic

reasonatalltousethewordldquoChineserdquoinreferencetotheirworksAfteralla

languageinSaussureantermsissimplyasystemofrulesthroughwhichverbal

meaning-makingisaccomplishedandaswehavealreadyseenkundokuisasystem

thatallowsatleastapartialtransmutationofChineseintoJapaneseandviceversa

ThismeansthatalocutionwritteninliterarySiniticmustqualifyasaparoleinboth

languagessimultaneouslyrenderingthetermldquoChineserdquoincompletebyitselfYet

masteryofliterarySiniticasamodeofinscriptionnecessarilyimpliesmasteryofthe

rulesndashsyntacticsemanticandpragmaticndashofthelanguageofliteraryChinese

HereitisimportanttonotethatalthoughliteraryChineseunlikeMiddleChineseor

Mandarinisaconventionalizedwrittenlanguagewithnouniquephonologyitis

rootedinthespokenvernacularofWarringStatesChinaandcertainlyqualifiesasa

366FraleighPluckingChrysanthemumsp8

226

ldquolanguagerdquo367TothisextentaJapaneseauthorcapableofproducingalogographic

textconsistentwiththenormsofliteraryChineseevenifhedoessoentirelyby

renderingkundokubunintokanbunmustnecessarilyknowtheliteraryChinese

languageItisinthissenseofknowingtherulesthatitisdefensibletoclaimthat

themostimportantculturalachievementinearlyJapanwasindeedldquothemasteryof

theChineselanguagerdquo368

367MichaelFullerAnIntroductiontoLiteraryChinese(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter1999)p1368EdwinCranstonldquoAsukaandNaraCultureLiteracyLiteratureandMusicrdquoinTheCambridgeHistoryofJapanvol1(CambridgeUKCambridgeUnivPress1993)p453TheaccuracyofthestatementcouldofcoursebeimprovedbyspecifyingldquoliteraryrdquoChinese

227

BibliographyAkatsukaKiyoshi赤塚忠Zenshakukanbuntaikei全釈漢文大系vol16ldquoSōshirdquo荘子(TokyoShueisha1974)ArbuckleGaryldquoInevitableTreasonDongZhongshursquosTheoryofHistoricalCyclesandEarlyAttemptstoInvalidatetheHanMandaterdquoJournaloftheAmericanOrientalSociety1154(1995)pp585-97AshikagaEnjutsu足利衍述KamakuraMuromachijidainojukyō鎌倉室町時代の儒教(TokyoNihonKotenZenshūKankōkai1932)BattenBruceGatewaytoJapan(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress2006)BerryMaryElizabethTheCultureofCivilWarinKyoto(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1994)BolPeterKldquoThisCultureofOursrdquoIntellectualTransitionsinTrsquoangandSungChina(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1992)BorgenRobertSugawaranoMichizaneandtheEarlyHeianCourt(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress1994)BrittanSimonPoetrySymbolandAllegory(CharlottesvilleUnivofVirginiaPress2003)BurnsSusanBeforetheNationKokugakuandtheImaginingofCommunityinEarlyModernJapan(DurhamDukeUnivPress2003)CaiZong-QildquoRecent-StyleShiPoetryPentasyllabicRegulatedVerserdquoinZong-QiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetry(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2008)pp161-77CailloisRogerMeyerBarashtransManPlayandGames(UrbanaUnivofIllinoisPress2001)ChangKang-iSunTheEvolutionofChineseTrsquozuPoetryFromLateTrsquoangtoNorthernSung(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1980)ChenShuifeng陳水逢Ribenwenmingkaihuashiluumle日本文明開化史略(TaipeiTaiwanshangwuyinshuguan1993)

228

ChenZhuhui陳竺慧ldquoNomuraKōennolsquogashirsquotoShindainoshidansonoeibutsushiotegakarinirdquo野村篁園の「雅詞」と清代の詞壇その詠物詞を手がかりにWasedaDaigakudaigakuinbungakukenkyūkakiyō62(Mar2017)pp203-215CollcuttMartinldquoBuddhismTheThreatofEradicationrdquoinMariusBJansenandGilbertRozmanedsJapaninTransitionFromTokugawatoMeiji(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1986)pp143-167mdashmdashmdashFiveMountainsTheRinzaiZenMonasticInstitutioninMedievalJapan(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1981)CranstonEdwinldquoAsukaandNaraCultureLiteracyLiteratureandMusicrdquoinTheCambridgeHistoryofJapanvol1(CambridgeUKCambridgeUnivPress1993)CsikszentmihalyiMarkReadingsinHanChineseThought(IndianapolisHackett2006)mdashmdashmdashandPhillipJIvanhoeedsReligiousandPhilosophicalAspectsoftheLaozi(NewYorkSUNYSeriesinChinesePhilosophyandCulture1999)deBaryWmTheodoreedSourcesofJapaneseTradition(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1958)DumoulinHeinrichZenBuddhismAHistoryvol2(BloomingtonWorldWisdom1994)EganRonaldCldquoTheProblemoftheReputeofTzrsquouDuringtheNorthernSungrdquoinYuedVoicesoftheSongLyricpp191-225mdashmdashmdashldquoShiPoetryAncientandRecentStylesrdquoinCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetrypp308-25FelburRafalldquoEssaysofSengzhaordquoinThreeShortTreatisesbyVasubandhuSengzhaoandZongmi(MoragaBDKAmerica2017)pp47-135FraleighMatthewPluckingChrysanthemumsNarushimaRyūhokuandSiniticLiteraryTraditionsinModernJapan(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2016)FullerMichaelAnIntroductiontoLiteraryChinese(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter1999)GobleAndrewEdmundKenmuGo-DaigorsquosRevolution(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1996)

229

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230

KamimuraKankō上村觀光Gozanbungakuzenshū五山文學全集vol2(TokyoGozanBungakuZenshūKankōkai1936)mdashmdashmdashGozanbungakushōshi五山文學小史(TokyoShōkabō1906)KandaKiichirō神田喜一郎NihonniokeruChūgokubungaku日本における中国文学vol1(TokyoNigensha1965)KarataniKōjinKanoAyakoandJosephMurphytransldquoOnthePowertoConstructrdquoinKarataniKōjinOriginsofModernJapaneseLiterature(DurhamDukeUnivPress1993)pp136-72KarikomeHitoshi苅米一志Nihon-shiomanabutamenokomonjokokirokukundokuhō日本史を学ぶための古文書古記録訓読法(TokyoYoshikawaKōbunkan2016)KasamatsuHitoshietaledsNihonshisōtaikei日本思想大系vol22ldquoChūseiseijishakaishisōrdquo中世政治社会思想pt2(TokyoIwanamiShoten1981)KawaguchiHisao川口久雄Heianchōnokanbungaku平安朝の漢文学(TokyoYoshikawaKōbunkan1981)KitamuraSawakichi北村澤吉Gozanbungakushikō五山文学史稿(TokyoFūzanbō1941)KondōHaruo近藤春雄Haku-shimonjūtokokubungakushingafushinchūginnokenkyū白氏文集と国文学新楽府秦中吟の研究(TokyoMeijishoin1990)KurozumiMakotoDavidLurietransldquoKangakuWritingandInstitutionalAuthorityrdquoinHaruoShiraneedInventingtheClassicsModernityNationalIdentityandJapaneseLiterature(StanfordStanfordUnivPress2000)pp201-19LaFleurWilliamRTheKarmaofWords(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1983)LevyIndraSirensoftheWesternShoreTheWesternesqueFemmeFataleTranslationandVernacularStyleinModernJapaneseLiterature(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2006)LianXindaldquoLongSongLyrics(Manci)rdquoinZong-qiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetry(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2008)pp262-85LiaoMeiyun廖美雲Yuan-Baixinyuefuyanjiu元白新樂府研究(TaipeiTaiwanxueshengshuju1989)

231

LiebenthalWalterChaoLunTheTreatisesofSeng-chao(HongKongHongKongUnivPress1968)LinShuen-fuldquoTheFormationofaDistinctGenericIdentityforTzrsquourdquoinPaulineYuedVoicesoftheSongLyricinChina(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1994)pp3-29LiuPeipei劉佩佩ldquolsquoShuihuzhuanrsquolimayanjiujiqizaiHuayuwenjiaoxuezhongdeyiyirdquo《水滸傳》詈罵語研究及其在華語文教學中的意義(MAThesisNationalChengchiUniversity2011)LoeweMichaelDongZhongshuAlsquoConfucianrsquoHeritageandtheChunqiuFanlu(BostonBrill2011)mdashmdashmdashDivinationMythologyandMonarchyinHanChina(NewYorkCambridgeUnivPress1994)mdashmdashmdashldquoImperialSovereigntyDongZhongshursquosContributionandHisPredecessorsrdquoinSRSchramedFoundationsandLimitsofStatePowerinChina(LondonSchoolofOrientalandAfricanStudiesUnivofLondon1987)pp33-57LurieDavidBarnettldquoTheOriginsofWritinginEarlyJapanFromthe1sttothe8thCenturyCErdquo(PhDDissertationColumbiaUniversity2001)mdashmdashmdashRealmsofLiteracyEarlyJapanandtheHistoryofWriting(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2011)MairVictorHldquoBuddhismandtheRiseoftheWrittenVernacularinEastAsiaTheMakingofNationalLanguagesrdquoTheJournalofAsianStudies533(Aug1994)pp707-51mdashmdashmdashWanderingontheWayEarlyTaoistTalesandParablesofChuangTzu(NewYorkBantamBooks1994)MajorJohnSetaledsTheHuainanziAGuidetotheTheoryandPracticeofGovernmentinEarlyHanChina(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2010)MaruyamaMasaoMikisoHanetransStudiesintheIntellectualHistoryofTokugawaJapan(TokyoTheUnivofTokyoPress1974)MatsuiToshihiko松井利彦ldquoMasaokaShikishūrdquo正岡子規集inItōSei伊藤整edNihonkindaibungakutaikei日本近代文学大系vol16(TokyoKadokawaShoten1972)

232

MatsuoHatsuko松尾肇子ldquoGozanZenrinniokerushinojuyōrdquo五山禅林における詞の受容Fengxu風絮13(Dec2016)pp60-82McCulloughHelenCraigBrocadebyNightKokinWakashūandtheCourtStyleinJapaneseClassicalPoetry(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1985)McGannJeromeTheTextualCondition(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1991)McRaeJohnRTheNorthernSchoolandtheFormationofEarlyChrsquoanBuddhism(KurodaInstituteStudiesinEastAsianBuddhismno3HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress1986)MurphyReganEldquoEsotericBuddhistTheoriesofLanguageinearlyKokugakuTheSōshakuoftheManrsquoyōdaishokirdquoJapaneseJournalofReligiousStudies361(2009)pp65-91NakajimaChiaki中島千秋Shinshakukanbuntaikei新釈漢文大系vol80ldquoMonzenfuhenrdquo文選賦篇pt2(TokyoMeijiShoin1977)NienhauserJrWilliamHetaledsTheGrandScribersquosRecordsvol1(BloomingtonIndianaUnivPress1994)NogawaHiroyuki野川博之ldquoGozanni-ryūgakusōnotenshiseisakuRyūzanChūgannoMokurengerdquo五山二留學僧の塡詞製作 龍山中巖の木蘭花Chūgokubungakukenkyū中国文学研究25(1999)pp96-109mdashmdashmdashldquoChūganEngetsunoSōshishōkai中巖圓月の宋詞紹介Chūgokubungakukenkyū中国文学研究26(1999)pp71-84OwenStephenTheEndoftheChineseMiddleAgesEssaysinMid-TangLiteraryCulture(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1996)mdashmdashmdashTraditionalChinesePoetryandPoetics(TaipeiSouthernMaterialsCenter1985)mdashmdashmdashReadingsinChineseLiteraryThought(CambridgeHarvard-YenchingInstitute1992)mdashmdashmdashThePoetryofMengChiaoandHanYu(NewHavenYaleUnivPress1975)PlaksAndrewArchetypeandAllegoryintheDreamoftheRedChamber(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1976)PollackDavidZenPoemsoftheFiveMountains(AARStudiesinReligionno37NewYorkTheCrossroadPublishingCo1985)

233

PulleyblankEdwinGLexiconofReconstructedPronunciationinEarlyMiddleChineseLateMiddleChineseandEarlyMandarin(VancouverUnivofBritishColumbiaPress1991)Ramirez-ChristensenEsperanzaMurmuredConversationsATreatiseonPoetryandBuddhismbythePoet-MonkShinkei(StanfordStanfordUnivPress2008)RenBantang任半塘Tangshengshi唐聲詩(ShanghaiXinhuaShudian1982)SameiMajiaBellldquoCiPoetryShortSongLyrics(Xiaoling)rdquoinZong-qiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetrypp245-48SchirokauerConradABriefHistoryofChineseandJapaneseCivilizations(SanDiegoHarcourtBraceJovanovich1989)SchoferJonathanWldquoVirtuesinXunzirsquosThoughtrdquoinTCKlineandPhilipJIvanhoeedsVirtueNatureandMoralAgencyintheXunzi(IndianapolisHackett2000)pp69-88SemizuYukinoldquoInvisibleTranslationReadingChineseTextsinAncientJapanrdquoinTheoHermansTranslatingOthers(ManchesterStJeromePublishing2006)SharfRobertHComingtoTermswithChineseBuddhismAReadingoftheTreasureStoreTreatise(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress2002)ShihVincentYu-chungTheLiteraryMindandtheCarvingofDragonsAStudyofThoughtandPatterninChineseLiterature(HongKongTheChineseUniversityPress1983)ShimizuShigeru清水茂etaledsShinNihonkotenbungakutaikei新日本古典文学大系vol65ldquoNihonshishiGozandōshiwardquo日本詩史五山堂史話(TokyoIwanamiShoten1991)ShiraneHaruoldquoCurriculumandCompetingCanonsrdquoinShiraneandTomikoYodaedsInventingtheClassics(StanfordStanfordUnivPress2000)pp220-249SlingerlandEdwardAnalects(IndianapolisHackett2003)SmithRichardJFathomingtheCosmosandOrderingtheWorldTheYijing(I-ChingorClassicofChanges)andItsEvolutioninChina(CharlottesvilleUnivofVirginiaPress2008)SteinengerBrianChineseLiteraryFormsinHeianJapanPoeticsandPractice(CambridgeHarvardUniversityAsiaCenter2017)

234

SuZhongxiangldquoLunlsquoZhinarsquoyicideqiyuanyuJingdelishihewenhuardquoamp$13Lishiyanjiu134(April1979)pp34-48SunRongcheng孫容成ldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquo中巌円月の思想と文学(PhDDissBeijingForeignStudiesUniversity2012)TamakakeHiroyuki玉懸博之Nihonchūseishisōshikenkyū日本中世思想史研究(TokyoPerikansha1998)TamamuraTakeji玉村竹二Gozanbungakushinshū五山文學新集vol4(TokyoTōkyōDaigakuShuppankai1969)TillmanHoytClevelandUtilitarianConfucianismChrsquoenLiangrsquosChallengetoChuHsi(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1982)TzvetanTodorovIntroductiontoPoetics(MinneapolisUnivofMinnesotaPress1997)UenoTakeshi上野武ldquoWajinnokigentoGonoTaihakudensetsurdquo倭人の起源と呉の太伯伝説inKishiToshio岸俊男MoriKōichi森浩一andŌbayashiTaryō大林太良edsNihonnokodai日本の古代vol1ldquoWajintōjōrdquo倭人登場(TokyoChūōKōron1985)UryMarianldquoGenkōShakushoJapanrsquosFirstComprehensiveHistoryofBuddhismAPartialTranslationwithIntroductionandNotesrdquo(PhDdissUniversityofCaliforniaBerkeley1970)VanNordenBryanWMengziWithSelectionsfromTraditionalCommentaries(IndianapolisHackett2008)WangShumin王叔岷Zhuangzijiaoquan莊子校詮vol1(TaibeiZhongyangYanjiuyuanLishiYuyanYanjiusuo1988)WangZhongyao王仲堯ZhongguoFojiaoyuZhouyi中國佛教與周易(TaipeiDazhan2003)WatsonBurtonJapaneseLiteratureinChinesevol1(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1976)WebbJasonPldquoBeyondWa-KanNarratingKanshiReceptionandSociolectsofPoetryrdquoinProceedingsfortheAssociationofJapaneseLiteraryStudies5(Summer2004)pp245-59

235

WechslerHowardJldquoTheConfucianTeacherWangTrsquoung(584-617)OneThousandYearsofControversyrdquoTrsquooungPaoLXIII(1977)pp225-272WeiShaosheng衛紹生Liuyanshitiyanjiu (BeijingSocialSciencesAcademicPress2010)WilkinsonEndymionPChineseHistoryAManual(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2000)WixtedJohnTimothyldquoKanbunHistoriesofJapaneseLiteratureandJapanologistsrdquoinSino-JapaneseStudies102(April1998)pp23-31WongKwok-yiuldquoBetweenPoliticsandMetaphysicsOntheChangingReceptionofWangTrsquoungintheTrsquoang-SungIntellectualTransitionsrdquoMonumentaSericavol55(2007)pp61-97HagaYaichi芳賀矢一andTachibanaSensaburō立花銑三郎edsKokubungakutokuhon國文學讀本inHagaYaichisenshūhenshūiinkaiedHagaYaichisenshū芳賀矢一選集vol2(TokyoKokugakuinDaigaku1983) YajimaGenryō矢島玄亮Nihonkokukenzaishomokurokushūshōtokenkyū日本国見在書目録 集証と研究(TokyoKyūkoShoin1984)YamagishiTokuhei山岸徳平edNKBTv89ldquoGozanbungakushūEdokanshishūrdquo五山文学集江戸漢詩集(TokyoIwanamiShoten1966)YoshikawaKōjirō吉川幸次郎HōchōfushiRongozakkiAraiHakusekiitsuji鳳鳥不至論語雑記新井白石逸事(TokyoShinchosha1971)YuPaulineRldquoMetaphorandChinesePoetryrdquoChineseLiteratureEssaysArticlesReviews(CLEAR)32(Jul1981)pp205-224mdashmdashmdashldquoAllegoryAllegoresisandtheClassicofPoetryrdquoHarvardJournalofAsiaticStudies432(Dec1983)pp377-412YueTianlei岳天雷ldquoZhuXilunlsquoquanrsquordquo朱熹論「權」Zhongguowenhuayanjiusuoxuebao中國文化研究所學報No56(Jan2013)pp169-85ZhangPei張沛Zhongshuojiaozhu中説校注(BeijingZhonghuaShuju2013)