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5 AM, October 20, 1962. After years of miscalculations and failure to reach
diplomatic agreement, two powers faced off against each other. However, despite
the historic crisis occurring across the globe, the two countries discussed here were
not the United States and the Soviet Union. The Chinese deployed troops to Thag La
Ridge and at this hour launched an attack against Indian posts, beginning the Sino-
Indian Border War of 1962. These posts were set up as part of Indian Prime
Minister Nehrus forward policy, seeking to prevent Chinese advance and push the
Chinese out of disputed border areas. After years of miscalculations, increased
tension due to revolution in neighboring Tibet, and ultimately an inability to reach
agreement peacefully, China launched simultaneous attacks beginning at 5 AM on
October 20, 1962, resulting in a quick and decisive Chinese victory, with important
implications for both sides in the wars aftermath.
The war of 1962 with India was long Chinas forgotten war. While extensive
literature has explored the border conflict from an Indian perspective and analyzed
Indias China War in great detail, little was published regarding the Chinese
perspective.1 Delving into various sources from both Indian and Chinese aspects,
this paper analyzes the 1962 Sino-Indian War with coverage on historical
background, confrontational claims, campaign process and the implications for both
sides of the campaign.
Background
In order to fully understand the background of the 1962 Sino-Indian Border
War, one must probe into the historical and geographical elements that shaped the
relations between the two countries. Conventionally, the discussions on the Sino-
Indian border issue have conveniently divided the frontier into the western, middle,
1Indias China War, written by Neville Maxwell, is the first and one of the most important detailed
accounts of the events surrounding the Sino-Indian War of 1962. Interestingly, as the awareness of the
1962 war arises in China, Maxwell recently published an article titled Chinas India War in answering the
question how the Chinese saw the conflict.
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and eastern sectors. In this section, we will provide detailed historical background
with respect to each sector.
Map 1: The Middle Sector2
2Aksai Chin, Tawang, and India in 1961-1962 [map], in Steven A. Hoffmann, India and the China Crisis,
Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1990, p. 10.
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The middle sector, illustrated by Map 1, runs from the northwestern tip of the
Punjab to Nepal. This sector has seen relatively less conflicts. Although the Indian
government claimed sovereignty of the western end of the middle sector based on
the treaties of 1684 and 1842, the middle sector has never been subject to any
treaty or agreement concluded between British India or the states of India, Tibet, or
China.
The western sector, particularly the highly disputed Aksai Chin area, was not
blessed by the absence of conflict. As Map 2 shows, the western sector, running
from Afghanistan to the northwestern tip of the Punjab, separated Kashmir from
Xinjiang and the western extremity of Tibet. The Indian and Chinese governments
draw drastically different borderlines in Aksai Chin, an area that expands from
Karakoram Pass in the west to Kongka Pass in the east, covering the area between
Xinjiang and Kashmir. The Chinese government claims that the line of occupation,
illustrated in the map in dotted lines, runs more or less straight from the
Karakoram Range east along the crest of the Karakoram Range to the Kongka Pass.3
However, the Indian government claims that from the Karakoram Pass the frontier
executes a deep salient up to a point on the crest of the Kunlun Range and descends
again to the Karakoram Range at a point east of the Kongka Pass.4 The British
Indian government acted as if Aksai Chin were part of Ladakh, within its
jurisdiction. Yet the Chinese conversely claim Aksai Chin as part of Xinjiang. Until
the 1950s, the frontier was delimited in this area and there was something of a void
between the Indian administration in Ladakh and Chinese administration in
Xinjiang.
3J. M. Addis Papers, The India-China Border Question, (Cambridge, Mass: Center of International Affairs,
Harvard University, April 1963)http://chinaindiaborderdispute.files.wordpress.com/2010/07/india-china-
border2.pdf, p.7.4
Ibid., p.13.
http://chinaindiaborderdispute.files.wordpress.com/2010/07/india-china-border2.pdfhttp://chinaindiaborderdispute.files.wordpress.com/2010/07/india-china-border2.pdfhttp://chinaindiaborderdispute.files.wordpress.com/2010/07/india-china-border2.pdfhttp://chinaindiaborderdispute.files.wordpress.com/2010/07/india-china-border2.pdfhttp://chinaindiaborderdispute.files.wordpress.com/2010/07/india-china-border2.pdfhttp://chinaindiaborderdispute.files.wordpress.com/2010/07/india-china-border2.pdf7/30/2019 Boiling Point on the Border: An Examination of the Sino-Indian Border War of 1962 and Its Implications
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Map 2: The Western Sector5
The eastern sector, as indicated by Map 3, refers to the Sino-Indian border from
Bhutan in the west to Burma in the east, where 99,000 square kilometers of
territory is in dispute, described by the Indians as the Northeast Frontier Agency
5Hoffmann, India and the China Crisis, op cit., p. 11.
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(NEFA).6 Based on historical treaties and documents of the British administration,
the Indian government claimed sovereignty over the eastern sector. At the same
time, the Indians solicited moral and spiritual support based on the essential and
eternal Indianness of this part of the frontier. A production of the Simla
Conference, the McMahon Line is the most important historical factor in this area.
In 1914, the British government convened the Simla Conference, which was
presented as an attempt to coordinate relations between China and Tibet. However,
according to Maxwells Indias China War, the aim of the British was that Tibet,
while nominally retaining her position as an autonomous state under the suzerainty
of China, should in reality be placed in a position of absolute dependence on the
Indian government.7 The main British effort at the conference primarily focused on
dividing Tibet into two zones: inner and outer Tibet. Although Chinese suzerainty
over the entire region was to be recognized, as officially noted by the British
government, under such a treaty, China had no administrative rights in the outer
Tibet area, thus keeping China back from the Sino-Indian borderline. Such an effort
was strongly resisted by Beijing; from the Chinese perspective, the British simply
wanted to separate a great part of Tibet from China. Yet British Representative
McMahon proceeded to sign a joint declaration with the Tibetan delegation withoutthe official consent from Beijing. This secret byproduct of the Simla Conference was
consolidated in the 1914 discussions between the British and Tibetans, which
thereafter led to an alignment with only bilateral recognition the McMahon Line.
On the Chinese side, Beijings leaders constantly resisted the secret British-Tibetan
declaration and the McMahon Lin, recognizing it as a manifestation of the British
imperialist endeavors. Essentially, what McMahon alignment did was to push the
Sino-Indian boundary northward for approximately 60 miles, which indicated
6Gregory Clark, In Fear of China, Lansdowne Press, 1967,http://gregoryclark.net/China/[accessed 10
November, 2012].7Neville Maxwell, Indias China War, (New York: Pantheon Books, 1970), p. 46.
http://gregoryclark.net/China/http://gregoryclark.net/China/http://gregoryclark.net/China/http://gregoryclark.net/China/7/30/2019 Boiling Point on the Border: An Examination of the Sino-Indian Border War of 1962 and Its Implications
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British intention to create a tribal no-mans-land under nominal British
sovereignty.8
Map 3: The Eastern Sector9
The late 1940s witnessed the grand power transition in Asia and thereafter the
emergency of an independent India and a Communist China. The newly established
Sino-Indian relations experienced a smooth startin actuality, independent India
was the first state outside the Soviet bloc to recognize the new China during the last
days of 1949. As Maxwell suggested,
Friendship with China had been the keystone of the foreign policy Jawaharlal
Nehru had set for India: non-alignment, the refusal of India to throw in her lot
with either of the blocks, Communist and anti-Communist, into which the world
8Ibid., p. 51.
9Hoffmann, India and the China Crisis, op cit., p. 17.
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seemed then so neatly divided; self-reliance in defense, independence in foreign
policy; concentration upon economic development, at the risk of allowing the
armed forces to run downall of these depended upon friendship with China,
and a peaceful northern border. Hostility with China, a live border in the north
demanding huge defense outlaysthese would bring down the whole arch ofNehrus policies.10
Given the presumption that both countries needed peace for their reconstruction
and development, the Sino-Indian treaty of 1954 stated in its preamble that the two
governments agreed upon the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, in which a
commitment to mutual respect, mutual non-aggression, mutual non-interference,
mutual benefit and peaceful co-existence was stated.11 Such was the hope that if
these principles were applied not only between various countries but also in
international relations generally, they would have formed a solid foundation for the
conception of collective peace.
Also, nonalignment, the defining feature of Indian foreign policy since
independence, has always been a guiding principle respected and followed by New
Delhis decision makers and political elites. Nonalignment was announced by
Nehru, who believed that the only way for India to pursue its goals internationally
was keeping a far distance from any formal alliance, especially from the Moscow and
Washington-led blocs of nations. Nonalignment also reflects Gandhis nonviolence
principles in resolving international disputes, calling for cooperation and peaceful
dialogues. Nehrus advocacy for such principles bolstered Indias reputation as a
leader in the global decolonization movement, in which newly independent states
struggle with ensuring the room for survival amidst superpower rivalries and
lingering colonial influence.
However, under the surfaces of peaceful coexistence and non-alignment hid a
few turmoil elements. The issue of the McMahon Line, seen by the Chinese as
10Maxwell, Indias China War, op cit., p. 11.
11Agreement on trade and intercourse between Tibet region of China and India, (New York, NY:
Secretariat of the United Nations, Vol. 299, Nos. 4303-4325);
http://treaties.un.org/doc/publication/unts/volume%20299/v299.pdf[accessed 20 October 2012].
http://treaties.un.org/doc/publication/unts/volume%20299/v299.pdfhttp://treaties.un.org/doc/publication/unts/volume%20299/v299.pdfhttp://treaties.un.org/doc/publication/unts/volume%20299/v299.pdf7/30/2019 Boiling Point on the Border: An Examination of the Sino-Indian Border War of 1962 and Its Implications
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British imperialist hangover in India after independence, has affected Sino-Indian
relations from 1914 until present. The government of the Peoples Republic of
China today, like its predecessors during the Kuomintang era, does not consider that
China has any obligation from the secret British-Tibetan declaration of the Simla
Conference and related discussions in 1914. When the British relinquished their
control over the Indian empire in 1947, the last legacy they left to Indians leaders
was to translate the McMahon Line from the maps to the ground, as the effective
northeast boundary of India by establishing posts over the tribal territory. The new
Indian government guaranteed the receding British colonists that New Delhi would
complete the unfinished work in the tribal belt: if anything, they intended to pursue
an even more forward policy than had the British.12
The hope for collective peace was first shattered by Chinese annexation of Tibet
in 1951.13 In October 1950, the Peoples Liberation Army conducted military
actions in the Tibetan area of Chamdo. In 1951, a Seventeen Point Agreement was
signed between Beijing and the Tibetan representatives, headed by Ngapoi
Ngawang Jigme, which affirmed Chinas sovereignty over Tibet.14 The Chinese
occupation of Tibet altered the power dynamics among China, Tibet, and India,
under which Tibet historically served as a buffer zone between China and India.
This was a turning point in the Sino-Indian border issue. As Nehru later stated in
the Lok Sabha on February 23, 1961, When the Chinese forces entered Tibet in
1950-1951, we thought that the whole nature of our border had changed. It was a
dead border, it was now becoming alive, and we began to think in terms of the
protection of that border.15 In actual policy terms, such a turning point meant an
increase in the number of checkpoints and patrols along the borderlines. During
this period, the Indians were moving to fill the void in the eastern sector of the Sino-
12
Maxwell, Indias China War, op cit., p. 61.13
Peaceful liberation in Chinese official language14
Shanti Prasad Varma, Struggle for the Himalayas, (Mori Gate, India: University Publishers, 1966), p.73.15
Addis, The India-China Border Question, op cit., p.46.
.
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Indian borderline, while the PLA carried out extensive activities in the western
sector, particularly in the highly disputed Aksai Chin area.
The real borderline skirmish started in 1954, marked by the Barahoti
Conference. Although through later-on negotiations this small disputed area had
been successfully neutralized militarily, Chinese and Indian civilian officers were
camping in it side by side.16 In 1957, the Chinese had completed the construction of
the Xinjiang-Tibet motor road, which went through the Aksai Chin area. This move
was perceived by the Nehru administration as a surprising aggression, as Beijing did
not inform nor seek permission from the Indian government, who viewed Aksai
Chin as indisputably part of Indian territory. During the 1958-1959 period, the
Chinese government furthered their occupation of the Aksai Chin area and their
claim to NEFA in the eastern sector. In March 1959, the armed rebellion in Tibet
was seen by Beijing as a humiliation to China and a conspiracy supported by the
Central Intelligence Agency of the United States, the Indian Government, and the
Nationalist Government. Following the uprising, both sides began advancing further
into the frontier areas, altering the status quo of administrative void, and resulting
in the first exchange of fire between Chinese and Indian patrols. The incident also
accumulated Nehrus unremitting pressure from the press and from the opposition
in parliament to take a strong position. The honeymoon between Beijing and Delhi
hence came to an end.
In August 1959, an Indian border guard was killed during an armed clash at a
point called Longyu on the McMahon Line. As Nehru revealed on November 16,
1959, after the Longyu incident it has been decided to place the entire frontier of
India in direct charge of our army.17 The more serious clash in October 1959 at the
Kongka Pass on the Kashmir/Xinjiang border, with casualties on both sides,
galvanized the Indian public opinion and triggered alarmed attention among the
16Ibid., p. 50.
17Maxwell, Indias China War, op cit., p.73.
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Chinese leadership and the Indian government. Facing heightened tension, Beijing
called for China and India to each withdraw 20 kilometers at once from the
McMahon Line in the east and from the Line of Actual Control (LAC) in the west.
However, despite such a proposal, as well as prime ministers meeting between
Zhou Enlai and Nehru, China and India failed to reach an agreement.18 While China
constantly restated their claim that the entire Sino-Indian boundary had never been
delimited, India refuted such understanding and defined it as wholly incorrect and
unacceptable. The early 1962 witnessed a series of fortified defense, exchanges of
diplomatic notes, and the Dhola Post crisis. On October 6, the border conflict
reached its climax when Beijing proclaimed that India has finally categorically shut
the door to negotiations in their reply to the October 6 Indian notes. The
belligerent intentions and active preparations for military actions from both sides
therefore led to the inception of the Sino-Indian War on October 20, 1962.
In addition to bilateral factors, the international political context at the time,
especially the role of the United States and the Soviet Union, also helped precipitate
the Sino-Indian conflicts. Throughout the 1959-1962 period, international public
sympathy usually side with India, as India charged that it was China that refused to
negotiate border disputes and embarked on an aggressive expansion to Indian
territory. Following Beijings logic, India was the embodiment of capitalism and
imperialism hangover, leaning toward the United States. During those years, the
United States clearly changed its policy toward the Nehru regime. According to the
Chinese Communist Partys Sino-Indian Warpropaganda documentary, the United
States almost doubled its foreign assistance to India, amounting to $4.1 billion
during the two years of Indian confrontation with China.19 In addition, the Soviet
Union was also an actor whose role cannot be underestimated. It was exactly during
the Longju incident when Khrushchev was preparing for his visit with President
19Sino-Indian War,http://v.youku.com/v_show/id_XNjY0NDE5OTI=.html[accessed 25 October 2012].
http://v.youku.com/v_show/id_XNjY0NDE5OTI=.htmlhttp://v.youku.com/v_show/id_XNjY0NDE5OTI=.htmlhttp://v.youku.com/v_show/id_XNjY0NDE5OTI=.htmlhttp://v.youku.com/v_show/id_XNjY0NDE5OTI=.html7/30/2019 Boiling Point on the Border: An Examination of the Sino-Indian Border War of 1962 and Its Implications
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Eisenhower as an effort to amend relations with the United States and regenerate
the Spirit of Camp David. As J.M. Addis The India-China Border Question records,
an editorial in Peoples Daily of February 27, 1963 , entitled Whence the
differences? a reply to Comrade Thorez and other comrades, claimed:
On that day a socialist country, turning a deaf ear to Chinas repeated
explanations of the true situation and to Chinas advice, hastily issued a
statement on a Sino-Indian border incident through its official news agency.
Making no distinction between right and wrong, the statement expressed
regret over the border clash and in reality condemned Chinas correct stand.20
At the dawn of the Sino-Indian War, Khrushchev showed willingness to amend
relations with the United States, which has always acted as a strategic ally with
India. All these factors contributed to the acceleration of Sino-Indian border
conflicts, which eventually triggered in war in October 1962.
Timeline 1: From Applying the Forward Policy to Ceasefire21:
1961 - Nehru sends troops and border patrols into disputed frontier areas to
establish outposts; skirmishes increased in late 1961
Dec. 1962 - India invades and takes Portuguese Goa
July - Skirmishes in Aksai Chin
4 Aug. - China accuses India of advancing even north of the McMahon Line
Aug. - Chinese logistic and manpower buildup along the frontier
Sep. - Isolated skirmishes along the disputed border
5 Oct. - India forms special Border Command under General Kaul
20[Whence the differencea reply to Comrade Thorez and other
comrades],[PeoplesDaily], (27 February 1963), citied in J. M. Addis Papers, The India-China
Border Question, p.174.21
Appendix 1 Chronology of Events from U.S. Naval Lieutenant Calvin James Barnards The China-India
Border War CSC 1984 accessed http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/library/report/1984/CJB.htm .
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10 Oct. - First heavy fighting, at Tseng-Jong in NEFA
20 Oct. - Chinese launch a massive assault across the Namka Chu River in NEFA
20-21 Oct. - Chinese launch simultaneous attacks in Aksai Chin, successful against
Galwan Valley and Chip Chap Valley posts
23 Oct. - Chinese overrun all posts down to Tawang in NEFA
24-25 Oct. - Chinese probing attacks at Walong, in eastern NEFA
Late Oct. - Lull in fighting; unproductive diplomatic efforts at compromise fail;
numerous changes in command in NEFA Indian units
14 Nov. - Nehru's birthday - Indians launch an attack on Chinese north of Walong
15 Nov. - the Indian offensive fails
16 Nov. - Chinese troops overrun Walong
17 Nov. - Chinese attack Indians on Bailey Trail in NEFA; a Chinese attack at Se La,
NEFA, is repulsed; Chinese begin a simultaneous attack on Chushul in Aksai
Chin
18 Nov. - Chinese successful at Chushul; no Indian force remains in Aksai Chin;Indian forces are forced to withdraw from Se La; Chinese forces attack Bomdi La
19 Nov. - Chinese attack Chaku, last Indian forces in NEFA, successfully; Chou En-Lai
gives ceasefire dictum to Indian official in Peking
20 Nov. - Chou publicly announces ceasefire; India requesting U. S. military aid, but
ceasefire ends need for U. S. intervention
21 Nov. - Ceasefire goes into effect
1 Dec. - both sides' troops withdraw 20 kilometers from new boundary lines;
repatriation of prisoners starts
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Indian Objectives/Confrontational Claims
Pursuing the Forward Policy
New Delhi must assert its rights by dispatching properly equipped patrols intothe areas currently occupied by the Chinese, since any prolonged failure to do
so will imply a tacit acceptance of Chinese occupation, and a surrender to
Pekings threat to cross the McMahon Line in force should Indian patrols
penetrate into the disputed areas of Ladakh.22This quote from an editorial in the Times of India in October 1959 expressed a
conclusion that the Indian government also reached in 1960 in developing a policy
to deal with Chinese border disputes.23 Indian objectives and confrontational claims
leading up to the 1962 Sino-Indian Border War found their expression in the Indian
forward policy. The Chinese construction of a road through Aksai Chin in 1956,
linking Xinjiang and Tibet, raised issue for the Indian government, which
maintained that India possessed sovereignty over Aksai Chin. Regarding the
McMahon Line in the eastern sector, Prime Minister Nehru presumed that China
recognized its legitimacy, as no border questions were raised when the Sino-Indian
Agreement on Tibet was concluded in 1954.24 However, in one of the notes
exchanged between Chinese Premier Chou En-Lai and Indian Prime Minister Nehru,
Chou En-Lai stressed that the McMahon Line was a product of the British policy of
aggression. Juridically it had no legal basis.25 Nehru responded with his
assertion that the McMahon Line had a natural, geographical basis. According to
Nehru, It also coincided with tradition and over a large part was confirmed by
international treaties.26 The Indian government was committed to getting China
out of Aksai Chin and maintaining the McMahon Line, preventing the threat of a
Chinese advance across the line. Proposals put forward by both Chou En-Lai and
22Maxwell, Indias China War, pp.173-174.
23Ibid., pp. 173-174.
24T. Karki Hussain, Sino-Indian Conflict and International Politics in the Indian Sub-Continent, 1962-66,
(Faridabad: Thomson Press (India) Limited, 1977), p. 8.25
Ibid., p. 9.26
Ibid., p. 9.
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Nehru regarding different means of withdraw were not found acceptable by the
other side, and Chou En-Lais visit to New Delhi in April 1960 was considered a
total failure.27 Around the time of Chou En-Lais visit, a quid-pro-quo settlement,
such as the Chinese recognizing the McMahon Line in lieu of Indian recognition of
Aksai Chin as a Chinese position seemed possible.28 According to Indian Defence
Minister Krishna Menon, aroused public opinion and the influence of the Home
Minister, Pandit Pant played a strong role in the Indian resistance of such
negotiations.29
When diplomatic measures were unsuccessful in settling boundary disputes
between the Chinese and Indians, the Indian government determined it needed to
pursue other measures to settle the argument and achieve a boundary resolution
congruent with Indian interests. China committed to maintaining its presence in the
area and refused to withdraw, which meant India faced alternative policy choices: to
attempt to push back Chinese presence through the use of military force, to accept
the Chinese status quo on the boundaries, or to pursue a third option. Eager to
avoid war and not willing to accept Chinese terms, the Indians pursued the third
choice, which became known as the forward policy.30 The forward policy emerged
in 1960 under Prime Minister Nehrus government, though it was not really put
into effect until the end of 1961, largely owing to the Armys unwillingness to
undertake a course for which the military means were wholly lacking.31
The forward policys first objective was to prevent any further Chinese
advance. The policy sought to establish an Indian presence in Aksai Chin to
27The China-India Border War of 1962, (report prepared by Lieutenant Commander James Barnard Calvin,
U.S. Navy; Marine Corps Command and Staff College, April 1984);http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/library/report/1984/CJB.htm(accessed, 27 September 2012),
Chapter II.28
Hussain, Sino-Indian Conflict and International Politics in the Indian Sub-Continent, 1962-66, op. cit. p.
15.29
Ibid., p. 15.30
Maxwell, Indias China War, op cit., p. 174.31
Ibid., p. 199.
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encourage the Nehru proposed joint withdrawal, which clearly aligned with Indian
intentions to eventually get the Chinese out of the area.32 The forward policy
sought to undermine Chinese control of the disputed areas by the interposition of
Indian posts and patrols between Chinese positions, thus cutting their supply lines
and ultimately forcing them to withdraw.33 Nehru sent Indian troops into Aksai
Chin, and India established about forty-three outposts in the western sector by the
end of 1961. Nehrus forward policy was formulated under the assumption that the
Chinese would not respond with war. The Chinese began sending a series of angry
protests in August 1961, repeatedly warning to retaliate across the McMahon Line
if the Indians continued pressing forward.34 Still, the premise of the forward policy
held that no matter how many posts and patrols India sent into Chinese claimed
and occupied territory the Chinese would not physically interfere with them
provided only that the Indians did not attack any Chinese positions.35 Nehru
dismissed the Chinese warnings, explaining to Parliament that the Chinese had
become rather annoyed because Indian posts had been set up behind their own,
and reassured any members who might have thought the Chinese tone
dangerous.36 Nehru continued, If they do take those steps we shall be ready for
them.37 As can be seen in Map 4, Indias forward policy movements pushed intoChinese claimed Aksai Chin territory, leading to skirmishes. As the timeline details,
the Chinese also accused India of advancing even north of the McMahon Line in
August 1962. After the Indian forward policy became effective in 1961, skirmishes
increased over the next several months, ultimately leading up to the beginning of
the large-scale military campaign in October 1962.
32Ibid., p. 174.
33Ibid., p. 174.
34Barnard, The China-India Border War of 1962, op. cit., Chapter II.
35Maxwell, Indias China War, op cit., p. 175.
36Ibid., p. 235.
37Ibid., p. 235.
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Map 438:
38Maxwell, Indias China War, op cit., p. 257.
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Chinese Objectives/Confrontational Claims
Mr. Nehru is the premier of India, our friendly neighbor, and one of the most
influential politicians in the world whom we respect. To us, we should not
forget that he is a friend of China who opposes the imperialists policies of warand aggression. In addition, he has made many open-minded comments with
regards to social progress. However, what a different tone he was singing in his
speech on April 27th, 1959!39
Headed by Nehru, the Indian ruling group has interfered in our Tibetan affairs
over and over again, holding expansionist ambitions toward Tibet which has
exposed their devious nationalist policy. Yet after the failure of the Tibetan
rebellion he instigated, Nehru has again betrayed us, turning against China
with notoriously mad attacks.40
The first paragraph is quoted from the Peoples Dailys coverage on the Lhasa
Rebellion on May 6, 1959. The second statement was written few days before the
launch of 1962 Sino-Indian War. This section seeks to offer an explanation for the
shift in Chinas attitude toward India from our friendly neighbor to the mad
attacker, examining factors that led China to war with India in 1962. This section
analyzes both bilateral and international perspectives, emphasizing the Tibet issue
and chronological border conflicts.
From a domestic perspective, the Tibet issue and a series of Sino-Indian borderconflicts from 1959-1962 were of critical importance. On the subject of Tibet, John
W. Garver argued that a starting point for understanding the Chinese belief system
about the 1962 war is recognition that the road to the 1962 war begins in Tibet.41
In other words, according to Garver, Tibet was the root cause of the 1962 war from
the Chinese perspective. After a series of interwoven exchanges between India and
39
[The Tibetan Revolution and the Philosophy of Nehru], [Peoples Daily], (6 May 1959),http://www.tibetology.ac.cn/zh/component/content/article/253--1/4417-
2010-03-23-14-14-18?view=article&id=4417%3A2010-03-23-14-14-18&catid=253%3A-1 .40
[Reanalyze Nehrus Philosophy regarding the Sino-Indian border
issue],[Peoples Daily], (October 1962),http://rmrbw.net/simple/index.php?t298195.html, p.2.41
John W. Garver, Chinas Decision for War with India in 1962,
http://chinaindiaborderdispute.files.wordpress.com/2010/07/garver.pdf[accessed 1 November 2012],
p.6.
http://www.tibetology.ac.cn/zh/component/content/article/253--1/4417-2010-03-23-14-14-18?view=article&id=4417%3A2010-03-23-14-14-18&catid=253%3A-1http://www.tibetology.ac.cn/zh/component/content/article/253--1/4417-2010-03-23-14-14-18?view=article&id=4417%3A2010-03-23-14-14-18&catid=253%3A-1http://www.tibetology.ac.cn/zh/component/content/article/253--1/4417-2010-03-23-14-14-18?view=article&id=4417%3A2010-03-23-14-14-18&catid=253%3A-1http://www.tibetology.ac.cn/zh/component/content/article/253--1/4417-2010-03-23-14-14-18?view=article&id=4417%3A2010-03-23-14-14-18&catid=253%3A-1http://rmrbw.net/simple/index.php?t298195.htmlhttp://rmrbw.net/simple/index.php?t298195.htmlhttp://rmrbw.net/simple/index.php?t298195.htmlhttp://chinaindiaborderdispute.files.wordpress.com/2010/07/garver.pdfhttp://chinaindiaborderdispute.files.wordpress.com/2010/07/garver.pdfhttp://chinaindiaborderdispute.files.wordpress.com/2010/07/garver.pdfhttp://rmrbw.net/simple/index.php?t298195.htmlhttp://www.tibetology.ac.cn/zh/component/content/article/253--1/4417-2010-03-23-14-14-18?view=article&id=4417%3A2010-03-23-14-14-18&catid=253%3A-1http://www.tibetology.ac.cn/zh/component/content/article/253--1/4417-2010-03-23-14-14-18?view=article&id=4417%3A2010-03-23-14-14-18&catid=253%3A-17/30/2019 Boiling Point on the Border: An Examination of the Sino-Indian Border War of 1962 and Its Implications
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negotiation.44 Mao thereafter reiterated Zhous prediction, underlining that the
border issue with India will be decided through negotiations.45
Such a promise could be exemplified by Maos order in November 1959, under
which he withdrew Chinese guards 20 kilometers along all the borders with a
request for Indias reciprocation. However, although Chinese leaders had shown
sufficient willingness to concede, Nehru rejected the swap proposal and insisted
China make further concessions such as the abandonment of Aksai Chin. In the
following years, India continued with its assertive and unyielding approach in the
border dispute, and strengthened its aggression in the western border sector, which
eventually led Mao to reverse his decision.46 Chinas willingness to negotiate with
India can also be observed in the case of the 1960 talks. In order to seek a peaceful
resolution of the Sino-Indian border disputes, Premier Zhou Enlai visited New Delhi
in April 1960 and met with Nehru. However, the meeting did not yield any
constructive outcomes, as Zhou Enlais goodwill and Chinas unilateral decision to
halt border patrols were perceived as a sign of weakness by the Indian
government.47 As a result, upon conclusion of the meetings, Indian forces continued
to challenge China and progressed beyond the Line of Actual Control first in the
western sector, establishing 43 strongholds within Chinese territory, then in theeastern sector, crossing the McMahon Line. Unfortunately, Nehrus confidence that
44Ibid., p. 70.
45Ibid., p.71.
46Four days after the border conflicts broke out, on October 24
th, 1962, China has released a statement
calling for a seize fire and reopening of peace talks. On November 4th
, Zhou Enlai again reached out to
Nehru, hoping to bring India back to the negotiation table. On November 15th
, Zhou Enlai wrote to leaders
of Afro-Asian countries as an effort to express Chinas positions in the conflict and to encourage Afro-
Asian leaders to facilitate a peaceful resolution of the border disputes. However, all these efforts were
met with refusal from Nehru, including in the aforementioned two cases, which led Chinese leaders toproclaim people of the world will see clearly who is peace-loving and who is bellicose; who upholds the
friendship between the peoples of China and India and maintains Afro-Asian solidarity, and who destroys
them; who defends the common interest of Afro-Asian nations in their struggle against imperialism and
colonialism, and who is against such common interest.47
Yang Zhifang,[Mao Zedong wanted to divert the attention of the
Chinese public on domestic issues by launching attacks on India], [ifeng.com], (26 October 2012),
http://news.ifeng.com/history/zhongguoxiandaishi/special/qlzyzz/#pageTop[accessed 1 November 2012].
http://news.ifeng.com/history/zhongguoxiandaishi/special/qlzyzz/#pageTophttp://news.ifeng.com/history/zhongguoxiandaishi/special/qlzyzz/#pageTophttp://news.ifeng.com/history/zhongguoxiandaishi/special/qlzyzz/#pageTop7/30/2019 Boiling Point on the Border: An Examination of the Sino-Indian Border War of 1962 and Its Implications
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the Chinese were just bluffing and would never dare to attack India led to the end of
Maos armed coexistence and Chinas military actions in 1962.48
The Tibet issue, the border disputes, along with bilateral and international
pressure given by both the West and the Soviet Union, pushed China to the brink of
the 1962 war. From the Chinese perspective, it was precisely the following
perceived motives of India that led to Chinas decision to go to war with India. First,
Nehru revealed in the bookThe Discovery of India his ambitions for building an
Indian empire that expanded from the Middle East to Southeast Asia, even before
Indias independence eighteen years prior.49 After independence, Nehru and his
ruling group started to pursue expansionist policies, seeking control of neighboring
nations economy and trade through intervention in their domestic and foreign
policies.50 Under such expansionist ambitions, the ruling group of India judged
Tibet as within its sphere of influence. Second, China believed, without doubt, the
United States provided support to the Nehru government as an effort to contain
China. The Kennedy administration openly supported Indias continued aggression
along the Chinese borders by encouraging Nehru to refuse negotiations and
providing economic and military aid to help Nehru strengthen his forces.51 China
viewed these observations as proof that the United States and India formed a defacto alliance. From the Chinese perspective, Indias expansionist ambitions and
Chinas conspiracy regarding the imperialist powers made the 1962 Sino-Indian
War necessary and unavoidable.
48Addis, The China-Indian Border Issue, op cit., p. 70.
49[Reanalyze Nehrus Philosophy regarding the Sino-Indian border
issue], opcit., p.1.50
Ibid., p.3.51
[The Shadow of the U.S. in the Sino-Indian War: the U.S.
instigation of India], [Sohu Military], (8 October 2012),
http://mil.sohu.com/20121008/n354443488.shtml [accessed on 10 November 2012].
http://mil.sohu.com/20121008/n354443488.shtml%20%5baccessed%20on%2010http://mil.sohu.com/20121008/n354443488.shtml%20%5baccessed%20on%2010http://mil.sohu.com/20121008/n354443488.shtml%20%5baccessed%20on%20107/30/2019 Boiling Point on the Border: An Examination of the Sino-Indian Border War of 1962 and Its Implications
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The Campaign
The Chinese deployed for their assault at Thag La Ridge, along the McMahon
Line in the eastern sector, on the night of October 19. They were very confident in
their forces, and convinced that Indians would not open fire, even lighting fires
along the way to keep warm. At 5 AM on October 20, 1962, the Chinese attacked
Indian outposts on the Thag La ridge.52 Retired Indian Brigadier J.P. Dalvi, who
fought during the war and was present at the Thag La ridge confrontation, recalled
that the Chinese opposite Bridge III fired two Verey lights. The signal was followed
by a cannonade of over 150 guns and heavy mortars, exposed on the forward slopes
of Thag La. Our positions came in for a heavy bombardment.53 For BrigadierDalvi, who spent several months as a prisoner to the Chinese,
This was the moment of truth. Thag La Ridge was no longer, at the moment, a
piece of ground. It was the crucible to test, weigh, and purify Indias foreign
and defence policies. As the first salvoes crashed overhead there were a few
minutes of petrifying shock. The contrast with the tranquility that had
obtained hitherto made it doubly impressive. The proximity of the two forces
made it seem like an act of treachery. It had started. This was the end of years
of miscalculations; months of suspense; days of hope and the end of a confused,
nightmare week.54
52Maxwell, Indias China War, op cit., p. 357.
53J.P. Dalvi, Himalayan Blunder: The Curtain-Raiser to the Sino-Indian War of 1962, (Bombay: Thacker,
1969), p. 364.54
Ibid., p. 364.
Start
Successful Chinese simultaneous attacks in the east and
west
Middle
Diplomatic measures fail, changes in Indiancommand/strategy, seek aid
End All-out attack by Chinese, ceasefire
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This assault marked the start of the Sino-Indian Border War, an eye-opening and
humiliating conflict for the Indians. The Chinese attacked central Indian positions.
The Gorkhas and Rajputs bore the brunt of the assault, with Chinese artillery
striking many Gorkhas as they tried to move positions and the Rajputs facing
simultaneous attacks from two sides.55 The Indians, outnumbered and under
armed, attempted to valiantly fight back. Nonetheless, the Chinese strength proved
too much to handle. The Chinese then began their assault on Tsangdhar. The
Gorkhas and Rajputs along the river line fell within four hours, by 9 AM, and the
vital position at Tsangdhar by this point was defended only by a weak company of
Gorkhas which had been preparing to march out to Tsangle and the two
paratroop guns. Firing over open sights, these fought until the crews were wiped
out.56 The Chinese began their first attack on Tsangdhar at 9 AM that same day.
Transport aircraft attempted to execute drops as usual but were quickly shooed-off
by Chinese fire.57 Dalvi expressed his ashamedness with Indian forces and high-
level command, writing, No one had bothered to tell the Air Force that a battle was
imminent or had in fact started. We did not believe in unity of command and
obviously Army-Air cooperation was not functioning smoothly.58 Dalvi decided to
move with the remaining Gorkhas to Tsangdhar to regroup there. He receivedapproval from General Prasad for his move to Tsangdhar. Dalvi quoted Prasads
official report, Prasad stated, Brigadier Dalvi asked my permission to withdraw to
Tsangdhar and reorganize there. He moved only on my direct orders, but before he
could get to Tsangdhar the enemy had already occupied this feature.59 The Chinese
take-over at Tsangdhar, according to Dalvi, marked the tragic end to a week which
had begun with Nehrus Olympian edict to throw out the Chinese and had finished
55Maxwell, Indias China War, op cit., p. 357.
56Ibid., p. 357.
57Dalvi, Himalayan Blunder, op cit., p. 373.
58Ibid., p. 373.
59Ibid., p. 375.
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with the complete rout of the out-numbered and out-weaponed troops.60 Dalvi
criticized the Nehru administration, though unwilling to give an inch, India instead
lost thousands of square miles. Bleeding from a thousand wounds, 7 Brigade
expired: but India was to go on bleeding for many more years.61 Dalvi praised the
valiant fight of Indian soldiers, but ultimately, undermanned, out-weaponed, and
under trained, the Indian were doomed to fail when the Chinese launched their
offensive at Thag La Ridge. Map 5 shows initial Chinese attacks launched against
Indian posts in the eastern sector.
Map 562:
60Ibid., p. 375.
61Ibid., p. 375.
62Maxwell, Indias China War, op cit., p. 361 .
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The Chinese simultaneously attacked the western sector. In the west, Chinese
attacked the Indian posts in the Chip Chap, Galwan, and Pangang Tso areas.63 In
addition to the aforementioned eastern sector assault, Wave after wave of Chinese
troops in a massive two pronged sweep came close to encircling the 50,000 square
miles of Indian, Himalayan territory.64 The Chinese shelled and overran the main
Indian Galwan post. Neville Maxwell explained that the posts fought as best they
could but were soon overwhelmed, the little garrisons being either killed or
captured.65 Western Command gave orders to the small and isolated posts to
withdraw before the Chinese offenses reached them.66 The forward policy had
met with the fate which from the beginning the real soldiers, like Dalvi,had
foreseen.67 The delusion, and stubbornness in both underestimating Chinese
warnings and pursuing a forward policy that the Indians were not militarily capable
of pursuing, resulted in the destruction of Indian posts, loss of lives, and withdraw
a humiliating period for the Indians after initial Chinese assaults in the Sino-Indian
Border War.
After withdraw became imminent for certain NEFA and western posts, Indian
leadership needed to construct retreat plans and decide where to make a stand. In
the east, immediately Indian generals, General Thapar and General Sen, felt
compelled to make a stand at Tawang. After the Thag La Ridge victory, the Chinese
immediately developed a three-prong attack. The first Chinese force was the one
that had captured Dalvi and defeated 7 Brigade and had come through Shakti and
was poised ten miles north of Tawang.68 The second prong came through
Khinzemane and joined with the first force.69 The Chinese also sent a third line of
63
M.L. Sali, India-China Border Dispute: A Case Study of the Eastern Sector, (New Delhi: A.P.H. PublishingCorporation, 1998), p. 88.64
Ibid., p. 88.65
Maxwell, Indias China War, op cit., pp. 358-359.66
Ibid., p. 359.67
Ibid., p. 359.68
Barnard, The China-India Border War of 1962, op. cit., Chapter V.69
Ibid., Chapter V.
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advance that came down through Bum La.70 Thus, by October 23, Tawang was
threatened from both the north and the south.
With no natural defences at Tawang, consequently on that same day orderswent out to the force at Tawang that they were to withdraw to Bomdi La, some
sixty miles back on the road to the plains.71 The attractiveness of Bomdi La lied in
the calculations that it marked the farthest point to the north where the Indians
could build up more quickly than the Chinese.72 At Army Headquarters, conversely,
Brigadier Palit urged that India should hold Se La much closer to Tawang only
about fifteen miles away. Palit argued for a hold at Se La because of its natural
defensive value in denying invaders access to the plains, and ultimately General Sen
reversed the order to hold Se La instead of Bomdi La. The Indians withdrew to Se
La, which they planned to reinforce and defend in strength.73 However, there
were several difficulties in the plan to defend Se La, which proved disastrous for the
Indians. The height at Se La required troops to operate at altitudes between 14,000
and 16,000 feet, which they were not capable due to lack of proper equipment and
not being acclimated after coming from the plains.74 The defensive position at Se La
was also too far from the plains to quickly build up and too near to Tawang that the
Chinese could more easily assault the post. Committing to Se La meant the Indians
needed to hold a very deep area, from Se La to Bomdi La, separated by some sixty
miles of difficult and unreliable road through high, broken country.75 Air support
was only on a supply level; the government did not want to risk tactical air support
with bombers or ground-attack aircraft for fear of Chinese retaliation against
Indian cities, especially Calcutta, particularly with memory of the huge panic that
70Ibid., Chapter V.
71Maxwell, Indias China War, op cit., p. 368.
72Ibid., p. 368.
73Barnard, The China-India Border War of 1962, op. cit., Chapter V.
74Maxwell, Indias China War, op cit., p. 369.
75Ibid., p. 369.
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swept Calcutta during World War II when random Japanese bombs fell there.76 In
addition to occupying Tawang on October 25, the Chinese also attacked Indian posts
elsewhere along the McMahon Line and these had fallen under varying degrees
of pressure.77 In the eastern sector, the Chinese also made some probing attacks
on Walong on October 24 and October 25, butafter October 25, NEFA fell into a lull,
with the majority of Chinese forces paused in Tawang, about ten miles south of
McMahon Line.78 Changes of the Indian command of eastern brigades transpired
until no brigade in NEFA had its original battalions under command.79
Conversely, the Indians made focused defensive efforts in the western sector,
pulling troops out of Kashmir and also deploying all the Western Commands
transport reserves to the job of reinforcing the Ladakh front, and the Indian
strength there grew quickly.80 The Indians established divisional H.Q. at Leh in
early November, with an additional four infantry battalions and a fifth battalion
added by mid-November.81
Though a two-week lull in military conflict emerged after the initial period of the
war, diplomatic activity increased. Chinese Premier Chou En-Lai sent a letter on
October 24, 1962, to Prime Minister Nehru offering a peace settlement that
proposed disengagement of both sides and withdraw twenty kilometers from
present lines of actual control, a Chinese withdrawal north in NEFA, and that China
and India not cross lines of control in Aksai Chin.82 Chou En-Lai offered that the
Chinese would pull back over the McMahon Line, and Indian troops in the
remaining forward posts in the western sector would withdraw to the line that the
Indian Army had held before the forward policy was put into effect in 1961. 83
76
Ibid., p. 370.77Barnard, The China-India Border War of 1962, op. cit., Chapter V.
78Ibid., Chapter V.
79Maxwell, Indias China War, op cit., p. 371.
80Ibid., pp. 370-371.
81Ibid., p. 371.
82Barnard, The China-India Border War of 1962, op. cit., Chapter V.
83Maxwell, Indias China War, op cit., p. 374.
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Nehru replied on October 27 with eagerness to restore peace and friendly
relations, for which he was criticized for being mild despite Chinese aggression.84
Nehru disagreed with a mutual twenty kilometer withdrawal after 40 or 60
kilometers of blatant military aggression. Nehru proposed, instead, a return to the
boundary prior to 8 September 1962 before any Chinese attacks; only then would
India be interested in talks.85 After another exchange of the letters, Chou En-Lai
reinforced the proposal to return back to the Line of Actual Control, and Nehru
changed tone and showed that New Delhis approach to the boundary dispute had
changed only to harden.86 Ultimately, the Indians were not willing to budge on
their claimed lines, and a failure to reach agreement despite Chinese initial victories
forced them to reconsider foreign involvement.
As the campaign progressed, initial Indian defeats and the appearance of a
lengthy war forced Nehru to budge on his non-alignment policy. He finally shifted
to accept military aid. On October 29, the American Ambassador called on Nehru
offering any military equipment that India might need, and Nehru instantly
accepted the offer.87 With the Cuban Missile Crisis also happening in October 1962,
the Soviets Indias supporters through the 1950s were preoccupied and not
offering too much attention to the Border War.88 This fact caused the Indians to
court supportfrom both England and the United States, and military supplies from
both countries began arriving in early November.89 Moreover, the United States
seemed eager to help India against the perceived menace of Communism.90 The
Indian Parliament proclaimed a state of national emergency on November 8,
adopting a resolution to drive out the aggressors from the sacred soil of India.91
84
Barnard, The China-India Border War of 1962, op. cit., Chapter V.85Ibid., Chapter V.
86Maxwell, Indias China War, op cit., p. 377.
87Ibid., p. 378.
88Barnard, The China-India Border War of 1962, op. cit., Chapter V.
89Ibid., Chapter V.
90Ibid., Chapter V.
91Ibid., Chapter V.
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These events during the lull in fighting did not bring about peace and ultimately led
into the final phase of the war.
In addition to seeking U.S. and British aid, Nehru also reinforced the troops. Hestationed an additional 30,000 men in November in the border areas. 92 On
Nehrus birthday, November 14, the Indians also launched an ultimately
unsuccessful counteroffensive along the eastern borders. With the Indians
attacking, the PLA reinforced eight infantry and three artillery regiments along the
eastern borders; four regiments at the middle section of the eastern borders and
one regiment in the west, totaling 56,000 troops.93 The Chinese troops cut off
supply lines in the east by encircling Indian forces on November 17. The following
day, the Chinese launched an all-out attack on the Indian troops.94 Indian troops
were forced to withdraw from Se La, leaving 48 Brigade at Bomdi La as the only
organized Indian formation left in NEFA.95 The Chinese also simultaneously
attacked in the western sector. On November 18, no Indian forces remained in
Aksai Chin. The Chinese launched an attack on the last remaining troops in NEFA,
and with the disintegration of 48 Brigade at about three oclock in the morning of
November 20, 1962, no organized Indian military force was left in NEFA or the
territory claimed by China in the western sector.96 Thus, November 20 marked
militarily the Chinese victory as complete, and the Indian defeat absolute.97 The
Chinese followed-through on their emphatic warnings toward the Indian forward
policy, and the result of the war revealed important implications for both sides. The
progression of Chinese assaults by date can be seen in Map 6.
92Li Xiaobing, Sino-Indian Border War (1962), in China at War, edited by Xiaobing Li, (Santa Barbara, CA:
ABC-CLIO, LLC, 2012), p. 400.93
Ibid., p. 400.94
Ibid., p. 400.95
Maxwell, Indias China War, op cit., p. 406.96
Ibid., p. 408.97
Ibid., p. 408.
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Map 698:
98Maxwell, Indias China War, op cit., p. 416.
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On November 21 at midnight, Chou En-Lai and the Chinese announced ceasefire:
Beginning from 00.00 on November 21st, 1962, the Chinese frontier guards
will cease fire along the entire Sino-Indian border. Beginning from December
1st, 1962, the Chinese frontier guards will withdraw to positions 20 kilometresbehind the line of actual control, which existed between China and India on
November 7, 1959.99
The ceasefire agreement simply restated the compromise that China had been
offering for years.100 China would keep Aksai Chin, which it viewed as extremely
important, and both forces would retreat 20 kilometers from the McMahon Line.101
Regarding Aksai Chin and its strategic importance, Chou En-Lais ceasefire dictum
made it clear that the Indians would keep their troops twenty kilometers back form
the ceasefire line, and that China reserved the right to strike back if India did not do
so.102 The Chinese troops began withdrawing December 1, as the ceasefire
declared. They set up strong check points and posts to ensure their position in
Aksai Chin in the west, and fully withdrew north of McMahon Line in the east.103
Regarding casualty figures from the war, the Indian Defence Ministry released
these numbers in 1965: 1,383 killed, 1,696 missing, and 3,968 captured.104
According to Lieutenant Barnard, China released no casualty figures.105 However,
Dr. Xiaobing Li wrote that according to Chinese reports. Total PLA casualties were
2,400 dead and wounded.106 Dr. Li also wrote that by the time China declared the
ceasefire, both sides had engaged more than 100,000 troops.107
99Ibid., p. 417.
100
Barnard, The China-India Border War of 1962, op. cit., Chapter VI.101Ibid., Chapter VI.
102Ibid., Chapter VI.
103Ibid., Chapter VI.
104Maxwell, Indias China War, op cit., p. 424.
105Barnard, The China-India Border War of 1962, op. cit., Chapter VI.
106Li, China at War, op cit., p. 400.
107Ibid., p. 399.
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Indian Implications and Analysis
Indias nonalignment foreign policy before the war allowed for low defense
spending and a weak Indian Army; however, following the crushing defeat in 1962at the hands of the Chinese, a realignment of foreign policy and consequently
military structure was necessary. A comparison of the military forces in each
country before the onset of war in 1962 revealed a far superior PLA force. The
Peoples Liberation Army was estimated to have the strength of approximately three
million officers and men in 1962.108 The central nature of the Chinese military
allowed for a unified, single command ofall Chinese land, sea, and air forces.109
The ground combat forces were organized in 130 divisions, mostly infantry, across
eleven military regions. Weaknesses of the Chinese military at the onset of the war
included: a struggling national economy leading to military cutbacks, a lack of Soviet
military aid due to deteriorated relations, and tight control over the PLA, which
prevented officer decision-making without authorization.110 Strengths of the PLA,
especially relative to the Indians in the war, lied in its vastly greater size and
number of forces, mobile preparedness, and preparedness for mountain warfare
experience that had been gained in mountain and cold weather warfare in Korea.
The Indian Ministry of Defence, the central agency for governmentpolicy decision
on defense matters, oversaw the Indian Army, which was organized into three
Commands: Western, Eastern, and Southern.111 The Army numbered over 400,000
at the time war broke out according to Brigadier Dalvi.112 The Indian Army faced
significant personnel problems, having only eight divisions in 1962 seven
infantry and one armored.113 To stress the sheer difference in 1962 of the size of
108Barnard, The China-India Border War of 1962, op. cit., Chapter III.
109Ibid., Chapter III.
110Ibid., Chapter III.
111Ibid., Chapter III.
112Dalvi, Himalayan Blunder, op cit., p. 365.
113Barnard, The China-India Border War of 1962, op. cit., Chapter III.
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both sides forces and the number of divisions, the following two graphical
representations were included.114
Graph 1: Graphical Representation of Differences in Military Size
Graph 2: Representation of Differences in Number of Army Divisions
114Indias total military personnel numbers were about 13.33% those of China in 1962, and Chinaalso had 122 more Army divisions.
India
China
01,000,000
2,000,0003,000,000
1962 Military Strength
1962 Military Strength
1962 Army Divisions
India
China
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Furthermore, weaknesses of the Indian military included: a minimal defense
budget, resulting from the Nehru administrations refusal to believe India faced
external threats; a shortage of experienced officers and non-commissioned officers
post-independence because the British had previously provided leadership;
inadequate intelligence; lack of preparedness for fighting at high altitudes and in
cold weather; and a lack of mobility of the forces.115 The Indians did not truly
possess any strength militaristically relative to the Chinese. The tremendous
disparity in forces was reflective of the differences in Chinese and Indian foreign
policies before the 1962 Border War. Such inequality allowed for a quick and
decisive Chinese victory, and left the Indians humiliated. The Sino-Indian Border
War resulted in a shift of Indian military and foreign policy and also had
implications for Chinese strategy, particularly regarding its relations in the region.
The reason the Indian government maintained such minimal military forces was
directly related to its foreign policy. The Indians focused on peaceful cooperation
and limited war aims if necessary. The forward policy was established with belief
that the Chinese would not be militaristically aggressive against the Indians
regardless of the number of Indian posts set up along the border. India was also
bogged down by the Kashmir dispute with Pakistan, and referred the dispute
with Pakistan to the United Nations for possible resolution.116 The nonalignment
posture of India meant that India did not need a particularly large, modern, and well
prepared force because all-out war seemed improbable. Instead limited
approaches, such as the forward policy, could be pursued. However, that changed
when the Chinese assault in October-November 1962 humiliated the Indians and
warranted a change in Indian foreign policy.
115Barnard, The China-India Border War of 1962, op. cit., Chapter III.
116Sumit Ganguly and Manjeet S. Pardesi, Explaining Sixty Years of Indias Foreign Policy, India Review,
vol. 8, issue 1, (Jan.-Mar. 2009): p. 7. Academic Search Premier.
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Before the war, the Nehru administrations commitment to nonalignment led to
the adoption of a particular set of policy choices. Specifically, one of the key
elements of the doctrine of nonalignment was the limitation of high defense
expenditures.117 India believed in the policy of Panchsheel, or the Five Principles
of Peaceful Coexistence, towards the PRC, which included mutual respect for each
others territorial integrity and sovereignty; non-aggression; non-interference in
one anothers internal affairs; equality and mutual benefit; and peaceful
coexistence.118119 This explained the drastically limited expenditures of the
Indian military even when steady evidence about a possible security threat from
the PRC continued to mount.120 The nonalignment policy proved to be extremely
costly when the border negotiations with the PRC ultimately reached a cul-de-sac in
1960.121 This dead-end led the Indians into the forward policy to attempt to
restore its territorial claims along the Himalayan border. However, as Dalvi
expressed, the forward policy was misguided and delusional. According to Indian
Lieutenant Colonel J.R. Saigal, the Chinese came into our house, slapped us, and
have gone back.122 Though after humiliating the Indians, ceasefire was reached,
and the Chinese withdrew, borders still remained disputed between the two
countries. The defeat led India to shift its foreign policy and consequentlynecessitated a military build-up.
India learned several important military lessons from the 1962 Border War.
First, India learned the danger in assumptions. Nehru assumed that China would
not confront Indian troops and would passively retreat, but the assertive forward
117
Ibid., p. 7.118Ibid., p. 7.
119Panchsheel, the Indian term for the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, was written in the
preamble of the Sino-Indian Tibetan agreement concluded in 1954 (Maxwell, Indias China War, op. cit. p.
79).120
Ganguly and Pardesi, Explaining Sixty Years of Indias Foreign Policy, op cit., p. 7.121
Ibid., p. 7.122
Sali, India-China Border Dispute: A Case Study of the Eastern Sector, op. cit., p. 88.
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policy. brought retaliation from China.123 Assumptions were dangerous, and
India needed to validate hypotheses about the enemy by accurate intelligence,
which India lacked during the war.124 Related to this point, though both sides used
reconnaissance patrols, the results of the confrontations showed that China had
good intelligence and used it to good advantage, but India did not, and it needed to
improve its intelligence gathering and application.125 India also learned not to
ignore the counsel of senior army officers. These officers warned Nehru of Indias
unpreparedness for war with China, but he ignored their advice, which proved
disastrous for India. Brigadier Dalvi expressed that the Indian defeats at the hands
of the Chinese, particularly at Thag La where he was captured, above all else
resulted from the Governments failure to issue proper policy guidance and major
directives.126 The Indian military also learned lessons on logistical readiness and
preparedness for conditions. Whereas the Chinese had stockpiled supplies in
Tibet, and had the manpower to keep the front well supplied, India lacked such
logistical readiness, and even ran out of ammunition on several occasions during
the war.127 The Indian military was also neither trained nor prepared for cold
weather and mountain operations.128 The uniforms and equipment were not
suitable for the high altitude conditions, reaching well over 10,000 feet at somebattles. Finally, India learned the importance of generalship, leadership, and
command and control.129 The Indian forces in the Western Command had strong
organization and leadership. However, the opposite was true in NEFA, where there
was often confusion, and numerous command changes resulted in disorganization
and poor combat readiness.130 With these lessons learned, India embarked on a
123
Barnard, The China-India Border War of 1962, op. cit., Chapter III.124Ibid., Chapter III.
125Ibid., Chapter VII.
126Dalvi, Himalayan Blunder, op cit., p. 397.
127Barnard, The China-India Border War of 1962, op. cit., Chapter VII.
128Ibid., Chapter VII.
129Ibid., Chapter VII.
130Ibid., Chapter VII.
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substantial program of military modernization.131 The Indians made a
commitment to the creation of a million-strong Army with ten new mountain
divisions equipped and trained for high altitude warfare, a 45-squadron air force
with a supersonic aircraft, and a modest program of naval expansion.132 India
learned from the defeat, and took measures to improve its military capabilities,
increasing military size and improving the preparedness and intangibles of the
military.
After 1962, there was a re-evaluation of Indias role in global politics, leading
to the gradual shift away from the nonalignment policy.133 The United States
provided assistance to India during and after the conflict, but the military
cooperation between the two countries in the aftermath of the 1962 war was only
fleeting as the United States disengaged itself from South Asia after the second
Indo-Pakistani conflict in 1965 as it became increasingly preoccupied with the
prosecution of the Vietnam War.134 From the Indian perspective, the United States,
for all practical purposes, did not have interest or give attention to India.135 The
Soviets sought to expand their influence in the subcontinent, by brokering a
peace agreement between India and Pakistan in 1966.136 With the U.S.
disengagement, Pakistan recognized an opportunity to expand the scope of its
security cooperation with the PRC to balance Indian power, thereby contributing to
a growing security nexus between Indias two major adversaries.137 Pakistan
enjoyed the appearance of a weak India after the Border War of 1962, and with
Chinese support felt in a favorable position to resolve lingering border disputes in
131
Ganguly and Pardesi, Explaining Sixty Years of Indias Foreign Policy, op cit., p. 8.132 Ibid., p. 8.133
Nitya Singh, How to Tame Your Dragon: An Evaluation of Indias Foreign Policy Toward China, India
Review, Vol. 11, No. 3 (2012), p. 143. Academic Search Premier.134
Ganguly and Pardesi, Explaining Sixty Years of Indias Foreign Policy, op cit., p. 8.135
Ibid., p. 8.136
Ibid., p. 8.137
Ibid., p. 8.
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Kashmir.138 The reorganization and rebuilding of the Indian Army, however,
alarmed Pakistan. These factors played a role leading to the Indian-Pakistan border
war in Kashmir in 1965.139
Though India suffered a defeat in the Sino-Indian Border War, failing to
achieve the border settlement that it desired when it initiated the forward policy
under Nehru, there were still benefits in the loss. For one, the country emerged
united as never before. The Communist Party in India lost the little clout it had in
the country.140 India also took steps to move away from nonalignment, seeking
foreign aid during the war, and fortifying its military in the wars aftermath. The
nonalignment policy of Prime Minister Nehru was not well suited for India. His
stubbornness in refusing to recognize the Chinese threat led him to develop and
implement the faulty forward policy. Nehrus administration was not going to
budge on the terms it desired regarding border resolution with China. The Chinese
clearly asserted their militaristic might in the region, serving a blunt awakening for
India. Though the shift in policy away from nonalignment was gradual for India, the
1962 defeated marked a transition in Indian foreign policy. Such a shift was
necessary for the security interests of the country. The failure of the forward policy
drew India into war with China and a debilitating defeat followed, yet still the
resulting lessons learned and shift in Indian policy were in the best interest of the
country. Before the war, Indian leadership failed to recognize its foreign policy and
militaristic deficiencies, but after the defeat, Indias obvious choice was to transform
its foreign policy and modernize the military.
138Barnard, The China-India Border War of 1962, op. cit., Chapter VII.
139Ibid., Chapter VII.
140Ibid., Chapter VII.
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Chinese Implications and Analysis
Ancient Chinese philosopher Xun Zi once said, One is always blinded by one-sided
biases and could not see the full truth. Issues in China-India relations such as
borders, history, and trade are merely brief episodes that should not blind peoplefrom seeing the full truth. We should believe that the governments, peoples, and
intellectual elites of the two nations could take the 50th anniversary of the Sino-
Indian war as a point of departure, and work together toward building greater
harmony between the two civilizations.141
The above is a quote from Global Times, one of the Chinese Communist Partys
official voices to the outside world. Global Times is often regarded as the
conservative and nationalisticsometimes even jingoisticChinese official media
outlet covering international affairs. While liberal scholars and pundits frequently
criticize its pro-government stance, the rhetoric ofGlobal Times does reflect to a
certain extent the positions of Chinas foreign policy makers. According to Global
Times, the full truth ofSino-Indian relations can be found in several aspects:
First, both civilizations are nurtured by rivers that originate from the Himalaya
Mountains and the Tibet Plateau; second, there has never been any clash between
the two civilizations during their centuries of exchange; third, the Mahayana
doctrine has carried the essence of ancient Indian culture to China, where Indias
past is preserved in the Chinese language; fourth, Buddhism has helped unify China
in the aftermath of the Han Dynastys demise; fifth, China and India are the onlycivilization-sates among the worlds nation states; sixth, the world will benefit from
a prosperous China and India, as the combined population of the two countries
accounts for 40% of the entire human race.142
Such full truth, to some extent, is depicted as Chinas official foreign policy rhetoric
toward India in media outlets such as the GlobalTimes.
Indeed, with respect to Chinese official posture, Chinese President Hu Jintao met
with Prime Minister Singh on March 9, 2012. The two leaders jointly declared the
141 Tan Zhong, [Sino-Indian relations should not be clouded
by the border conflicts], [Global Times], (22 October 2012)
http://mil.huanqiu.com/observation/2012-10/3204641.html[accessed 1 November 2012], p.1.142
Ibid., p.2.
http://mil.huanqiu.com/observation/2012-10/3204641.htmlhttp://mil.huanqiu.com/observation/2012-10/3204641.htmlhttp://mil.huanqiu.com/observation/2012-10/3204641.html7/30/2019 Boiling Point on the Border: An Examination of the Sino-Indian Border War of 1962 and Its Implications
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year of 2012 as the Year of China-India Friendship and Cooperation.143 Yet
diplomatic language does not always translate into smooth relations. Sohu.com, one
of Chinas most popular portal websites recently featured a special topic titled
Defeating India Only Requires 34 Days Commemorating the 50th Anniversary of
the Sino-Indian Border War.144 On this special page decorated with militaristic
graphics, Chinese editors listed detailed comparisons between Chinese and Indian
arms, tracking the comparative development of Indian and Chinese weaponry as
well as military strategies. Articles representing Indian perspectives are highlighted
with provocative titles such as Indian joint chief: the 1962 fiasco will not repeat
itself ifgoing to war with China again, Senior Indian military officer calls for
remembering the lessons from 1962 and arming the troops to the teeth,and India
ridicules Chinese aircraft carrier.145
This unofficial, yet highly pronounced, hostility toward each other among
Chinese and Indian elites leads us to resonate with the arguments presented in the
article Historys Hostage: China, India and the War of 1962, which appeared in the
Japanese current affairs magazine The Diplomat.146 The relationship between China
and India is still haunted and often held hostage by the border war in 1962,
notwithstanding rapid development of both economies, which resulted in muchcloser ties and frequent exchanges. Among the various disputes confronting China
and India, Tibet remains a defining variable that shapes the direction of Sino-Indian
relations in the contemporary context. As C. Raja Mohan correctly asserts, When
there is relative tranquility in Tibet, India and China have reasonably good relations.
143 [Hu Jintao Meets with Indian Prime Minister Singh], [xinhua], (3
March 2012),http://news.xinhuanet.com/world/2012-03/30/c_122906905.htm[accessed 7 November2012].144
34 [Defeating India Only Requires 34 Days Commemorating the 50th
Anniversary of the Sino-Indian Border War],Sohu.com, .145
Ibid., Sohu.com.146
Ivan Lidarev, Historys Hostage: China, India and the War of 1962, (21 August 2012),
http://thediplomat.com/2012/08/21/historys-hostage-china-india-and-the-war-of-1962/[accessed 27
October 2012].
http://news.xinhuanet.com/world/2012-03/30/c_122906905.htmhttp://news.xinhuanet.com/world/2012-03/30/c_122906905.htmhttp://news.xinhuanet.com/world/2012-03/30/c_122906905.htmhttp://mil.sohu.com/s2012/zyzz/index.shtmlhttp://mil.sohu.com/s2012/zyzz/index.shtmlhttp://thediplomat.com/2012/08/21/historys-hostage-china-india-and-the-war-of-1962/http://thediplomat.com/2012/08/21/historys-hostage-china-india-and-the-war-of-1962/http://thediplomat.com/2012/08/21/historys-hostage-china-india-and-the-war-of-1962/http://mil.sohu.com/s2012/zyzz/index.shtmlhttp://news.xinhuanet.com/world/2012-03/30/c_122906905.htm7/30/2019 Boiling Point on the Border: An Examination of the Sino-Indian Border War of 1962 and Its Implications
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When Sino-Tibetan tensions rise, Indias relationship with China heads south.147
Therefore in this section, we will use Tibet as the core issue in exploring the Chinese
implications of the 1962 Sino-Indian War and thereafter position the Tibet issue at
the center in the grand picture of Sino-Indian relations.
If long before the war Tibet began to plague the relationship between Beijing
and Delhi148, the war of 1962 consolidated such mutual suspicions and sealed the
fate of the Tibet issue as an eternal source of tension in Sino-Indian relations.149
While these differences existed since the founding of the PRC, the 1962 war
cemented evidence of how far both parties were willing to go, hence haunting
bilateral relations ever since. With the presence of Dalai Lama and the Tibetan
Government in Exile in Dharamsala, India remains the constant Chinese strain and
ensures constant tensions between the two emerging powers. The continuous
border disputes in the eastern and western sectors could be seen as the
materialization of such tension: even today, while New Delhi still insists on its
sovereignty over the Chinese-controlled Aksai Chin territory, Chinas territorial
claim on the Indian state of Arunachal Pradesh (illustrated by Map 7 below) has
been a longstanding issue of concern for policy makers in both countries.
147Lidarev, Historts Hostage, op cit..
148Delhi, by then controlled by British government
149Ibid..
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Map 7: Arunachal Pradesh150
Regarding Chinese moves in the diplomatic dimension, the facts speak for
themselves. In May 2007, China denied visa to Ganesh Koyu, an IndianAdministrative Service (IAS) officer who was scheduled to depart for a study trip to
Beijing and Shanghai. The Chinese denied the visa to Officer Koyua resident of
Arunachal Pradesh areabecause he is a Chinese citizen and therefore has no
necessity to obtain a Chinese visa.151 In July 2009, China tried to blockIndias
request for a US$2.9 billion loan from the Asian Development Bank (ADB) because
150Compare Infobase Pvt. Ltd.,
http://www.google.com/imgres?um=1&hl=en&sa=N&tbo=d&biw=1440&bih=799&tbm=isch&tbnid=AHIdnwhu4Gr06M:&imgrefurl=http://www.vacationlink.htmlplanet.com/ARUNACHAL.html&docid=z-
SWTPe9k6M8tM&imgurl=http://www.vacationlink.htmlplanet.com/maparun.gif&w=640&h=480&ei=5Au
sUKKPLIew0QHtnYGwBg&zoom=1&iact=rc&dur=432&sig=109217223172539444592&page=1&tbnh=141
&tbnw=188&start=0&ndsp=27&ved=1t:429,r:12,s:0,i:137&tx=82&ty=80.151
China Denies Visa to IAS Officer from Arunachal, Financial Express (26 May 2007)
http://www.financialexpress.com/news/china-denies-visa-to-ias-officer-from-arunachal/200132/
[accessed 15 November 2012].
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