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Society for American Archaeology

Prehistoric Human Occupations of the Western Venezuelan LlanosAuthor(s): Alberta ZucchiSource: American Antiquity, Vol. 38, No. 2 (Apr., 1973), pp. 182-190Published by: Society for American ArchaeologyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/279364 .

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182 ameRican antiquity [Vol. 38, No. 2, 1973

ological data to test causal hypotheses will

supplementthe limited tests we can now make

using documentarydata, which we presently

have in any completeness for only a small

fractionof the world'sknowncultures.Indeed,the archaeologicalrecord will probably con-

tinue indefinitely to be more useful than the

ethnohistoricalrecordfor the testing of causal

hypotheses, since the former will probably

alwaysbe more extensive than the latter (par-ticularly,of course,with regard o the develop-

ment of preliterate cultures). In any case, I

hope the present study may encourage com-

parativearchaeologistsand ethnologists to un-

dertake complementary researchon problemsof culturalprocessand variation.

Acknowledgments. The study described here was

partially supported by NSF Grant GS-2579. I am

indebted to Martin Boksenbaum for assistance in the

beginning of the project, to Andrea Simon for

collecting the data on the first sample, and to Diane

Rothenberg for collecting the data on the second

sample. A slightly different version of this paper was

presented at the 1971 annual meeting of the American

Anthropological Association in New York City.

Adams, Robert McC.

1968 Archeological research strategies: past and

present. Science 160:1187-1 192.

Binford, Sally R., and Lewis R. Binford, eds.1968 New perspectives in archeology. Aldine,

Chicago.Deetz, James

1965 The dynamics of stylistic change in Arikara

ceramics. University of Illinois Press, Urbana.

Ember, Carol R., and MelvinEmber

1973 The conditions favoring multilocal resi-

dence, xeroxed. Southwestern Journal of An-

thropology (in press).

Ember, Melvin

1967 The emergence of neolocal residence. New

York A cademy of Sciences, Transactions,

30:291-302.

Ember, Melvin, and Carol R. Ember1971 The conditions favoring matrilocal versus

patrilocal residence. American Anthropologist73:571-594.

Flannery, Kent V.

1967 Culture history v. culture process: a debate

in American archaeology. Scientific American

217:2:119-122.Levine, Morton H.

1968 Review of three books on prehistoric art.

Science 161:150-152.Longacre, WilliamA.

1964 Archaeology as anthropology: a case study.

Science 144:1454-1455.Murdock, George P.

1949 Social structure. Macmillan,New York.

1967 Ethnographic atlas: a summary. Ethnology

6:109-236.

Naroll, Raoul1962 Floor area and settlement population.

American Antiquity 27:587-589.

PREHISTORICHUMANOCCUPATIONS

OF THEWESTERNVENEZUELAN LLANOS

ALBERTAZUCCHI

ABSTRACTRecent archaeological research in the western

Venezuelan llanos has provided very old dates relatedto maize cultivation. The evidence obtained at Mound

I, at the site Hato de la Calzada, indicates that these

seasonally flooded savannas were occupied from 920

B.C. to A.D. 500 by the Cafio del Oso people who

practiced hunting, fishing, and maize farming. Around

A.D. 500 manioc cultivation and artificial earthworks

were introduced in this area. Both elements were

probably obtained from the Arauquinoid people who

inhabited the Orinoco riverbanks. The available data

regarding the antiquity of manioc, based on agricul-

tural systems in seasonally flooded savannas of South

America, suggests that such systems developed in the

Amazon Basin.

Department of AnthropologyInstituto Venezolano

de Investigaciones Cientfficas

Apartado 1827Caracas,Venezuela

Seasonally inundatedsavannas,with imper-

vious soils and grassy vegetation, cover large

extensions of the humid tropical lowlands of

South America(Denevan 1966:4). The human

population which inhabitedthese areascoped

with the environmental onditionsby building

their settlementson naturallyhigh groundsor

on stilts. Sometimes they also built a varietyof

artificialearth structures,which representone

of the most elaborate ypes of humanmodifica-

tions of the naturalenvironment.Although some of these ancientearthworks

have been known since the time of the Spanish

conquest, they have received in generallittle

attention from anthropologists, geographers,

and ecologists.In the past few years,however,

and after a detailed geographicalstudy of

diverse artificial features of the Llanos de

Mojos, Bolivia (Denevan 1966), specialists indifferent fields have become more interested.

Large artificialearthworkshave been recently



REPORTS 183

Hao lzado7~

oGarsnK

Fig. 1. Location map.

Fig. 2. View of Mound I and the excavation.



184 ameRicanantilquity [Vol. 38, No. 2, 1973

describedin the San Jorge Riverfloodplain ofColombia (Parson and Bowen 1966), on thecoast of Surinam (Laeyendecker-Roosenburg

1966), in the Sabana de Bogota'(Broadbent1968), at Lake Titicaca (Smith, Denevan,and

.

Hamilton 1968), in the Rio Guayas Valley of* Ecuador (Parsons 1969), and in the westernVenezuelan Ilanos (Denevan 1970). Theserecent finds indicate that the technique ofbuildingartificialearthworkswaswidely knownthroughoutSouth America.

Accordingto their probable use, these arti-ficial structurescan be grouped into 3 majortypes: (1) agricultural,which includesall typesof drainedfields intended for a betterexploita-tion of the agricultural otentialof the tropicallowlands; (2) settlement,which includeshouse,

temple, and burialmounds,artificialislas,andmoats;and (3) communication,which includesthose features intended to facilitatetransporta-tion and internalmovements,such as causewaysandcanals(Denevan 1966:58-90).

Since so little is known regardinghe struc-ture of any of these artificial earthworks, the

human groupdirectlyresponsible or their con-structionand the time when they were built, a

large archaeologicalprogramwas undertakenfor this purpose in the western Venezuelanllanos. This article describes and

analyzesthe

Fig. 3. Aerialview of the excavation. structureand providesradiocarbondates of an

0.5 XLAE9RAYISH ELLOW LAY DRY) Fos25

YELLOWISH GRAY SILT (WET FROM ESTEROS)@0.1

7S XLAE

LG HTELLOWL AYIII (RWET) 1.50(IT Xs7 tV

RAVSH YELLOWtLAY (WET) 1* tx,?i0} _ E

YELLOW CLAY WITh BROWNI LEMS (WET) * ****5 ,mVI

Fig. 4.. Vert.cal c -i tmARK I13111%LAY \W\ET) 4 * *4.* 00

GRAYUNDY LAY4t* *WET)4: '(1.5 -(0 5:95~~~~~~~~~~~~ItE: RA CLAY(DRY 1.50~~~~. / -.~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~LOC~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~7

TgLLOWSANDYCLAYRY) 15. I

2 FLOO

NAMARTFH 4 Vricl rsssetonofte oud



REPORTS 185

artificial mound located at the site Hato de laCalzada(804, 2' N. Lat.;70011, 3' W. Long.),state of Barinas(Fig. 1). The resultsobtained

are compared with the available data fromother seasonally flooded savannas in SouthAmerica.

THESITEANDTHEMOUND

The site Hato de la Calzadacoversan areaof

approximately8 km2 and includes a groupofartificialmounds connected to anotherby anelevated causeway locally known as CalzadaPaez (Cruxent1952, 1966). The group, ocated

at the northern end of the causeway,includesMound I and 2 smalleradjacentones. These 3structures ie between the streamCafio del Osoto the northand a largeesteroto the south.

Mound I is conical in shape, 11.8 m high,and from 60.00 m to 80.00 m in diameter. t isformed by layers of earth which differ inthickness,as well as in compositionand mois-ture, and which were probablyextractedfromdifferent places and depths of the surroundingarea. Analysis of the structure of Mound I isbasedon the main featuresof the verticalcross

section of the mound(Fig. 4).As it can be observed,the terrainon which

the mound was builtwasslightly uneven,some-what higher than its surroundings, nd with aconcavityin the middle. Becauseof the slopingbeginningat pit 9, we assumethat the originalfloor was naturallyelevated. Layers IX and Xindicate that this sloping was steeper towardthe peripheryof the mound. It is probable hatthe naturalelevationof the land was a decisivefactor in its selection for the construction ofthe structure.

Layers I and II constitute the base of thestructure. The first of these layers presents alargeaccumulation f potsherdsand whole snailshells which fill the concavity of the originalfloor. LayerII, composed of burntclay, seemsto have been set in order to secure the loosefilling materialwhich hadbeen placed previous-ly. However, t is also possiblethat this layer, aswell as the other thin layers of burntclay whichare found in other partsof the structure,couldhave resulted from ceremonialpracticesor ac-

cidentally.The 3 following layers,which form part ofthe body of the mound,aredifferentfrom eachother but homogeneous in composition. This

suggests that the materialthey consist of wasobtained from different places and depths ofthe neighboring rea.It is alsoprobable hat the

selection of these materials,and their arrange-ment, were made according o well-establishedconstructiontechniques.The 3 layersaretrape-zoidal in shape, with a platform at the top,probablygiving the mound a conical shapeorthat of a truncatedpyramid.Layersfrom theVIth on, showirregularontoursat the top, butit is difficult to establish whethersuch irregu-larities are intentionalor accidental. With theexception of layersI andVII, wherewe foundhearthss, one of the others showed evidenceofoccupation.For this reason,we are inclined tobelieve that the building process was con-tinuous and each layer had only a technicalmeaning.

There is little evidenceregardinghe use ofthese constructions.However, the absence ofskeletalremains n the mound andthe fact thatin this area burialsare usually found amongrefuse in the flatlands,proves that these struc-tures were not intended as burialgrounds. Onthe otherhand, the fact that at the Hato de laCalzadaand LaBetaniasitesthe highestmound

is located north might indicate that largemounds were used for religiousceremoniesorserved as basesfor templesconstructedof moreperishablematerial. Finally, it is also possiblethat because of their height these structuresmight havebeen employed as watch-towers orcommunicationacross the plain or for defensepurposes. (From the top of Mound I a greatportion of the savannasbetween the TicoporoandCanagua iverscan be observed.)

THEMOUNDBUILDERS

The archaeologicalmaterialfoundin MoundI belongs to the Caniodel Oso and La Betaniacomplexeswhich representa recentsubdivision(Zucchi 1967, 1968) of Cruxentand Rouse'sCaniodelOso style (1958:185-187). The first ofthese complexes is characterizedby well-madepottery, with elaboratevessel shapes, in whichthe composite silhouettes and the angular n-flection prevail.The bases are convex or an-nularwith varyingdegreesof elevation, but leg

supportsand ring-legbases are also found. Thedecorationconsists of monochromeand poly-chrome painting. The motives are basicallylinearbut occasionallyare combinedwith such




elements as spirals, circles, solid triangles

pendant from a line, points, dots, drops, and

drips. Other artifacts of this complex are:

beads, needles, manos and metates, pestles,

polishers,pendants,celts, bolas, figurines,discs,andspindlewhorls(Zucchi1968:135).

The La BetaniaandCaniodel Osocomplexes

sharenumeroustraits,but the formerowns, in

addition,a variety of multipodand largeglobu-larvessels.Due to the erosionof the surfaces, t

has not been possible to determinewhether

there was any painteddecoration n the pottery

of La Betaniacomplex, and only the applica-

tion of small lugs, sometimes incised, on the

upper part of the legs or the necks, was ob-

served.The associatedartifactsof this complex

are the same as those describedfor CaniodelOso, with the exception of 2 types of griddles,1 of which has cariap6 temper (Zucchi

1968: 135).The featuresof the ceramicmaterial, ts lack

of direct relationshipwith the pottery of the

other complexes in Venezuela,and the radio-

carbon dates obtainedfrom the site La Betania,

allowedto establisha new Osoidseries(Zucchi

1967:179-180). This series covers Periods II,III, and IV of Cruxent and Rouse's regional

chronology.The pottery which corresponds o the Canlo

del Oso complex is scattered throughout the

whole structureof Mound I, from layers I to

VIII. On the other hand, La Betania material

was found only in layersIX and X. The mate-

rial relatedto the Cafiodel Oso complex canbe

dividedinto 2 groups:(a) the abundantmate-

rial found at the base of the mound (layer I),which consists of large fragments with little

wearing;and (b) the relatively carceandbadly

eroded materialwhich is scatteredfrom layers

II through VIII. Some of these sherds showconcretions which apparently resulted from

long immersion n water.

CHRONOLOGY

Before discussingthe chronology of MoundI, it is necessary to describe the phases of

development into which the Cafnodel Oso andLa Betania complexes were divided, their chro-nological position, and the associated settle-ment pattern.

In an earlier work, we proposed that arti-ficial structureswere related to the La Betaniacomplex and, thus, constructed by its people(Zucchi 1967:193). However,according o thedata obtained from Mound I, we are nowinclined to conclude that earthworkswere alsoconstructedby the people of Phase C of Cafnodel Oso complex. This new position is based on

the presence of La Betania materialonly at the2 upper levels (IX and X) of Mound I; theabsenceof La Betaniamaterialat levels beneaththe structure of the mound and the directassociation between the hearths found at thetop (layer VII) and at the base of the mound(layer I) with Cafio del Oso material. In addi-tion, the 2 dates obtained from these hearths,A.D. 454 (IVIC-540)and A.D. 550 (IVIC-582),fit perfectly well with the chronological imitsestablished for Phase C. Finally, since both of

the datesaresimilar n ageandwereobtained nthe only 2 occupied levels, we are inclined toconsider that they relate to the constructionprocessof the mound.

On the other hand, it can be observedthatthe rest of the datesrelated to the mound arerather irregular Table 1). This irregularitysexplained by the fact that the earth composingthe structure was excavatedfrom the adjacentflatlandswhich the peoples of PhasesA and Bhad nhabited romavery earlytime. The archae-ological materialsand the charcoal eft by the

people of these phases (who built no artificialearthworks)were broughtto the structuredur-

ing the constructionprocess by the people of

Complex-Phase Settlement Pattern Period Absolute Dates

La Betania Artificial Structures III-IV A.D. 650-1200

Canio C Pile dwellings III A.D. 150- 650

del B Pile dwellings II 230 B.C.- A.D. 150

Oso A Pile dwellings II (?) -230 B.C.



REPORTS 187

Table 1. Radiocarbon dates from Mound I.

Sample Material Pit Level (meters) Date B.P. Dates Christian

IVIC-436 Charcoal B-il 11.50-11.75 1760? 80 A.D. 190

IVIC-437 Charcoal B-il 12.00-12.25 1710? 70 A.D. 240

IVIC-452 Charcoal B-1 4.75- 5.00 1670?100 A.D. 280

IVIC-454 Charcoal B-2 3.25- 3.50 1410? 70 A.D. 540

IVIC-457 Charcoal A-1 5.75- 6.00 1640? 90 A.D. 310


IVIC-460 Charcoal AB-4 8.00- 8.25 1760? 90 A.D. 190


IVIC-470 Wood B-1 1 m modern


IVIC-472 Charcoal B-1 7.75- 8.00 1800?100 A.D. 150

IVIC-474 Charcoal B-6 9.50- 9.75 1700?100 A.D. 250IVIC-475 Charcoal A-1 8.75- 9.00 1990? 90 B.C. 40

IVIC-476 Charcoal A-1 7.25- 7.50 1750? 70 A.D. 200

IVIC-549 Charcoal B-2 9.25- 9.50 2870?150 B.C. 920



IVIC-580 Charcoal B-3 11.75-12.00 1690? 90 A.D. 260





IVIC-586 Charcoal A-8 10.50-10.75 1510? 80 A.D. 440







Phase C. For this reason,we considerthat thosedates belonging to Periods II and III (920B.C.-A.D. 150) relate to the above-mentionedearly occupations and not to the date of theconstructionof the mound.Finally, the 2 datesobtained from layers I and VII (IVIC-470andIVIC-469) are too recent to belong to the restof the sequence.

CONCLUSIONS

Thereare at present2 diametrically pposedreconstructionsof the prehistory of Tropical

Forest South America. The first was proposedby Steward, who considered the TropicalForestcultureas beingderived romthe Forma-

tive period cultures of the Andes. Evans andMeggershave followed Steward's(1961) modelsince they also consider that much of theAmazonian culture s derivedfrom the Andeanwest. The secondmodelhas been postulatedbyLathrap(1970), who suggeststhat the earliestintensiveand successfulagriculturalystemsinthe tropical lowlands of South America werecentered on the floodplains of the majorriversand lake basins.Such systems maximizedthepotential of the limited, but excellent, recentalluvialsoils typical of the flood plainenviron-ment, and also reliedheavilyon the significantprotein resources of the riversand their as-

sociatedsystems of ox-bow lakes. In Colombia(Reichel-Dolmatoff1965), Venezuela(Cruxentand Rouse 1958), Brazil (Evans and Meggers




1957), and Peru(Lathrap1962), the extent and

depth of middensleft by people implementing

such systems are impressive indicating com-munities of considerablesize and permanence.

The reliability and productivity of theTropicalForestagriculturalystem, when prac-

ticed on the floodplains of the major rivers,

afforded the basis for rapidlyexpandingpopu-

lations. As Sternberg (1964) and Lathrap

(1970) have emphasized, he amount of activefloodplain in the lowlands of tropical SouthAmericais severelylimited, so that population

growth might have lead attempts to adapt theTropical Forest agriculturalsystem to other

more challengingand initially less promising

ecological niches. The annuallyflooded grass-

lands of tropical South America offer suchconditions but they supported relativelypro-ductiveagriculturalystems.

Imposing effective agricultureon annually

flooded grasslandssurely must have involved

the solution of certainspecificproblems. n the

first place, there was the problemof elevating

the dwellingareasabove the water level during

the floods. This could be resolvedeitherby the

use of pile dwellingsor by the constructionof

earth mounds. Evidence from early Tutish-

cainyo, on the upper Amazon (Lathrap1970:88), and from Ananatuba,at the mouth

of the Amazon (MeggersandEvans1957:591),

indicates that pile dwellingswere part of the

riverineadaptation romveryearlytimes.

Second, agriculturalmplementscapable of

breakingthe heavy sods must have been avail-

able. And, finally, the annual fluctuationsbe-

tween inundation and total aridity had to be

controlled.This could be met eitherby the use

of a range of cultivated plants with short

growingseasons-such as maize-which couldbe

sown and harvestedbetween periodsof annualinundation,or by the constructionof a systemof raised ieldscultivatedduring he floods. Theevidence regarding intensive agriculturalex-

ploitation of the seasonally looded savannas f

South America indicates that the aboriginal

populationtook both alternatives.So far, the data obtained at Hato de la

Calzada might indicate the earliest effective

agriculturalexploitation of seasonallyflooded

savannas,which favored the first alternative.

According to archaeologicalevidence,the sub-

sistence of the people fromPhasesA and B ofthe Canlodel Oso complex was basedon hunt-

ing, fishingand maize farming.The practiceofhuntingand fishingwasestablishedon the basis

of the abundantfragmentsof turtle shellsand

fish, bird, and landmammalbones. In addition,

several ceramic bolas were recovered at LaBetania site (Zucchi 1967b). Likewise,maize

farmingwas evidencedby manos,metates, and

charredmaize cobs. One of the cobs obtained

at La Betania was classified as pollo (PaulMangelsdorf,personalcommunication).At thetime, the date directlyassociatedwith this cob

indicatedthe oldest prehispanicmaize agricul-ture for Venezuela(Wagnerand Zucchi 1966).

The only charredcob obtainedat MoundI hasnot been analyzed.TheevidencefromMoundI

indicates that the agriculturalystem based on

maize begun around 920 B.C. (IVIC-549)andcontinueduntil A.D. 500 when it wasmodifiedby the introductionof manioc agricultureand

artificial earthworks. Both techniques were

probably obtained from the Arauquinoid

people who inhabitedthe centralllanosof the

Orinoco, from the second half of Period III to

the first half of Period V. These people prac-

ticed manioc agricultureand also builtartificial

mounds as a means to raise livingareas above

the water level during the floods (Rouse and

Cruxent1963:90-95).The evidence fromthe Barinasarea ndicatesthat the Canlodel Oso people (PhaseC) con-

structedmounds and causeways.However,one

is inclined to believe that they must have also

built agricultural ields, since the introductionof manioc cultivation in the savannasneces-

sarily implied some artificial mechanism de-

veloped to face floods. Recently, Denevanhas

reported ridged fields further south in the

BarinasState (1970:649-650) but, so far, there

is no informationregardinghe groupwho built

them. Thereis also the possibilitythat some ofthe agricultural ields built by Cafio del Oso

people have disappeared rom the surfacedueto their low height and the rapidalluvialbuild-

up.

Recent evidence suggests that the earliest

intensive utilization of annuallyflooded grass-lands involvingmanioc cultivationandartificial

earthworks is found at the Mouth of the

Amazon. So far, the oldest absolute dates

related to this system rangebetween 70 B.C.

(SI-201) and A.D. 690 (SI-199) andbelong to

the Marajoara ulture.Nevertheless,Evans andMeggersconsiderthese dates too earlyfor their



REPORTS 189

Marajoara sequence (Mielke and Long1969:173-174). The artificialearthworks oundin other seasonally flooded areas of SouthAmericaseemto be much later.

The main concentrationof raisedfields onthe coastal savannasof Surinamis associatedwith the Hertenritsmound built aroundA.D.700 (Laeyendecker-Roosenburg 966:35). Inthe Guayas riverfloodplain,agriculturalields,burial, and house mounds are related to theMilagroculture. The Milagropeople occupiedthe areafromA.D. 500 until the Spanisharrival(Meggers 1966:132). In the San Jorge riverfloodplain, the agricultural earthworks arerelated with the Betancf-Viloria complex,which

is quite late, and was still flourishingwhen the Spaniardsentered the area around1530 (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1965:125-128). InLlanosde Mojos, upperVelarde andHernmark,2 of the 3 complexesrelatedto artificialearth-works have a tentative date of A.D. 1000(Willey 1958:371). The third complex,Masicito, is considered as late precontact(Denevan 1966:24). These data indicate thatsavanna ultivation nvolvingmaniocagricultureand artiflcial earthworks seem to havedeveloped n the AmazonBasin.

A cknowledgments. I am most indebted to D.Lathrap and I. Rouse for their criticism, suggestions,and advice. W. Denevan, H. Seijas, E. Wagner,and N.Arvelo provided helpful comments. C. Quintero madethe drawings.

Broadbent, Sylvia M.1968 A prehistoric field system in Chibcha ter-

ritory. Nawpa Pacha 6:135-147.Cruxent, Jose M.

1952 Notes on Venezuelan archaeology, pre-liminary accounts of the causeways in the

stateof Barinas. Introductory notes. XXIX Interna-tional Congress of Americanists, SelectedPapers, pp. 280-294. University of ChicagoPress.

1966 Apuntes sobre las Calzadas de Barinas,Venezuela. Departamento de Antropologia,IVIC, Boletin Informativo 4:10-24.

Cruxent, Jose M., and Irving Rouse1958-59 An archaeological chronology of

Venezuela. Social Science Monographs VI. PanAmerican Union.

Denevan, WilliamM.1966 The aboriginal cultural geography of the

Llanos de Mojos of Bolivia. Ibero-Americana

48. University of California Press.1970 Aboriginal drained-field cultivation in the

Americas. Science 169:647-654.

Laeyendecker-Roosenburg, D. M.1966 A palynological investigation of some ar-

chaeologically interesting sections in north-western Surinam. Leidse Geologische Mede-delingen 38:31-36.

Lathrap, Donald W.1962 Yarinacocha: stratigraphic excavations in

the Peruvian montaha. Unpublished Ph.D. dis-sertation. Department of Anthropology, Har-vard University.

1970 The upperAmazon. Praeger,New York andWashington.

Meggers,Betty J.1966 Ecuador. Thames and Hudson, London.

Meggers, B. J., and Clifford Evans1957 Archaeological investigations at the mouth

of the Amazon. Bureau of A mericanEthnology,Bulletin 167.

1961 An experimental formulation of horizon

styles in the Tropical Forest area of SouthAmerica. In Essays in pre-Columbian art andarchaeology, edited by Samuel K. Lothrop, pp.373-388.

Mielke, J. E., and Austin Long1969 Smithsonian Institution radiocarbon mea-

surements V. Radiocarbon 11:163-182.Parsons, James

1969 Ridged fields in the Rio Guayas Valley,Ecuador. American Antiquity 34:76-80.

Parsons, James, and WilliamA. Bowen1966 Ancient ridged fields of the San Jorge River

floodplain, Colombia. Geographical Review65:317-343.

Parsons, James, and William M. Denevan1967 Pre-Columbian ridged fields. Scientific

American 217:93-100.Reichel-Dolmatoff, Gerardo

1965 Colombia. Praeger,New York.Rouse, Irving, and Jose M. Cruxent

1963 Venezuelan archaeology. Yale UniversityPress, New York and London.

Smith, C. T., W. Denevan, and P. Hamilton1968 Ancient ridged fields in the region of Lake

Titicaca. The Geographical Journal134 :353-367.

Sternberg, HilgardO'Reilly1964 Land and man in the tropics. In Economic

and political trends in Latin America.Academyof Political Science, Proceedings.Tamers, Murry A.

1965 Instituto Venezolano de InvestigacionesCientificas. Natural radiocarbon measurements.I. Radiocarbon 7:59-6 1.

1969 Instituto Venezolano de InvestigacionesCientfficas. Natural radiocarbon measurementsIV. Radiocarbon 11:396-422.

Wagner,Erika, and Alberta Zucchi1966 Mazorcas de maiz prehistorico de Venezuela

occidental. Departamento de Antropolog!'a,IVIC, Boleti'nInformativo 4:36-38.

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and Central American cultural sequences.American Antiquity 23:353-378.

Zucchi, Alberta



190 ameRicanantiquity [Vol. 38, No. 2, 1973

1967a La Betania. Un yacimiento arqueologicodel occidente de Venezuela. Unpublished doc-toral dissertation. Universidad Central deVenezuela, Caracas.

1967b Boleadoras de Arcilla en los lianos oc-

cidentales de Venezuela. Departamento deAntropologia, IVIC, Boleti'n Informativo

5:18-22.1 968 Algunas hipotesis sobre la poblacion

aborigen de los llanosoccidentales de Venezuela.

Acta Cientifica Venezolana 19:135-139.

THE LOCALIZATION

OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY MAP

CALLED THE MAGUEY PLAN

EDWARD E. CALNEK

ABSTRACTSanders (1970) has recently attempted to analyze

settlement pattern and demography at the Azteccapital, Tenochtitlan, on the assumption that an

early map called the Maguey plan represents a part

of the city. A careful analysis of the physical

layout of the community shown on the map, and

of several written and pictographic glosses added

sometime after the original map was completed,

supports the view that the Maguey plan actuallyshows an island settlement located in a region

which had been expropriated by Tenochtitlan fol-lowing that city's conquest of Azcapotzalco in the

early fifteenth century.

Department of AnthropologyUniversity of RochesterNovember, 1971

Sanders'recent analysisof sixteenthcenturypopulation data from centralMexico includesa

shortdiscussionof the Aztec capital,Tenochtit-lan, based on the assumption that a sixteenth

century map called the Magueyplan (Plano en

papel de maguey) representsa section of thatcity located directly west of the church ofSanta Maria a Redonda (1970:447449). Thisis in general agreement with a localizationpreviously suggested by Maudslay(1910 III:10-16). This conclusion is employed to supporta new analysisof settlement patternand totalpopulation at the time of the Spanishconquest(1519-21). Since Sanders' interpretationcon-tradicts evidence recently summarizedby thiswriter (Calnek 1972), a few comments bearingon the natureand probable ocationof the areashown on the Magueyplan are appropriateatthis time.

The Magueyplan is a largemapdrawn n the

indigenous style. It represents a community

consisting of more than 400 residentialsites,each with a smallhouse platform,adjoinedby

some 6 or 7 narrow rectangulargarden plots(chinampas) (see Fig. 1). Name glyphs as-

sociatedwith each site suggestthat the mapwas

a property registerof the type kept by com-

munity officials (calpuleque) in prehispanictimes. Robertson 1959:76-82) concludedfrom

the map'sstyle, content, andcomposition,that

it had been paintedby cartographerselonging

to the school of Tenochtitlan-Tlatelolcohortly

after the conquest. A pictographictext in the

upper right hand margin of the map wasprobably added at a later date. A number of

glossesin Europeanscriptestablish he orienta-

tion of the map and purport o identifycertainof its topographicaleatures.

The layout of individualsites as shown bythe map is extremely regular,andhas frequent-ly been describedas a gridironpattern.Carefulexamination of the map demonstrates,how-ever, that it does not have a gridironpattern.The greaterpart of this community is divided

into narrowstrips by streets and canalswhich

alternate at right angles to the east-west axis.

Cross-streetsof the type required to convertthis strip pattern to a grid patternare entirely

lackingin most of this district, althoughthey

do occur in the zone to the northof a diagonal

canal that divides the map into 2 sections.

Otherwise, the most important streets and

canals only partlyconform to the moreregularorganization of the residential sites. Theyfrequently run along diagonal lines, which

transect individual properties, and may even

change direction at a number of points. This

featurehasthe advantagehat it may eventually

be found to match the layout of some arearepresented n colonialperiodor modernmaps,

thereby establishing a particularlocalizationwith much greaterauthoritythan would be thecase if this were nothingbut an entirelyregularstreet pattern.Previousattemptsto localizethemap on this basis have been completely un-successful, however. The maps prepared byMaudslay(1910, III, facing page 16), and byToussaint, Gomez de Orozco, and Fernandez(1938:67) speak for themselves. The streetpatterns may coincide in a few respects,butother primary features, such as the diagonalcanals,are left completelyunexplained.

Documents

Zucchi - 2011 - Society for American Archaeology Prehistoric Human Occupations of the Western Venezuelan Llanos