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RENAN BAKER

EPIPHANIUS, ONWEIGHTSAND MEASURES 14:

HADRIANS JOURNEY TO THE EASTANDTHE REBUILDINGOF JERUSALEM

aus: Zeitschrift fr Papyrologie und Epigraphik 182 (2012) 157167

Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn

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EPIPHANIUS, ON WEIGHTSAND MEASU RES14:

HADRIANS JOURNEYTOTHE EAST ANDTHE REBUILDINGOF JERUSALEM*

St Epiphanius, Bishop of Constantia (Salamis) in Cyprus since 367 (b. c.310320 in Palestine, d. 402/403),1has often been quoted as suggesting that the foundation of Aelia Capitolina had taken place 47 years afterthe destruction of Jerusalem, while Hadrian visited Palestine and Egypt in his first year in power (117).This date has been taken for granted both by scholars who postulated or considered such a journey in thatyear on the basis of this passage,2 and by scholars who argued that Epiphanius had confused this journeyor its date with that of Hadrians long journey to the East in 128132, which seems to be well documentedby inscriptions, coins and papyri.3 This appears to be a result of a casual reading of a specific paragraph(14) out of its context, using an uncritical edition printed in Mignes PG.4 The context and content of thispassage will be restored in this study using the scholarly critical edition of Moutsoulas (1973: 157198), and

compared with the relevant epigraphic evidence.

The text and its context

Epiphanius reference to a journey made by Hadrianfrom Rometo the East (Syria, Palestine and Egypt) isincluded in this authors manual on matters relating to the Bible, the so-called (On Weights and Measures). This work covers three themes relating to biblical studies and is dividedaccordingly thus: textual criticism signs in editions of the Bible (18), the history of its translators (920) and the weights and measures in the Bible (2124).5 Hadrians journey and Aquilas appearanceare given in the second part of the work. It was originally written in Greek, translated into Syriac andalso has later Georgian and Armenian adaptations (all translated into European languages, except for theGreek original, as far as I can tell).6 A Greek epitomeof this work has also survived, and is of paramount

* I would like to thank Prof. Hannah M. Cotton, Mr Avner Ecker of the Hebrew University in Jerusalem, Prof. BenjaminIsaac and Prof. Bezalel Bar-Kochva of Tel Aviv University for commenting on and giving a critical assessment of the finalversions of this study. I also thank the editor, Werner Eck, for making useful comments and editorial suggestions. This studyis part of my research on the so-called SHA funded by the University of Oxford (Clarendon Fund, 20092012) and WolfsonCollege (Lorne Thyssen Research Fund, 2011). Abbreviations follow those ofLAnne philologique, OCD3 and ODCC3. Alldates are CE, unless otherwise stated.

1 RAC, v: 909914; ODB, i: 714; ODCC3: 553.2

Drr 1881: 1617, 66; Gray 1923a: 250251; 1923b: 2425; Groag 1927: 1886.4362; Alon 1967: 276277, 287288;Capponi 2010: 496498, 500. On the problematic nature of Grays use of papyri to support Hadrians presence in Egypt in117, see Westermann 1925 (especially 172 with n. 3).

3 Gregorovius 1884: 489496 (a rejection of Drr and with a summary of earlier literature on both these views); von Roh-den 1893: 501; Schrer 1901: 679680; Weber 1907: 5152, 205ff. with n. 732; SchrerVermesMillar 1973: 540541; Schfer1981: 1617; Halfmann 1986: 194; Birley 1997: 235 with 347 n. 1; Isaac 2010: 16 with n. 72. Mommsen (1885 (= 51904): 544)suggested that Hadrian had founded Jerusalem as a Roman colony in 130, when he visited Judaea.

4 See and cf. publications listed in nn. 2 and 3 above. Moutsoulass works are listed in the CPG (3746). The PG (43:237295) derived from Petavius 1622 edition (Moutsoulas 1970: 620 with n. 9; ODCC 3: 553). The critical editions of Dindorf1862 and de Lagarde 1880: 149216 (both reprinted in Moutsoulas 1972: 633670) are stil l useful.

5 The Greek original has survived in various manuscripts only down to 24; the Syriac translation of the Greek has sur-vived in full (including 2584), and its manuscripts are earlier (seventh and ninth centuries) than those of the Greek originaland the epitome(tenth to thirteenth centuries). See Dean 1935: 36; Moutsoulas 1987: 429 andpassim.

6 There is a partial translation of 14 into German by Schfer (1981: 15) based on the PG text; Syriac-English by Dean1935 with facsimiles of the Syriac; Georgian-French by van Esbroeck (1984a text; 1984b translation); and a collection of theArmenian texts and authors apparently citing this work by Stone and Ervine 2000 with an English translation.

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importance for the restoration of the text.7 The following is an English translation of sections 1314 (lines346390) based on Moutsoulass critical edition (1973: 172175):8

13. Then rulers of the Romans. Augustus: 56 years, 6 months, in whose 42nd year [in power] Our

Lord, Jesus Christ, was born according to the flesh. Tiberius: 23 years, in whose 18th year [in pow-er] Christ was crucified. And from the Crucifixion to the destruction () of Jerusalemthe years [are] as follows. The remaining [years] of Tiberius: 5. Gaius: 3 years, 9 months, 29 days.Claudius: 13 years, 2 months minus 2 days. Nero: 13 years, 7 months and 27 days. Galba: 7 months,26 days. Otho: 3 months, 5 days. Vitellius: 8 months, 12 days. Vespasian: 9 years, 7 months, 12 days.Titus: 2 years, 2 months, 2 days. In that time the devastation () of Jerusalem took place,the 50th year after the Crucifixion of Christ ()minus 3 months. Domitian: 15 years, 5 months. Nerva: 1 year, 4 months. Trajan: 19 years. Hadrian:21 years, in whose 12th year [in power] Aquila became known. Accordingly, from Augustus toHadrian: 180 years, 4 months, minus 9 days, so that there were 430 years and 4 months minus 9days from the time of the translation of the 72 translators to Aquila the translator and to Hadrians

12th year [in power].

14. This Hadrian having been injured in his body and having summoned all the multitude of phy-sicians within his empire demanded from them a treatment for his body. And after they toiled alot and made many things, and accomplished nothing, they were mocked by him, who also wrotean abusive letter against them, while accusing their profession of being devoid of knowledge [lit.that it knew nothing]. And because of the illness that came upon him, he set forth to the land of theEgyptians. And when he advanced from Rome [lit. the city of the Romans] to these [cities] one afterthe other, it was necessary for him to explore those cities, because he was a curious person. Accord-ingly, he passed through the city of Antioch, went beyond Coele [sc. Coele-Syria] and Phoenicia,and arrived in Palestine, which is also called Judaea, 47 years after the devastation of Jerusalem

( ). And he went up to Jerusalem, the celebratedand famous city, which Titus son of Vespasian destroyed in the second year of his reign. And hesaw the entire city levelled to the ground, and the Temple of God ruined, except for a few housesand for the small church of God, which stood where the Disciples, who returned after the Saviourascended from the Mount of Olives, went up to the upper chamber. For there it was built, that is inthe part of Zion that escaped the devastation; and [there were] parts of houses around Zion itselfand seven synagogues, which stood alone in Zion merely as huts, of which one survived to thetime of Maximonas the Bishop and the Emperor Constantine as a cottage in a vineyard accord-ing to the scripture. At all events, Hadrian intended to build the city, and not the temple. And afterhe took Aquila, the above-mentioned translator, who was a pagan since Hadrian himself was apagan, and Aquila was the brother-in-law of the Emperor himself and originated from Sinope in

Pontus he appointed him to that place in Jerusalem as an overseer of the building works of thecity, after he gave the city, which was being built, his own name and the designation of the imperialname. For as he was calledAelius Hadrianus, so he called the cityAelia.

From the context it is clear that Epiphanius aim is to establish the chronology and background (Hadriansvisit to Jerusalem) for the arrival of Aquila to Palestine prior to his translation of the Bible.

7 Published by Moutsoulas (1972: 633670). It was apparently not written by Epiphanius, but its manuscripts are earlier

(tenth and eleventh centuries) than those ofOn Weights and Measures itself that contain the passages relevant to us (the earliestof which is from the thirteenth century, V1). See Moutsoulas 1970: 623624; Moutsoulas 1971: 473489 = Moutsoulas 1987.8 The Greek text is cited in Appendix I.

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Epiphanius, On Weights and Measures 14 159

Chronological linchpins

The chronology of Aquilas appearance, and consequently that of Hadrians journey and rebuilding of Jeru-salem, is linked to the supputatio of the Crucifixion of Christ and the destruction of the Second Temple. At

this point Epiphanius provides a rather accurate chronology for each Roman Emperor,9 and an inaccuratesupputatio for some of the events.

The Crucifixion of Christ. According to Epiphanius, Jesus was crucified in the 18th year of Tiberiusreign:10 this gives the year 31/32 for the Crucifixion, since Tiberius came to power on August 1411 evenaccording to Epiphanius.

The destruction of Jerusalem. Epiphanius then continues to provide the calculation of the years from theCrucifixion down to the destruction of Jerusalem. The regnal years add up to about 49 years, and this figureis also confirmed by Epiphanius statement that 50 years minus 3 months had passed from the Crucifixionto the destruction. These figures correspond to the year 81/82 for the destruction (31/2 + 50 = 81/2), whichroughly falls on Titus second year in power as Augustus, i.e. 80/81.12

The claim that the destruction took place 50 years after the crucifixion minus 3 months, given in thebetter manuscripts and in the other versions of this text including its epitome and the Syriac translation,13 isconfirmed by other statements in the same passage: the inclusion of the months in power of the usurpers of69, Vespasians nine years in power, Tituss two years in power in the supputatio of the regnal years downto the destruction, and the date Epiphanius gives to the year in which Aquila became known (see below). Itis clear therefore that the reading of 50 years minus three months and the miscalculation of the destructionto 81 go as far back as the Urtextofthis work of Epiphanius, who seems to have got his figures wrong atthis point, as he did elsewhere in this work.14

Hadrians journey. Hadrians arrival in the East is dated 47 years after the devastation of Jerusalem.This destruction (; 13, l. 349) or devastation (; 13, l. 354), we have seen, was datedby Epiphanius to c.81/82. The erroneous dating of the destruction to Titus second year in power is alsorestated in this paragraph (14). Here , when read out of context, could indeed mean either the secondyear of Vespasian or the second year of Titus. However, when this sentence is read in the context of 13(ll. 353354; see above), where Vespesians nine years and Titus two years in power are included in theyear count from the Crucifixion to the destruction, it is clear that Epiphanius meant Titus second year inpower as Augustus (81). In other words, the wrong dating of the destruction to 81/82 yields the year 128/129for Hadrians arrival in the East (31/2 + 50 + 47 = 128/129).

The appearance of Aquila. This reading and the calculation it gives, which dates Hadrians arrival in theEast to 128/129, is supported also by the separate chronology Epiphanius suggested for the year when

9 The figures he gives were compared to those in Kienast 2009: 61133.10

This is also the reading of the epitome (ll. 355358 = Moutsoulas 1972: 648), the Syriac translation (Dean 1935: 29, 94)and the Georgian adaptation (van Esbroeck 1984a: 17; 1984b: 31).11 Kienast 2009: 7612 Kienast 2009: 111; cf. below, n. 1513 See Moutsoulas 1973: 173 with apparatus ad loc.; V1 and V2 have (sc. ; cf. epitome) for

(cf. Ancoratus 110.9). The epitome (above, n. 7), reads from the Crucifixion to the destruction of Jerusalem 50 yearsminus 3 months (ll. 362365 = Moutsoulas 1972: 649: ). This is also the reading of the Syriac translation (above, n. 5; Dean 1935: 29, 94), and of de Lagarde 1880: 166. Thereading is also in the Georgian version, see van Esbroeck 1984a: 17; 1984b: 31. The variant found only inthe later Greek manuscripts (Moutsoulas 1973: 173 ad loc. and 1987: 436) is obviously a scribal error.

14 For instance, he thought Octavian and Augustus were two separate people and that Antony was called Octavius (12,ll. 341342; 13, l. 346), and he had Caracalla and Geta as being one and the same person who had inherited Antoninus Piusand ruled for seven years (16, ll. 425428). He did get some of these figures right in his earlier works (Ancoratus 60.4; Pan-

arion 19.5.6; on these works: RAC, v: 914917), but not in the work under discussion (cf. above and below n. 15). In which case,even though the context of these passages points to Hadrians long journey to the East in c.128/9, whatever he reports must betreated with caution.

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Aquila became known. This, according to Epiphanius, happened in the 12th year of Hadrian (13, ll. 357,360; 14 ll. 383387), whose first year in power was 117, even according to Epiphanius, i.e. 128/129. Sincethis date is arrived at independently of the dates Epiphanius provided for the Crucifixion and the destruc-

tion of Jerusalem, it confirms that Epiphanius used the erroneous date for the destruction as the basis forcalculating the gap between the destruction and Hadrians visit and the appearance of Aquila (128/129 81/82 = 47).15

The dates, according to Epiphanius, for the four major events in his narrative can be summarized inthe following table:

Event Date given by Epiphanius

Crucifixion c.31/32 (18th year of Tiberius)

Destruction of Jerusalem c.81/82 (50 years after the Crucifixion)

Hadrians arrival in the East c.128/129 (47 years after the destruction)

Aquila becomes known (appointed by Hadrian?) c.128/129 (12th year of Hadrian in power)At this point, therefore, it can, and in fact must, be concluded that Epiphanius did not record a journeyfrom

Rome to Egypt and Palestine in 117 and that he did not confuse an earlier journey with the well-document-ed journey to the East in c.128131/2, but was actually referring to this very same journey to the East begunin Hadrians 12th year in power: any time between 11 August 128 and 10 August 129.16 This chronologyaccords with the well-documented journey to the East during the years 128132.

The geographical scope of Hadrians journey and the epigraphic evidence

Hadrians long journey to the East started in Rome in c.128/129 (probably in 129),17 after a short stay therefollowing his visit to Africa. The general itinerary of this journey, with slight disagreement among scholarsabout specific dates and places between c.128131/2, is usually Rome Greece Asia Minor Syria(Antioch) Arabia and Judaea (Jerusalem) Egypt. This itinerary is based on a combination of the twocontinuous literary sources: Cassius Dio (69.1015; i.e. Xiphilinus and other excerpts) and the vita Hadri-ani (SHA)18 (13.414.8); and relevant entries in the chronicles of Eusebius and Jerome19 supplemented bynumismatic, epigraphic and papyrological evidence.20

For the present discussion, most important are the stops which are certainly supported by the epi-graphic evidence in Hadrians itinerary during the second half of his 12th regnal year and the beginningof his 13th (129130; equivalent to his 13th and 14th year of tribunician power).21 Hadrian visited Apamea

15 The origin of the error and the subsequent trajectory remain anyones guess. The origin may be a confusion Epiphanius

made, in his calculation of regnal years, between Titus second year in power as Caesar (7071; see Kienast 2009: 111) andhis second year in power as Augustus (81; cf. above n. 14). The date he gives for Aquilas appearance and the starting point ofHadrians journey (below), together with the emperors in the supputatio of regnal years down to the destruction, rule out thathe had the year 70 as the basis for his calculation.

16 For Hadrians dies imperii and such reckoning of regnal years see Grant 1950: 31, index; Bickerman 1980: 66; Stern1980: 400; Kienast 2009: 128. The reckoning of the 12th year from one dies imperii to the next is quite compatible with Hadri-ans whereabouts recorded under his 13th and 14th year of tribunician power; see below. In any case, trajectories of a year ortwo, especially in literary sources, are not uncommon; see, e.g. Bickerman 1980: 91.

17 Eck 2003: 238239.18 RAC, xv: 687723 (by A. Lippold); Demandt 2007: 38.19 Karst 1911: 220221; Helm 1956: 199c200h.20 For recent surveys of Hadrians whereabouts in c.129 see Eck 2003: 236239; Jones 2009: 457458. For the later part of

the journey see Eck, Holder and Pangerl 2010: 193194, 198; Jones 2011: 319321. For the entire journey, see also: von Rohden1893: 509513; Weber 1907: 205276; Halfmann 1986: 192194, 203208; Syme 1988: 162163; Birley 1997: 215278.21 See above with n. 16.

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in Phrygia on 23 July 129, according to a petition recorded in an inscripti on.22 From there he apparentlytravelled south quite rapidly towards Antioch on the Orontes.23

When exactly Hadrian reached Antioch and how long he stayed there are still unanswered questions.

For the report of the sixth-century author John Malalas,24 stating that Hadrian had been in Antioch inJune of an unknown year, which was traditionally taken to be 129,25 can be discarded as irrelevant for thisyear, in light of the inscription just mentioned (as has already been noted)26.The wintering of Hadrian inAntioch in 129/130 currently seems to have no positive or clear evidence. It appears to be a suggestionmade by von Rohden that was restated by subsequent scholars.27 The hypothesis should be discarded or atleast questioned in light of the more recent epigraphic evidence from Phrygia (above) and Gerasa (below).The vita Hadriani (13.810) provides neither venue nor date for Hadrians diplomatic activities, describedbefore Hadrians dealings with Antioch (14.1).28 The numismatic evidence of Antioch seems to provideonly a circumstantial broad dating of October 128October 129 (year 177 of the Caesarean Era of the city)for Hadrians arrival or visit (see further below).29

Hadrians next stop is in Gerasa (Arabia; Antioch on the Chrysorhoas), where several inscriptions

apparently suggest that he wintered in the city. One inscription suggests that his equites singulares Augustiwintered there for quite some time (qui hibernati sunt). In it Hadrian is styledpater patriae a title heofficially held since 12830 so it would appear that any winter after 128, or rather after July/August 129(above), is possible.31 Hadrians presence there is also suggested by other inscriptions in Greek from Hadri-ans 14th year of tribunician power ( ; 10 December 1299 December 130), onwhich he is also styledpater patriae ().32 These inscriptions, therefore, seem to suggest thatHadrian wintered in Gerasa any time between December 129 and March 130, perhaps after he had passedthrough Palmyra.33

The next clear stop is Alexandria (Egypt) in July/August 130. Hadrians journey to Alexandria took himthrough the cities of Judaea and Arabia, most probably in the first half of 130.34

22 See Jones 1983: 74; Halfmann 1986: 193, 206; now with a comprehensive publication by Jones (2009). The peti-tion almost certainly refers to the consuls of 129, and its date is preserved in full (l. 19): Acc(eptus) X kal(endas) Aug(ustas)Apam(eae) in Asia. See Jones 2009: 447, 449, 453, 457.

23 Halfmann 1986: 206; Jones 2009: 457458.24 ODB, ii: 1275.25 Malalas 11.14 (= Thurn 2000: 210); von Rohden 1893: 510.69; Weber 1907: 121, 232; Downey 1961: 222223; Isaac

and Roll 1982: 67; Syme 1988: 163 with n. 26.26 Halfmann 1986: 206; Jones 2009: 457.27 von Rohden 1893: 510.3638; followed by Weber 1907: 234; Cheesman 1914: 16; Welles 1938: 391; Stinespring 1939:

363; Syme 1988: 163.28 Halfmann 1986: 206 (on the basis of Weber) places these activities in winter 129/130 in Antioch; for alternative venues

see Syme 1988: 162163, Callu 1992: 111 and Birley 1997: 225; cf. Fndling 2006: 655656.29 On the Hadrianic coins of Antioch see now McAlee 2007: 216224, esp. 85, 217; Macdonald 1904: 126129, esp.

128129 (followed by Weber 1907: 234, Stinespring 1939: 360 and Birley 1997: 346 n. 33) simply restated von Rohden 1893.30 Eck 1982: 218, 220221; Kienast 2009: 129.31 Welles 1938: 390391, no. 30 with comments; Meimaris 1992: 337; Speidel 1994: 5758, no. 22. The attempt of Peto-

lescu (20042005: 196198; following Cheesman 1914: 16, 1), to suggest this inscription records the wintering of the equitessingulares Augusti there in 117/118, does not take full account of the titlepater patriae (pace Petolescu 20042005: 197 withn. 16; cf. above, n. 30) and of Hadrians presence in Juliopolis, Bithynia during his first year of tribunician power, i.e. before 10December 117, in 11 November (IGRom.: iv, no. 349; Halfmann 1986: 190; Birley 1997: 84). It would appear implausible thatthe equites singulares Augusti were left so far behind, especially during Hadrians troubled first year in power (on this yearsee: Birley 1997: 7778).

32 Welles 1938: 401402, 424425, nos. 58, and 143 (= IGRom.: iii, no. 1347) 145; Meimaris 1992: 337338.33 There seems to be no compelling evidence for when and how long Hadrian stayed there before 130/131; IGRom.: iii,

no. 1054; Halfmann 1986: 193, 206207.

34 Cassius Dio 69.11.1 = Xiphilinus 247.30; vita Hadriani 14.4. For the dates see Halfmann 1986: 194, 207; Birley 1997:231, 233238; above, n. 20. The milestone from Scythopolis (published in Isaac and Roll 1982: 67) attesting Hadrians 13thyear of tribunician power (10 December 1289 December 129) and such milestones suggest that Roman roads, built mostly in

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Epiphanius provided only part of this journey (14). He had Hadrian deciding on a journey to Egypt,starting it from Rome and visiting every city on the way until he reached Jerusalem. Rome as the pointof departure of the journey, which seems to have been overlooked and/or unexplained by scholars, 35 also

relates to Hadrians long journey to the East in c.128131/2 (cf. above). This obviously rules out that thispassage refers to a journey undertaken in Hadrians first year in power (117) by the simple fact that Hadrianwas already present in the East, posted in Antioch as governor of Syria before the death of Trajan. 36

This passage can be used to fill the gaps left by the epigraphic evidence. The first city after Romementioned by Epiphanius is Antioch in Syria, and the broad chronology of August 128 to August 129(Hadrians 12th regnal year), which he suggests, is further narrowed down by the epigraphic evidence toJuly 129 as a terminus post quem. The terminusante quem for Hadrians sojourn in Antioch is the winterof 129/130, which he apparently spent in Gerasa. Hadrian could have reached Antioch and stayed therebetween August and November 129. Epiphanius therefore seems to provide a proper source for Hadriansautumn sojourn in Antioch in 129, as suggested by Halfmann.37

Epiphanius narrative breaks off with Hadrians actions in Jerusalem and the appointment of Aquila as

supervisor of the building works. Hadrians main purpose for his journey, to find a cure for his illness andto visit Egypt, is left out since Epiphanius intention is to describe the circumstances of Aquilas arrival inJerusalem and the background of his translation (see above). This omission suggests that Epiphanius leftout details from a more detailed source of Hadrians journey andpossibly of the results of these actions:we read nothing about a Jewish Revolt,38 or what was built in the city, but rather what was not built.39 Thisalso seems to explain why Epiphanius condensed all of Hadrians actions in his long journey including hisactions in Jerusalem either into the first year of the itinerary or into the end of 129, the year of Hadrianspossible arrival in Antioch.40

To sum up: Epiphanius chronology is compatible with the literary and epigraphic evidence of Hadri-ans long journey to the East, and in the case of Antioch even seems to supplement the available epigraphicevidence and to accommodate modern views.

Hadrians plans and actions in Jerusalem

Hadrians actions and considerations are given in two parallel sentences which are interrupted by a digres-sion on the condition of Jerusalem in the time of Constantine (14, ll. 377382). After arriving in Jerusalem,Hadrian saw the city and the temple of God destroyed (14, ll. 374375). His intentions are given only afterthe digression (14, ll. 382383): He intended to build the city and not the temple. This sentence should beread carefully as an attempt by a late fourth-century Christian author to assess the intentions and thoughtsof a second-century pagan Emperor. The verb means to have in mind, to intend or to

the late 120s, prepared the province for the imperial adventus c.130; see Isaac 1998: 4950, 100101, 184186, 194195. Nofurther Hadrianic milestones have been found in Israel since the 1970s (B. Isaac, personal communication).

35 E.g. SchrerVermesMillar 1973: 540541; Halfmann 1986: 194; above, nn. 23.36 Cassius Dio 68.33.169.2.1 = Xiphilinus 241.15242.30; vita Hadriani 4.67; Halfmann 1986: 190; Birley 1997: 7576;

Dbrowa 1998: 8990.37 Halfmann 1986: 193; cf. above on the numismatic evidence and nn. 2527.38 The digression in 15, ll. 395399 is a reference to the Disciples during the First Jewish Revolt, where he apparently

paraphrased Eusebius,HE3.5.3.39 I am preparing a study about a lost common source in Eusebius, Epiphanius, the chronicon paschale and two other

neglected sources. The common source apparently described Roman activities in the city before and after the revolt. The appar-ent contradiction between Eusebius (HE4.6.4) and Jerome (Helm 1956: 201e) on the one hand and Dio-Xiphilinus 69.12.1 (cf.Praechter 1896: 519520; and now Epiphanius) on the other acknowledged by scholars mostly in recent decades and less bythose of Schrers generation (1901: 698; cf. Renan 1876: 113, 119120) would appear to be artificial, especially if we considerEusebius and Epiphanius common source. For a recent survey of the immense bibliography produced in recent decades, seeEshel 2006: 105107.

40 The possible date of Hadrians arrival and sojourn in Antioch (August to November 129) should be changed or revokedif new solid evidence comes to light that may refute the chronology implied in this passage, which undoubtedly refers to thefirst year of Hadrians journey begun in c.128/129.

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mean, and does not suggest in any way a command. For this reason, apparently, this verb was paraphrasedin the epitome of this work as (to wish).41 The verb could mean either to found or tobuild. The latter meaning is more likely in this context because the subsequent sentences refer to the practi-

cal building works of the city (14, ll. 387388). In this context, it is also clear that (the temple)refers to the temple of God (14, ll. 375: ) mentioned before the digression, and not to thepagan temple built by Hadrian and mentioned in Cassius Dio (69.12.1 = Xiphilinus 248.1520). This sen-tence thus appears to be echoing a verbal jab as part of Jewish-Christian exchanges over Roman plans forJerusalem anytime after the destruction; Epiphanius could be echoing the controversy surrounding the planof Julian the Apostate (r. 361363; during his lifetime) to rebuild the Jewish temple. This sentence thereforecannot be taken at face value.42

Epiphanius also states that Hadrian gave the city his name, Aelia (!), before appointing Aquila andwhile it was being built (14, ll. 387388). Epiphanius does not indicate when exactly the renaming tookplace, and because he does not make any reference to a Jewish revolt, all we can conclude is that accordingto Epiphanius the change of name took place after the building work had begun. One should bear in mind

that a change in a citys name, even to the Emperors nomen gentilicium, does not necessarily mean anelevation to the rank of colony. This can be seen in the examples of Jaffa and Neapolis (Nablus): they bothreceived the name Flavia under the Flavians without receiving the rank or status of colonies. 43

The most we can obtain from this account is what Epiphanius thought or wanted readers to thinkHadrian had in mind, when he visited the region around 129. This passage reports neither an imperial deci-sion to found a colony, nor does it provide a date for such a supposed decision or command. In a strict sense,it only refers to the rebuilding of the city before the visit and its renaming during Hadrians long journeyto the East.44

Conclusion

To sum up, Epiphanius never meant or said anywhere that Hadrian travelled from Rome to Egypt through

the East in 117, and he therefore cannot be used as evidence for Hadrians whereabouts and deeds in thatyear. The historical nucleus behind this source is actually compatible with the sequence of events givenin Cassius Dio (Xiphilinus and the excerpts), the vita Hadriani and even supplements the epigraphic evi-dence. In 129 Hadrian reached Antioch and from there, most probably in the subsequent year, he travelledthrough the provinces of Arabia and Judaea to Egypt. In Judaea he visited Jerusalem and appointed a cer-tain Aquila in charge of the rebuilding operations, and gave his own name to the city that was being built,

Aelia. According to Epiphanius and his source45 these measures were taken in c.130. The Jewish reactionto these actions, not reported by Epiphanius, came two years later in the form of the Second Jewish Revolt(132135/6).

41 Epitome, ll. 406410 (= Moutsoulas 1972: 650). LSJ, s.v. ; cf.Diccionario Griego-Espaol, s.v. ).Pace Schrer 1901: 679 and SchrerVermesMillar 1973: 540.

42 The two oft-quoted passages (brought in the context of the old reading of Epiphanius), theEpistle of Barnabas (16.25) andBereshit Rabbah (64.29; ed. TheodorAlbeck 710712), do not carry any clear date for the events they describe andlack any clear reference to Hadrian. Their possible interpretations are too abstruse, and they cannot be used independently tosupport the theory which suggests that Hadrian promised to rebuild the Jewish temple or the city in c.117 (pace the referencesin n. 2; e.g. Alon 1967: 271277, 279282); see SchrerVermesMillar 1973: 9394, 535536 and Schfer 1981: 2932.

43 Jones 1971: 276277, 463 n. 68; Isaac 1992: 348. The honorary colonial status given to Neapolis much later in the timeof Philip the Arab (r. 244249) is a completely independent move, see Isaac 1992: 363.

44 This also seems to be the case with Cassius Dio 69.12.1 (= Xiphilinus 248.1520; cf. Zonaras 11.23). He apparentlydid not use for Jerusalem the phrases he usually used for Roman colonies. These are , , and

; see Freyburger-Galland 1997: 3741. For Xiphilinus used

and Zonaras used . These issuesare discussed in detail in Baker, Cotton and Ecker (forthcoming); cf. above, n. 39.45 See above, n. 39.

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164 R. Baker

Appendix I: the Greek text ofOn Weights and Measures 1314

13. (346361) . , , . , . . . , , . , . , , . , . , . , . , , . ,, ., . , . , . . (sic) , . , , .

14. (362390) , . , , . . .. , , , . , , . , ,, -

, . (sic) , , , , . , . , , , , ., .

Appendix II: L. Statius AquilaIt has been suggested that the suffect consul of 116 in the fasti Ostienses, L. Statius Aquila, could havebeen the person mentioned by Epiphanius, apparently confused by the latter for Aquila the proselyte (?). 46

According to this suggestion Statius Aquila could have been a consular governor any time between LusiusQuietus (governor c.116/117) and Tineius Rufus (governor c.130133?).47In any case, this circumstantialidentification of Aquila with L. Statius Aquila does not seem to be conclusive, because of the long lacunain what could constitute thefasti of the governors of Judaea/Syria Palaestina, and the uncertainty that sur-rounds the career of this Aquila.48Broadly speaking, he could have been appointed any time between c.120

46 Avi-Yonah 1973: 212 (cf. Eck 1970: 1718 with n. 88, 227, 243); Eck no longer holds this view (cf. Eck 2007: 114115,index without any reference to Aquila).

47

PIR2

: Lusius no. 439; Tineius no. 227.48Fasti: SchrerVermesMillar 1973: 516518; Smallwood 1976: 549551; Cotton and Eck 2001: 222. Statius Aquilascareer: PIR2: Statius no. 870.

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and 128/9, for Cotton and Eck have shown that a consular, L. Cossonius Gallus, also suffect consul in 116,was a governor of Judaea sometime from c.116/117 to c.120, most probably replacing Quietus.49

Ifthere is any historic basis behind this Aquila, the language of Epiphanius does not suggest that Aqui-

la was appointed governor during Hadrians visit to Jerusalem, but only that he was appointed as overseer() of the building works (14, ll. 386387) in Hadrians 12th year in power (13, l. 357). Thusthere are two possibilities for understanding these statements: one is that Statius Aquila, or any other personnamed Aquila, was already governor before Hadrians arrival to the province, and was now given the taskof building the city. This is what may have caused Epiphanius to view him as the person in charge of thebuilding works. Epiphanius thus may be providing the terminus ante quem for his appointment as governor.Therefore, this Aquilas term of office could have been any time between c.126/127 and 128/129. He musthave been replaced by Tineius Rufus, the governor of Judaea in the first years of the Bar Kochva War, inc.130/131 (?).50The other possibility51 is that Aquila was not a governor at all, but only a person appointedto supervise the building works. Only further epigraphic findings can decide this issue.

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Renan Baker, Wolfson College, OX2 6UD, Oxford, United [email protected]

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