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Notes

Introduction 1. In this assessment of personal identity, these modern thinkers offer a

unitary, singular, and foundational sense of identity. My thinking is on a par with the type of work that Michael Hames- García does. I agree with him in his distinction of social and personal identities and that further-more they are both complex identities. I further like his interpretation of the usefulness of “identity projects.” I prefer, as this work will suggest, the appeal to the conception of collective responsibility that I believe achieves the same goals for justice as his framework offers. The problems of transparency, knowledge, and political voices and representation at the global levels may hinder, at first look, the effectiveness of his project. Given the depth and expanse of his analysis, it is only fair that I assign a deeper and more pointed analysis that I do here and now. In any event, I recommend his Identity Complex: Making the Case for Multiplicity (Min-neapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2011).

2. See Ronald Dworkin’s “Liberalism,” in Liberalism and Its Critics, ed. Michael Sandel (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1984), and Iris Marion Young’s Inclusion and Democracy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000).

3. I use, for my purposes here, the sense of democracy borrowed from David Held, meaning governance with accountability. See his Democ-racy and the Global Order: From the Modern State to Cosmopolitan Gov-ernance (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1995), especially part I of his text.

4. I am supporting a distinction that contrasts within the cluster of forced immigration: slavery and economically, culturally, and politically moti-vated exiles or immigration on the one hand and, on the other hand, forced immigration as spoken of in the preceding and tourism. I shall be emphasizing the former contrast while suggesting that contemporary immigration is a link or bridge between the preceding two categories of forced immigration and tourism.

Chapter 1 1. Rene Descartes, Meditations on First Philosophy, ed. Donald A. Cress

(Indianapolis: Hackett, 1983).

Notes228

Chapter 2

1. The article is one in a fine collection of essays gathered in Kathleen M. Balutansky and Marie- Agnes Sourieau, eds., Caribbean Creolization (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1998). The collection reveals the complexity of the contemporary intellectual debates about the issue of créolization— indeed, whether in the Caribbean or elsewhere in the world.

2. Régine Latortue, “En quête d’une image indigéniste: Les romancières noires américaines,” Présence Africaine no. 158, 2nd Semester (1998): 80– 86.

Chapter 3

1. Martha C. Nussbaum and Joshua Cohen, eds., For Love of Country: Debating the Limits of Patriotism (Boston: Beacon Press, 1996).

2. Ibid., 9. 3. Nussbaum aspires to the cosmopolitanism articulated in Diogenes Laer-

tius’s Life of Diogenes the Cynic. Diogenes understands the cosmopolitan as a “citizen of the world,” and that goal cannot be achieved in Nuss-baum’s framework because she depends on nationalism. The nationalist education of the cosmopolitan remains a doubtful path to the cosmo-politan individual she has in mind. My skepticism is reinforced by her elaboration on the view as she clarifies her position in her reply to critics. See ibid., 131– 44.

4. I have explored these issues more completely in “Les voix développantes de l’être outre: Voicing Concepts of Identity in Francophone Thinkers,” International Journal of Francophone Studies (IJFS) 2, no. 2 (Fall 1999): 76– 84.

5. I adopt here Robin Cohen’s identification and analysis of the constitu-ents of the concept of diaspora and of the common features of diasporic peoples. Diasporic peoples share a series of common features, perhaps not exhaustively, but they are on the whole dispersed from a homeland to more than two foreign regions, share a collective memory of the home-land, and share “a strong ethnic group consciousness.” The Haitians of outre- mer (those living outside of Haiti) partake in at least these three features of Cohen’s list. For a further exploration of the analysis, consider Robin Cohen’s “Diasporas and the Nation- State: From Victims to Chal-lengers,” International Affairs 72, no. 3 (1996): 507– 20.

6. Michel Acacia, Problématiques: Recherches sur le social et l’idéologie en Haïti (Port- au- Prince: Imprimerie Le Natal, 1997).

7. Saidel Lainé, Plaidoyer Haiti: Pour une politique commerciale nationale dans la perspective d’une intégration économique au niveau hémispherique régional et sub- régional (Port- au- Prince: Le Natal, 1993). This argu-ment for the development of a political economy for Haiti was widely

Notes 229

circulated and discussed in Haiti during the author’s tenure as the minis-ter of commerce and industry.

8. Cornel West, Race Matters (New York: Vintage Books, 1994), 13.

Chapter 4

1. Cf. Tommy Lee Lott’s review article of Gilroy’s book: “Paul Gilroy, The Black Atlantic: Modernity and Double Consciousness,” Social Identities 1, no. 1 (Spring 1995): 200– 220.

2. Paul Gilroy, The Black Atlantic: Modernity and Double Consciousness (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993).

3. I offer a parallel assessment of Gilroy’s work and of its interaction with concepts of identity in the Caribbean in “Transitional Identities: Haiti, the Caribbean, and the ‘Black Atlantic,’” in Caribbean Cultural Identi-ties, ed. Glyne Griffith (Lewisburg, PA: Bucknell University Press, 2001), 104– 22.

4. W. E. B. Du Bois, The Souls of Black Folk (New York: Penguin, 1996). 5. For a view of the stakes involved in the movement of “créolite,” refer

to Jean Bernabé, Patrick Chamoiseau, and Raphaël Confiant, Éloge de la Créolité. In Praise of Creoleness (Paris: Éditions Gallimard, 1993). See also Ralph Ludwig, ed., Écrire la “parole de nuit”: La nouvelle litterature antillaise (Paris: Éditions Gallimard, 1994).

Chapter 5

1. See Maryse Condé, “Créolité without the Créole Language?,” in Carib-bean Creolization: Reflections on the Cultural Dynamics of Language, Literature, and Identity, ed. Kathleen M. Balutansky and Marie- Agnes Sourieau (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1998).

2. Yanick Lahens, “Afterword,” ibid. 160– 61. 3. Ibid., 161. 4. Ibid., 162– 63.

Chapter 6

1. Milan Kundera, “The Umbrella, the Night World and the Lonely Moon,” New York Review of Books 38, no. 21 (December 1991): 46– 50, 19.

2. Ibid., 48. 3. Ibid. 4. G. W. F. Hegel, Reason in History: A General Introduction to the Philoso-

phy of History, trans. Robert S. Hartman (Indianapolis: Bobbs- Merrill, 1953).

5. Ronald Dworkin, “Liberalism,” reprinted in Liberalism and Its Critics, ed. Michael Sandel (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1984).

Notes230

6. Charles Taylor, Multiculturalism and “The Politics of Recognition” (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1992) and also his The Ethics of Authenticity (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992).

7. Monique Wittig, The Straight Mind and Other Essays (Boston: Beacon Press, 1992).

8. Ibid., 8. 9. Ibid., 12. 10. Ibid., 19.

Chapter 7 1. Rey Chow, Ethics after Idealism: Theory, Culture, Ethnicity, Reading

(Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1998). 2. Chow, “The Politics of Admittance: Female Sexual Agency, Miscegena-

tion, and the Formation of Community in Frantz Fanon,” ibid., 55– 73. 3. Ibid., 71– 72. 4. Ibid., 70. 5. Ibid., 69.

Chapter 8 1. The reader may remind me that I merge the issues of cultural, ethnic,

individual, and national identity while each of these identities, it may be argued, is different one from the other, and since my exploration does not distinguish these identities, it is clearly flawed. Although I would agree with such comments, I however forewarn the reader that my concern in this chapter is the discussion of collective identity and that I presume that three- quarters of the identities classed in the objection are indeed collective identities and the other fourth is not my concern here, and in this chapter, it has been shown to be col-lective in nature. I have argued that any sense of individual identity beyond the collective sense is empty. Furthermore, a clarification of the difference between these identities is not the aim of the chapter, and I make reference to them only when relevant to my categorization of the developments in the formulations and conceptions of collective identity.

2. See Kwasi Wiredu, Cultural Universals and Particulars: An African Per-spective (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1996), for a lucid, and for me a convincing, argument against the presumption of a privileged epistemology.

3. Édouard Glissant, Introduction à une Poétique du divers (Paris: Éditions Gallimard, 1996), 70– 71. In lieu of a literal translation of Glissant’s quo-tation, I shall suggest his intention. In his view, Africans who suffered the condition of slavery and who were uprooted and transported across the immense oceans did not travel alone. They carried with them their gods, their customs, their languages. When confronted with the implacable

Notes 231

inhumanity of the colonists, they built an ingenious response to the suf-fering they endured. Oppression and domination did not vanquish them or eliminate their creative impulses. They instead fertilized the colonies and created conditions and environments that were more than a simple synthesis of the African and European encounter. The créole language is a frayed trace of their genius and of their secret recipe for survival in the journey across the expanse of the Caribbean region and the Indian Ocean.

4. These issues are discussed in more detail in both my chapter “Transitional Identities: Haiti, the Caribbean, and the ‘Black Atlantic,’” in Caribbean Cultural Identities, ed. Glyne Griffith (Lewisburg, PA: Bucknell Uni-versity Press, 2001) 104– 22, and my article “Les voix développantes de l’être outre: Voicing Concepts of Identity in Francophone Thinkers,” International Journal of Francophone Studies 2, no. 2 (Fall 1999): 76– 84.

Chapter 9

1. Joël Des Rosiers, Théories Caraïbes, Poétique du Déracinement (Mon-tréal: Triptyque, 1996).

2. Ibid., 45. My translation of his quotation suggests that for him, “Since there is no life outside of that offered through literature, writing is the incontrovertible, unspeakable, incredible language through which we express our living.”

3. Michel- Rolph Trouillot, Silencing of the Past: Power and the Production of History (Boston: Beacon Press, 1995).

Chapter 10

1. Thomas M. Franck, “Tribe, Nation, World: Self- Identification in the Evolving International System,” Ethics and International Affairs 11 (1997): 152.

2. Paget Henry, Caliban’s Reason: Introducing Afro- Caribbean Philosophy (New York: Routledge, 2000).

3. Some of this analysis is borrowed from a stand- alone review of Henry’s book. See my review of “Paget Henri’s Caliban’s Reason: Introduc-ing Afro- Caribbean Philosophy,” Philosophia Africana 5, no. 2 (March 2002): 59– 63.

4. Homi Bhabha, “Of Mimicry and Man: The Ambivalence of Colonial Discourse,” October 28 (1984): 125– 33.

5. See Jean Bernabé, Patrick Chamoiseau, and Raphaël Confiant, Éloge de la Créolité. In Praise of Creoleness (Paris: Éditions Gallimard, 1993).

6. Paul Gilroy, who was mentioned earlier, offers a good interpretation of this group. See his The Black Atlantic: Modernity and Double Conscious-ness (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993).

Notes232

Chapter 11 1. I have developed a more elaborated argument for this point elsewhere.

See my “Reflections on Transnationalism: Defining the Refugee,” Phi-losophy in the Contemporary World 9, no. 2 (Fall– Winter 2002): 19– 29.

2. I am made aware of some rare occasions in the United States where immigrants are permitted to take part in the electoral process even if at the municipal level. But it remains that on the whole the immigrant does not contribute to the American political landscape.

3. Ifa is the corpus of Yoruban spiritual precepts and secular philosophy. Cited in Wole Soyinka, “Best Idea; Every Dictator’s Nightmare,” New York Times Magazine, April 18, 1999, 91.

4. See Wole Soyinka’s interview, “A Frankenstein in Lagos,” New Perspec-tives Quarterly 13, no. 1 (Winter 1996): 64– 65.

5. See also my “International Intervention: Shell in Nigeria,” in Institu-tional Violence, ed. Deane Curtin and Robert Litke (Amsterdam: Rodopi Press, 1999), 149– 59.

Chapter 12 1. David Held, Political Theory and the Modern State (Cambridge, UK: Pol-

ity Press, 1989), ch. 8, 215. 2. Ibid., 216. 3. Ibid., 217. 4. Ibid., 215. 5. Ibid., 236.

Chapter 13 1. Saidel Lainé, Plaidoyer Haiti: Pour une politique commerciale nationale

dans la perspective d’une intégration économique au niveau hémispherique régional et sub- régional (Port- au- Prince: Le Natal, 1993). The work was an assessment by a government minister of the manner in which a devel-oping country could sustain its viability as a sovereign nation and mem-ber of an international and global community.

2. See John Stuart Mill, Utilitarianism and On Liberty: Including “Essay on Bentham” and Selections from the Writings of Jeremy Bentham and John Austin, ed. Mary Warnock (Oxford: Blackwell, 2002).

3. Robert Goodin claims that, “in short, the argument for protecting the vulnerable is first and foremost an argument for aiding those in dire need . . . Vulnerability implies that there is some agent (actual or meta-phorical) capable of exercising some effective choice (actual or, as in the case of the dormant volcano, metaphorical) over whether to cause or to avert the threatened harm.” Protecting the Vulnerable: A Reanalysis of Our Social Responsibilities (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985), 111– 12.

Notes 233

4. Ibid., 201– 2. 5. Ibid., 201– 3.

Chapter 14

1. A number of writers exhibit that tendency, the most illustrious of whom may be Hans Morgenthau (Politics among Nations: The Struggle for Power and Peace [New York: Knopf, 1948]) and Michael Walzer (Just and Unjust Wars [New York: Basic Books, 1977]).

2. Terry Nardin and David Mapel, eds., Traditions of International Ethics (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1992).

3. Robert E. Goodin, Utilitarianism as Public Philosophy (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 314.

Chapter 16

1. Ivan Karp, quoted in D. A. Masolo, “Community, Identity and the Cul-tural Space,” in Rue Descartes, 36, Philosophies africaines: Traversées des expériences (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 2002).

2. Malika Mokeddem, La nuit de la lézarde (Paris: Éditions Grasset et Fasquelle, 1998), 37– 38.

3. Masolo, “Community, Identity and the Cultural Space.” 4. Ibid., 23. 5. Ibid., 24. 6. Ibid. 7. Ibid., 32. 8. Ibid., 33. 9. Ibid., 37. 10. Ibid. 11. Ibid., 35. 12. Ibid., 32. 13. David Held, Democracy and the Global Order: From the Modern State

to Cosmopolitan Governance (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1995), 100.

Chapter 17

1. See Judith Butler, “Universality in Culture,” in For Love of Country: Debating the Limits of Patriotism, ed. Martha Nussbaum and Joshua Cohen (Boston: Beacon Press, 1996), 45.

2. Ibid. 3. Ibid., 47. 4. Ibid., 48. 5. See Elaine Scarry, “The Difficulty of Imagining Other People,” in ibid.,

105.

Notes234

6. See Butler, “Universality,” 49– 50. 7. Ibid., 51. 8. Iris M. Young, Inclusion and Democracy (Oxford: Oxford University

Press, 2000), 125. 9. Gil Scott- Heron, “The Revolution Will Not Be Televised.” The Revolu-

tion Will Not Be Televised [CD]. (New York: BMG Music, 1988.)

Chapter 18

1. The phrase is borrowed from Susan Sontag, referred to in an interview, “In Depth with Susan Sontag,” on C- SPAN 2’s Book TV on March 2, 2003, and a phrase she herself has probably borrowed from Barthes and Saussure.

2. See the interview at http://www.booktv.org/Watch/3133/In+Depth+Susan+Sontag.aspx. Aired on March 2, 2003, at 12 p.m. (EST). She explains in this roughly three- hour interview (2:58:16) that she rejects the kinds of languages that encourage us to turn groups of people into Barbaric or civilized other. In her view, when successful in their attempts, such language is dangerous. At 1:17:48 into the interview, she is more explicit about her position.

3. The point that Sontag is recognizing is similar to the perspective articu-lated in Amin Malouf’s Les Identités meurtrières (Paris: Éditions Gras-set et Fasquelle, 1998). Malouf warns against unitary identities, for they encourage rejection, a death, of the other identities that are formative of persons. The insistence of these singular and murderous identities does not promote coalition across identity boundaries and they are, in my view, inconsistent with a contemporary world in which boundaries, even if considered existent, are artificial and fluid.

4. I am referring here specifically to John Nicholls, who spoke in an inter-view with Bill Moyers on Now on February 21, 2003, about his coau-thored book Our Media, Not Theirs.

5. The transcript of the interview is available and can be read at “Bill Moy-ers Talks with John Nichols and Robert McChesney,” Now with Bill Moy-ers, Public Broadcasting Service, February 21, 2003, http://www.pbs.org/now/transcript/transcript_nicholsmcchesney.html.

6. David Held, “Cosmopolitan Democracy and the Global Order: A New Agenda,” in Perpetual Peace: Essays on Kant’s Cosmopolitan Ideal, ed. James Bohman and Matthias Lutz Bachmann (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997).

Chapter 19

1. Edward W. Said, “L’humanisme, dernier rempart contre la barbarie,” Le Monde diplomatique 50, no. 594 (September 2003): 20.

Notes 235

2. Annette Baier, “Doing without Moral Theory?,” in Postures of the Mind: Essays on Mind and Morals (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1985), 242.

3. Ibid., 232. 4. Ibid., 228. 5. Ibid., 236. 6. Ibid., 238– 39. 7. Cornelius L. Golightly, “Ethics and Moral Activism,” in Philosophy Born

of Struggle: Anthology of Afro- American Philosophy from 1917, ed. Leon-ard Harris (Dubuque, IA: Kendall/Hunt, 1983), 139– 47.

8. Ibid., 139. 9. Ibid., 146. 10. Ibid. 11. Ibid., 139. 12. See William K. Frankena, Ethics (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice- Hall,

1973), 4. But the reader should consider the complete first chapter of Frankena’s text for a fuller appreciation of the definition of ethics from which I have borrowed the cited portion. The distinction he maintains between morality and ethics is not being pursued here.

Chapter 20 1. Gregory Vlastos, “Justice and Equality,” Human Rights, ed. A. I. Melden

(Belmont, CA: Wadsworth, 1970), 90. Quoted in Virginia Held, Rights and Goods: Justifying Social Action (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989), 246.

2. Plato, Five Dialogues, trans. G. M. A. Grube (Indianapolis: Hackett, 1981).

3. I am aware that the element of uncertainty highlighted here may be deemed a source of unpredictability; however, it is not the sort of unpre-dictability that I should like to explore here. I am more interested for the time being in the unpredictability associated with the impotence of individual moral agency in social contexts, one that can only be alleviated by the institution of a vigilant philosophy like the one being developed here.

4. Aristotle, The Nicomachean Ethics, trans. William David Ross (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1925).

5. Immanuel Kant, Foundations of the Metaphysics of Morals, trans. Lewis White Beck (Indianapolis: Bobbs- Merrill, 1969).

6. Iris M. Young offers a lucid account of that second view of collective or group responsibility. See her book Justice and the Politics of Difference (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1990). Her chapters 2, 4, 5, and 6 are good resources for her argument regarding the contribution of groups to individual identity and agency.

7. The idea of mediated agency to which I refer here is in contrast to the immediate agency that I consider to be associated with individual moral

Notes236

agency. When speaking of collectives who are represented in the public realm whether by an individual or collective entity, the agency is, in my view, less direct, hence my suggestion that it is mitigated, mediated.

8. Edward W. Said, “L’humanisme, dernier rempart contre la barbarie,” Le Monde diplomatique 50, no. 594 (September 2003): 21.

9. See also Samuel Oluoch Imbo, “Cyberspace: An Effective Virtual Model for Communities,” in Community, Diversity, and Difference: Implications for Peace, ed. Alison Bailey and Paula J. Smithka (New York: Rodopi, 2002), for a parallel recognition of the increasing demands imposed by contemporary realities on our conceptions of both community and its corresponding appropriate ethics.

10. See Thomas Nagel’s assessment of the “problem of moral luck” in Chap-ter 3 of his Mortal Questions (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1979).

11. See, most notably, Alan Gewirth’s Political Philosophy (New York: Mac-millan, 1965) for a conception of political philosophy as justification of political institutions and of public institutions and as fundamentally an ethical activity.

12. I intend to provide the Lockean interpretation of collective responsibility drawn primarily from his private property argument later in the essay. I beg the reader’s patience on this matter.

Chapter 21

1. Constance Rice, a civil rights attorney and codirector of the Advancement Project in Los Angeles, California, was arguing for a greater responsibil-ity that should be assumed by government and other social institutions for the national economy and the economic plight of many of the poor-est citizens of the United States on the television program Now with Bill Moyers, February 20, 2004. The full transcript of the program and of the conversation with Ms. Rice can be found in “American Evangelical Christians in the Bible Lands,” Now with Bill Moyers, Public Broadcast-ing Service, February 20, 2004,http://www.pbs.org/now/transcript/transcript308_full.html. Ms. Rice believes, as do I, that political, and social viability of any human community depends on the recognition not only of individual but also of collective responsibilities. These concep-tions of collective responsibilities, however, are not to be understood as instrumental or subsidiary to the individual ones. Although they are independent and have an integrity of their own, the collective responsi-bilities are contributory to human agency rather than the result of it, and like individual responsibility, collective responsibility aims to maintain and/or restore the viability of the human community.

2. See Robert Goodin, Protecting the Vulnerable: A Reanalysis of Our Social Responsibilities (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985).

Notes 237

3. See Goodin’s extension of his principle to protect the vulnerable into a full- fledged collective responsibility principle in his Utilitarianism as Public Philosophy (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1995).

4. Goodin, Protecting the Vulnerable, 201– 3. 5. See Goodin’s Chapter 2 in Utilitarianism as Public Philosophy. One will

notice there that his argument for the state as moral agent relies not on the state being a mediated person but rather on its ability to exact certain outcomes that are extraordinary for an individual even if the latter is interpreted as an extremely powerful person. The state’s integrity as an agent, albeit a nontraditional agent, is unequivocal in Goodin’s analysis.

6. See H. D. Lewis, “Collective Responsibility: A Critique,” in Collective Responsibility: Five Decades of Debate in Theoretical and Applied Ethics, ed. Larry May and Stacey Hoffman (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Little-field, 1991), ch. 1.

7. See D. E. Cooper and Joel Feinberg in Collective Responsibility: Five Decades of Debate in Theoretical and Applied Ethics, ed. Larry May and Stacey Hoffman (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 1991), ch. 2 and 4, respectively.

8. This point is not intended to deny sincere efforts by some contemporary corporations, for example, to develop internal codes of responsibility. By and large, such organizations are unwilling to assume responsibility beyond those expected by their shareholders and governing bodies.

9. John Locke, Two Treatises of Government (New York: New American Library, 1988), 328– 29.

10. I shall later explore a contemporary analysis of group responsibility by way of Virginia Held’s argument for groups to take responsibility.

11. The initial purpose of the research into any vaccine is to restore a status quo ante. When the discovered vaccine is priced out of the financial abili-ties of all but a few members of the local or global socioeconomic pool, the status quo ante sought is a limited one. To establish a status quo ante for some but not all those afflicted by a dreaded disease is to engage in a partiality that would require some justification— if that justification can be developed at all. Under the moral requirement established by Locke, the pharmaceutical company in the example is first in line to shoulder the collective responsibility given its expertise and that determination is dif-ferent from the pragmatic political consideration regarding the manner in which that responsibility can be shared with other relevant members of the polity.

Contrast this preceding restorative goal with that of the inventor of a new technology. In that second instance, there is no status quo ante to speak of that can be returned to. The moral requirement of the Lockean schema is instead one of accommodating a new world, a new environment, while looking to minimize damages where they are inevitable and brought about by the advent of the new product. Elimi-nating the vulnerabilities created is also consistent with the Lockean interpretation. The contemporary agency to which I have alluded in the

Notes238

examples demonstrates how created vulnerabilities are consistent with the restoration of a viable social political environment even as I argue with Goodin that eliminating natural vulnerability is the responsibility of all. The Lockean approach is, in my view, however, more expansive because it encompasses more readily than its alternatives the diversity of a social environment of traditional and nontraditional agents as well as the accompanying unpredictability of their actions.

12. Virginia Held, “Group Responsibility for Ethnic Conflict,” The Journal of Ethics 6, no. 2 (2002): 163.

13. Ibid., 157– 78. 14. Ibid., 158. Held realizes that some insist that even though there may be

cases in the legal literature wherein corporations or groups are believed responsible, the responsibility is a legal one and does not establish the moral responsibility of groups. Individuals are, for these philosophers, the only subjects of responsibility.

15. This common bond may vary in accordance with the disposition of the writers involved. Peter French, for example, argues that corporations are subjects of moral responsibility on the basis of their agency. French argues that the agency of corporations is established by their possession of intentionality, which can be gauged by the “Corporations’ Inter-nal Decision Structure.” French furthers the Lockean interpretation of persons to establish that corporations are metaphysical persons who are also moral persons to which moral responsibility can be ascribed. See Peter French’s essay “The Corporation as a Moral Person,” in Col-lective Responsibility: Five Decades of Debate in Theoretical and Applied Ethics, ed. Larry May and Stacey Hoffman (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 1991), ch. 9.

16. Ibid., 171. 17. Ibid., 164. 18. Ibid. 19. Ibid., 170. 20. Held, “Group Responsibility,” 176. 21. While I do not deny the possibility that particular individuals will act and

affect strongly the conditions suggested here nor the instances in which particular individuals do act on their own (e.g., the sniper case in Wash-ington, DC, and the presumed number one [patient zero] of the AIDS epidemic), I share the motivation of both Held and Goodin that one should be able to determine the moral grounds for collective actions and hence determine collective responsibility even in the absence of confes-sions of individual responsibility.

22. I have argued this point in this chapter in section 3.

Chapter 22 1. See Peter French, “The Corporation as a Moral Person,” in Collective

Responsibility: Five Decades of Debate in Theoretical and Applied Ethics,

Notes 239

ed. Larry May and Stacey Hoffman (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Little-field, 1991), 140.

2. “Americans without Health Insurance,” Morning Edition, National Pub-lic Radio, September 30, 2003. In a related report, Morning Edition host Bob Edwards explores, in an interview with Princeton economist Uwe Reinhardt, the health care dilemma facing the United States. Hear his report in the same program, titled “Healthcare Issues,” Morning Edi-tion, National Public Radio, September 30, 2003, http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=1450656.

3. “Politics and Economy: Wal- Mart and the World,” Now with Bill Moy-ers, Public Broadcasting Service, December 19, 2003, http://www.pbs.org/now/politics/walmart.html.

4. Cf. the character played by Jon Voigt in Rosewood.

Chapter 23

1. The term “africana” was coined by the Vanderbilt University professor Lucius Outlaw. See his “Africana Philosophy,” The Journal of Ethics 1, no. 3 (1997): 265– 90. My use of the term here is to refer to things related to Africans and the African diaspora. It can also at times be used as a substitute for persons of African descent and in the diaspora who are also at times dubbed “black.” It is important to note, however, that not all those dubbed “black” in exclusionary polities that dominate certain countries are indeed of African descent. They are considered “black” as they are considered “other,” excluded persons in a sociopolitical narra-tive of classification by the artifice of color. “Black” thus is an umbrella term that encompasses all who are outside of the established norm of racial and ethnic standards.

2. Anthony Bogues, Black Heretics, Black Prophets: Radical Political Intel-lectuals (New York: Routledge, 2003).

3. In this work, I use interchangeably the term “ideology(ies)” and the phrase “intellectual conditions.” They both refer to the intellectual struc-tures that permeate the sociopolitical environment at any given time.

4. Bogues, Black Heretics, 13. 5. Ibid. 6. Ibid., 16. 7. Ibid., 19. 8. Ibid., 22. 9. David Held, “Democracy: From City- States to a Cosmopolitan Order,”

in Prospects for Democracy, ed. David Held (Stanford, CA: Stanford Uni-versity Press, 1993).

10. Ibid., 32. 11. Ibid., 42. 12. Ibid., 42– 43.

Notes240

Chapter 24

1. Martha Nussbaum and Joshua Cohen, eds., For Love of Country: Debat-ing the Limits of Patriotism (Boston: Beacon Press, 1996), 3– 4.

2. Kwasi Wiredu, Cultural Universals and Particulars: An African Perspec-tive (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1996).

3. Ibid., ch. 1 and ch. 2. 4. Kwasi Wiredu, “Conceptual Decolonization as an Imperative in Con-

temporary African Philosophy: Some Personal Reflections,” in Rue Des-cartes, 36, Philosophies africaines: Traversées des expériences (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 2002), 54.

5. Wiredu, Cultural Universals, 5. 6. Ralph J. Bunche, “The International Significance of Human Relations,”

an address given at a Lincoln’s birthday dinner in Springfield, IL, Febru-ary 12, 1951. The address was distributed subsequently by the Ralph Bunche Institute for International Studies on the occasion of a confer-ence, “Ralph Bunche: The Man and His Times,” May 5– 6, 1986. In his address, Bunche makes explicit the tendency to impute to Douglass the idea that the United States represents, despite the internal problems of race, the best prototype of the United Nations ideal for a cosmopolitan environment in which is practiced tolerance, peace, and good neighborly behaviors.

7. William Watkins, quoted in Glenn O. Phillips, “Maryland and the Carib-bean,” Maryland Historical Magazine 83, no. 3 (Fall 1988): 208.

8. C. G. Woodson, “The Longing for Foreign Lands,” The Negro History Bulletin 4, no. 8 (May 1941): 183.

9. See Phillips, “Maryland and the Caribbean,” specifically 210– 11. 10. Benjamin Barber, “Constitutional Faith,” in For Love of Country: Debat-

ing the Limits of Patriotism, ed. Martha Nussbaum and Joshua Cohen (Boston: Beacon Press, 1996), 30– 37.

11. Frederick Douglass, “Haiti and the United States: Inside History of the Negotiations for the Môle St. Nicolas,” North American Review 153, no. 418 (September 1891): 340.

12. Louis Martin Sears, “Frederick Douglass and the Mission to Haiti, 1889– 1891,” The Hispanic American Historical Review 21, no. 2 (May 1941): 237.

13. Atomist liberalism, as I am referring to it, here concerns the type of lib-eralism where the freedom of the individual is promulgated at the same time that the liberalism rejects its core, the truism that individual identity is extensive of social and communal ties. Despite the inherent contradic-tion, we have inherited from the Enlightenment, and more specifically its Cartesian format, a conception of individual identity that gains value as one rids oneself of formative social ties.

14. Ironically, and this even with the help of a formal international organiza-tion of nations, the liberal tendency to pursue ideals in the international arena was not lost on even a person of the caliber of Ralph J. Bunche,

Notes 241

who in in a speech to commemorate Abraham Lincoln’s birthday in 1951 argued for, among other things, the pursuit of democracy globally. Bunche, “The International Significance of Human Relations.”

15. Nussbaum and Cohen, For Love of Country, 5. 16. See Douglass, “Haiti and the United States,” 339– 40. 17. Michel- Rolph Trouillot, Global Transformations (New York: Palgrave

Macmillan, 2003), 35– 38. 18. See ibid., ch. 1. 19. Ibid., 41– 42.

Chapter 25 1. David Scott, Conscripts of Modernity: The Tragedy of Colonial Enlighten-

ment (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2004). See especially his Chapter 2.

2. Ibid., 106. 3. See John Rawls, The Laws of Peoples with “The Idea of Public Reason

Revisited” (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2001). 4. John Rawls, Collected Papers, ed. Samuel Freeman (Cambridge, MA:

Harvard University Press, 1999), 530. 5. Ibid., 551. 6. Ibid., 556– 57. 7. Ibid., 558. 8. Ibid., 559. 9. Michael Walzer, Spheres of Justice (New York: Basic Books, 1983), 29. 10. Ibid., ch. 2. 11. Ibid, ch. 2, 59. 12. Ibid., 30.

Chapter 26 1. Radhika Balakrishnan and Uma Narayan, “Combining Justice with

Development: Rethinking Rights and Responsibilities in the Context of World Hunger and Poverty,” in World Hunger and Morality, ed. Wil-liam Aiken and Hugh LaFollette (Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1996), 231– 47.

2. Ibid., 242. 3. Ibid., 244.

Index

Acacia, Michel, 25– 27Africana, 15, 185, 187– 89, 194, 203– 5,

107, 231, 239Afrohyphenated world, 34Aristide, Jean- Bertrand, 29, 30, 117,

185Aristotle, 141, 146– 47atomist liberalism, 197, 200– 201, 207–

8, 240

Baier, Annette, 9, 140– 42, 144, 149, 168, 178, 235

Balakrishnan, Radhika, and Uma Narayan, 217– 18, 221, 241

Bande Mataram, 193Bhabha, Homi, 68, 231black Atlantic, 34, 35, 229, 231bloc markets, 29, 31Bogues, Anthony, 187– 89, 203– 4, 207,

239, 244Bunche, Ralph J., 198, 240, 241Butler, Judith, 123– 28, 131, 188, 233,

234

Caribbean: as a foundation for global ethics, 1

Caribbean Community (CARICOM), 29

citizenship, 49, 60, 73– 75, 83, 100, 132, 143, 193

Cogito, 6, 15collective responsibility, 148– 49, 165,

171, 173, 179, 217complex equality and mutual aid,

214– 17Condé, Maryse, 34, 39, 40, 60, 66, 69,

229Cooper, D. E., 237

cosmopolitanism, 23– 26, 29, 188, 196, 200, 202, 204, 209, 228

créolité, 33, 37, 39, 40, 41, 60, 229, 231

créolization, 39, 40– 41, 43, 45, 51, 53– 54, 57, 59, 88, 228

deliberative democracy, 122. See also global democracy; informal democ-racy; national democracy

demosophia, 219Descartes, René, 3, 5, 6, 15– 16, 19, 29,

227, 233Des Rosiers, Joël, 5, 61– 63, 69, 231Dessalines, Jean- Jacques, 27diaspora, 27– 28, 58– 59, 61, 228, 239Douglass, Frederick, 193– 203, 207– 9,

211, 240, 241Du Bois, W. E. B., 34– 35, 229Dworkin, Ronald, 7, 227, 229

ethics: atomist individualism, 109, 173; culturalist perspective, 9; “pan- humanist” morality, 113, 114; representationalist perspective, 96; and transnational enterprises, 98, 103– 4, 132, 168

Fanon, Frantz, 49, 50– 52Feinberg, Joel, 9, 237Franck, Thomas, 65, 231French, Peter, 9, 238

Gilroy, Paul, 34– 37, 229, 231Glissant, Édouard, 5, 56, 57, 59, 60,

66, 69, 230global democracy, 6, 10, 32, 77– 79, 81,

83, 85– 89, 92, 119, 134, 217

Index244

global ethics, 2, 3, 7, 9, 10, 90, 92global justice, 2, 3, 8, 86, 188, 209,

210, 211, 213– 19Golightly, Cornelius, 140, 143, 144,

149, 168, 178, 235Goodin, Robert, 7, 9, 79, 90– 93, 99,

100, 103, 155– 58, 162, 164– 67, 170, 172, 181, 232, 233, 236, 237, 238

Goodman, John, 171– 73group responsibility, 165– 66, 172, 179,

235, 237, 238

Haitian Revolution, 41, 187, 189, 190, 209

Hames- García, Michael, 227Held, David, 7, 79, 81, 83, 89, 100,

102, 107, 116, 119, 121, 128, 132, 189, 202, 227, 232, 233, 234, 239

Held, Virginia, 165, 181, 235, 237, 238Henry, Paget, 67– 69, 231Heron, Gil Scott, 129, 234hybridization, 36, 38, 40, 57

identity: carte d’identité, 17; diasporic, 27, 55, 56, 58; indigenous immi-grants vs. national immigrants, 6, 74, 232; national, 19, 20, 21, 23, 25, 26, 28, 29, 31, 32, 44, 54, 74, 201, 230; and the politics of recog-nition, 230

immigration, 111, 227inclusive morality, 11, 145indigénisme, 28, 103, 110, 186individual responsibility, 139, 140, 162,

167, 174, 178, 179, 236, 238informal democracy, 6, 7, 75– 76, 79,

86, 90, 101– 2, 117– 19, 127, 135

Karp, Ivan, 9, 105, 233Kundera, Milan, 5, 43, 44, 45, 229

Lahens, Yanick, 40, 41, 43, 44, 229Lainé, Saidel, 29, 30– 32, 86, 228, 232Latortue, Gérard, 185– 88, 191, 202

Latortue, Régine, 20, 21, 28, 66, 67, 228, 243

liberalism, 6, 14, 16, 45– 49, 96, 175, 190, 197, 200, 201, 207– 9, 211, 227, 229, 240

Locke, John, 3, 9, 25, 111, 133, 158– 59, 160– 64, 180– 81, 203, 236, 237, 238

Lott, Tommy Lee, 5, 34– 37, 229Luo community, 109, 236

Manichean binarism, 28, 46, 49, 52, 53Mapel, David, 7, 95– 96, 233marooning, 40– 43; and “Bossale”

culture, 40– 43Masolo, Dismas A., 108– 9, 110– 16,

121, 128, 131, 133, 233McGill, George, 198Métellus, Jean, 5, 14, 19, 56Mill, John Stuart, 90, 232Mill, J. S., and G. W. F. Hegel, 45modernity, 1, 36, 37, 42, 43, 45, 87,

109, 185, 203– 5, 209, 22, 224, 229, 231, 241

Mokeddem, Malika, 105, 126, 233moral activism, 143, 144, 235moral agency, 93, 140, 145, 147– 49,

150, 151, 164, 235moral responsibility, 9, 83, 88, 92, 133,

135, 140, 148, 149, 150, 165, 171, 179, 180, 181, 217, 238

Nagel, Thomas, 9, 152, 236Nardin, Terry, 7, 95, 96, 233national democracy, 31, 85National Public Radio (NPR), 171, 239nongovernmental organizations

(NGOs), 76, 93, 101, 115Nussbaum, Martha, 23– 26, 28, 32,

193, 200– 202, 204, 228, 233, 240, 241

Ogoni people, 87Outlaw, Lucius, 239outré, 27

Index 245

pan- African, 35pan- humanist, 113– 14performative contradiction, 131, 188,

219Pineau, Gisèle, 14– 15, 24– 25, 33,

61– 63political representation, 90, 105– 7public accountability, 101, 107– 9, 114–

15, 119, 121– 22, 134

Rawls, John, 125, 141, 209, 210– 13, 216, 219, 241

Republic of Haiti, 187, 199Rice, Constance, 155, 236Rosewood, 150, 179, 239

Sage of Anacostia, 202Said, Edward, 9, 151, 199, 234, 236Scott, David, 208, 241Sears, Louis Martin, 200– 201, 240social belongingness, 87, 92, 145, 148Socrates, 146– 47Soyinka, Wole, 7, 76– 78, 85– 86, 88, 232Stevenson, Charles L., 143

Taylor, Charles, 7, 46, 49, 123, 230

transnational ethics, 7, 95, 97, 99transoceanic philosophy, 68Trouillot, Michel- Rolph, 63– 64, 203– 4,

207, 231, 241

utilitarianism, 90, 155, 232, 233, 237

“vigilance of survival,” 193– 95, 197, 209

vulnerability, 88, 91– 93, 155– 56, 162– 64, 166– 67, 170, 179, 181, 232, 238

Wal- Mart, 174– 77, 239Walzer, Michael, 7, 209, 212– 17, 219,

233, 241Watkins, William, 198, 240“weak political morality,” 112, 131Westphalian, 73, 75– 76, 83, 128, 190Wiredu, Kwasi, 5, 194– 95, 209, 230,

240Wittig, Monique, 46– 49, 54, 230World Bank, 186, 191

Young, Iris M., 7, 9, 106, 121– 24, 127– 28, 131, 135, 227, 234, 235