35
WOODCUTTERS, POTTERS AND DOORKEEPERS SERVICE PERSONNEL OF THE DEIR EL-MEDINA WORKMEN JAC. J. JANSSEN ELIZABETH FROOD MAREN GOECKE-BAUER NEDERLANDS INSTITUUT VOOR HET NABIJE OOSTEN LEIDEN 2003

Woodcutters, Potters and Doorkeepers Service Personnel of the Deir El Medina Workmen

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Page 1: Woodcutters, Potters and Doorkeepers Service Personnel of the Deir El Medina Workmen

WOODCUTTERS POTTERS AND DOORKEEPERS

SERVICE PERSONNEL OF THE DEIR EL-MEDINA WORKMEN

JAC J JANSSEN ELIZABETH FROOD

MAREN GOECKE-BAUER

NEDERLANDS INSTITUUT VOOR HET NABIJE OOSTEN LEIDEN

2003

ever s not

utter s IV may

goat re is - that

1 this Is it

range )fthe more

)fthe For rtain icribe ~ures

elves

ty of lin is they mses have than

le in llcha f the

THE POTTERS ORGANIZATION DELIVERY AND PRODUCT OF WORK

Elizabeth Frood

The sherds of pottery that litter the site of Deir el-Medina and the thousands of these sherds that were used as writing material bear testimony to the work of potters who supplied the village with ceramic vessels These potters belonged to the service staff of the village and were thus employees of the state In order to fulfil their obligations they were required to deliver units (b3kw) of ceramics to the village on a regular basis In this paper I examine the records of the deliveries made by these potters in order to evaluate aspects of their work and deliveries during the 19th and 20th Dynasties in a manner complementary to the other studies in this volume

I divide my discussion into four sections The first section surveys the texts available concerning the potters and their dating Section 2 concentrates on the documentation of aspects of the organization of the potters work and their interactions with the community The third section evaluates the actual deliveries and delivery patterns of the potters The nature of the b3kw of the potter is examined and deficits or short-falls in delivery are traced The vessels themselves are analysed in section 4 The implications of the occurrence of three vessel types in the potter texts are discussed Research in this area has been necessarily limited and the potential for further research on the classification of vessel-types is emphasized

Paul Nicholson has postulated several organizational levels of the potting industry in ancient Egypt Potteries were attached to all major state institutions including temples and palaces Study of the documentation enumerating the deliveries of the potters of Deir el-Medina illuminates some aspects of organization of this state-level industry specifically the production of vessels for those involved with royal building projects I However the nature of the sources concerning these individuals imposes limitations upon any analysis The differences between the methods of

19threcording deliveries in the and 20th Dynasties and the variations that occur within the different textual categories themselves have significant implications when examining the nature of the deliveries or the organization of the work

sect1 Sources for pottery deliveries l1ldentifYing potters The artisans responsible for the supply of ceramic vessels to the community of Deir el-Medina were termed p3 qd variously written as IT15l [HlI]Jft [Hli and n~ This term can alternatively mean builder2 and these two potential meanings can create confusion as noted by both T Eric

bull I am very grateful to Jac J Janssen who provided the inspiration for this work and has been very generous with his time and advice during my initial research and in the course of recent revision This paper was initially presented as a component of a Master of Arts degree completed at The University of Auckland New Zealand in 1998 under the guidance ofAnthony Spalinger This work could not have been undertaken without his advice and support Jaromir Malek Diana Magee and Elizabeth Miles provided patient and helpful guidance through the resources of the Griffith Institute Oxford During the revisions of the paper I was most fortunate to be able to discuss the material with John Baines and Lynn Meskel My thanks to Rob Demaree for his invaluable suggestions and advice I The Pottery Workshop at Q 484 at Tell el-Amarna in Ateliers de potiers et productions ceramiques en Egypte ed P Ballet (Cairo 1992)70 2 Jrb V 72-73

30 POTTERS

Peet and Jac J JanssenJ Potential difficulties in translation can be resolved if the term p3 qd or j(an individual known to hold that title is associated with a vessel delivery Moreover the activity Ii of builders was not generally recorded in the Deir el-Medina data particularly when compared rr with the numerous references to the delivery of pottery by people termed p qd One exception to at this is the recto of P Turin 1923 2-3 where p ~ry qd n pr jmn came to take measurements d and make calculations for the construction of a well near the Necropolis4 Here the translation the tt master builder of the domain of Amun is appropriate The meaning builder in this text is 0 exceptional the individual was associated with the temple workforce rather than the workmens village The status of qd as builder is therefore related to a different work organization The title (try qd is not otherwise attested in any context concerning potters It can be concluded that the title qd when occurring with reference to events in or deliveries to Deir el-Medina generally d refers to a potters

si aJ

12 Categories oftexts tt My discussion of the categories of text I use as sources follows the model provided by Janssen in the preceding paper (see above p 2) I treat some texts that do not appear to correspond to any one of these categories at the end of this section In comparison with the texts concerning wood deliveries there are significantly fewer sources concerning pottery I have identified 90 ostraca that record deliveries of unfilled ceramic-ware although I argue that some of these may not be connected to the smdt-potters To these sources can be added diverse papyrus documents one from the end of the 19th and several from the later 20th Dynasty some of which do not fit easily into any category

The largest numbers of sources for pottery delivery are Joumal-of-the-Necropolis texts 01

(Janssens Category A) The series ofjournal ostraca documenting the final years of Ramesses III and the first two years of Ramesses IV provide the most complete account of ceramic deliveries I p have identified 28 ostraca in this group The nature of the data included in these texts changed al over time and from scribe to scribe6 It is nevertheless possible to use this evidence to trace w patterns of delivery and deficit and to gain some insight into the nature of each delivery although Qthe contents of the deliveries themselves are rarely enumerated d

Journal papyri from the later 20th Dynasty provide further information about supply often detailing the contents of the delivery and the name of the potter However these journals are extremely fragmentary Even in the documents from the best attested reign that of Ramesses IX only eight years are represented and most fragments except for the comparatively substantial

s(

3 T E Peet The Great Tomb-Robberies of the Twentieth Egyptian Dynasty reprint (Oxford 1930) I 96 7 s( 102 n 41 noted the potential ambiguity of the title in P BM 10068 translating qd Wenennefer and qd Bakenmut as builders and qd Ahawy as a potter See also J J Janssen Commodity Prices in the Ramessid Period An Economic Study of the Village ofNecropolis Workmen at Thebes (Leiden 1975)40 n 8 in reference to a qd Herunefer Manfred Gutgesell Die Datierung der Ostraka und Papyri aus Deir

5el-Hedineh ind ihre okonomische Interpretation I Die 20 Dynastie Hildesheimer Agyptologische 8

Beitrage 18 (Hildesheim 1983)219 misunderstands the title and includes p jqd in his list of workers names E 4 R Ventura On the Location of the Administrative Outpost of the Community of Workmen in Western 1(

Thebes JEA 73 (1987) 149-60 II

5 For discussion of the orthography and textual context of qd including texts from Deir el-Medina see PF Donnan Faces in Clay Technique Imagery and Allusion in a Corpus ofCeramic Sculpture from Ancient Egypt Milnchner Agyptologische Studien 52 (Mainz 2002) 87-99 h 6 J J Janssen Appendix the Journal of the Necropolis Ostraca from the Reign of Ramesses Ill in jVillage Voices Proceedings of the Symposium Texts from Deir el-Medfna and their Interpretation Leiden May 3J-June I 1991 ed R J Demaree and A Egberts CNWS Publications 13 (Leiden 1992)

a 1

91 (

d or ivity ared )ll to lents the

xt is lens title

t the rally

en in ) any ~iOod

traca ot be one asily

texts es III ies I nged trace ough

often s are 8 IX mtial

967 nd qd n the 5)40 Deir ische rkers

estern

PF ient

n in ation [992)

CATEGORlES OF TEXTS 31

journal from year 17 do not record more than 20 days 1 The data available for these deliveries are limited and it is difficult to draw firm conclusions Differences in the data provided by these texts may be related to different function The papyrus texts were probably drawn up for the central administration while ostraca were used by the local authorities the two contexts required different levels of detail and types of information Other papyrus documentation is available from this period in the form of payment texts and house lists illuminating aspects of the potters organization and situation

The other numerically significant textual category for pottery delivery is Janssens Category E 19ththe Dynasty lists which record quantities of ceramics alongside food and fuel and

occasionally other items including tools and implements Janssen suggests that these ostraca document deliveries that were later recorded in the journal ostraca and papyri providing significant comparative data for these texts8 The 29 ostraca recording pottery enumerate variable amounts of a number of different vessel types perhaps providing clues to the nature of the bkw the term used to record units of ceramics delivered in journal and account ostraca

Important supplementary and complementary data is found in a small group of account ostraca from the 19th and perhaps the very beginning of the 20th Dynasties which record the activities of individual potters sometimes alongside those of the woodcutters (Categories B B I Cl) These accounts detail deliveries and more commonly deficits often giving the names of the vessels and amounts involved data that were not generally included in the journal ostraca In comparison with the texts concerning for example woodcutters (see above pp 12-15) fishermen9 and laundrymenlO potters are rarely named (see Appendix) two of the texts I include in these categories are anonymous although I argue that there is sufficient evidence to assign them to a B or C category Those that are less clear are included in Category D discussed below

O IFAO 387 (unpubl) O Qurna 61811 O DeM 91 and O Berlin P 10840 (Hieratische Papyrus Berlin III pI 32 KRII 368)11 are accounts of the deficits incurred by the potters Menna and Nakhy during the early 19th Dynasty O IFAO 387 records deficits of both these potters while O Qurna 61811 records the deficit of just Menna The other two texts are not so clear O Qurna 6181 belongs to Category C while I assign the other three to Category B but see the discussion in 22 below

Three accounts from the late 19th and early 20th Dynasties record deliveries made by the potters Ptahemheb and Neferher once together in one text and twice alone along with accounts of wood deliveries They are hence assigned to categories Bl (0 Cairo 25591 O Cairo 25633) and Cl (0 DeM 343)12

Although the identity of the potter in O DeM 346 is not stated deliveries are made on two separate days to the scribe Amenemope known as a srndt-scribe of Right 13 The delivery to this scribe may indicate that the text refers to the supply of pottery by a single individual hencc its

7 D Valbelle Les ouvriers de la Tombe Deir el-Medineh aepoque ramesside I3dE 96 (Cairo 1985) 53 table I 8 Commodity Prices 485 9 J 1 Janssen Village Varia Ten Studies on the History and Administration of DeiI el-Medina Egyptologisehe Uitgaven 11 (Leiden 1997)38-46 to J J Janssen and R M Janssen The Laundrymen of the Theban Necropolis ArOr 70 (2002) 12 1I fgyptens Aufttieg zur Weltmacht (Mainz 1987)202 cat 121 Les artistes de Pharaon Deir el-Medineh et la Vallee des Rots (Paris 2002) 104 cat 41 12 Pierre Grandet recently published further texts connected with these potters (Catalogue des ostraca hieratiques non litteraires de Deir el-MMimih IX) O DeM 868 records deliveries of Ptahemhcb and Neferher as well as Hori and Parahotep Deliveries by Hori are also recorded in O DeM 869 These texts are included in the tables on pp 36-7 and in an addendum to the end of this chapter 13 B G Davies Whos Who at Deir el-Medina A Prosopographic Study of the Royal Workmens Community Egyptologische Uitgaven 13 (Leiden 1999)284

I

32 POTTERS

tentative inclusion in Category C 14 In contrast O DeM 135 records the delivery of two unnamed potters so the text is included in Category B

My Category D consists of 13 ostraca that do not include names and in which the numbers of potters referred to is unclear Two of these texts warrant further discussion The recto of O DeM 143 records deficits of wood deliveries for two woodcutters and so is assigned by Janssen to Category B 1 (above p 2) The verso which is entirely a pottery account includes no names so I have assigned it to my Category D O Strasbourg H 2615 does not refer explicitly to vessel types the recto only gives dates and notes of supply by the hand of unnamed individuals as complete (mJt) this form of text has a parallel in the recto of O Gardiner 80 (HO 61 4) On the verso of O Strasbourg H 26 the text may record deficit of the [potter) (1 4) although the end of the line is broken away qd was restored by Jaroslav Cerny (Nb 3561)16 I include this text as a pottery account although its status remains uncertain (see section 37) O Cairo 25704 assigned to Category D is also problematic and may not record a pottery delivery (see section 23)

Among my remaining sources O DeM 73 concerns a legal dispute over the hiring of a donkey (Janssens Category F) The verso of 0 Berlin P 10654 (unpubl) seems to refer to the firing of vessels in ten day periods (see 34) 0 DeM 337 and O BM 50728 17 may concern the distribution of vessels to workmen O BM 50728 is problematic and is discussed at greater length in sections 23 and 42 A potter is included at the end of a list of smdt in O IFAO 351 (unpubl rto 2) following a gardener and a doorkeeper Line 3 begins with the word vessels (qru) but the rest is lost It is unclear whether this text refers to a delivery the list of smdt in lines 1-2 may indicate that it is associated with an aspect of organization O Cairo 25597 records the distribution of bundles to members of the smdt including a potter Tassign these texts to my Category G texts that are related to the organization and distribution of the potters work rather than explicitly enumerating delivery

These categories are necessarily artificial the contents of the texts in each category are often complementary and the relationship between them unclear The fragmentary nature of many of the texts must also be kept in mind (see above p 2) I do not claim that my categories reflect any ancient administrative system of recording We have little access to any such broader systems in the material Any division of the documentation concerning potters into these classes or categories can impose certain expectations about individual texts1S Such a division is however a useful tool in analysing the texts and understanding their potential and limitations for illuminating aspects of the organization and deliveries of the potters

13 Dating oftexts My criteria for dating the texts again follows those presented by Janssen for the woodcutters (see above p 3) and I have modelled the tables in this section upon those he has developed As in Janssens tables I present the texts in six lists with the seventh reserved for undatable texts Discussions of the dates of individual ostraca and papyri by Manfred GutgeseUl9 and Benedict

14 If as I argue in 22 there was usually only one potter assigned to eaeh side of the crew 15 Yvan Koenig Les ostraca hieratiques inMits de fa Bibliotheque Nationale et Universitaire de Strasbourg DFIFAO 33 (Cairo 1997) pI 7-8 16 Koenig by contrast tentatively restores nty ibid pI 8 17 R J Demaree Ramesside Ostraca (London 2002) pI 124-5 18 There is often a fine line between account texts and journals The guide of Janssen Appendix the journal of the necropolis ostraea from the reign of Ramesses III 92-4 provides my criteria for classifying the journal documentation from this reign 19 Die Datierung del Ostraka und Papyri aus DeiI el-Medineh und ihre iikonomische interpretation I Die 20 Dynastie Hildesheimer Agyptologische Beitrage 18 (Hildesheirn 1983) id Die Datienmg del Ostraka und Papyri aus DeiI el-Medilleh iI Die Ostlaka der 19 Dynastie Hildesheimer Agyptologische Beitragc 44 (Hildesheirn 20(2)

Da ther corr fran

20 inch datil Catf exce nam acco Grot Dym Grot who

GrOl

00

00

0Dj

O Pe

O Dlt

ODc

o Tu

bull OOr

IOTu

I~ron f- shy

20 Davi 21 See

Pracee CJE 22 ibid DieDa 23 Gutg 24 ibid 25 ibid

med

rs of DeM ~n to so I pes plete so of ~ line Ittery

~d to

nkey flg of ution tions D2) est is licate on of texts icitly

often fly of t any 1sin s or ever s for

(see As in texts ledict

re de

x the ifying

I Die g der $ische

DATING OF TEXTS 33

Davies20 are noted Since many of the sources for pottery deliveries also deal with fuel supply there is some overlap in the data Despite this I feel these tables provide useful points of comparison with those for the woodcutters Presenting the texts in this way also establishes a framework and reference points for the analysis that follows

I have expanded Janssens group I to include earlier years of Ramesses III beginning with year 20 in order to incorporate some account ostraca dated to these years At the end of group I I include 2 journal texts dated to year 5 of Ramesses IV (0 DeM 655 656) Group II includes texts dating to the reign of Sety L As with the woodcutter documents this group consists mainly of Category E texts O Cairo 25704 a Category D text dated to the wltm-mswt of Sety I is the only exceptionl Group III contains texts dated to the reign of Ramesses II largely on the basis of names In accordance with Davies discussion of the year 9 date in O Berlin P 10840 the accounts of Menna and Nakhy could date to either Sety I or Ramesses 1122 I include them in Group III I have identified a smaller number of accounts and journal texts from the late 19th

Dynasty (Group IV) and three texts that possibly date to the reign of Ramesses III (Group V) Group VI as in Janssens list contains mainly papyrus documents from the later 20th Dynasty whose diverse contents means that they cannot be easily assigned to textual categories

Group I

yr

o Gardiner 80 (HO 611 4) yr 21

O DeM l43vso yr 2424

O Petrie 50 (HO 1911) yr25W

O DeM 169 + O Berlin P 12633 yr25 W

O DeM 35 yr28W A I

AO Turin 57153 yr26

O Or Inst Chicago 16998 (unpub) yr26 D

yr27 A

A

Ayr27

yr 28 AO DeM 156 -~

DO Strasbourg H 26 yr 2925

20 Davies Whos Who 21 See S Wimmer Hieratische Palaographie zur Datierung der nicht-literarischen Ostraka in Proceedings of the Seventh International Congress ofEgyptologists Cambridge 3~9 September 1995 cd C J Eyre (Leuven 1998) 1230-31 for discussion of the dating of this text 22 ibid 124 contra Gutgesell who dates O IFAO 387 and o DeM 91 to the latter half of the 19th Dynasty Die Datierung Die Ostraka del 19 Dynastie 49146 23 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 102 24 ibid 368 25 ibid 120

34 POTTERS

10 DeM 165

0 DeM 154

0 DeM 157

0 DeM 159

I ODeM 36

IODeM 37 i i 0 DeM 166

I ODeM 153

i 0 DeM 38

0DeM39

0 Berlin P 12631

0 DeM 40 + 0 Strasbourg H 42

bull 0 OeM 41

0DeM43

0 DeM47

0 Berlin P 12641 + 12628

0 DeM 160 0 Strasbourg H 5

0 DeM 161 -- degStrasbourg H 82

0 DeM44

0 DeM45

0 Gardiner 113 (liO 7311)

0 Cairo 25597

0 DeM 655

0 DeM 656

I Group II

0 DeM 1-19

bull O DeM22

26 ibid 123 27 ibid 36 28 ibid 47-8

yr 3026 D

yr31 W A

yr 31 W I A

yr 31 A

yr 31 I A

yr 31

yr 31 W27

I yr312W

yr 32

yr 321

yr1

yr1

yr1

yr1

yr1

yr1

yr 1W28

A

A

A

A

A

A

A

A

A

A

A

I A

yrlW A

yr 12 A

yr2 A

yr2 A

yr2 G

yr5 A

yr5 AI

E

E

I

I

0D1 I

10Dl

001

1001

I 0 Or

~ I F

[ Grou] i ODe

l~ ~

r~ IoJr---=shy

0 Del

Groul

ODel

0 Cai

10 Cai

10 Del

i O Del

29 Davi O ibid Ramesl 31 ibid 32 For Ostrak

DATING OF TEXTS 35

ODeM23

ODeM28

ODR5

I E

ODR6 i E

ODR7

ODR8

O Or Inst Chicago 18878 (unpubl) I

O Gardiner 43 (HO 26 2)

I o Cairo 25704 yr2

i

Group III

O DeM 91

O Berlin P 10840 yr 9 Sety IIRamesses rr29

I O IFAO 387 (unpubl)

O Qurna 6181

O DeM623

O BM 50728

O DeM202

i Group IV

O DeM606

E

E

E

E

D

B

B

B

C

D

G30

A 32

I

Blbull O Cairo 25591

O Cairo 25633 Bl

O DeM 343 yr6 Cl I

o DeM 868 yr6 C I

29 Davies Whos Who 124 30 ibid 219 n 201 Gutgesell considers the dating of this text very uncertain but inclines towards year 2 of Ramesses II Die Datierung Die Ostraka der 19 Dynastie 47 3] ibid 159 32 For the scribes mentioned in this text see Davies PVhos Who 127 Gutgesell Die Datierung Die Ostraka der 19 Dynastie 91

36 POTTERS

O DeM 869 yr6 B

O DeM 135 B i

P Greg (P UC 34336) yrs 5-7 Siptah A I

o Cairo 25593 D

Group V

O Michaelides 33 (OM pi 67) Ramesses m33 A=

P Turin 1961 Ramesses III34

O DeM 416 Ramesses IIIIIV35 D

Group VI

P Turin 1880 yT 29 Ramesses III

O DeM346 Ramesses IV_y36 C

O Gardiner 145 (unpuhl) yr 1 Ramesses y37 D

P Turin 2044 (unpuhl) yr 1 Ramesses yJ8

P Turin 2081+2095 (unpuhl) mid 20th Dynasty39

O Berlin 10654 (unpubl) late 20th Dynasty40 G

I P Turin 20701133 134 + rto late 20 th Dynasty4J A

I P Turin 2014 (unpuhl) late 20th Dynasty42

P Turin 1881 + yr 7 Ramesses IX

P Turin 1900+shy yrs 4-9 Ramesses IX

P Turin 20711224 [140] yr 10 Ramesses IX43

year yr 17 Ramesses IX

33 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 253 34 ibid 309-12 For the numbering of this papyrus see J J IanssenJorthcoming 35 ibid 369 36 Davies Whos Who 284 contra Gutgesel1 who dates the text to Ramesses II Die Datierung Die Ostraka der 19 Dynastie 159 37 Gutgesell Die Dalierung 20 Dynastie 77-8 38 ibid 256 39 Janssen Commodity Prices 98 Gutgesell Die Datiermg 20 Dynastie 227-32 40 ibid 442 41 ibid 242 42 Janssen and Janssen The Laundrymen of the Theban Necropolis 5 n 30 43 Kitchen RIVI 637-38

O GI

IFl

O IFi

OCa ~ i ODe

sect2 Th 21 Th Accou of the the de interes largel) throug virtual archae ethnoa

The of the identif Dynas1 therefc notes f

44 The ( the late 45 One 1

records that the single ( potters context 46 Rapp pubiqu

g Die

THE ORGANIZATION OF WORK AND DELIVERY 37

P Turin 1898+ yr 3 Ramesses X

P Turin 1888 yr 1 Ramesses XI

i yrs 8-10 Ramesses XI

bull Anonymous Turin fragment

(Cerny MSS 3616)

Group VII

O Gardiner 88 (HO 5511)

O DeM703

O DeM337

bull O IFAO 245 (unpub)

I OlFAO 351

O CaIro 25245

i O DeM 871-3

D i

D

G44

D

G

D

i G

sect2 The organization of work and delivery 21 The evidence for workshops Account texts in particular provide important clues for understanding aspects of the organization of the potters work including the number of potters delivering at anyone time supervision of the deliveries and distribution of the vessels to the workmen However since the scribes were interested primarily in documenting the receipt or deficit of the pottery such information is largely based on inference Although it is possible to identify stages within the delivery process through the documentation evidence for the organization of the pottery workshops themselves is virtually non-existent45 Hypotheses about the workshops can be made from limited archaeological data and by analogy with the evidence for the pottery industries at el-Amarna and ethnoarchaeological research

The written sources are almost devoid of information concerning the location of the workshops of the potters of Deir el-Medina and the archaeological evidence is ambiguous Bernard Bruyere

18 uJidentified what he considered wasters from a potters workshop on the exterior of the Dynasty village at the base of the wall of Thutmose I beneath the 19th Dynasty house SE 1 He therefore assumed that most pottery production occurred within the village itself46 Nicholson notes that most of the private home complexes at el-Amarna had pottery kilns implying domestic

44 The dating of this text is very uncertain but Gutgesell considers it to be from the reign of Ramesses II or the late 19th Dynasty Die Datierung Die Ostraka der 19 Dynastie lOS n 95 45 One text may refer to the work of the potter in making vessels The verso of O Berlin P 10654 (unpubl) records the potter fashioning (qd) vessels on days 1020 and 30 of II 1bt and day 10 of III 1bt It may be that these dates are the days on which the shaping or firing of the ceramics occurred The recording of single days favours the interpretation that the text records firing events However little else about the potters work can be inferred from this text A translation ofthis text is provided in section 33 in another context 46 Rapport sur les fouilles de Deir el Medineh (1934-1935) Troisieme Partie Le village les dfJcharges publiques fa station de repos du col de la Valtee des Rots IFAO (Cairo 1939) 264 341

--

38 POTTERS

production of some simple forms alongside those produced in the kilns of the state-controlled the workshops47 There is no further evidence for such a practice at Deir el-Medina Dominique con Valbelle also assumed that the potters worked close to the village48 but there is no archaeological evidence for workshops in the vicinity 22

Rostislav Holthoers survey of New Kingdom kiln sites does not include any at Deir elshy Thn Medina However he did record a kiln associated with a 19th to 2200 Dynasty habitation to the left time of the road between Deir el-Medina and Medinet Habu This kiln is small being only 11Ocm wide invc and 70cm high and may be considered too small for the considerable production levels of the orga Deir el-Medina potters49 Nicholson has also noted that the kilns identified by Holthoer at elshy char Amarna were in fact ovens associated with different industries5o This casts some doubt over text~

Holthoers identifications It is also uncertain how far el-Amarna is comparable to Deir elshy IS plt Medina expl

Some textual evidence may indicate that the workshops were located some distance from the S( village The service staff of Deir el-Medina was generally regarded as of the outside their (unp deliveries perhaps made to the gatehouse of the necropolis p lJtm n p lJr from a location DeM external to the village itself although this is nowhere stated in a text concerning pottery but t delivery51 A workshop location on the floodplain also seems appropriate in view of the ostra quantities of water required by potteries The town register on the verso ofP BM 10068 dated to the d year 12 probably of Ramesses XI seems to support such a location52 Three potters are included Ar in the list of houses centred on Medinet Habu two of these rAhawy and Bakenmut are known sumn from contemporaneous journal papyri The potter r Ahawy of the tomb is also included among Pash( those receiving grain who belong to every house [within] the enclosure wall of the temple of Ipuy Usermaatre meriamun These houses are not necessarily to be equated with their workshops relatilt

Potteries are generally regarded as unpleasant and anti-social operations requiring their on th location on the outskirts of settlements53 Such an assumption may sometimes be based on actior imposition of modern concepts of pollution Although the pottery workshop at el-Amarna was on delivf the outskirts of the main city area54 there is ethnographic evidence for pottery workshops sited crew within residential areas55 Be that as it may the location of the pottery workshops which supplied Lefts

whetl1 defici work

47 The Firing of Pottery in An Introduction to Ancient Egyptian Pottery eds D Arnold and 1 Bourriau seem (Mainz 1993) 113 Nicholson The Pottery Workshop at Q 484 at Tell e1-Amarna 67 The S1 48 Ouvriers 265

exam~ 49 New Kingdom Pharaonic Sites The Pottery ed T Siive-Soderbergh vol 51 The Scandanavian joint

twomexpedition to sudanese Nubia (Copenhagen Oslo Stockholm 1977)22

as one 50 The Firing of Pottery 112 Evidence of pottery kilns was also found behind the mortuary temple of

side OJAmenhotep son of Hapu A Varille and C Robichon Quatre nouveaux temples Thebains CdE 10 (1935) L It has been suggested that these kilns were a component of the industrial area which operated put the on behalf of the mortuary temples 1 D Bourriau P T Nicholson and P 1 Rose Pottery in Ancient The Egyptian Materials and Technology eds P T Nicholson and I Shaw (Cambridge 2000) 139-40 found 5l See for example Giornale of year 17 of Ramesses IX (Botti and Peet pI 14) rto B I 11middot12 with 1 seem t Cemy A Community of Workmen at Thebes in the Ramesside period BdE 50 (Cairo 1973) 184-5 but see 25591 now Janssen section 8 For discussion of the role of the p IJtm n p IJr see for example R Ventura On (the) p the Location of the Administrative Outpost of the Conununity of Workmen in Western Thebes JEA 73 (1987) 149middot60 52 J J Janssen A New Kingdom Settlement The Verso of Pap BM 10068 AOF 19 (1992) 8-23 56AL 53 PT Nicholson and H L Patterson Pottery Making in Upper Egypt An Ethnoarchaeological Study Worksh World Archaeology 17 (1985) 226 For a negative description of the potters trade in a literary text 1983) transmitted within Deir el-Medina see W Heick Die Lehre des Dw-M KAT (Wiesbaden 1970)53-58 57 This sect IX of this t 54 The pottery workshop at Q 484 at Tell el-Amarna 61 58 Hene 55 Nessim Henry Henein Poterie et potiers d Al-Qasr oasis de Dakhla BdE 116 (Cairo 1997) 124Fo

trolled Imque ogical

eir elshyhe left tlwide of the at el-

It over eir e1shy

)m the their tcation )ottery of the ated to eluded known among Iple of IpS ~ their jed on vas on s sited pplied

ourriau

iI1 joint

3ple of dE 10 )erated Indent

with J but see ra On rEA 73

Study ry text 53-58

THE ORGANIZATION OF WORK AND DELIVERY 39

the village and their internal organization remains a mystery Only when the potters come into contact with the village through delivery do they become more visible in the record

22 How many potters Throughout the 19th and 20th Dynasties the numbers of potters delivering to the village at anyone time seems to have remained largely stable Potteries are understood to be substantial operations involving probably a master potter and a number of assistants56 Evidence for the wider organization of the workshops on this level as well as any adaptations made in response to changes in the size of the village is not apparent in the data (see above pp 12-15) Where the texts do enumerate numbers of potters we can conclude that two were responsible for delivery it is possible that one potter was assigned to each side of the crew but the texts are not generally explicit concerning this level of the organization

Some evidence for potter numbers is found in the 19th Dynasty account texts O IFAO 387 (unpub) separately records the deficits of two potters that ofMerma preceding that ofNakhy O OeM 91 records a deficit accumulated by Menna in lines 1-3 In line 4 Nakhys name is written but the rest of the line was left blank or erased Cerny noted that three lines on the verso of this ostracon had been erased perhaps indicating that the account was originally intended to record the deliveries of both men57

Another account in this group O Berlin P 10840 is more difficult to interpret The recto summarizes Mennas total deficit for 5 months stating that he is under the authority of the scribe Pashed (r-lJt sf P3-sd) On the verso are three lines of text the first giving the name of a scribe Ipuy Lines 2 and 3 record very high totals of vessels (94 qbw vessels and 992lbw vessels) The relationship between the text on the recto and that on the verso is unclear the numbers of vessels on the verso are almost double the amount of those on the recto Other sources recording the actions of Pashed and Ipuy indicate that they were smdt-scribes responsible for the supervision of deliveries Their separate appearance in this text may indicate that deficits for each side of the crew were enumerated seperately because smdt-scribes seem to have been assigned to Right and Left58 It is not clear whether Menna was responsible to the different sides for both deficits or whether the verso deficits belong to a second potter perhaps Nakhy If the latter is the case the deficits of O DeM 91 and O IF AO 387 may also reflect the division into Right and Left The work organization and administration of the crew was structured by this division so it would seem logical that the work and deliveries of the potters should be organized on this basis as well The situation is often not made explicit and these texts can be interpreted in various ways For example an undated and anonymous account text O OeM 135 records deficit of the potters two men (4t n p3 qd s 2) (1 1) The totals of vessels that follow are not divided into two groups as one might expect It is therefore not clear whether the two men were required to deliver to one side of the crew to the viIIage as a single unit or whether for the sake of expediency the scribe put the totals for each side together

The only clear statements concerning a division of the potters deliveries to Right and Left are found in the account ostraca and the journal papyrus from the late 19th Dynasty These texts also seem to confirm that two potters usually delivered to the village at anyone time In O Cairo 25591 rto 4-5 is recorded receipt of the bkw of (the) potter Ptah[emheb] receipt of the bkw of (the) potter Nefer[her] The text breaks off at the end of these lines so it cannot be ascertained

56 A L Kelley Some Reflections on Pottery and Society in Ancient Egypt in Papers of the Pottery Workshop Third International Congress of Egyptology Toronto Sept 1982 ed A L Kelley (Toronto 1983)30 57 This idea is recorded as a note in Cerny Nb 104l39 No mention of the verso is made in the publication of this text Catalogue des ostraca I pI 54 58 Hence my tentative assignment of this text and O DeM 91 to Category B see also Davies Whos Who 124 For discussion of the role of muil-scribes see section 23 with references

--

v

40 POTTERS

whether these deliveries were made to different sides of the crew The preceding entries concerning units of fuel were separately enumerated for each side Right preceding Left (rto 1-2) tI Perhaps the pottery delivery followed this pattern

Two further texts O Cairo 25633 and O DeM 343 are more explicit O Cairo 25633 vso 1-2 tI records receipt of the bkw of (the) potter Neferher of Left (ssp bkw qd nfr-~r n smM O Il DeM 343 1-2 in contrast records Year 6 I smw 1 receipt by the hand of (the) potter ( Ptahemheb of Right (qd pt~-m-~b n wnmy) Ptahemheb continued to deliver to Right into the B reign of Siptah at the end of the 19th Dynasty as recorded in P Greg rto A 11 potter Ptahemheb f~ of Right to the scribe Pentaweret - 2 bkw59 Other entries in this text (vso B 11-13) also v separately enumerate deliveries of bkw for each side the entry on vso B 8 also recording the Ii name Ptah[ emheb] 60 From these texts we can posit that in the late 19th Dynasty the potters el Ptahemheb and Neferher were probably required to deliver to the right and left sides of the crew re respectively as successors of Menna and Nakhy the only other pair of potters named in the 19tb

Ie Dynasty documentation

In the journal ostraca from the reign of Ramesses II which record deliveries to Right the use of 2~ the singular in the standard entry marking pottery delivery entered by the hand of the potter Uw th m-Ijrt p qd)61 and variants seems to record the activities of only one potter However p qd is a P formulaic way of referring to potters and it is possible that the title may conceal varying numbers th of men pc

The lists of smdt representing Right and Left included on the verso of the Turin Strike Papyrus (RAD 45-7) do not clarify the situation for the mid_20th Dynasty The entry after those who produce pots (nty qd) in the first list (vso 1 19) is lost although there is space for only one name The second list also ineludes only one potter ~Omek (vso 4 11) and the list ends here62 It is possible to interpret these lists as indicating the presence of only one potter for each side of the crew The speech of the door-keeper Khaemwaset entered later in this text where he promises to increase the numbers of potters to 4 men (on) Right and 4 (on) Left total 8 men (vso 2 16) can perhaps be interpreted as pure rhetoric (see above p 13) There is little further evidence for 2 numbers of potters in the journals of year 29 and later but no such increase seems to have As occurred ad

In the papyrus journals from the late 20th Dynasty deliveries of the potters bkw are separately OCI enumerated for each side63 The entries in these texts indicate some variation in numbers of ill potters although we still seem to be dealing with only one or two men In P Turin 2044 vel (unpubl) from year 1 of Ramesses V an entry records Left the two potters [deficit] (sm~ p im qd 2 [4]) (rto I 5) Thus at times two potters may have been expected to deliver to one side

The only potters name recorded in the later papyrus journals is that of ~Ahawy In the Journal De of Year 7 of Ramesses IX (P Turin 1881 Pleyte and Rossi pI 1-8 KRI VI 609-19) pottery SCI deliveries are made by ~Ahawy but there is no indication whether these were made to Right or Ra Left (vso col V 1-3 col VI 7-8) In verso col VII 1-2 the entry for a lost day in III smw the records received by the hand of the potter [ ] Right and Left vessels Ibw-vessels 150 qb(w)shy en1

SCt

Dy 59 Janssen Village Varia 117 Pel 60 ibid 122 61 For this phrase see section 23 62 The potter Omek also occurs in P Turin 2081 +2095 rto 1 (unpubl) from the mid 20th Dynasty The text records a delivery but the details are lost 63 For example P Turin 2070133 134 + 3 frgs rto II 10-11 (KRJ VI 426-8 entered as Cat 2070154) P Turin 1881 (Pleyte and Rossi pI 1-8) vso VII 1-2 P Turin 1900 (KRI VI 619-24) vso II 7 Turin Necropolis Journal Year 3 Ramesses X (P Turin 1898 Botti and Peet pI 50-63 KRIVI 687-99) rto III 9-1013-14 Turin ~ecropolis Journal Year I Ramesses XI (P Turin 1888 Botti and Peet pl 63 KRJVI 850-1) vso dockets A 2-4

mtries 1-2)

101-2 I) O potter Ito the milieb ) also ng the )otters crew le 19th

use of er Uw ldis a rnbers

Strike those lyone

62 Itre of the ises to

~ 16) ce for have

rately ers of 2044

llip3 je

mmal ottery ~ht or smw

b(w)shy

e text

4) P Turin 0 III IVI

INTERPRETING RECEIPT AND DELIVERY 41

vessels 70 It seems likely that (Ahawys name is to be restored here This last entry may indicate that IAha) could be responsible for deliveries to both Right and Left

In P Turin 2018 (KRI VI 851-63) listing payments of grain to the crew and the smdt dating to the end of the 20th Dynasty IAhawy is included in the list of smdt for Left (A vso 1 10-12 B rto II 9-11 B vso II 17) In the list of smdt for Right is recorded the name of the potter Bakenmut (A rto IV 15-17 A vso I 2-6 B rto II 2-4) In one entry in this text he is recorded as potter Bakenmut son of r Ahawy (A rto la 3-5) It is very likely that potting was a skill passed from father to son and here we see a family of craftsmen responsible for delivery of ceramics to the village In contrast with the evidence for the woodcutters (see above p 15) there seems to be little indication of a change in numbers of potters to reflect any decrease in the size of the crew except for the Journal of Year 7 Perhaps IAhawy was assisted in his delivery by his son the responsibility for supply at this time falling to a single family who could be noted in greater or lesser detail in the record64

The potter rAhawy is also entered in a list of potters (m qdw) in P Turin 2014 (UTlpubl) rto 27_865 The text is not dated but his name places it in the late 20th Dynasty As Janssen observes the names of the laundrymen included in the list in this papyrus are different from those listed in P Turin 2018 perhaps indicating some distance in time between the two texts66 The writing of the plural in the title to the list (m qdw) is formulaic and need not indieate that more than one potter is meant

The number of potters delivering to the village at anyone time seems generally to have been stable at two men Some flexibility may be detected in the papyrus documents of the late 20th

Dynasty although the numbers do not seem to vary beyond one or two The potential for flexibility in the numbers of smdt has been noted by Janssen for both the woodcutters and the fishermen (see above p 15) It is possible that the fonnulae used for recording ceramic deliveries in earlier texts may conceal variations in their numbers

23 Interpreting receipt and distribution As Davies has shown in his study of the family histories in the village the smdt were administered by their Oill scribes67 Possibly the earliest explicit attestation of smdt-scribes occurs in a pottery account On the recto of O Berlin P 10840 the potter Menna is said to be under the authority (r-) of the scribe Pashed (I 1) Pashed and the scribe mentioned on the verso of the ostracon (1 1) Ipuy are knovro from other contemporaneous texts to have been involved in smdt-deliveries and the deliveries ofproduce such as dates and loaves to the village68

Scribes also occur with less explicit statements of authority in two other pottery accounts In O OeM 346 quantities of vessels were delivered on II prt 20 and 23 by the hand of (m-4rt) the scribe Amenemope Davies records two smdt-scribes named Amenemope one from the reign of Ramesses II and one from Ramesses IV_V69 I am inclined to assign this text the earlier date on the basis of its similarity to O OeM 623 On the verso of O OeM 623 a number of vessels are entered for I smw 1 On the recto a quantity of wood is entered by the hand Uw m-4rt) of the scribe Pentaweret for the same date Two smdt-scribes named Pentawcret held office in the 19tb

Dynasty one late in the reign of Ramesses II and one at the very end of the dynasty7o The Pentaweret of the late 19tb Dynasty is recorded as receiving 2 b3kw from the potter Ptahemheb (P

64 Compare the family firms of fishermen Janssen Village Varia 40 65 The line numbers given here follow CernYs provisional transcription (171541-6 171725-9) 66 Janssen and Janssen The Laundrymen of the Theban Necropolis 5 67 Whos Who 123-42 68 ibid 124 Davies doubts the equation Cerny made between this Pashed and the like-named draughtsman (Community206) 69 Whos Who 283-4 70 ibid 125-6283

--

42 POTTERS

Greg rto A II) The phrase jw tn-4rt can be used of both potters and scribes In the case of the

scribes it is likely they were involved in receiving and recording the ceramics rathcr than men

physical transportation and delivery The interpretation of tn-4rt is crucial here Although I T

translate the preposition literally it can be understood more flexibly as under the responsibility of which could express a range of levels of responsibility for supply from physical delivery to

seen for (

recording receipt7l

theslWhen pots are delivered or received by the hand of someone who is not given the title

indi(potter or otherwise connected with the stndt the status of the delivery is less clear Valbelle

to innotes the distinction between ceramics brought by the potters and vessels filled with beer and oother commodities provided by institutions72 Usually the content of the latter vessels is given 73

andHowever in some cases the entry is uncertain particularly with the delivery ofjnlt vessels In O

worDeM 23 5 16 jnll vessels are delivered by the hand of Amenemope while in O DeM 26 2-3 the a 30 large jnlt vessels are recorded by the hand of Nebnefer entered 27 deficit 3 Neither of

laquo~(ythese men is given any title and it is possible that they are ordinary workmen 74

(ves~The problems associated with interpreting the deliveries of jnlzt vessels can be best illustrated grou

by O Cairo 25704 which records the delivery ofjnll vessels in year 2 of Sety I no month or day probis given Although Davies connects this delivery with the known smdt-scribe Tjay or the member distn of the smdl Tjiro75 the status of this text remains uncertain Line 2 records the one who brought alloe very largejn~t vessels returned to Tj[ J (nty rdj jnlt (5t sp sn m-hyt mJ 0[ ]) while line 3 lines has the one who brought small () jnlt vessels assigned to [ J (nty rdj jnlt lrj m-Is (5 m-( twtw [ ))76 The non-standard means of entering the delivery nty rdj may indicate that this text 451 d records a more specialized range of vessels not necessarily to be associated vith the smdt-potters O jnlt vessels have a restricted range of occurrence in the Deir el-Medina documentation and are perhsometimes associated with festival deliveries (see the discussion of O BM 50728 below and desigsection 42) Therefore these vessels may not belong with the unfilled ceramics delivered by the desigsmdt-potters text I

There is little evidence in the texts that potters were assisted in the delivery of their wares by there other members of the smdt as is the case with the woodcutters (see above pp 12ff) Entries in the smdt journal OStraca record deliveries by the hand of the potter (m-4rt P5 qd)77 or entered by the In hand of the potter (jw m-4rt P5 qd)78 This may indicate delivery by the potters themselves but meml the use of such formulaic phraseology in recording delivery may conceal a number of possible inclUi alternatives for this aspect of supply Considering the quantities involved and the probable size of (mrw

is no perha

71 For discussion sec P Tallet Deux pretres-sem tMbains de la XXe dynastie BIFAO 99 (1999) 417 An SOlalternative translation of the phrase with similar implications would be arrived by the hand of

proba72 Ouvriers 265 For the representation of such tilled vessels in the ceramic repertoire from Deir el-Medina

delivcsee for example L Bavay S Marchand and P Tallet Les jarres inscrites du Nouvel Empire provenant de Deir aI-Medina CaMers de la Ceramique Egyptienne 6 (2000) 77-86 with references of the 73 For example all deliveries of wine to the village were made in mnt-amphorae Janssen Commodity Prices 350 mnt vessels are only once recorded as part of a potters deliveries In O Or Inst Chicago

79 Tw16998 (unpubL) 30 mnt vessels are entered alongside 30 qbw vessels and 150 Ibw vessels (1 3) The entry

Amenof a wood delivery in line 2 may indicate that this text records deliveries by the smdt For the elite status periodof the mnt see Bourriau Nicholson and Rice Pottery l37 potter

74 O DeM 202 records quantities of dpr and lbw vessels entered by the hand of Wepwawetmose potterAlthough the status of this text can be questioned lbw vessels are a more standard part of the smdt-potters cornprepertoire 80 In 1

75 Whos Who 106 with n 302 referri

76 For the readings of m-hyt mJ and rrt-s mJ see D Valbelle Remarques sur les textes neo-egyptiens meaninon-Iitteraires (sect 6-10) BIFAO 77 (1977) 129-13 L 81 For

77 For example O DeM 159 10 O DeM 39 rto 4 of hig

78 For example O DeM 35 addition above line 7 O DeM 154 rto 15-6 O DeM 38 7 O DeM 47 vso 4 Ramel

e of than

19h I bility ry to

title lbelle rand fenn

InO 2-3 ler of

trated lrday mlber ought line 3 mJ

s text )tters

Id are If and )y the

res by in the )y the es but ISsible ize of

17 An

l1edina venant

modity 1llcago e entry status

trnose )otters

yptiens

vso 4

INTERPRETING RECEIPT AND DELIVERY 43

the vessels the delivery could have involved several trips andor the use of assistants who are not mentioned because they had no responsibility

The distribution of the ceramics among the community is only rarely attested O DeM 337 seems to record numbers of pots owed to particular workmen III ot 10 deficit of 3lbw vessels for (n) Amenemope deficit of I ds vessel 1 dpy vessel and 3 lbw vessels for (n) Nakhy Both these names are common and it is impossible to date the text on this basis79 This text may indicate that not only were records made of the potters debts to the crew in general deficits owed to individual crew members could be documented as well

O BM 50728 dated to year 2 probably of Ramesses II also seems to relate to the processing and distribution of a particular type of ceramic recording vessels delivered to individual workmen as well as deficits owed to them The first five lines of the recto set out the purpose of the account Year 2 [ ] the record of the jn~t vessels for Left (p SOJW m n jn~t n smM - a total (~~~w) of 10 + 5 jn~t vessels Specification (wp s(traquo) for the crew concerning the 10 + 5 (vessels) 80 The numbers of vessels given to each member of the crew are then detailed The first group of five vessels is clearly allocated to four named workmen one for each man Baki probably the foreman of the crew81 received two corresponding to the hierarchal systems of distribution known from accounts of rations and other provisions Lines 7-10 continue with the allocation of different vessel types to named individuals The end of the recto is very broken but lines 11 and 12 seem to have recorded vessels owed to Amenmose (4t n jmn-msw) Pa-[ ] and twtw() and in this the text provides a parallel for O DeM 337 In O BM 50728 rto 11-12 the 41 determinative was crossed out possibly indicating that the debt was paid

O BM 50728 includes some unusual qualifications for the vessels including terms related perhaps to quality (very good jnJt njr nJr middling good jn~t nJr m-~ry-jb) and the designation of certain vessels as being in the fashion of hbny (vessels) (m qd hbny) These designations and the total (~J~w) ofbq oil given in the last line of the recto may indicate that the text records the delivery of filled jnJt vessels for a specific perhaps festival or ritual context I therefore doubt whether the text is concerned with the distribution of ceramics delivered by the smdt potters (see 42 for further discussion of this text)

In contrast O Cairo 25597 dated to year 2 of Ramesses IV records items distributed to members of the smdt The distribution list begins on line 2 with specification (wp-st) and includes a coppersmith a water-carrier as well as the potter Herunefer who received 5 bundles (mrw or ors) the content of these bundles is not stated Although the context for this distribution is not clear this is the only text known to me in which a potter seems to receive a payment perhaps in exchange for work

Some aspects of organization of work such as distribution of pots among the villagers probably did not require the level of administration and documentation needed for the record of delivery Details concerning the processing of delivery remain unclear such as the precise nature of the receipt and distribution of the products However the texts do allow the stages of delivery

79 Two workmen named Nakhy are known from the late 19th Dynasty Janssen Commodity Prices 86 Amenemope is a common name in all periods ibid 42 Although a potter Nakhy is known from this period I doubt whether this text should be understood as referring to the deficits of untitled but named potters instead I read the n as a preposition rather than the indirect genitive It would be very unusual for a potter to be untitled and the text does not follow the standard pattern for potter accounts recording deficits compare O DeM 91 O IFAO 387 O DeM 135 O Gardiner 88 vso 80 In these lines the number 10 is written in black ink while 5 is written in red Some of the numbers referring to allocations to individual workmen in the following lines of the text are also written in red The meaning of the use of red ink in the text requires further investigation 81 For Baki and his family see Davies Whos Who 2-12 If the provision of an extra vessel is an indicator of higher status this text would provide evidence that Baki continued in office into the early years of Ramesses II

I

--44 POTTERS

to be traced illuminating aspects of the organization of the potters work and their relationship the with the community ofDeir el-Medina veSt

may 24 Donkey hire by potters timi Although it can be assumed that donkeys were necessary for the delivery of ceramics to the (see village J know of only one relevant text and that refers only indirectly to the potters use of lOe donkeys There seem to be no hireage texts for potters comparable to those attested for or4 woodcutters and watercarriers

O DeM 73 Ito details a legal case concerning a donkey in the 20 th year of Ramesses III The 32 text records the resolution of a dispute (del) between the potter Herunefer who was the complainant and the workman Anynakht82 Herunefer hired a donkey from Anynakht The

FrO bkI

donkey proved unsatisfactory and an exchange was agreed upon in the presence of (m-blM a scribe of the mat Amennakhe3 The bad donkey was handed over to him Uwtw Ir swd n) and

blk1 Sh01

he gave him Uwf djt) an (other) she-donkey in its place (11 3-4) The text concludes with the resl taking of an oath on account of it (br pbwys) presumably by Anynakht

As Janssen observes in reference to the woodcutters and watercarriers texts about the hireage spec daYE

of donkeys are comparatively rare and are concentrated in the reigns of Ramesses III and IV Those that survive perhaps refer to rather unusual situations as here The distinctive nature of this

smt intel

text lends support to Janssens proposal that there was a pool of donkeys perhaps state or communally owned rather than belonging to the workmen themselves available for deliveries to

pap) was

the village (see above p 29) here T

sect3 Documenting supply 31 The timing ofexpected deliveries Janssen has determined through analysis of the journal OStraca of the reigns of Ramesses TIT and IV that deliveries of ceramics were expected every ten days84 That this was the practice in the early 19th Dynasty is confirmed by the delivery lists of wood and pottery Where the lists are dated these dates usually fall on days 1085 2086 or 3087 of the month which are the days on which deliveries were also recorded later in the 20 th Dynasty

It is likely that vessels were not expected on any particular day within this time frame and could be delivered in smaller amounts throughout the period like the deliveries by the gardeners and fishermen ss P Greg vso B II 8 documents the receipt of bkw of the potter for year 6 of

that for ( the doCl pred of tl gene mixt term

Siptah on the 19th day of IV lvt This delivery is then recorded in the summary information for IV lvt 10 to 20 A journal ostracon of the reign of Ramesses III records that on II smw 7 the potter entered two blkw one (w) for I smw 30 one for II smw 10 (0 DeM 38 7) The account text O DeM 346 of the mid_20th Dynasty documents the receipt of two quantities of vessels within three days On II prt 20 30 qbt vessels and 110 lbw vessels were received or delivered by the hand of

33l The wen O E IIIp scali mad

82 For Anynakht see Davies Whos Who 74-5 The potter Herunefer is also known from O Cairo 25597 39 (1

83 The role of the scribe of the mat (sv n un) in this text has been discussed by Ben Haring The Scribe of the Mat From Agrarian Administration to Local Justice in Deir el-Medina in the Third Millennium

Jans~ 90 b

AD A Tribute to Jac J Janssen eds R J Demaree and A Egberts Egyptologische Uitgaven 14 (Leiden 91 ibi

2000) 149 For the legal status of this text see A G McDowell Jurisdiction in the Workmens Community 92 O

ofDeir el-Medina Egyptologische Uitgaven 5 (Leiden 1990) 146-7 84 Commodity Prices 485-6

B893n

85 O DeM 1 5 7 10 12 13 17 23 O Gardiner 43 94 Fe

86 O DeM 2 8 15 24 O Or lust Chicago 18878 reCOl

87 O DeM 3 4 9 11 12 14 18 22 O DH 6 7 88 J J Janssen bkw From Work to Product SAK 20 (1993)90 n 52

tragI 95 L

lship

)the se of I for

The the The

M a ) and h the

reage i IV fthis te or ies to

I and n the s are fS on

ould sand 6 of

or IV lotter xtO three ndof

97 kribe znium iden lunity

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 45

the scribe Amenemope (rto 11 1-2) On II prt 23 a further 42 dpr vessels making(9 22 qb vessels and 100 tbw vessels were also entered by the scribe Amenemope (vso n 1-4) This text may record part payments of the delivery expected for II prt 20-30 The data concerning the timing of delivery therefore correspond to the evidence discussed by Janssen for the woodcutters (see above pp 18ff) As in the woodcutter texts if the delivery was completed in full during the 10 day period it was recorded as mI Any deficit or shortfall in delivery was entered as (w)gJ(t) or gJ nlr

32 The terminology ofsupply bJkw From the late 19th or early 20 th Dynasties the deliveries of ceramics were recorded in units of bJlnv in both account and journal ostraca Janssen has discussed the use and meaning of the tenn bkw in the Deir el-Medina material blkw in its absolute sense means work but Janssen has shown that in many cases in these documents the meaning can shift from work to the resultproduct of the work90 Within this usage the bkw of the potter seems to have a more specific meaning Janssen has concluded that it signifies a fixed amount that was due every ten days a quota He cites the example ofO DeM 387 where two b3kw were recorded one for I smw 30 one for II smw 10 91 The detenninatives used in the writing of b3lnv support this interpretation Although in the late 19th and early 20th Dynasty texts bkw was detennined by the papyrus roll92 from the middle to the end of the reign of Ramesses III the vessel detenninative was used93 The change to this detenninative from one with a more abstract meaning signals that here bkw is a work requirement consisting of an amount of ceramics

The usage of bkw in the journals and accounts implies that this amount was fixed a quota that would therefore be quantifiable There are records of the entry of two bkw often to make up for overdue deliveries and occasionally even half bkw94 These references certainly imply that the bIlnv was a predetennined amount that could be doubled or halved when necessary The documenting of deficits in the texts also shows that each delivery was expected to consist of a predetermined amount The Category E text O DeM 12 seems to record such a deficit On line 4 of this delivery list is written deficit namely deficit of vessels (4 qrlJt 4)95 Since qrlt is the generic tenn for vessels the implication is that the expected delivery of ceramics probably a mixture of types and quantities was not made To determine the composition of each bkw in terms of vessel types and numbers is however difficult

33 b3kw in the J(jh Dynasty accounts (text categories B C E) The 19th Dynasty accounts of the deficits of the potters Menna and Nakhy indicate that deliveries were pre-determined as amounts that if not delivered in full were recorded to be made up later O Berlin P 10840 records an accumulation of deficits owed by Menna from year 9 III fJt 1 to III prt 30 making 5 months 53 qbt vessels 575 bw vessels (11 2-3) This account shows the scale of thc deficit that the potter could incur over a period of time if complete deliveries were not made

89 Cernys transcription of the text contains an ellipsis and query at this point (Catalogue VII pI 2) Janssen (pers corron) has suggested that the two dashes in the hieratic facsimile could be read as Jr n 90 hkw From Work to Product 89 91 ibid 89-90 nO DeM 606 rto 611 O Cairo 25591 rto 4-5 and O Cairo 25633 vso 1 P Greg rto B 23 A 11 vso B 8 11-12 93 The journal ostraca from the mid_20th Dynasty consistently use this determinative 94 For an examples entries of two bkw see O DeM 154 rto 16 P Greg rto A II 11-12 Half units are recorded in O DeM 44 rto 20 P Turin 1961 (Pleyte and Rossi pI 99) vso II 5 Anonymous Turin fragment (Cerny MSS 3616) 95 t~~lon

46 POTTERS

O DeM 135 is a testimony to the precision with which such deficits were recorded This undated text enumerates the deficit of two potters Deficit of the potters 2 men 96 29 qbw fle)vessels 5 gy vessels 00 Ibw vessels 9 dp(r) vessels to (r) qbw vessels making 4Y2 Total ves making 33Y2 qbw vessels The final two lines seem to indicate that 9 dpr vessels were equivalent mo in some way to 4Yz qbw vessels97 When added to the 29 qbw vessels in line 2 this gives the total ves of 33Y2 Perhaps the potters were initially required to deliver 9 dpr vessels along with the other and vessels but the decision was made to convert these dpr vessels into their equivalent in qbw dprvessels Here it must be borne in mind that this text records deficit rather than delivery It seems forto reflect the scribes accounting mentality precisely recording the precise value of the deficit

forwhich may have been rounded up or down in reality The meticulous record of deficit does imply sigrfixed vessel deliveries with a specific amount being due every ten days

deliAlthough such texts imply the presence of a quota it is difficult to quantify that quota in terms

posof numbers and types of vessels In this context O DeM 135 provides an additional insight The

asklconversion of one vessel type into its equivalent in another type if it is a concrete conversion

therather than a statement of value implies a certain flexibility within the deliveries Perhaps this document shows the superiors of the crew specifying or making adjustments to the amounts of

34ceramics required every ten days in accordance with the needs of the crew

TheSuch an interpretation could explain the range of vessel types and quantities enumerated in the

19th defiDynasty delivery lists while also perhaps accounting for the precise documentation of It isdeficits These ostraca note deliveries of at least eight different vessel types in varying quantities

and combinations including jn~t98 m~t99 qbwIOO kJ-lr-kJ 101 gJy102 Ibw103 dpr104 and dS I05 and imp

Some of these vessel names are very rare in other documentation The dpr vessel although common in these lists and in 19th Dynasty pottery accounts does not appear to occur later 106 This

Ir

pattern could suggest a reduction in the vessel repertoire in the 20th Dyllasty but the contents of IVr Jourdeliveries are not generally enumerated in the later data potentially concealing some vessel types 29Deliveries of lbw vessels are recorded in the majority of the surviving lists and as will be 15-1illustrated below Ibw vessels alongside qbw vessels remained the core of the potters deliveries (conin the 20th Dynasty It is possible that qbw and bw are classes of ceramics rather than distinct samlvessel types so that the terms may cover a wider range of forms (see section 61) DeIlt othe

96 1- ~~~gt5l~I (I 1) reml 97 Compare O DeM 346 where 42 dpr vessels may be the equivalent of 22 qbt vessels (see section 31) day The flexibility of equivalence between the two types may indicate flexibility in the form and valuation of seen these vessels (see section 41) evid 98 Janssen Commodity Prices434 O DeM 16 153 174 23 5

ther99 Wb II 126 W F Reineke Der Zusammenhang der altagptischen Rohl- und LiingenmaBe MfG 9 (1963)148 O DeM 56 7 6 114 100 Janssen Commodity Prices 412-5 qbw is a feminine word and can also be spelt qbt Valbelle Guvriers 18 O DeM J 7 4 5 7 5 104 O DR 5 4 O Gardiner 435 101 Wb V 93 O DeM 28 3 O DR 6 8 lOi 0 102 Janssen Commodity Prices 426-8 O DeM 5 5 9 6 107 225 O DR 8 3 O Gardiner 436 108 0 10J Janssen Commodity Prices 433-4 O DeM 18 3 4 4 6 6 6 8 6 105 116 136 154 16 5 17 109 0 3 226 O DR 5 7 6 9 7 5 84 O Or lnst Chicago 188785 O Gardiner 43 7 O DeM 288 records 110 0 a lbw-n-k~ vessel (see section 41) III 0 104 This vessel is not included in Janssen Commodity Prices or in the Worterbuch It is written lith the 1110

generic term for vessel qrlt confirming its nature as such O DeM 25 3 3 5 7 6 5 9 5 106 165 113 0 O DR 5 6 O Or lnst Chicago 188784 4prt vessels presumably a different orthography of the same 114 C term occur in hieratic inscriptions from the tomb of Tutankhamun 1 Cerny Hieratic lnscriptionsfrom the Il5 t Tomb of TutCankhamun TutCankhamiins Tomb Series II (Oxford 1965) 6 with references See also G 116 Ir Bouvier BlFAG 101 (2001)90 note g PriCE 105 Wb V 485 Janssen Commodity Prices 472-4 O DeM 64 8 5 135 165 22 4 O DR 5 6 74 non-I 1(lj See the documents cited in n 100 also O DeM 346 vso 3 117 Q~

This qbw otal alent total other qbw

eems ficit mply

erms The rsion this Its of

n the m of ttities dS I05

tough This lts of ypes ill be veries stinct

1 31) ion of

1109

vriers

5 17 ecords

ith the 165

same Jm the

Iso G

74

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 47

The degree to which the composition of deliveries could vary from list to list illustrates the flexiblity of the institution On I 3Jt 10 of year 3 of Sety I 7 jn~t vessels (3 good 2 poor) 37 qbw vessels (deficit of 3) and 58 Ibw vessels (deficit of 2) were delivered l07 On the 20th day of that month dpr vessels were delivered (the rest of the text is lost)108 80 dpr vessels and 50 Ibw vessels were delivered on the last day of I 3Jt109 while on the last day of II Jt 40 qbw vessels and 50 Ibw vessels were delivered l1O On day 10 of III Jt 80 g3y vessels 90 m~t vessels and 40 dpr vessels were delivered lll Not only do several vcssel types occur in each delivery but totals for each vessel type also vary considerably as weI Ibw vessels tend to total between 50 and 60 for each list in which they occur1l2 However many of the attested totals documented are significantly larger between 100 and 300 lbw1l3 These texts may point to there being variable deliveries that resulted from commissions in response to specific needs However this is only one possible interpretation based upon a comparatively small group of texts The question must be asked whether a similar understanding can be gained from the qualitatively different sources of the 20th Dynasty

34 Recording b3kw in the 20th Dynasty The recording of pottery deliveries was less explicit in the 20th Dynasty with deliveries and deficits generally noted as b3kw and (w)4(t) of the potter without further clarifying information It is difficult to determine whether the quantities and contents of the deliveries were as flexible and varying as the 19th Dynasty data suggest Indeed as Janssen has concluded it is virtually impossible to prove what was meant by the termbkw l 114

In the rare cases where journal entries on ostraca of the reigns of Ramesses III and Ramesses N record numbers of vessels this information is difficult to interpret O DeM 154 rto recording journal entries in year 31 of Ramesses III documents the delivery made by the potter on II smw 29 entered by the hand of the potter 2 bkw (plus) 50 lbw vessels for II smw 30 deficit 65 (II 15-16) Janssen alternatively translates this part of the text as [e ]ntered from the potter 2 bkw (consisting of) 50 lbw vessels comparing it with O Berlin P 10654 (unpub) vso 1 where the same amount of 50 vessels is also mentioned I IS There is a number of possible readings of O DeM 154 rto The two b3kw may be deliveries owing from earlier in the month116 while on the other hand the 50 Ibw vessels may be an early partial payment for II smw 30 with 65 vessels remaining outstanding Since we do not have the rest of the journal for II smw and the entry for day 20 records neither delivery nor deficit it is difficult to draw firm conclusions Nonetheless it seems unlikely that the b3kw referred to in the text consisted of 50 lbw vessels The supporting evidence of the late 20th Dynasty ostracon O Berlin P 10654 vso is ambiguous also referring to the production of 50 vessels in the first line the numbers are lost thereafter

II Jt 10 the potter fashioned1l7 50 (vessels) day 20 the potter [fashioned x (vessels)]

107 O DeM 16-8 108 O DeM 2 5 109 O DeM 3 3-4 110 O DeM 45-6 1110 DeM 5 5-7 112 O DeM 18 34 8 6 165 O DH 5 7 6 9 O Or Inst Chicago 188785 113 O DeM 6 6 136 22 6 154 173 O DH 76 ll4 Commodity Prices 488 bkw From Work to Product 89 115 bkw From Work to Product 89 116 In a similar situation O DeM 40 14-5 records by the hand of the potter 3 bkw Janssen Commodity Prices 487-8 concludes that two of the bkw were payments for the first two decades although the non-delivery is nowhere stated while the third delivery was due for the five epagomenal days 117 ~~li~IT1l~~o

II

48 POTTERS

day 30 fashioning [x (vessels)] III 11]t 10 while he (fashioned)118 [x (vessels)] 35 b day 20119

Vhel total 230 qbw vessels [ ] the n specifYing it (wp Sf) ~ 23 jn~11 vessels blkw

In recording the actual work of the potters this text is unique While units of 50 vessels seem to statu be specified any connection with a blkw is not made explicit and can only be inferredYo perio

Janssen also cites the example of O DeM 35 on which a note above line 7 recording entries been for IIprt 19 of year 28 of Ramesses III reads entered by the hand of the potter as one b3kw 100 these qbw vessels 45 lbw vessels Although this text indicates that the b3kw consisted of 100 qbw Th vessels and 45 lbw vessels the phrase m w( b3kw could imply that the vessels enumerated were the e those making up this particular delivery perhaps differing from although equivalent to the recor contents of earlier deliveries and the standard b3kw The higher number of qbw vessels than Ibw epagt vessels which is very unusual when compared with other texts enumerating these two types 5 ep suggests that this entry is exceptional not only in its formulation It may be that this delivery ofth required special enumeration perhaps the potter altered the original order and provided an bee) equivalent number of qbw vessels instead of lbw vessels P

The two uneertain entries of O DeM 154 and O DeM 35 are the only texts in which actual Ram vessel types are enumerated in 20u Dynasty journal ostraca O DeM 35 in particular may suggest reads that the composition of b3kw could be flexible Other surviving records of pottery deliveries from An e the reign of Rarnesses III usually state only whether or not the potter entered his deliveries deliv complete or was in deficit O DeM 143 vso 5 datable to year 24 of Ramesses III does fo11o however enter a deficit of lbw vessels for the five epagomenal days Although the exact figures as 65 are lost the final two lines record an unknown total (dnuf) of qbw vessels and a total of 680 lbw char~ vessels these probably being deficits incurred since IV smw 30 the day the potter first fell behind disru in deliveries as the account records In O DeM 165 which largely documents deficits incurred in prt 1 year 30 III prt and thereafter a note to one side records year 29 entered for the five whih (epagomenal) days 30 lbw vessels his deficit 85 (11 4amiddot5a) vesst

Where vessel numbers are enumerated in these 20th Dynasty texts they vary in some cases notin considerably although the relationships of these numbers with the context of the documents must onw be kept in mind The vessel types are less varied than in the 19th Dynasty sources Mostly qbw and that 1 [bw vessels are enumerated in large quantities which confirms that these vessel types were the here basis of the potters b 3kw The deficit accounts from the reign of Ramesses II (group III) record If only qbw and lbw vesselsl2I in contrast with the variety of vessels represented in the delivery deliv lists The delivery lists of the 19th Dynasty appear to be exceptional in the variety of vessel types large they enumerate They may represent deliveries from other specialized workshops or supplies for vess particular purposes The similarity between the 19th Dynasty delivery lists of pottery and wood on en1r) the one hand and of specialty breads and beer on the other hand may indicate that these inter deliveries were in general more specialized they were perhaps associated with festivals Such an here association is illuminated by a study of one of the vessel types less commonly enumerated in A1 these texts (see section 42) However the regularity of delivery in these lists recorded in tenmiddotday b3kJi blocks is closely comparable with the regular b3kw delivery For the 20th Dynasty it must be potu borne in mind that b3kw which is mostly unqualified in the journal ostraca may cover a range of the ( vessel types sing

liS Q0--1i11 122 G ll9 Cerny noted that the line here was left blank 123 J~

120 The specification of jnJz1 vessels may also suggest that this text refers to a specialized perhaps unique lUF

production series For jnJzt see section 42 me 121 0 DeM 91 O Berlin P 10840 vso O IFAO 387 126 C

em to

ntries 100

l qbw were

) the nbw types livery ed an

actual 19gest from veries does

igures 101bw )ehind red in ~ fivc

cases must wand re thc ccord livery types es for odon thcsc Ichan ted in n-day lst be 1ge of

mique

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 49

35 bikw in the late 20th Dynasty papyrus documents Where pottery deliveries are recorded in the journal papyri the numbers of vessels involved and the name of the potter are often included A further contrast with earlier records is that the tenn bkw is rarely employed The more fonnal status of the papyri may explain such differences This status may also be one reason despite the large amount of documentation surviving from this period deliveries of pottery are only recorded occasionally Those that are recorded may have been special deliveries and hence worthy of note When bkw are recorded as in earlier records these may be variable in size and consist largely ofbw and qbw vessels

The recto ofP Turin 2070133 134 + 3 fragments (KRIVI 426-8) contains journal entries for the epagomenal days of the year 2 of a king later than Ramesses IV 122 The entry for the final day records the deliveries of the potter Right the potter - 29 [qb]w vessels 145 lbw vessels Five epagomenal days 100 [+ 45] Ibwvessels [Left] the potter 29 [qbw] vessels 145lbwvessels 5 epagomenal days 145 (Col II 10-11) The deliveries are enumerated separately for each side of the crew although if the restorations are correct the totals are the same for each side As is to be expected qbw and bw vessels are the only vessel types mentioned

P Turin 1881+ (Pleyte and Rossi pI 1-8 KRIVI 609-19) records entries for years 6-8 of Ramesses IX the potter is only mentioned on three occasions in year 7 For IV lu 29 the entry reads received by the hand of the potter ~Ahawy - qbw vessels 65 bw vessels 65 (vso V 1-2) An entry for 65 handfuls of plants follows in this list and seems to be associated with this delivery An entry on the same line also records 2 khar of k3Y (Ulq~ ~ ) probably roe123 The following line records again by his hand (wlm m-fjrtj) (for) I prt 10 100 [b[w] vessels as well as 65 handfuls of plants and an unknown measure of roe It seems that the potter had also been charged with delivering produce to the village perhaps the organization of deliveries was disrupted in this period Other entries record deliveries received by the hand of scribes 124 In III prt 18 almost three months later ~Ahawy made another delivery of 300 Ibw vessels (vso VI 7-8) while in III smw there were received by the hand of the potter (for) Right and Left 1501bw vessels and 70 qbw vessels (vso VII 1-2) P Turin 1881 + is an unusual text which rather than noting events day by day records only a few days from a few months of each year perhaps days on which events occurred that were more significant in the eyes of the scribe Valbelle observes that the scribe was running out of space on the papyrus increasing the likelihood that the entries he recorded were those he considered important125

If the deliveries recorded in this text were the only ones made for year 7 of Ramesses IX the delivery patterns of the potters may have changed Rather than delivering units every decade large deliveries were made every two to three months This would explain the large totals of vessels supplied However as Janssen cautions scribal inaccuracies mean that the absence of an entry in the journal does not necessarily mean that the delivery was not made126 An alternative interpretation is that the standard deliveries were made every ten days and that those recorded here were supplementary and worthy of special mention

An entry in P Turin 1900+ (KRl VI 619-24) vso 117 may indicate that regular deliveries of blkw continued at least in the early years of Ramesses IX Year 9 II 31Jt 19 records Right the potters b3kw [ ] (wnmy p qd n b3kw [ J) The context of this delivery is similar to those of the earlier 20th Dynasty with supply of fuel and gypsum being recorded as well However the single mention of a potters bkw in this entry in the papyrus may be as unique as those in P

122 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 242 123 Janssen Village Varia 53 124 For example vso 2a vso 5 5 vso 5 10 vso 6 1 125 Ouvriers 63-4 126 Commodity Prices 486

l

50 POTTERS

Turin l88l Journal entries from years 10 and 17 of Ramesses IX support this interpretation P A Turin 2071140 (KRIVI 63715) rto 9 records delivery of vegetables and pottery 2l() qb(w) varia vessels 110 [+ x] [bw vessels for day 30 IV smw year 10 The Turin Necropolis Journal of year vana 17 rto B II 2-3 (Botti and Peet pI 16) is the only record of a pottery delivery in this substantial inclu text covering two full months potter rAhawy 33 qbw vessels 165 [bw vessels This may Dyna indicate that the delivery was an unusual hence noteworthy event especially in relation to (HO references to problems with smdt organization earlier in the text (see section 37) the p

Deliveries of varying quantities of pottery are entered a number of times for different sides of recei the crew in the journal of year 3 of Ramesses X (P Turin 1898 + Botti and Peet pI 50-63 KRI Re VI 687-99) On III prt 18 even though the crew was not working because of the foreigners cornr (Omyw) 30 qb(w) vessels and 30 [+ x] [[bw] vessels were delivered to Right (rto I 11) On the wood last day of IV prt 9 qb(w) and 27 ([)bw vessels were delivered to Left (the entry for Right is comp lost rto II 14) The entry for II smw 19 records crew not working Right 28 qb(w) vessels 300 Janss [b(w) vessels Left 28 qb(w) vessels 15 g1(y) vessels 300 [b(w) vessels (rto III 9-10) The entry amou for g1y vessels is unusual in this text Two days later there was a further delivery for Right alone largel the potter - 30 qb(w) vessels 150 [b(w) vessels (rto III 13-14) In the month of III smw qbw Alt and [bw vessels were delivered on two occasions day 5 and day 30127 On IV smw 1 1 qbw was texts

delivered perhaps to Right while 90 [bw vessels were delivered to Left (rto V 18-9) If each are in delivery of vessels to the village was flexible in size and composition the entries in this journal as a c may also illustrate that deliveries to different sides of the crew could be varied as well quant

The journal text of year 1 of Ramesses XI P Turin 1898+ VSO128 records for I 10t 24 Right excep

from the hand of (the) potter [ ] 18 qb(w) vessels 50 [+x] [bw vessels Left from the hand of 37 In(the) potter [ ]y129 10 [+x] (Hh vessels [r~R~~o] [ J (vso Text A 2-4) Again the Otherdelivery is separately enumerated for the different sides of the crew breaks in the text mean that unprethe composition of the delivery is unknown If the entry on line 4 is a variant orthography of a this b type of vessel (1(1130 it may indicate a specialized delivery because (1(1 vessels are not firingotherwise attested in the pottery deliveries l3I Further deliveries are recorded in this journal again therein a very broken context by the hand ofthe potter [ ] lbw vessels 51 [+ x ] (vso dockets B taken5-6) later 18 qbw vessels and 50 lbw vessels are recorded (vso dockets C 2) This is the latest or adrsurviving record of pottery deliveries to the necropolis workmen in the 20th Dynasty deficit Impac36 Conclusion the meanings ofb1kw

TheThe Turin Necropolis journals seem to support the interpretation of the nature of the b1kw found detailein the earlier documentation Despite the possibility that delivery patterns may have altered or that from t some entries may represent extra deliveries these documents indicate that [bw and qbw vessels earlyformed the core of any quota of pottery delivered to the village occasionally supplemented with irregulother vessel types the pa III It

127 On III sectmw 529 qb(w) vessels and 150 bw vessels were delivered to Right Left received 19 qb(w) month vessels and 150 bw vessels (Botti and Peet pI 57 rto IV 15-9) The papyrus is damaged in the entries for III sectmw 30 but the surviving text indicates that deliveries of over 100 bw vessels were made to Right and both fbw and rqlbw vessels were delivered to Left (Botti and Peet pI 59 rto V 17-19) Unusually this latter entry records bw vessels before qbw 132 For 128 Botti and Peet pI 63 KRI VI 850-1 I follow the reassessment of Jtirgen von Beckerath in my reading 34 see of this text Papyrus Turin 1898+ vso SAK21 (1994)29-33 133 Th( 129 Perhaps the name of the potter CAhawy can be restored here 134 C J 130 Wh V 532 W F Reineke Der Zusammenhang der altagyptischen Hohl- und UingenmaBe MID 9 East e (1963)151 observlt 131 4343 vessels are included in a list of products in O Cairo 25678 vso 17 along with fbw vessels (1 18) discuss Valbelle citing this text considers that 4343 vessels could replace qbw vessels and were perhaps be mad synonymous (in her reference Duvriers 265 n 12 read 25678 for 25673) 135 Con

n p b(w) year ntial may m to

es of KRI

yenlers 11 the ht is 300 ~ntry

lone qbw was each lmal

ight ld of I the that ofa not

gain s B atest

lUnd that sels with

b(w) 8 for tand this

ding

[09

18) haps

DOCUMENTIKG SUPPLY 51

A further correspondence between the papyrus documents and the earlier ostraca is the variation in the numbers of vessels being delivered If these figures do represent regular bkw the variation in vessel totals may reflect responses to the changing needs of the crew perhaps including orders made by the superiors of the crew to the potters The use of bkw in one 20th

Dynasty account ostracon exemplifies the flexible character of commissions O Gardiner 80 4-5 (HO 6114) states after recording the complete deliveries during III smw received as the bkw of the potter entered complete like his custom of every day This text implies that the deliveries received during that month constituted the potters commission which he managed to fulfiL

Records survive of other members of the smdt such as gardeners and woodcutters receiving commands to deliver specific amounts132 Janssen notes the commission received by the woodcutter Saroy in year 29 III fJt 7 to deliver 380 units every 10 days This order can be compared with that of Saroys colleague who received a commission to deliver 500 units 133 As Janssen observes the quotas of the woodcutters often deviated quickly from these specified amounts (see above p 20) Such orders might have been regular normal occurrences that are largely invisible in the written record

Although no known text records such an assignment to the potters to deliver specific amounts texts that record varying quantities of ceramics and texts in which vessels other than qbw and tbw are included suggest that such commissions were madc The bkw may therefore be understood as a commission or expected dclivery of a predetermined unit of ceramics Although theoretically quantifiablc the bkw was flexible so that we cannot determinc what amount was expected except in specific deliveries

37 Implications ofdefiCits Other factors may also have operated to produce differential sizes of deliveries Firing was an unpredictable process with a certain amount of wasters inevitably being produced each time On this basis Christopher Eyre has suggested the one bkw may have been the equivalent of one firing which could vary in composition and in success134 Although this hypothesis is viable there is no direct evidence to support it and it is also possible that the needs of the crew were taken into account in each individual bkw or work requirement Where problems in the workshop or administrative breakdowns affected deliveries these are likely to be reflected in the records as deficits By examining patterns of deficit within the documentation it is possible to observe the impact of external problems in the Theban area on the potters deliveries in the mid 20th Dynasty

The journal ostraca of the reigns of Ramesses III and IV (Group I) again provide the most detailed documentation of delivery and deficit although only very general trends can be deduced from the materiaL Janssens analysis of pottery deliveries at the end of Ramesses Ills reign to early Ramesses IV led to the conclusion that deliveries of commodities were generally very irregular at this time whereas in the preceding years they had been more stable 135 The details of the pattern of deficits can be supplemented by a few account ostraca from the reign of Ramesses III It must be borne in mind that the idiosyncrasies of scribal record keeping mean that some months record no deliveries at all even though deliveries were most probably made

132 For the commissioning of the smdt see J J Janssen The Year of the Strikes BSEG 16 (1992) 44 n 34 see also Janssens section 7 in this volume 133 The Year of the Strikes 44-6 134 C J Eyre Work and the Organization of Work in the New Kingdom in Labor in the Ancient Near East ed M A Powell (New Haven 1987) 193 Janssen bkw From Work to Product 90 n observes that if this were the case the potters would have delivered once per decade The limited evidence discussed in 31 and a review of the delivery dates in the texts included in 33 indicate that deliveries could be made on more than one occasion during the ten-day period 135 Commodity Prices 488

52 POTTERS

The account of O Gardiner 80 (HO 61 4) for year 21 of Ramesses III records deliveries that O were made complete for the entire month of III smw the final line entered complete like his bJrn custom of every day although formulaic may be an indicator of a reputation for efficiency and for t punctuality The records from a few years later appear to tarnish this reputation The account text far 11 O DeM 143 datable to year 24 while recording complete deliveries for III smw 30 and IV smw coml 10 and 20 enters deficits for IV smw 30 the five epagomenal days and the first two decades of I appe 3bt (11 1-7) Reasons for the accumulation of such a substantial deficit beyond internal incre production problems are unknown This text warns us that although the relationship between admi administrative problems at Deir el-Medina and deficit is clear at times less easily identifiable in th factors may also have had an impact By year 27 deliveries appear to have returned to normal the p with no deficits being entered and every delivery recorded as complete (0 DeM 33 vso 8 O TI DeM 34 rto 7 16 vso 11) a deficit is however noted for the epagomenal days of year 28 in O agair DeM 156 vso 4 that

From year 29 deficits are again a consistent feature of the record during the time when labour inc01 troubles began to disrupt the community The first hint of delivery problems may be found in the whet problematic O Strasbourg H 26 If the entries on the recto refer to the potter this text records mad~ complete deliveries throughout I and II smw and probably through the epagomenal days and II there 3bt The verso may refer more explicitly to pottery deliveries with the final line recording IV coul Jbt 10 deficit of the [potter) However the reading of qd is based on a restoration (Cerny Nb in thi 3561) and the status of this text as a pottery account could be questioned There are more certain Th references to delivery from later in year 29 In I prt 30 the potter made deliveries to Right and perio Left details of the content of delivery are not given (0 Turin 57007 vso 4-5) The strike action ambi began in the village only ten days later on II prt 10136 The only further entry recording a pottery Peet delivery is in P Turin 1961 (Pleyte and Rossi pI 99) possibly from the end of year 29 IV prt 30 outsi notes for Right the potter I Y while the potter l is noted for Left (vso II 5 7)137 There are there no further records of pottery deliveries until year 30 although the consistent deficits incurred by reorg the woodcutters during year 29 and into year 30 are evidence of the impact of the strikes (see for II above p 21)138 authc

Deficits are recorded in an account text for III prt 30 and probably IV prt 10 of year 30 but a Peet delivery oftvo b3kw was promptly made to remedy this deficit (0 DeM 165 rto 1-2) O DeM ~Aha 154 rto 15-16 of year 31 records the delivery of two b3kw on II smw 29 probably overdue entric payments for days 10 and 20 A number of fbw vessels are also specified I interpret these as and perhaps an early payment for II smw 30 although they may relate to the two b3kw A deficit of 65 speci is noted Complete deliveries are made in IV lJl but since they are noted specifically they may perha have been considered late one b3kw being entered on day 13 for day 10 and one being entered Th for Right only on day 21 (0 DeM 157 8-9 17) From then into the reign of Ramesses IV the may potters made deliveries late or were making good deficits In II smw 7 of year 32 the debt was diffic paid for I smw 30 and at the same time the b3kw was delivered three days early for II smw 10 (0 or the

19thDeM 38 7 17 23) No sooner had these deliveries been made then the potter was in debt again I for the rest of the month Disruptions to pottery and fuel deliveries (see above p 21) throughout wide] year 30 and into year 31 are symptoms of continued labour problems within the village or of subst general administrative problems in the Theban area 139

mont side I

136 RAD 49 15 P J Frandsen Editing reality the Turin Strike Papyrus in Studies in Egyptology presented to Miriam Lichtheim ed S Israelit-Groll (Jerusalem 1990) 166-99 Risbo 137 Janssen considers that the documentation of half units may point to a scarcity of materials Commodity availa Prices 488 A reference to a half unit may also be found in an anonymous papyrus fragment in Turin 140 Fo (Cerny MSS 3616) which records the potter 2h this probably means 2h bJkw 141 Fo 138 Janssen The Year ofthe Strikes 46-8 BerIir B9 Disruptions in local administration may have directly impacted pottery production if as Colin Hope bkw suggests the state provided clay to these workshops Egyptian Pottery Shire Egyptology 5 (princes been ~

8 that ce his yand It text smw

s of ternal tween fiable Irmal 8 O in O

aboUT in the ~cords

md II ~ IV YNb ertain It and ~ction ottery Jrt 30 re are ed by (see

but a DeM erdue se as of65 may

tered the twas 0(0 19ain ~hout or of

~logy

ity

ffope inces

DOCUMENTlIG SUPPLY 53

O DeM 40 rto 15 from I gUt of year 1 of Ramesses IV records that the potter delivered three bgkw on day 24 probably overdue deliveries for days 10 and 20 (the deficits are not noted) and for the epagomenal days for which the deficit was entered in a note in a separate column on the far left A deficit is also recorded for day 30 (vso 9) From this point on the deliveries tend to be complete although often a few days late140 There are still occasional deficits but the deliveries appear to have been generally more regular than in the final years of Ramesses IILI41 The increasing irregularity of delivery is probably a symptom of the general decay of the administration of the Necropolis at the end of a long reign The more regular deliveries beginning in the first year of Ramesses IV perhaps correspond with a renewed interest in the Necropolis on the part of the successor king who was eager to get work on his tomb underway

These documents provide the only opportunity to trace a pattern of deficit in pottery deliveries against well documented changes and problems in the administration of the village They show that such an equation between the two is possible this may have implications for the more incomplete records of the end of the dynasty It is difficult to determine from the papyrus texts whether deliveries continued on a regular basis in the closing years of the 20th Dynasty or were made in large consignments more infrequently as the surviving evidence seems to suggest Since there were significant civil disturbances in the Theban area throughout this period deliveries could have been affected to the point that they became more unusual events and warranted entry in the journals

The Turin Necropolis journal for year 17 of Ramesses IX provides the best example from this period From II prl on the text includes entries concerning the smdt in general from the ambiguous entry taking the smdt of the Tomb of Left by the scribe of the Tomb Hori (Botti and Peet pI 14 rto B I 8) to the entries a few lines later crew not working while the smdt were outside under the authority (rJ(wyraquo of the two scribes of the Necropolis [ ] crew not working there being no smdt outside (rto B I 12) These entries seem to indicate that there was some reorganization of or problem with the smdt although a record of a wood delivery was entered for II prl 15 The entry for II prt 18 records crew not working while their smdt were under the authority of the two scribes of the Tomb of the Outside without any payments (1) (Botti and Peet pI 15 rto B I 18) On II prt 24 a delivery of fish was made and on day 25 the potter rAhawy delivered a number of vessels (Botti and Peet pI 16 rto B II 1-3) Although these entries are difficult to interpret it seems that the crew was facing both deficits in grain delivery and problems with the smdt In this context the delivery of pottery can perhaps be seen as a special occurrence no text from the end of the 20 th Dynasty explicitly records a potters deficit perhaps indicating that there was no longer an expected pattern to delivery

The interpretations presented here are speculative moreover other factors that left no trace may have had an impact on production The deficits entered for year 25 of Ramesses III are difficult to explain except in terms of unknowable production problems specific to the workshops or the personal circumstances of the potters as are the causes for the deficits recorded in the early 19th Dynasty Such deficits cannot be equated with any known problems in the village or the wider Theban area The accounts of the potters Menna and N akhy in the early 19th Dynasty record substantial deficits especially those incurred by Menna in a year 9 where he is in deficit for five months totalling 53 qbw vessels and 575 fbw vessels Further deficit totals perhaps for the other side of the crew are even larger 94 qbw vessels and 992 lbw vessels (0 Berlin P 10840) The

Risborough 1987) 10 This argument may apply only to high quality ceramics considering the ready availability ofNile silt for the production of most basic vessels 140 For example O DeM 47 rto 3 11 vso 4 141 For example the following texts record deficits in year 1 = I prt 30 (0 DeM 47 rto 11) III prt 30 (0 Berlin P 12641 + 12628 7) II smw 20(7) (0 DeM 161 vso 3) O DeM 44 rto 20 records a delivery of 1y bklv for III smw 29 Janssen considers that since no delivery was recorded for day 20 materials may have been scarce at this time Commodity Prices 488

--54 POTTERS

patterns of deficit incurred by the potters that can be traced in the texts cannot generally be Ana correlated with external administrative problems and decay rese

proc sect4 Equations of word and object an analysis offour pot-types A notable feature of the potter texts from Deir el-Medina is the substantial number of vessels 41 delivered to the village every ten days Although the exact number due in each bkw varied the I ha totals of some deliveries indicate that there was a significant and constant need for ceramics in the thrOl community In the lives of the villagers this pottery was essential It was the principal means to mult store prepare and serve food and to carry out many other activities within the domestic and work refer spheres Janssen observes in Commodity Prices that we have virtually no cvidence for the enun exchange value of ceramics beeause price texts generally refer only to metal or stone vessels 142

used Vessels used for a wide variety of domestic purposes would have had a low value and high class turnover millions of pot sherds were found within the rubbish dumps of the village including the offo Grands PuitS 143 Since their role was so essential it is desirable to learn about the various forms of In thl the vessels - their sizes and range of functions - in order to advance our understanding of the lJl villagers daily lives possi

Holthoerl44 noted that most Mesopotamian names of vessels relate directly to their material their function or their capacity but concluded that the Egyptians derived their vessel names from something other than vessel function This conclusion was largely based on the 1935 lexicographic analysis of Egyptian vessels by Robert du Mesnil du Buisson whose study is the only one that covers a wide range of ceramics including some of the vessel names that occur in the Deir el-Medina potter texts He considered that the qbw vessel was connected to qb fresh cool an appropriate concept for a jar145 He equated the gy vessel with the verb gw to be narrow perhaps suggesting a jar with a narrow neck 146

Edward Brovarski has done preliminary work on some Old Kingdom and First Intermediate Period vessel terms147 and Patricia Paice has studies connections between vessel shapes and their functions as depicted in tomb reliefs 148 The most valuable recent examination of the intersection of lexicography and a ceramic corpus is that of Janet Bourriau and Stephen Quirke on the Middle Kingdom ceramic repertoire from Lahun l49

An approach comparable to that taken at Lahun would be ideal for the material from Deir elshy Fig 1 Medina but a full statistical analysis of the archaeological material in relation to the textual data Urk r that is a prerequisite for determining lexicographic relations is beyond the scope of this study

The VI

Jb-nraquo142 407_8 and n 5 lS enu 143 ibid 488

vessel 144 New Kingdom Pharaonic Sites The Pottery 41 see J Bourriau and S Quirke The Late Middle

terminKingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects in Lahun studies ed S Quirke (Reigate 1998) 60shydeterm1 for a more recent discussion of the basis of classifications

145 Les noms et signes egyptiens designant des vases ou objets simiaires (Paris 1935)30 l46 Noms et signes 72 Janssen Commodity Prices 427 considers that du Mesnil du Buissons suggestions 150 FoUl

and explanations for the gly are unconvincing and concludes that no identification of the gly is apparant P Turi Ricardo A Caminos considered it to be an open bowl or cup since it was used more as a container for Howevl

ISl Jansvegetables and flowers than liquids (CLEM 194-5) corresponding to the use of gy vessels for natron 152 Thelotus leaves and fruit in the Medinet Habu festival lists A Spalinger Medinet Habu and Deir el-Yledina IS3 TheCombined in Deir el-Medina in the Third Millennium AD A Tribute to Jac J Janssen eds R 1 Demaree

and A Egberts Egyptologische Uitgaven 14 (Leiden 2000) 314 Although the shape of the gl) remains these m unknown Janssen has determined a capacity of 20 hin Two Ancient Egyptian Ships Logs Papyrus Leiden detenni 1350 verso and Papyrus Turin 2008 + 2016 (Leiden 1961)88 vessel l47 Lexicographical Studies in Egyptian Pottery Bulletin de Liaison du Groupe International dEtude de determi fa Ceramique Egyptienne 7 (1982) 36-7 154 P GJ 14S The Pottery of Daily Life in Ancient Egypt JSSEA 19 (1989) 50-88 bibliogr 149 The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects 60-83 IS5 Com

lly be

essels d the in the ansto lwork Dr the oels142

1 high ngthe rmsof of the

lterial s from

1935 is the

cur in fresh to be

lediate i their ection fiddle

eir elshyt data study

v1iddle 8) 60shy

~stions

Jaranl ler for latron -edina maree mains Leiden

~de de

EQUA TJONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 55

Analysis of the occurrence of vessel types in the potter texts can be related to the present stage of research into vessel shape and size to produce some further insights both into the potters products and into the documentation for the supply of particular ceramic types

41 The basic pots qbw and [bw I have shown above that [bw and qbw vessels formed the basis of deliveries to the village

19th 20ththroughout the and Dynasties Therefore it seems likely that they were simple multipurpose vessels distinct from each another in shape andor size There is a standard way of referring to them in the records qbw vessels precede [bw vessels and many fewer are usually enumerated This relationship points to a qualitative differentiation between the two ISO Both are used as containers for liquids such as beer and waterl5l I consider that these two terms designate classes of vessels rather than fixed single shapes their names perhaps referring to a wider range of forms Difference in size may account for the differentation in numbers delivered in the texts In the following discussion I assess the evidence for these two classes of vessels

Jb lbw) vessels are included among the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak indicating a possible shape for the vessel152

tlBoo~WJ~O 01It 0P L II I I

Fig 1 ob-nw-k vessels in the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak (Wreszinski Atlas II pI 33 Urk IV 636)

The vessel shown is distinctive being beaker-like and wider at the base than at the neck JS3 The ub-nw-k vessel here is the equivalent of the u-m-Icw of P Harris I 36a 7 A significant number is enumerated in this text as containers tor incense perhaps indicating a smaller cup-like vessel l54 Janssen has considered that the [x]-n-k termination which is fairly common in vessel terminology indicates that the vessels were cups the name of the vessel given in the compound determines the shape155 In the inscription of the High Priest Osorkon the Oblb-n-k is written

150 Four texts which enumerate qbw and fbw vessels show a ratio of 15 O Or Inst Chicago 16698 rto 3 P Turin 2070133 134 + frgs rto 10-11 Giornale of year 17 rto B II 1-3 P Turin 1898 rto III 14 However since these are isolated examples it is uncertain how widely applicable such a ratio was 151 Janssen Commodity Prices 433 Valbelle Ouvriers 265 152 The equivalence between the lb andlbw is confirmed in CLEM 186-7 153 The determinative given for a qby vessel in the offering list ofThutmose III at Elcphantine indicates that these may have been quite close in shape to the IJb-nw-h of the Karnak list The simple elongated beaker determinative is quite distinct from the determinatives given for the other vases in the list including the Ub vessel which is shon with a definite neck (Urk IV 828 4) However the occurrence of different determinatives within a single text does not offer a basis for a classification of vessel forms 154 P Grandet Le Papyrus Harris I (EM 9999) BdE 109 (Cairo 1994) I 272 see vol IT 141 n 576 for a bibliography for lbw l55 Commodity Prices 409

I

56 POTTERS

with a goblet detenninative ls6 The vessels recorded in these texts may be smaller cup versions of thai larger Ibw jars with the wide mouth and lack of defined neck perhaps pointing to a vessel associated with food preparation and service 157 The delivery list O DeM 288 records fb-nw-kJ

cor 1

vessels perhaps as a fuller writing of bw or as a distinct fonn vithin the Ibw class Vessels ves categorized as Ibw may have had a generalized function as cups or containers for both liquid and con solid foods A comparison can be made with the ~nw vessels which are recorded in significant 4W numbers in the papyrus documents from Lahun and are equated by Bourriau and Quirke with the 346 drinking cups known from the site the only vessel fonn which they consider could have been used in such numbers 158 The bkw of the Deir el-Medina potters show that Ibw vessels too were

lbw 50

delivered in large quantities the The lower numbers of qbw vessels in the deliveries may be related to their larger size In Poids o

No 5135 3 the weight of a metal qbw vessel is stated to be 20 deben or 18 kg Valbelle betv concludes from this that the qbw was significantly larger than the Ibw 159 That qbw designates a POttl simple storage jar may be indicated by the name itself If the connection suggested by du Mesnil two du Buisson between qbw vessels and qb cool can be accepted it may suggest that qbw vessels were storage jars perhaps for water and other liquids The connection may also suggest the

sigh one

material of manufacture qbw vessels could have been made from marl clay which cools water Helc through evaporation

As storage jars qbw vessels may have been connected in shape or broad function with the qbwshyIf a have

n-wt canopic jar The coincidence of the name suggests some correspondence The simple canopic jar fonns given by Georges Nagel for Tomb 359 seem similar in shape to vessels found in the cellar of a house in the village160 However Nagels sample is so small that any identification is tentative Janssen cautions that the standard shape of a canopic jar was rarely used as the fonn of bronze or pottery vessels 161 This may be a principle of decorum vessels with a funerary purpose not being equated in fonn with ordinary domestic ceramics The connection between qbw and qbw-n-wt may be simply that they were both in one fonn or another storage jars

Although the qbw may have been proportionally larger than the lbw it is very unlikely that

capa temp capa appn meas

Cc vso cannc into i

either fonn had a fixed capacity at Deir el-Medina W W Struve [V V Struve] offered the only attempt to determine the capacity of the qbw (or qby) vessel based largely on Greek evidence and his research on P Boulaq 18162 Wolfgang HeIcks review of this evidence led him to conclude

dOCUJ

repre betw( vesse restril than 1

156 R A Caminos The Chronicle ofPrince Osorkon Analecta Orientalia 37 (Rome 1958) 129 157 p Cairo 58088 indicates that bw could have had a large size in this case accommodating 3 ds measures See also Janssen Commodity Prices 433 n 170 C Daniel Les noms egyptiens de certains types de vases

proba fixed

In

grecs Studia et Acta Orientalia 5-6 (1967) 383-5 equates the lIb vessel with the Greek 10 olt7tW and the vesse

Mycenaean di-pa He notes that the di-pa depicted on a tablet corresponds in shape with the form of the fib indicated by the determinative used for the word The depictions of the di-pa that Daniel cites are not 163 DG

comparable in form with the Ibw depicted in the Karnak offering list D H F Gray Linear Band evidee Archaeology Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies of the UniverSity of London 6 (1959) pI 7 I andDI would argue that the form of the lbw was very flexible 164 It 1

158 Bourriau and Quirke The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects 74 some 159 Catalogues des poids a inscriptions hieratiques de Deir el-Medineh Nos 5001-5423 DFIFAO 16 165 Da~

(Cairo 1973) 18 166 FOI 160 La ceramique du Nouvel Empire aDeir el Medineh DFIFAO 10 (Cairo 1938)35 cf 122 no 38 42 SpaHn 44 167 Da 161 Commodity Prices 412 sugges 162 Mathematischer Papyrus des staatlichen Museums der SchOnen Kunste in Moskau (Berlin 1930) 55 Ceram withn2 25 1itr

lions of vessel

-nw-k

Vessels llid and ilificant vith the Ie been )0 were

n Poids lalbelle ~ates a Mesnil vessels est the s water

le qbwshysimple

s found lat any rarely vessels s The omlor

~ly that Iteonly lce and melude

~asures

le vases and the the b are not Band pI 7 I

AO 16

3842

gt30) 55

EQliAnONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 57

that the qbw had no fixed capacity Rather it seems that vessels such as the Ibw and qbw could correspond to a range of different ds measures 163

Two texts may point to some perhaps proportional equivalence between qbw vessels and dpr vessels In O DeM 135 the record of the accumulated deficits of two potters includes a conversion from dpr vessels into qbw vessels 9 dpr vessels to (=) qbw vessels making Urn) 4Yz (see section 31) Such a conversion may indicate a size ratio between the vessels O DeM 346 vso 3 records 42 dpr vessels [making Urn)] 22 qbt vessels (see n 89 for the restoration) Ibw vessels may also be equated with dpr vessels in O DeM 202 dpr vessels 30 [as] 15 bw 50 (1 3_4)164 The restoration here is problematic and the hypothesis of any equivalence between the two types must remain tentative

O Berlin P 10654 vso displays a similar complexity in possible equivalences this time between qbw vessels and jnJt vessels This text (discussed in section 33) seems to record the potters production of ceramics on days 10 20 and 30 of II bt and day 10 of IIIilt The final two lines state total 230 of (n) qbw vessels [ ] specifying it (wp st) 23 jnJt vessels At first sight such a text seems to point to a proportional relationship between these vessels a qbw being one tenth of ajnJt Such a ratio is quite possible because jnJt vessels do seem to have been large Heicks calculations from O Gardiner 81 indicate that ajnJt vessel was 2 of a mnt-amphora 165

If a mnt had a liquid capacity of c 20 hin and a hin was 048 litres the capacity of a jnlzt would have been c 53 hin or 2551itres O Berlin P 10654 vso would then show that a qbw vessel had a capacity of c 53 hin or 25 litres whieh is a sensible size for a storage jar 166 Although it is tempting to make such equations from this data this evidence is based on assumptions about the capacity of other vessel types so is tentative HeIck estimated that the ds vessel had a eapacity of approximately 3 litres 167 If so the qbw in P Boulaq 18 would have been double the size ofa ds measure in order to contain the 2 ds (e 6 litres)

Contextual study of the equation between qbw vessels and other types in O Berlin P 10654 vso O DeM 135 and O DeM 346 vso indicates some form of size ratio operated although we cannot easily determine the flexibility of that ratio or how it was used A conversion of one vessel into its equivalent of another type is unusual in a text like O Berlin P 10654 vso which seems to document the actual produetion of vessels even their firing If the last two lines of the text represent the total of ceramics produced in this process then the specification of a relationship between the two vessels types is rather strange Perhaps the original order was for 230 qbw vessels and this was then converted into the equivalent in jn~t vessels Ifjn~t vessels had a more restricted even ritual function the equivalence expressed here may be more abstract or complex than a ratio of capacity The size of vessels delivered may have been standardized to some extent probably based on ease of delivery and manageability within a domestic eontext rather than as fixed measures

In such a context a value relationship might well have operated The jnlzt as a specialized vessel may have had a more established value in relation to which the qbw vessels could be set

163 Das Bier im Alten Agypten (Berlin 1971) 47 See also Anthony Spalingers re-evaluation of the evidence for the capacity of these vessels including discussion of O DeM 135 and 202 Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 314 His conclusions largely correspond with mine 164 It may also be possible to read dpr 30 Urnl 15 lbw 50 which would support the hypothesis of some sort ofequivalence 165 Das Bier 47 16lt5 For a review of evidence concerning the capacity of the mnl including discussion of this text see A Spalinger Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 312-3 167 Das Bier 46 R L Miller (is-vessels Beer Mugs Cirrhosis and Casting Slag GM 115 (1990) 64 suggests that the ds was a drinking vessel perhaps to be equated with depictions given in Nagel Ceramique 199-206 Miller identifies a jar found at Saqqara as a ds vessel noting that it had a capacity of 25 litres roughly corresponding to Heicks estimate

58 POTTERS

In O DeM 135 the scribe may well have calculated the value of the vessels owed down to the half vessel A parallel for this is found in O Turin 57062 vso 4 where 2Yz jnJtt vessels are set

dlagainst five vessel types which precede them (their names are lost) The recording of five vessels compared with half that amount in jnJtt vessels producing the unusual amount of a half vessel tt

2again suggests a value equivalence Since vessels do not appear with fixed values in the price

SJtexts their worth may well have been assessed in relation to other vessel types st b42 A specialized vessel jnJzt DApart from the two vessel types or classes that formed the basis of the deliveries of ceramics to rethe village the potter texts also occasionally enumerate other types jnJtt vessels although well

known from other contexts are rare in the potter texts A few texts that may indicate their ritproduction or delivery by the Deir el-Medina potters illuminate aspects of its function and context

of use The pattern of occurrence of jnJtt vessels indicates a specialized vessel type the shape of which is unknown The jnJtt vessel is most widely documented as a storage container for beer and as Walter F Reineke notes outside the data from Deir el-Medina it was often made of gold or silver J68 That this vessel could be supplied as part of the ceramic requirement of the village seems to be indicated by the delivery lists from the early 19th Dynasty (Category E) Some of these lists record jnJzt vessels although they are not always indisputably connected with the smdt potters

In the Category E delivery lists of wood and ceramics jnJtt vessels occur four times their total Ccamount being low in comparison with the other vessels enumerated in these texts In O DeM 1 6 una total of 7 jnlu vessels are delivered 5 of good quality 2 of poor In O DeM 17 4 only 3 jnJzt aUvessels were delivered (2 good 1 poor) in comparison with 290 lbw recorded in the previous intline and in O DeM 15 3 7 jn~lt vessels were delivered as against 295 Ibw vessels 16 jnJzt povessels are documented in O DeM 23 5 (the text is broken and the reading at the end of the line

uncertain)169 bei ve~Only two texts explicitly includejnJtt vessels in pottery deliveries 0 Qurna 6181 records two

jnJtt vessels among the deficit of 55 qbw and 265 Ibw vessels incurred by the potter Menna O IJry Michaelides 33 rto 3-6 J70 This text records for III Jot 30 matching deliveries from a potter to vex

Right and Left among other deliveries of wood and gypsum the potter 1 jnlp vessels 20 (pJ qd 1 jnJzt 20)171 The stroke read as one after the title p qd could refer to the bkw of the potter not

with jnJtt vessels being an addition to the quota delivered 172 jnJtt vessels were therefore a wit gocomponent of the potters repertoire and this fact may complicate the interpretation of other texts

where they occur173 More generally jnJzt vessels are recorded as being delivered filled with beer I thisand thus are probably not associated with ceramic delivery

174 (

Me(J68 Der Zusammenhang der altagyptischen Hohl- und UingenmaBe MID 9 (1963) 146 175( 169 Kitchen restores 16jnli vessels [by the hand of A]meneminet (KRII 367 8 a-b) but there does not 176 1appear to be space for this formula in the break The rest of this text is similar to the other wood and pottery

177pounddelivery lists See the discussion of parallel texts in section 23 170 Goedicke-Wente pJ 67 However I follow CernYs transcription of the text here (Nb 10830)

178 1

Cau171 Contra Goedicke and Wente who restore IT1l ] on line 3 On line 7 Goedicke and Wente read 27 jnlt 197vessels instead of 20 vessels and the restoration for the [plasterer] (Pi q() given by Cerny 179 1

172 Alternatively it could refer to a single potter although this would be unusual in this context (see section Rek21) Compare the reading of this text with that discussed for O DeM 154 rto 15-6 in section 34 Egy

173 Other entries for this day include specialty breads and ds measures of beer (117-8) while the folloVing somentry for IV Jt 1 records a festival of Hathor (1 9) Although an association with a festival context is Dietpossible the delivery of jnlts as discussed by Spahnger is recorded separately from the breads and ds inameasures and is included among more standard delveries Medinet Habu and Dei elmiddotMedina Combined note310-311 Earl

l to the are set vessels vessel e price

mics to ~h well e their ~ontext

mpe of Ir beer of gold village ome of le smdt

ir total M 16 r 3jn~f

revious 16 jn~t he line

ds two mao O )tter to (pJ qd potter fore a r texts th beer

oes not pottery

27 jn~t

section

llowing rrtext is and ds

lbined

EQUATIONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 59

jn~t vessels of beer occur consistently in a series of six Category E ostraca that seem to document the delivery of commodities associated with festival or temple offerings174 Four of these texts state that the commodities were delivered by an individual in O DeM 20 and O DeM 25 the deliveries are made by a local priest Each of these six texts lists items that include speciality foodstuffs and jn~t vessels of beer rather than the fuel and plain unfilled pottery of standard deliveries II smw 12 by the hand of the local priest (w(b Sf) 175 60 large j nJzt vessels of beer entered 56 deficit 4 120 (bundles of) vegetables ISO s(t cakes and 100 rJzs cakes (0 DeM 20) The only exception in this group is O DeM 26 where 30 large jn~1f vessels are recorded 27 are entered (jw) and there is a deficit on No beer is recorded with these vessels

The recto of O DeM 29 may confirm that lists containing such products are associated with rituals or festivals rather than deliveries of materials to the village 176

total of various (sbn)jnl)tvessels of beer 653 [+x] the record of the [ ] which were given as offerings (snw) [] good bread loaves of [ ] s(t cake [x oipeJ rJzs cakes [ J jnJzt vessels of beer [ J beer [ ]

Connections of this vessel type with the temple or festival sphere nmy explain features of the unique and difficult distribution text O BM 50728 discussed in section 23 The text records the allocation ofjnJzt vessels to individual crew members The 10 + 5 jnJzt vessels seem to be grouped into four different categories perhaps accordin~ to quality of the vessel or its contents and possibly its shape or finish 177 5 doubly good (~reg) jnJzt vessels in the fashion of hbny [vessels] being returned (m hyt) 2 for Baky I for Huy 1 (for) (Omek 1 for Qaha totalS (11 5-6) Six vessels given to individuals in line 7 one for each nmn are stated to be middling good (11fr mshyhry-jb) and line 10 enumerates two vessels that also have a designation perhaps reading not (J I~~ 3)very poor _ 1

If the jnJzt vessels were more specialized beer vessels used in festival or ritual contexts then the note of quality either of contents or of the vessel itself would have been important This concern with quality can also be seen in the delivery lists where the jnJzt vessels are described as either good or poor 178

Particularly difficult to understand in this context are the writings of hbny perhaps referring to this well-known amphora-shaped vessel I19 The five doubly goodjnl)t vessels are designated in

174 O DeM 19 20 21 25 26 27 For further discussion of these texts see Spalinger Deir e1middotMedina and Medinet Habu Combined 311

(1 0

175 l=n (1 1) For another writing of this title see O DeM 25 2 176 The verso of this text records only nswt bjty mnmiddotmrtmiddotrr 177 For the use of red ink in this text see p 19 n 75 above

178 O DeM 1 6 174 For discussion of the meaning of snn 1~ in these contexts see D Valbelle Catalogue des poids ainscriptions hieratiques de Deir eAmiddotfedineh Nos 500l-5423 DFIFAO 16 (Cairo 1977)23 179 Wh II 487 There are depictions of the hbnylhbnt vessel in Urk IV 11308 11352 and in the tomb of Rekhmire N de G Davies The Tomb of Rekh-mi-r~ at Thebes The Metropolitan Museum of Art Egyptian Expedition 11 (New York 1943) I pIs 33 34 In these examples it is shaped as an amphora sometimes without handles and often contains honey E A W Budge An Egyptian Hieroglyphic Dictionary (London 1920)446 gave the capacity of a hbnt ndst as one quarter of a hin F G Hilton-Price in an earlier publication Notes on Some Egyptian Antiquities in My Collection TSBA 9 (1886) 353 noted the same capacity for this vessel Here see also T G H James The Heqanakhte Papers and Other Early Middle Kingdom Documents (New York 1962) 118

60 POTTERS

the fashion of hbny vessels (~[]~IlJ1J 0) (vso 5) This seems to express an equivalence between the two vessel types perhaps representing an addition or finish to the jn~lt vessel that increased its value Du Mesnil du Buisson speculated in his discussion of the hhnl vessel that the word related to hbny ebony t ruJ-Oi) and indicated a blackened colour or lustre to the vesseL I80 hbny also occurs as an annotation above the entries of jnit vessels for particular workmen in lines 8-12 of the recto The entry on line 13 (hhny n [ ]) may indicate that hhny vessels themselves were also delivered to the workmen named in the following lines So far as I know hbny vessels do not occur in other Deir el-Medina textsl8J These notations may also refer to some sort of finishing to the j nit vesseL

The inclusion of more unusual designations for the vessels certainly points to the exceptional nature ofthe delivery in O BM 50728 as does the entry of an amount ((i(w) of bJq oil (8) in line lOon the verso after the specification of 10 further jnlJl vessels for particular workmen (pJ WpWl

n plIO n jnlJt n tJ jst) Janssen observes that this oil was rarely used by the workmen as it was too expensive 182 It is possible that the text refers to the delivery of jnit vessels of bJq oil the references to quality therefore referring to the quality of oil rather than the vessel itself The designation hbny may be associated with this as welL

Complicating this analysis is the proposed large size of jnit vessels (discussed in section 41) which may account to some extent for its more restricted function within the vessel repertoire jnlJt vessels occur only rarely in the Medinet Habu festival calendar indicating that even within the temple their use was specialized ls3 The ealculation of the equivalence in contents of the vessels in O Gardiner 81 indicates that we are dealing with a set capacity for these vessel types in this text 184 If the capacity of a jnit was 53 hin or 255 Htres this would equate to a significant quantity ofbJq oil per person 185

O BM 50728 remains a puzzle Despite thc difficulties in interpretation it seems most likely that it records allocation of vessels possibly filled with oil or beer for festival or cultic purposes The careful documentation of such a distribution may also indicate that the vessels were not to be kept by the men perhaps only being used by them for the event and then returned to the temple A large size may serve to explain their more limited and specialized oecurrence in the data perhaps restricted to the religious sphere rather than playing a role in the domestic life of the villagers

In this instance contextual analysis of texts that seem to relate to ceramic deliveries can alter our understanding of these texts and illuminate the role and function of a vessel type in the community For vessels that were delivered more commonly we can observe the potential for flexibility in the classification systems these would repay further detailed study sectS Conclusion Analysis of the texts concerning pottery delivery leaves a number of questions unanswered and areas unexplored the limited number of sources available and problems inherent in them restrict their potential for interpretation However some insights into the organization and administrative structures of Deir el-Medina are fortheoming from the material Within the meticulous record keeping of the village the key theme seems to be flexibility This flexibility is apparent in the

180 Noms et signes 28 181 Janssen did not include them in his chapter on Vessels in Commodity Prices None of the references for the entry in the Wb II 487 has a Deir e1-Medina provenance 182 Commodity Prices 330 183 On the occurrence of the jnltt in the Medinet Hahn festival lists see A Spalinger Medinet Habn and Deir ei-Medina Combined 311-2 ]84 Heick Das Bier 46 185 Even if the mnt was only 10 hin a jnltt would still be of a substantial size c 11-12 iitres Janssen Commodity Prices 434

N

CONCLUSION 61

number of potters assigned to the crew the size and content of the quota required every 10 days and the timing of deliveries The final section of my study also points to the potential flexibility of form size and function of the pots themselves

Although we can find implications in the potter texts for features of society beyond the village itself such as the specifie interpretation of bkw or the occurrence of vessels in royal festival calendars it must be borne in mind that the real value of the Deir el-Medina material lies in its potential to illuminate the lives of ordinary people in Ramessid Egypt For that purpose we need to attend most closely to the village context

Appendix The potters of Deir el-Medina Names of potters in documents relating to the delivery of ceramics

I

Names of potters in documents concerning matters other than the supply of ceramics

I 1 (Omek i Turin Strike Papyrus RAD 476 I

2 Khonsu bull O Turin 57192 1

3 Herunefer bull O DeM 73 rto 2

4 Paaeminet I O Berlin P 12343 vso 3

5 Bakenmut P Turin 2018 A rto la 5 rto IV 17 vso I 6 B rto II 4 D I rto 14 P BM 10068 vso V l3

6 Wenennefer P BM 10068 vso V 14

alence el that 1at the to the ticular thbny ar as I ) refer

ltional in line middotwpwt it was til the f The

1 41) rtoire within of the pes in ificant

likely poses tto be ~mple data of the

1 alter in the ial for

d and estrict rative ecord in the

rences

)U and

nssen

1 I Menna O IFAO 387 1 O Qurna 618i1 O DeM 91 1 O Berlin P 10840 vso 1

2 bull Nakhy I

O IFAO 3874 O DeM 914

3 I Ptahemheb O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O DeM 343 2 P Greg vso B 8 rto A11

4 Parahotep O DeM 868

5 Hori O DeM 868 O DeM 869

6 Herunefer O Cairo 25597 rto 3

7 Neferher O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O Cairo 25633 vso 2

8 Amennakht O DeM 44 rto 8

9 Dmek P Turin 2081+2095 rto 1

10 ltAhawy P Turin 1881 vso V 1 VI 7 VII 1 () Giornale of year 17 rto B II 2 P Turin 2018 A vso 1 12 B rto II 11 B vso II 17 P BM 10068 vso VI 25 P Turin 2014 rto 27-8 P BM 10054 vso II 9

62 POTTERS

Addendnm

Pierre Grandets Catalogue des ostraca hieratiques non litteraires de Deir el-Medineh IXbecame available just as this chapter went to the press This volume contains a number of important potter texts I have included them in the tables on pages 33-7 and provide a short account of them here

O DeM is the longest and most detailed potter account known to me I will be adressing the issues it raises in a further publication It records deliveries made by the potters Ptahemheb Parahotep Hori and Neferher for the months of I bt to I prt of a year 6 The title p qd occurs only in line I in reference to Ptahemheb but probably also covers the other individuals named Ptahemheb and Neferher are known from other potter accounts discussed in this chapter O DeM 869 also published by Grandet and dated to a year 6 records deliveries made by Hori of qbw and lbw vessels to Right Both Hori and Parahotep are not otherwise attested in the potter texts In O DeM 868 details of delivery are grouped according to individual potters In line 13 Neferher delivers vessels to Left (t rj smM this is the only statement concerning Right or Left in this text That four potters deliver during the same general period emphasizes the potential number of potters involved in delivery which is not generally apparent in many of the potter texts Ptahemheb and Neferher make deliveries on different days in IV bt The vessel numbers vary except for those delivered as the making good of deficits by Ptahemheb which are consistent sums (II 3-4) The vessels delivered include qbw and Ibw vessels as well as gy andjnlt this text therefore provides further evidence thatjnJtt vessels were part of the potters repertoire

Grandet follows Gutgesell in assigning a date in the mid-20th Dynasty to O DeM 868 and 869 19thMy assignment of a late Dynasty date to the other account ostraca of Ptahemheb and

Neferher (0 Cairo 25591 O Cairo 25633 and O DeM 343) is based on the record of Ptahemhebs deliveries in P Greg firmly dated by Janssen to the reign of Siptah186 Gutgesell places Ptahemheb in the 20th Dynasty on the basis of the occurrence of this name in P Turin 2006+ 1961 usually dated to year 29 of Ramesses 111 [87 The Ptahemheb in this text is not a potter and so is a different individual I propose that the late 19th Dynasty date of the other documents should therefore be retained and should also be adopted for O DeM 868 and 869

Further texts relevant to potters in Grandets volume include O DeM 877 in which a list of arrears in water supplies are measured in jnlt vessels O DeM 871-3 are sherds bearing the phrase mJ qd Grandet considers these phrases along with the phrase ml m-rJrt p-Jtm-nlr complete by the hand ofPahemnetjerthe priest on O DeM 870 as delivery marks inscribed on the pots themselves18S

186 Janssen Village Varia 115-6 187 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 252 309-12 188 Catalogue des ostraca IX 49-50

UNT

Marel

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Page 2: Woodcutters, Potters and Doorkeepers Service Personnel of the Deir El Medina Workmen

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THE POTTERS ORGANIZATION DELIVERY AND PRODUCT OF WORK

Elizabeth Frood

The sherds of pottery that litter the site of Deir el-Medina and the thousands of these sherds that were used as writing material bear testimony to the work of potters who supplied the village with ceramic vessels These potters belonged to the service staff of the village and were thus employees of the state In order to fulfil their obligations they were required to deliver units (b3kw) of ceramics to the village on a regular basis In this paper I examine the records of the deliveries made by these potters in order to evaluate aspects of their work and deliveries during the 19th and 20th Dynasties in a manner complementary to the other studies in this volume

I divide my discussion into four sections The first section surveys the texts available concerning the potters and their dating Section 2 concentrates on the documentation of aspects of the organization of the potters work and their interactions with the community The third section evaluates the actual deliveries and delivery patterns of the potters The nature of the b3kw of the potter is examined and deficits or short-falls in delivery are traced The vessels themselves are analysed in section 4 The implications of the occurrence of three vessel types in the potter texts are discussed Research in this area has been necessarily limited and the potential for further research on the classification of vessel-types is emphasized

Paul Nicholson has postulated several organizational levels of the potting industry in ancient Egypt Potteries were attached to all major state institutions including temples and palaces Study of the documentation enumerating the deliveries of the potters of Deir el-Medina illuminates some aspects of organization of this state-level industry specifically the production of vessels for those involved with royal building projects I However the nature of the sources concerning these individuals imposes limitations upon any analysis The differences between the methods of

19threcording deliveries in the and 20th Dynasties and the variations that occur within the different textual categories themselves have significant implications when examining the nature of the deliveries or the organization of the work

sect1 Sources for pottery deliveries l1ldentifYing potters The artisans responsible for the supply of ceramic vessels to the community of Deir el-Medina were termed p3 qd variously written as IT15l [HlI]Jft [Hli and n~ This term can alternatively mean builder2 and these two potential meanings can create confusion as noted by both T Eric

bull I am very grateful to Jac J Janssen who provided the inspiration for this work and has been very generous with his time and advice during my initial research and in the course of recent revision This paper was initially presented as a component of a Master of Arts degree completed at The University of Auckland New Zealand in 1998 under the guidance ofAnthony Spalinger This work could not have been undertaken without his advice and support Jaromir Malek Diana Magee and Elizabeth Miles provided patient and helpful guidance through the resources of the Griffith Institute Oxford During the revisions of the paper I was most fortunate to be able to discuss the material with John Baines and Lynn Meskel My thanks to Rob Demaree for his invaluable suggestions and advice I The Pottery Workshop at Q 484 at Tell el-Amarna in Ateliers de potiers et productions ceramiques en Egypte ed P Ballet (Cairo 1992)70 2 Jrb V 72-73

30 POTTERS

Peet and Jac J JanssenJ Potential difficulties in translation can be resolved if the term p3 qd or j(an individual known to hold that title is associated with a vessel delivery Moreover the activity Ii of builders was not generally recorded in the Deir el-Medina data particularly when compared rr with the numerous references to the delivery of pottery by people termed p qd One exception to at this is the recto of P Turin 1923 2-3 where p ~ry qd n pr jmn came to take measurements d and make calculations for the construction of a well near the Necropolis4 Here the translation the tt master builder of the domain of Amun is appropriate The meaning builder in this text is 0 exceptional the individual was associated with the temple workforce rather than the workmens village The status of qd as builder is therefore related to a different work organization The title (try qd is not otherwise attested in any context concerning potters It can be concluded that the title qd when occurring with reference to events in or deliveries to Deir el-Medina generally d refers to a potters

si aJ

12 Categories oftexts tt My discussion of the categories of text I use as sources follows the model provided by Janssen in the preceding paper (see above p 2) I treat some texts that do not appear to correspond to any one of these categories at the end of this section In comparison with the texts concerning wood deliveries there are significantly fewer sources concerning pottery I have identified 90 ostraca that record deliveries of unfilled ceramic-ware although I argue that some of these may not be connected to the smdt-potters To these sources can be added diverse papyrus documents one from the end of the 19th and several from the later 20th Dynasty some of which do not fit easily into any category

The largest numbers of sources for pottery delivery are Joumal-of-the-Necropolis texts 01

(Janssens Category A) The series ofjournal ostraca documenting the final years of Ramesses III and the first two years of Ramesses IV provide the most complete account of ceramic deliveries I p have identified 28 ostraca in this group The nature of the data included in these texts changed al over time and from scribe to scribe6 It is nevertheless possible to use this evidence to trace w patterns of delivery and deficit and to gain some insight into the nature of each delivery although Qthe contents of the deliveries themselves are rarely enumerated d

Journal papyri from the later 20th Dynasty provide further information about supply often detailing the contents of the delivery and the name of the potter However these journals are extremely fragmentary Even in the documents from the best attested reign that of Ramesses IX only eight years are represented and most fragments except for the comparatively substantial

s(

3 T E Peet The Great Tomb-Robberies of the Twentieth Egyptian Dynasty reprint (Oxford 1930) I 96 7 s( 102 n 41 noted the potential ambiguity of the title in P BM 10068 translating qd Wenennefer and qd Bakenmut as builders and qd Ahawy as a potter See also J J Janssen Commodity Prices in the Ramessid Period An Economic Study of the Village ofNecropolis Workmen at Thebes (Leiden 1975)40 n 8 in reference to a qd Herunefer Manfred Gutgesell Die Datierung der Ostraka und Papyri aus Deir

5el-Hedineh ind ihre okonomische Interpretation I Die 20 Dynastie Hildesheimer Agyptologische 8

Beitrage 18 (Hildesheim 1983)219 misunderstands the title and includes p jqd in his list of workers names E 4 R Ventura On the Location of the Administrative Outpost of the Community of Workmen in Western 1(

Thebes JEA 73 (1987) 149-60 II

5 For discussion of the orthography and textual context of qd including texts from Deir el-Medina see PF Donnan Faces in Clay Technique Imagery and Allusion in a Corpus ofCeramic Sculpture from Ancient Egypt Milnchner Agyptologische Studien 52 (Mainz 2002) 87-99 h 6 J J Janssen Appendix the Journal of the Necropolis Ostraca from the Reign of Ramesses Ill in jVillage Voices Proceedings of the Symposium Texts from Deir el-Medfna and their Interpretation Leiden May 3J-June I 1991 ed R J Demaree and A Egberts CNWS Publications 13 (Leiden 1992)

a 1

91 (

d or ivity ared )ll to lents the

xt is lens title

t the rally

en in ) any ~iOod

traca ot be one asily

texts es III ies I nged trace ough

often s are 8 IX mtial

967 nd qd n the 5)40 Deir ische rkers

estern

PF ient

n in ation [992)

CATEGORlES OF TEXTS 31

journal from year 17 do not record more than 20 days 1 The data available for these deliveries are limited and it is difficult to draw firm conclusions Differences in the data provided by these texts may be related to different function The papyrus texts were probably drawn up for the central administration while ostraca were used by the local authorities the two contexts required different levels of detail and types of information Other papyrus documentation is available from this period in the form of payment texts and house lists illuminating aspects of the potters organization and situation

The other numerically significant textual category for pottery delivery is Janssens Category E 19ththe Dynasty lists which record quantities of ceramics alongside food and fuel and

occasionally other items including tools and implements Janssen suggests that these ostraca document deliveries that were later recorded in the journal ostraca and papyri providing significant comparative data for these texts8 The 29 ostraca recording pottery enumerate variable amounts of a number of different vessel types perhaps providing clues to the nature of the bkw the term used to record units of ceramics delivered in journal and account ostraca

Important supplementary and complementary data is found in a small group of account ostraca from the 19th and perhaps the very beginning of the 20th Dynasties which record the activities of individual potters sometimes alongside those of the woodcutters (Categories B B I Cl) These accounts detail deliveries and more commonly deficits often giving the names of the vessels and amounts involved data that were not generally included in the journal ostraca In comparison with the texts concerning for example woodcutters (see above pp 12-15) fishermen9 and laundrymenlO potters are rarely named (see Appendix) two of the texts I include in these categories are anonymous although I argue that there is sufficient evidence to assign them to a B or C category Those that are less clear are included in Category D discussed below

O IFAO 387 (unpubl) O Qurna 61811 O DeM 91 and O Berlin P 10840 (Hieratische Papyrus Berlin III pI 32 KRII 368)11 are accounts of the deficits incurred by the potters Menna and Nakhy during the early 19th Dynasty O IFAO 387 records deficits of both these potters while O Qurna 61811 records the deficit of just Menna The other two texts are not so clear O Qurna 6181 belongs to Category C while I assign the other three to Category B but see the discussion in 22 below

Three accounts from the late 19th and early 20th Dynasties record deliveries made by the potters Ptahemheb and Neferher once together in one text and twice alone along with accounts of wood deliveries They are hence assigned to categories Bl (0 Cairo 25591 O Cairo 25633) and Cl (0 DeM 343)12

Although the identity of the potter in O DeM 346 is not stated deliveries are made on two separate days to the scribe Amenemope known as a srndt-scribe of Right 13 The delivery to this scribe may indicate that the text refers to the supply of pottery by a single individual hencc its

7 D Valbelle Les ouvriers de la Tombe Deir el-Medineh aepoque ramesside I3dE 96 (Cairo 1985) 53 table I 8 Commodity Prices 485 9 J 1 Janssen Village Varia Ten Studies on the History and Administration of DeiI el-Medina Egyptologisehe Uitgaven 11 (Leiden 1997)38-46 to J J Janssen and R M Janssen The Laundrymen of the Theban Necropolis ArOr 70 (2002) 12 1I fgyptens Aufttieg zur Weltmacht (Mainz 1987)202 cat 121 Les artistes de Pharaon Deir el-Medineh et la Vallee des Rots (Paris 2002) 104 cat 41 12 Pierre Grandet recently published further texts connected with these potters (Catalogue des ostraca hieratiques non litteraires de Deir el-MMimih IX) O DeM 868 records deliveries of Ptahemhcb and Neferher as well as Hori and Parahotep Deliveries by Hori are also recorded in O DeM 869 These texts are included in the tables on pp 36-7 and in an addendum to the end of this chapter 13 B G Davies Whos Who at Deir el-Medina A Prosopographic Study of the Royal Workmens Community Egyptologische Uitgaven 13 (Leiden 1999)284

I

32 POTTERS

tentative inclusion in Category C 14 In contrast O DeM 135 records the delivery of two unnamed potters so the text is included in Category B

My Category D consists of 13 ostraca that do not include names and in which the numbers of potters referred to is unclear Two of these texts warrant further discussion The recto of O DeM 143 records deficits of wood deliveries for two woodcutters and so is assigned by Janssen to Category B 1 (above p 2) The verso which is entirely a pottery account includes no names so I have assigned it to my Category D O Strasbourg H 2615 does not refer explicitly to vessel types the recto only gives dates and notes of supply by the hand of unnamed individuals as complete (mJt) this form of text has a parallel in the recto of O Gardiner 80 (HO 61 4) On the verso of O Strasbourg H 26 the text may record deficit of the [potter) (1 4) although the end of the line is broken away qd was restored by Jaroslav Cerny (Nb 3561)16 I include this text as a pottery account although its status remains uncertain (see section 37) O Cairo 25704 assigned to Category D is also problematic and may not record a pottery delivery (see section 23)

Among my remaining sources O DeM 73 concerns a legal dispute over the hiring of a donkey (Janssens Category F) The verso of 0 Berlin P 10654 (unpubl) seems to refer to the firing of vessels in ten day periods (see 34) 0 DeM 337 and O BM 50728 17 may concern the distribution of vessels to workmen O BM 50728 is problematic and is discussed at greater length in sections 23 and 42 A potter is included at the end of a list of smdt in O IFAO 351 (unpubl rto 2) following a gardener and a doorkeeper Line 3 begins with the word vessels (qru) but the rest is lost It is unclear whether this text refers to a delivery the list of smdt in lines 1-2 may indicate that it is associated with an aspect of organization O Cairo 25597 records the distribution of bundles to members of the smdt including a potter Tassign these texts to my Category G texts that are related to the organization and distribution of the potters work rather than explicitly enumerating delivery

These categories are necessarily artificial the contents of the texts in each category are often complementary and the relationship between them unclear The fragmentary nature of many of the texts must also be kept in mind (see above p 2) I do not claim that my categories reflect any ancient administrative system of recording We have little access to any such broader systems in the material Any division of the documentation concerning potters into these classes or categories can impose certain expectations about individual texts1S Such a division is however a useful tool in analysing the texts and understanding their potential and limitations for illuminating aspects of the organization and deliveries of the potters

13 Dating oftexts My criteria for dating the texts again follows those presented by Janssen for the woodcutters (see above p 3) and I have modelled the tables in this section upon those he has developed As in Janssens tables I present the texts in six lists with the seventh reserved for undatable texts Discussions of the dates of individual ostraca and papyri by Manfred GutgeseUl9 and Benedict

14 If as I argue in 22 there was usually only one potter assigned to eaeh side of the crew 15 Yvan Koenig Les ostraca hieratiques inMits de fa Bibliotheque Nationale et Universitaire de Strasbourg DFIFAO 33 (Cairo 1997) pI 7-8 16 Koenig by contrast tentatively restores nty ibid pI 8 17 R J Demaree Ramesside Ostraca (London 2002) pI 124-5 18 There is often a fine line between account texts and journals The guide of Janssen Appendix the journal of the necropolis ostraea from the reign of Ramesses III 92-4 provides my criteria for classifying the journal documentation from this reign 19 Die Datierung del Ostraka und Papyri aus DeiI el-Medineh und ihre iikonomische interpretation I Die 20 Dynastie Hildesheimer Agyptologische Beitrage 18 (Hildesheirn 1983) id Die Datienmg del Ostraka und Papyri aus DeiI el-Medilleh iI Die Ostlaka der 19 Dynastie Hildesheimer Agyptologische Beitragc 44 (Hildesheirn 20(2)

Da ther corr fran

20 inch datil Catf exce nam acco Grot Dym Grot who

GrOl

00

00

0Dj

O Pe

O Dlt

ODc

o Tu

bull OOr

IOTu

I~ron f- shy

20 Davi 21 See

Pracee CJE 22 ibid DieDa 23 Gutg 24 ibid 25 ibid

med

rs of DeM ~n to so I pes plete so of ~ line Ittery

~d to

nkey flg of ution tions D2) est is licate on of texts icitly

often fly of t any 1sin s or ever s for

(see As in texts ledict

re de

x the ifying

I Die g der $ische

DATING OF TEXTS 33

Davies20 are noted Since many of the sources for pottery deliveries also deal with fuel supply there is some overlap in the data Despite this I feel these tables provide useful points of comparison with those for the woodcutters Presenting the texts in this way also establishes a framework and reference points for the analysis that follows

I have expanded Janssens group I to include earlier years of Ramesses III beginning with year 20 in order to incorporate some account ostraca dated to these years At the end of group I I include 2 journal texts dated to year 5 of Ramesses IV (0 DeM 655 656) Group II includes texts dating to the reign of Sety L As with the woodcutter documents this group consists mainly of Category E texts O Cairo 25704 a Category D text dated to the wltm-mswt of Sety I is the only exceptionl Group III contains texts dated to the reign of Ramesses II largely on the basis of names In accordance with Davies discussion of the year 9 date in O Berlin P 10840 the accounts of Menna and Nakhy could date to either Sety I or Ramesses 1122 I include them in Group III I have identified a smaller number of accounts and journal texts from the late 19th

Dynasty (Group IV) and three texts that possibly date to the reign of Ramesses III (Group V) Group VI as in Janssens list contains mainly papyrus documents from the later 20th Dynasty whose diverse contents means that they cannot be easily assigned to textual categories

Group I

yr

o Gardiner 80 (HO 611 4) yr 21

O DeM l43vso yr 2424

O Petrie 50 (HO 1911) yr25W

O DeM 169 + O Berlin P 12633 yr25 W

O DeM 35 yr28W A I

AO Turin 57153 yr26

O Or Inst Chicago 16998 (unpub) yr26 D

yr27 A

A

Ayr27

yr 28 AO DeM 156 -~

DO Strasbourg H 26 yr 2925

20 Davies Whos Who 21 See S Wimmer Hieratische Palaographie zur Datierung der nicht-literarischen Ostraka in Proceedings of the Seventh International Congress ofEgyptologists Cambridge 3~9 September 1995 cd C J Eyre (Leuven 1998) 1230-31 for discussion of the dating of this text 22 ibid 124 contra Gutgesell who dates O IFAO 387 and o DeM 91 to the latter half of the 19th Dynasty Die Datierung Die Ostraka del 19 Dynastie 49146 23 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 102 24 ibid 368 25 ibid 120

34 POTTERS

10 DeM 165

0 DeM 154

0 DeM 157

0 DeM 159

I ODeM 36

IODeM 37 i i 0 DeM 166

I ODeM 153

i 0 DeM 38

0DeM39

0 Berlin P 12631

0 DeM 40 + 0 Strasbourg H 42

bull 0 OeM 41

0DeM43

0 DeM47

0 Berlin P 12641 + 12628

0 DeM 160 0 Strasbourg H 5

0 DeM 161 -- degStrasbourg H 82

0 DeM44

0 DeM45

0 Gardiner 113 (liO 7311)

0 Cairo 25597

0 DeM 655

0 DeM 656

I Group II

0 DeM 1-19

bull O DeM22

26 ibid 123 27 ibid 36 28 ibid 47-8

yr 3026 D

yr31 W A

yr 31 W I A

yr 31 A

yr 31 I A

yr 31

yr 31 W27

I yr312W

yr 32

yr 321

yr1

yr1

yr1

yr1

yr1

yr1

yr 1W28

A

A

A

A

A

A

A

A

A

A

A

I A

yrlW A

yr 12 A

yr2 A

yr2 A

yr2 G

yr5 A

yr5 AI

E

E

I

I

0D1 I

10Dl

001

1001

I 0 Or

~ I F

[ Grou] i ODe

l~ ~

r~ IoJr---=shy

0 Del

Groul

ODel

0 Cai

10 Cai

10 Del

i O Del

29 Davi O ibid Ramesl 31 ibid 32 For Ostrak

DATING OF TEXTS 35

ODeM23

ODeM28

ODR5

I E

ODR6 i E

ODR7

ODR8

O Or Inst Chicago 18878 (unpubl) I

O Gardiner 43 (HO 26 2)

I o Cairo 25704 yr2

i

Group III

O DeM 91

O Berlin P 10840 yr 9 Sety IIRamesses rr29

I O IFAO 387 (unpubl)

O Qurna 6181

O DeM623

O BM 50728

O DeM202

i Group IV

O DeM606

E

E

E

E

D

B

B

B

C

D

G30

A 32

I

Blbull O Cairo 25591

O Cairo 25633 Bl

O DeM 343 yr6 Cl I

o DeM 868 yr6 C I

29 Davies Whos Who 124 30 ibid 219 n 201 Gutgesell considers the dating of this text very uncertain but inclines towards year 2 of Ramesses II Die Datierung Die Ostraka der 19 Dynastie 47 3] ibid 159 32 For the scribes mentioned in this text see Davies PVhos Who 127 Gutgesell Die Datierung Die Ostraka der 19 Dynastie 91

36 POTTERS

O DeM 869 yr6 B

O DeM 135 B i

P Greg (P UC 34336) yrs 5-7 Siptah A I

o Cairo 25593 D

Group V

O Michaelides 33 (OM pi 67) Ramesses m33 A=

P Turin 1961 Ramesses III34

O DeM 416 Ramesses IIIIIV35 D

Group VI

P Turin 1880 yT 29 Ramesses III

O DeM346 Ramesses IV_y36 C

O Gardiner 145 (unpuhl) yr 1 Ramesses y37 D

P Turin 2044 (unpuhl) yr 1 Ramesses yJ8

P Turin 2081+2095 (unpuhl) mid 20th Dynasty39

O Berlin 10654 (unpubl) late 20th Dynasty40 G

I P Turin 20701133 134 + rto late 20 th Dynasty4J A

I P Turin 2014 (unpuhl) late 20th Dynasty42

P Turin 1881 + yr 7 Ramesses IX

P Turin 1900+shy yrs 4-9 Ramesses IX

P Turin 20711224 [140] yr 10 Ramesses IX43

year yr 17 Ramesses IX

33 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 253 34 ibid 309-12 For the numbering of this papyrus see J J IanssenJorthcoming 35 ibid 369 36 Davies Whos Who 284 contra Gutgesel1 who dates the text to Ramesses II Die Datierung Die Ostraka der 19 Dynastie 159 37 Gutgesell Die Dalierung 20 Dynastie 77-8 38 ibid 256 39 Janssen Commodity Prices 98 Gutgesell Die Datiermg 20 Dynastie 227-32 40 ibid 442 41 ibid 242 42 Janssen and Janssen The Laundrymen of the Theban Necropolis 5 n 30 43 Kitchen RIVI 637-38

O GI

IFl

O IFi

OCa ~ i ODe

sect2 Th 21 Th Accou of the the de interes largel) throug virtual archae ethnoa

The of the identif Dynas1 therefc notes f

44 The ( the late 45 One 1

records that the single ( potters context 46 Rapp pubiqu

g Die

THE ORGANIZATION OF WORK AND DELIVERY 37

P Turin 1898+ yr 3 Ramesses X

P Turin 1888 yr 1 Ramesses XI

i yrs 8-10 Ramesses XI

bull Anonymous Turin fragment

(Cerny MSS 3616)

Group VII

O Gardiner 88 (HO 5511)

O DeM703

O DeM337

bull O IFAO 245 (unpub)

I OlFAO 351

O CaIro 25245

i O DeM 871-3

D i

D

G44

D

G

D

i G

sect2 The organization of work and delivery 21 The evidence for workshops Account texts in particular provide important clues for understanding aspects of the organization of the potters work including the number of potters delivering at anyone time supervision of the deliveries and distribution of the vessels to the workmen However since the scribes were interested primarily in documenting the receipt or deficit of the pottery such information is largely based on inference Although it is possible to identify stages within the delivery process through the documentation evidence for the organization of the pottery workshops themselves is virtually non-existent45 Hypotheses about the workshops can be made from limited archaeological data and by analogy with the evidence for the pottery industries at el-Amarna and ethnoarchaeological research

The written sources are almost devoid of information concerning the location of the workshops of the potters of Deir el-Medina and the archaeological evidence is ambiguous Bernard Bruyere

18 uJidentified what he considered wasters from a potters workshop on the exterior of the Dynasty village at the base of the wall of Thutmose I beneath the 19th Dynasty house SE 1 He therefore assumed that most pottery production occurred within the village itself46 Nicholson notes that most of the private home complexes at el-Amarna had pottery kilns implying domestic

44 The dating of this text is very uncertain but Gutgesell considers it to be from the reign of Ramesses II or the late 19th Dynasty Die Datierung Die Ostraka der 19 Dynastie lOS n 95 45 One text may refer to the work of the potter in making vessels The verso of O Berlin P 10654 (unpubl) records the potter fashioning (qd) vessels on days 1020 and 30 of II 1bt and day 10 of III 1bt It may be that these dates are the days on which the shaping or firing of the ceramics occurred The recording of single days favours the interpretation that the text records firing events However little else about the potters work can be inferred from this text A translation ofthis text is provided in section 33 in another context 46 Rapport sur les fouilles de Deir el Medineh (1934-1935) Troisieme Partie Le village les dfJcharges publiques fa station de repos du col de la Valtee des Rots IFAO (Cairo 1939) 264 341

--

38 POTTERS

production of some simple forms alongside those produced in the kilns of the state-controlled the workshops47 There is no further evidence for such a practice at Deir el-Medina Dominique con Valbelle also assumed that the potters worked close to the village48 but there is no archaeological evidence for workshops in the vicinity 22

Rostislav Holthoers survey of New Kingdom kiln sites does not include any at Deir elshy Thn Medina However he did record a kiln associated with a 19th to 2200 Dynasty habitation to the left time of the road between Deir el-Medina and Medinet Habu This kiln is small being only 11Ocm wide invc and 70cm high and may be considered too small for the considerable production levels of the orga Deir el-Medina potters49 Nicholson has also noted that the kilns identified by Holthoer at elshy char Amarna were in fact ovens associated with different industries5o This casts some doubt over text~

Holthoers identifications It is also uncertain how far el-Amarna is comparable to Deir elshy IS plt Medina expl

Some textual evidence may indicate that the workshops were located some distance from the S( village The service staff of Deir el-Medina was generally regarded as of the outside their (unp deliveries perhaps made to the gatehouse of the necropolis p lJtm n p lJr from a location DeM external to the village itself although this is nowhere stated in a text concerning pottery but t delivery51 A workshop location on the floodplain also seems appropriate in view of the ostra quantities of water required by potteries The town register on the verso ofP BM 10068 dated to the d year 12 probably of Ramesses XI seems to support such a location52 Three potters are included Ar in the list of houses centred on Medinet Habu two of these rAhawy and Bakenmut are known sumn from contemporaneous journal papyri The potter r Ahawy of the tomb is also included among Pash( those receiving grain who belong to every house [within] the enclosure wall of the temple of Ipuy Usermaatre meriamun These houses are not necessarily to be equated with their workshops relatilt

Potteries are generally regarded as unpleasant and anti-social operations requiring their on th location on the outskirts of settlements53 Such an assumption may sometimes be based on actior imposition of modern concepts of pollution Although the pottery workshop at el-Amarna was on delivf the outskirts of the main city area54 there is ethnographic evidence for pottery workshops sited crew within residential areas55 Be that as it may the location of the pottery workshops which supplied Lefts

whetl1 defici work

47 The Firing of Pottery in An Introduction to Ancient Egyptian Pottery eds D Arnold and 1 Bourriau seem (Mainz 1993) 113 Nicholson The Pottery Workshop at Q 484 at Tell e1-Amarna 67 The S1 48 Ouvriers 265

exam~ 49 New Kingdom Pharaonic Sites The Pottery ed T Siive-Soderbergh vol 51 The Scandanavian joint

twomexpedition to sudanese Nubia (Copenhagen Oslo Stockholm 1977)22

as one 50 The Firing of Pottery 112 Evidence of pottery kilns was also found behind the mortuary temple of

side OJAmenhotep son of Hapu A Varille and C Robichon Quatre nouveaux temples Thebains CdE 10 (1935) L It has been suggested that these kilns were a component of the industrial area which operated put the on behalf of the mortuary temples 1 D Bourriau P T Nicholson and P 1 Rose Pottery in Ancient The Egyptian Materials and Technology eds P T Nicholson and I Shaw (Cambridge 2000) 139-40 found 5l See for example Giornale of year 17 of Ramesses IX (Botti and Peet pI 14) rto B I 11middot12 with 1 seem t Cemy A Community of Workmen at Thebes in the Ramesside period BdE 50 (Cairo 1973) 184-5 but see 25591 now Janssen section 8 For discussion of the role of the p IJtm n p IJr see for example R Ventura On (the) p the Location of the Administrative Outpost of the Conununity of Workmen in Western Thebes JEA 73 (1987) 149middot60 52 J J Janssen A New Kingdom Settlement The Verso of Pap BM 10068 AOF 19 (1992) 8-23 56AL 53 PT Nicholson and H L Patterson Pottery Making in Upper Egypt An Ethnoarchaeological Study Worksh World Archaeology 17 (1985) 226 For a negative description of the potters trade in a literary text 1983) transmitted within Deir el-Medina see W Heick Die Lehre des Dw-M KAT (Wiesbaden 1970)53-58 57 This sect IX of this t 54 The pottery workshop at Q 484 at Tell el-Amarna 61 58 Hene 55 Nessim Henry Henein Poterie et potiers d Al-Qasr oasis de Dakhla BdE 116 (Cairo 1997) 124Fo

trolled Imque ogical

eir elshyhe left tlwide of the at el-

It over eir e1shy

)m the their tcation )ottery of the ated to eluded known among Iple of IpS ~ their jed on vas on s sited pplied

ourriau

iI1 joint

3ple of dE 10 )erated Indent

with J but see ra On rEA 73

Study ry text 53-58

THE ORGANIZATION OF WORK AND DELIVERY 39

the village and their internal organization remains a mystery Only when the potters come into contact with the village through delivery do they become more visible in the record

22 How many potters Throughout the 19th and 20th Dynasties the numbers of potters delivering to the village at anyone time seems to have remained largely stable Potteries are understood to be substantial operations involving probably a master potter and a number of assistants56 Evidence for the wider organization of the workshops on this level as well as any adaptations made in response to changes in the size of the village is not apparent in the data (see above pp 12-15) Where the texts do enumerate numbers of potters we can conclude that two were responsible for delivery it is possible that one potter was assigned to each side of the crew but the texts are not generally explicit concerning this level of the organization

Some evidence for potter numbers is found in the 19th Dynasty account texts O IFAO 387 (unpub) separately records the deficits of two potters that ofMerma preceding that ofNakhy O OeM 91 records a deficit accumulated by Menna in lines 1-3 In line 4 Nakhys name is written but the rest of the line was left blank or erased Cerny noted that three lines on the verso of this ostracon had been erased perhaps indicating that the account was originally intended to record the deliveries of both men57

Another account in this group O Berlin P 10840 is more difficult to interpret The recto summarizes Mennas total deficit for 5 months stating that he is under the authority of the scribe Pashed (r-lJt sf P3-sd) On the verso are three lines of text the first giving the name of a scribe Ipuy Lines 2 and 3 record very high totals of vessels (94 qbw vessels and 992lbw vessels) The relationship between the text on the recto and that on the verso is unclear the numbers of vessels on the verso are almost double the amount of those on the recto Other sources recording the actions of Pashed and Ipuy indicate that they were smdt-scribes responsible for the supervision of deliveries Their separate appearance in this text may indicate that deficits for each side of the crew were enumerated seperately because smdt-scribes seem to have been assigned to Right and Left58 It is not clear whether Menna was responsible to the different sides for both deficits or whether the verso deficits belong to a second potter perhaps Nakhy If the latter is the case the deficits of O DeM 91 and O IF AO 387 may also reflect the division into Right and Left The work organization and administration of the crew was structured by this division so it would seem logical that the work and deliveries of the potters should be organized on this basis as well The situation is often not made explicit and these texts can be interpreted in various ways For example an undated and anonymous account text O OeM 135 records deficit of the potters two men (4t n p3 qd s 2) (1 1) The totals of vessels that follow are not divided into two groups as one might expect It is therefore not clear whether the two men were required to deliver to one side of the crew to the viIIage as a single unit or whether for the sake of expediency the scribe put the totals for each side together

The only clear statements concerning a division of the potters deliveries to Right and Left are found in the account ostraca and the journal papyrus from the late 19th Dynasty These texts also seem to confirm that two potters usually delivered to the village at anyone time In O Cairo 25591 rto 4-5 is recorded receipt of the bkw of (the) potter Ptah[emheb] receipt of the bkw of (the) potter Nefer[her] The text breaks off at the end of these lines so it cannot be ascertained

56 A L Kelley Some Reflections on Pottery and Society in Ancient Egypt in Papers of the Pottery Workshop Third International Congress of Egyptology Toronto Sept 1982 ed A L Kelley (Toronto 1983)30 57 This idea is recorded as a note in Cerny Nb 104l39 No mention of the verso is made in the publication of this text Catalogue des ostraca I pI 54 58 Hence my tentative assignment of this text and O DeM 91 to Category B see also Davies Whos Who 124 For discussion of the role of muil-scribes see section 23 with references

--

v

40 POTTERS

whether these deliveries were made to different sides of the crew The preceding entries concerning units of fuel were separately enumerated for each side Right preceding Left (rto 1-2) tI Perhaps the pottery delivery followed this pattern

Two further texts O Cairo 25633 and O DeM 343 are more explicit O Cairo 25633 vso 1-2 tI records receipt of the bkw of (the) potter Neferher of Left (ssp bkw qd nfr-~r n smM O Il DeM 343 1-2 in contrast records Year 6 I smw 1 receipt by the hand of (the) potter ( Ptahemheb of Right (qd pt~-m-~b n wnmy) Ptahemheb continued to deliver to Right into the B reign of Siptah at the end of the 19th Dynasty as recorded in P Greg rto A 11 potter Ptahemheb f~ of Right to the scribe Pentaweret - 2 bkw59 Other entries in this text (vso B 11-13) also v separately enumerate deliveries of bkw for each side the entry on vso B 8 also recording the Ii name Ptah[ emheb] 60 From these texts we can posit that in the late 19th Dynasty the potters el Ptahemheb and Neferher were probably required to deliver to the right and left sides of the crew re respectively as successors of Menna and Nakhy the only other pair of potters named in the 19tb

Ie Dynasty documentation

In the journal ostraca from the reign of Ramesses II which record deliveries to Right the use of 2~ the singular in the standard entry marking pottery delivery entered by the hand of the potter Uw th m-Ijrt p qd)61 and variants seems to record the activities of only one potter However p qd is a P formulaic way of referring to potters and it is possible that the title may conceal varying numbers th of men pc

The lists of smdt representing Right and Left included on the verso of the Turin Strike Papyrus (RAD 45-7) do not clarify the situation for the mid_20th Dynasty The entry after those who produce pots (nty qd) in the first list (vso 1 19) is lost although there is space for only one name The second list also ineludes only one potter ~Omek (vso 4 11) and the list ends here62 It is possible to interpret these lists as indicating the presence of only one potter for each side of the crew The speech of the door-keeper Khaemwaset entered later in this text where he promises to increase the numbers of potters to 4 men (on) Right and 4 (on) Left total 8 men (vso 2 16) can perhaps be interpreted as pure rhetoric (see above p 13) There is little further evidence for 2 numbers of potters in the journals of year 29 and later but no such increase seems to have As occurred ad

In the papyrus journals from the late 20th Dynasty deliveries of the potters bkw are separately OCI enumerated for each side63 The entries in these texts indicate some variation in numbers of ill potters although we still seem to be dealing with only one or two men In P Turin 2044 vel (unpubl) from year 1 of Ramesses V an entry records Left the two potters [deficit] (sm~ p im qd 2 [4]) (rto I 5) Thus at times two potters may have been expected to deliver to one side

The only potters name recorded in the later papyrus journals is that of ~Ahawy In the Journal De of Year 7 of Ramesses IX (P Turin 1881 Pleyte and Rossi pI 1-8 KRI VI 609-19) pottery SCI deliveries are made by ~Ahawy but there is no indication whether these were made to Right or Ra Left (vso col V 1-3 col VI 7-8) In verso col VII 1-2 the entry for a lost day in III smw the records received by the hand of the potter [ ] Right and Left vessels Ibw-vessels 150 qb(w)shy en1

SCt

Dy 59 Janssen Village Varia 117 Pel 60 ibid 122 61 For this phrase see section 23 62 The potter Omek also occurs in P Turin 2081 +2095 rto 1 (unpubl) from the mid 20th Dynasty The text records a delivery but the details are lost 63 For example P Turin 2070133 134 + 3 frgs rto II 10-11 (KRJ VI 426-8 entered as Cat 2070154) P Turin 1881 (Pleyte and Rossi pI 1-8) vso VII 1-2 P Turin 1900 (KRI VI 619-24) vso II 7 Turin Necropolis Journal Year 3 Ramesses X (P Turin 1898 Botti and Peet pI 50-63 KRIVI 687-99) rto III 9-1013-14 Turin ~ecropolis Journal Year I Ramesses XI (P Turin 1888 Botti and Peet pl 63 KRJVI 850-1) vso dockets A 2-4

mtries 1-2)

101-2 I) O potter Ito the milieb ) also ng the )otters crew le 19th

use of er Uw ldis a rnbers

Strike those lyone

62 Itre of the ises to

~ 16) ce for have

rately ers of 2044

llip3 je

mmal ottery ~ht or smw

b(w)shy

e text

4) P Turin 0 III IVI

INTERPRETING RECEIPT AND DELIVERY 41

vessels 70 It seems likely that (Ahawys name is to be restored here This last entry may indicate that IAha) could be responsible for deliveries to both Right and Left

In P Turin 2018 (KRI VI 851-63) listing payments of grain to the crew and the smdt dating to the end of the 20th Dynasty IAhawy is included in the list of smdt for Left (A vso 1 10-12 B rto II 9-11 B vso II 17) In the list of smdt for Right is recorded the name of the potter Bakenmut (A rto IV 15-17 A vso I 2-6 B rto II 2-4) In one entry in this text he is recorded as potter Bakenmut son of r Ahawy (A rto la 3-5) It is very likely that potting was a skill passed from father to son and here we see a family of craftsmen responsible for delivery of ceramics to the village In contrast with the evidence for the woodcutters (see above p 15) there seems to be little indication of a change in numbers of potters to reflect any decrease in the size of the crew except for the Journal of Year 7 Perhaps IAhawy was assisted in his delivery by his son the responsibility for supply at this time falling to a single family who could be noted in greater or lesser detail in the record64

The potter rAhawy is also entered in a list of potters (m qdw) in P Turin 2014 (UTlpubl) rto 27_865 The text is not dated but his name places it in the late 20th Dynasty As Janssen observes the names of the laundrymen included in the list in this papyrus are different from those listed in P Turin 2018 perhaps indicating some distance in time between the two texts66 The writing of the plural in the title to the list (m qdw) is formulaic and need not indieate that more than one potter is meant

The number of potters delivering to the village at anyone time seems generally to have been stable at two men Some flexibility may be detected in the papyrus documents of the late 20th

Dynasty although the numbers do not seem to vary beyond one or two The potential for flexibility in the numbers of smdt has been noted by Janssen for both the woodcutters and the fishermen (see above p 15) It is possible that the fonnulae used for recording ceramic deliveries in earlier texts may conceal variations in their numbers

23 Interpreting receipt and distribution As Davies has shown in his study of the family histories in the village the smdt were administered by their Oill scribes67 Possibly the earliest explicit attestation of smdt-scribes occurs in a pottery account On the recto of O Berlin P 10840 the potter Menna is said to be under the authority (r-) of the scribe Pashed (I 1) Pashed and the scribe mentioned on the verso of the ostracon (1 1) Ipuy are knovro from other contemporaneous texts to have been involved in smdt-deliveries and the deliveries ofproduce such as dates and loaves to the village68

Scribes also occur with less explicit statements of authority in two other pottery accounts In O OeM 346 quantities of vessels were delivered on II prt 20 and 23 by the hand of (m-4rt) the scribe Amenemope Davies records two smdt-scribes named Amenemope one from the reign of Ramesses II and one from Ramesses IV_V69 I am inclined to assign this text the earlier date on the basis of its similarity to O OeM 623 On the verso of O OeM 623 a number of vessels are entered for I smw 1 On the recto a quantity of wood is entered by the hand Uw m-4rt) of the scribe Pentaweret for the same date Two smdt-scribes named Pentawcret held office in the 19tb

Dynasty one late in the reign of Ramesses II and one at the very end of the dynasty7o The Pentaweret of the late 19tb Dynasty is recorded as receiving 2 b3kw from the potter Ptahemheb (P

64 Compare the family firms of fishermen Janssen Village Varia 40 65 The line numbers given here follow CernYs provisional transcription (171541-6 171725-9) 66 Janssen and Janssen The Laundrymen of the Theban Necropolis 5 67 Whos Who 123-42 68 ibid 124 Davies doubts the equation Cerny made between this Pashed and the like-named draughtsman (Community206) 69 Whos Who 283-4 70 ibid 125-6283

--

42 POTTERS

Greg rto A II) The phrase jw tn-4rt can be used of both potters and scribes In the case of the

scribes it is likely they were involved in receiving and recording the ceramics rathcr than men

physical transportation and delivery The interpretation of tn-4rt is crucial here Although I T

translate the preposition literally it can be understood more flexibly as under the responsibility of which could express a range of levels of responsibility for supply from physical delivery to

seen for (

recording receipt7l

theslWhen pots are delivered or received by the hand of someone who is not given the title

indi(potter or otherwise connected with the stndt the status of the delivery is less clear Valbelle

to innotes the distinction between ceramics brought by the potters and vessels filled with beer and oother commodities provided by institutions72 Usually the content of the latter vessels is given 73

andHowever in some cases the entry is uncertain particularly with the delivery ofjnlt vessels In O

worDeM 23 5 16 jnll vessels are delivered by the hand of Amenemope while in O DeM 26 2-3 the a 30 large jnlt vessels are recorded by the hand of Nebnefer entered 27 deficit 3 Neither of

laquo~(ythese men is given any title and it is possible that they are ordinary workmen 74

(ves~The problems associated with interpreting the deliveries of jnlzt vessels can be best illustrated grou

by O Cairo 25704 which records the delivery ofjnll vessels in year 2 of Sety I no month or day probis given Although Davies connects this delivery with the known smdt-scribe Tjay or the member distn of the smdl Tjiro75 the status of this text remains uncertain Line 2 records the one who brought alloe very largejn~t vessels returned to Tj[ J (nty rdj jnlt (5t sp sn m-hyt mJ 0[ ]) while line 3 lines has the one who brought small () jnlt vessels assigned to [ J (nty rdj jnlt lrj m-Is (5 m-( twtw [ ))76 The non-standard means of entering the delivery nty rdj may indicate that this text 451 d records a more specialized range of vessels not necessarily to be associated vith the smdt-potters O jnlt vessels have a restricted range of occurrence in the Deir el-Medina documentation and are perhsometimes associated with festival deliveries (see the discussion of O BM 50728 below and desigsection 42) Therefore these vessels may not belong with the unfilled ceramics delivered by the desigsmdt-potters text I

There is little evidence in the texts that potters were assisted in the delivery of their wares by there other members of the smdt as is the case with the woodcutters (see above pp 12ff) Entries in the smdt journal OStraca record deliveries by the hand of the potter (m-4rt P5 qd)77 or entered by the In hand of the potter (jw m-4rt P5 qd)78 This may indicate delivery by the potters themselves but meml the use of such formulaic phraseology in recording delivery may conceal a number of possible inclUi alternatives for this aspect of supply Considering the quantities involved and the probable size of (mrw

is no perha

71 For discussion sec P Tallet Deux pretres-sem tMbains de la XXe dynastie BIFAO 99 (1999) 417 An SOlalternative translation of the phrase with similar implications would be arrived by the hand of

proba72 Ouvriers 265 For the representation of such tilled vessels in the ceramic repertoire from Deir el-Medina

delivcsee for example L Bavay S Marchand and P Tallet Les jarres inscrites du Nouvel Empire provenant de Deir aI-Medina CaMers de la Ceramique Egyptienne 6 (2000) 77-86 with references of the 73 For example all deliveries of wine to the village were made in mnt-amphorae Janssen Commodity Prices 350 mnt vessels are only once recorded as part of a potters deliveries In O Or Inst Chicago

79 Tw16998 (unpubL) 30 mnt vessels are entered alongside 30 qbw vessels and 150 Ibw vessels (1 3) The entry

Amenof a wood delivery in line 2 may indicate that this text records deliveries by the smdt For the elite status periodof the mnt see Bourriau Nicholson and Rice Pottery l37 potter

74 O DeM 202 records quantities of dpr and lbw vessels entered by the hand of Wepwawetmose potterAlthough the status of this text can be questioned lbw vessels are a more standard part of the smdt-potters cornprepertoire 80 In 1

75 Whos Who 106 with n 302 referri

76 For the readings of m-hyt mJ and rrt-s mJ see D Valbelle Remarques sur les textes neo-egyptiens meaninon-Iitteraires (sect 6-10) BIFAO 77 (1977) 129-13 L 81 For

77 For example O DeM 159 10 O DeM 39 rto 4 of hig

78 For example O DeM 35 addition above line 7 O DeM 154 rto 15-6 O DeM 38 7 O DeM 47 vso 4 Ramel

e of than

19h I bility ry to

title lbelle rand fenn

InO 2-3 ler of

trated lrday mlber ought line 3 mJ

s text )tters

Id are If and )y the

res by in the )y the es but ISsible ize of

17 An

l1edina venant

modity 1llcago e entry status

trnose )otters

yptiens

vso 4

INTERPRETING RECEIPT AND DELIVERY 43

the vessels the delivery could have involved several trips andor the use of assistants who are not mentioned because they had no responsibility

The distribution of the ceramics among the community is only rarely attested O DeM 337 seems to record numbers of pots owed to particular workmen III ot 10 deficit of 3lbw vessels for (n) Amenemope deficit of I ds vessel 1 dpy vessel and 3 lbw vessels for (n) Nakhy Both these names are common and it is impossible to date the text on this basis79 This text may indicate that not only were records made of the potters debts to the crew in general deficits owed to individual crew members could be documented as well

O BM 50728 dated to year 2 probably of Ramesses II also seems to relate to the processing and distribution of a particular type of ceramic recording vessels delivered to individual workmen as well as deficits owed to them The first five lines of the recto set out the purpose of the account Year 2 [ ] the record of the jn~t vessels for Left (p SOJW m n jn~t n smM - a total (~~~w) of 10 + 5 jn~t vessels Specification (wp s(traquo) for the crew concerning the 10 + 5 (vessels) 80 The numbers of vessels given to each member of the crew are then detailed The first group of five vessels is clearly allocated to four named workmen one for each man Baki probably the foreman of the crew81 received two corresponding to the hierarchal systems of distribution known from accounts of rations and other provisions Lines 7-10 continue with the allocation of different vessel types to named individuals The end of the recto is very broken but lines 11 and 12 seem to have recorded vessels owed to Amenmose (4t n jmn-msw) Pa-[ ] and twtw() and in this the text provides a parallel for O DeM 337 In O BM 50728 rto 11-12 the 41 determinative was crossed out possibly indicating that the debt was paid

O BM 50728 includes some unusual qualifications for the vessels including terms related perhaps to quality (very good jnJt njr nJr middling good jn~t nJr m-~ry-jb) and the designation of certain vessels as being in the fashion of hbny (vessels) (m qd hbny) These designations and the total (~J~w) ofbq oil given in the last line of the recto may indicate that the text records the delivery of filled jnJt vessels for a specific perhaps festival or ritual context I therefore doubt whether the text is concerned with the distribution of ceramics delivered by the smdt potters (see 42 for further discussion of this text)

In contrast O Cairo 25597 dated to year 2 of Ramesses IV records items distributed to members of the smdt The distribution list begins on line 2 with specification (wp-st) and includes a coppersmith a water-carrier as well as the potter Herunefer who received 5 bundles (mrw or ors) the content of these bundles is not stated Although the context for this distribution is not clear this is the only text known to me in which a potter seems to receive a payment perhaps in exchange for work

Some aspects of organization of work such as distribution of pots among the villagers probably did not require the level of administration and documentation needed for the record of delivery Details concerning the processing of delivery remain unclear such as the precise nature of the receipt and distribution of the products However the texts do allow the stages of delivery

79 Two workmen named Nakhy are known from the late 19th Dynasty Janssen Commodity Prices 86 Amenemope is a common name in all periods ibid 42 Although a potter Nakhy is known from this period I doubt whether this text should be understood as referring to the deficits of untitled but named potters instead I read the n as a preposition rather than the indirect genitive It would be very unusual for a potter to be untitled and the text does not follow the standard pattern for potter accounts recording deficits compare O DeM 91 O IFAO 387 O DeM 135 O Gardiner 88 vso 80 In these lines the number 10 is written in black ink while 5 is written in red Some of the numbers referring to allocations to individual workmen in the following lines of the text are also written in red The meaning of the use of red ink in the text requires further investigation 81 For Baki and his family see Davies Whos Who 2-12 If the provision of an extra vessel is an indicator of higher status this text would provide evidence that Baki continued in office into the early years of Ramesses II

I

--44 POTTERS

to be traced illuminating aspects of the organization of the potters work and their relationship the with the community ofDeir el-Medina veSt

may 24 Donkey hire by potters timi Although it can be assumed that donkeys were necessary for the delivery of ceramics to the (see village J know of only one relevant text and that refers only indirectly to the potters use of lOe donkeys There seem to be no hireage texts for potters comparable to those attested for or4 woodcutters and watercarriers

O DeM 73 Ito details a legal case concerning a donkey in the 20 th year of Ramesses III The 32 text records the resolution of a dispute (del) between the potter Herunefer who was the complainant and the workman Anynakht82 Herunefer hired a donkey from Anynakht The

FrO bkI

donkey proved unsatisfactory and an exchange was agreed upon in the presence of (m-blM a scribe of the mat Amennakhe3 The bad donkey was handed over to him Uwtw Ir swd n) and

blk1 Sh01

he gave him Uwf djt) an (other) she-donkey in its place (11 3-4) The text concludes with the resl taking of an oath on account of it (br pbwys) presumably by Anynakht

As Janssen observes in reference to the woodcutters and watercarriers texts about the hireage spec daYE

of donkeys are comparatively rare and are concentrated in the reigns of Ramesses III and IV Those that survive perhaps refer to rather unusual situations as here The distinctive nature of this

smt intel

text lends support to Janssens proposal that there was a pool of donkeys perhaps state or communally owned rather than belonging to the workmen themselves available for deliveries to

pap) was

the village (see above p 29) here T

sect3 Documenting supply 31 The timing ofexpected deliveries Janssen has determined through analysis of the journal OStraca of the reigns of Ramesses TIT and IV that deliveries of ceramics were expected every ten days84 That this was the practice in the early 19th Dynasty is confirmed by the delivery lists of wood and pottery Where the lists are dated these dates usually fall on days 1085 2086 or 3087 of the month which are the days on which deliveries were also recorded later in the 20 th Dynasty

It is likely that vessels were not expected on any particular day within this time frame and could be delivered in smaller amounts throughout the period like the deliveries by the gardeners and fishermen ss P Greg vso B II 8 documents the receipt of bkw of the potter for year 6 of

that for ( the doCl pred of tl gene mixt term

Siptah on the 19th day of IV lvt This delivery is then recorded in the summary information for IV lvt 10 to 20 A journal ostracon of the reign of Ramesses III records that on II smw 7 the potter entered two blkw one (w) for I smw 30 one for II smw 10 (0 DeM 38 7) The account text O DeM 346 of the mid_20th Dynasty documents the receipt of two quantities of vessels within three days On II prt 20 30 qbt vessels and 110 lbw vessels were received or delivered by the hand of

33l The wen O E IIIp scali mad

82 For Anynakht see Davies Whos Who 74-5 The potter Herunefer is also known from O Cairo 25597 39 (1

83 The role of the scribe of the mat (sv n un) in this text has been discussed by Ben Haring The Scribe of the Mat From Agrarian Administration to Local Justice in Deir el-Medina in the Third Millennium

Jans~ 90 b

AD A Tribute to Jac J Janssen eds R J Demaree and A Egberts Egyptologische Uitgaven 14 (Leiden 91 ibi

2000) 149 For the legal status of this text see A G McDowell Jurisdiction in the Workmens Community 92 O

ofDeir el-Medina Egyptologische Uitgaven 5 (Leiden 1990) 146-7 84 Commodity Prices 485-6

B893n

85 O DeM 1 5 7 10 12 13 17 23 O Gardiner 43 94 Fe

86 O DeM 2 8 15 24 O Or lust Chicago 18878 reCOl

87 O DeM 3 4 9 11 12 14 18 22 O DH 6 7 88 J J Janssen bkw From Work to Product SAK 20 (1993)90 n 52

tragI 95 L

lship

)the se of I for

The the The

M a ) and h the

reage i IV fthis te or ies to

I and n the s are fS on

ould sand 6 of

or IV lotter xtO three ndof

97 kribe znium iden lunity

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 45

the scribe Amenemope (rto 11 1-2) On II prt 23 a further 42 dpr vessels making(9 22 qb vessels and 100 tbw vessels were also entered by the scribe Amenemope (vso n 1-4) This text may record part payments of the delivery expected for II prt 20-30 The data concerning the timing of delivery therefore correspond to the evidence discussed by Janssen for the woodcutters (see above pp 18ff) As in the woodcutter texts if the delivery was completed in full during the 10 day period it was recorded as mI Any deficit or shortfall in delivery was entered as (w)gJ(t) or gJ nlr

32 The terminology ofsupply bJkw From the late 19th or early 20 th Dynasties the deliveries of ceramics were recorded in units of bJlnv in both account and journal ostraca Janssen has discussed the use and meaning of the tenn bkw in the Deir el-Medina material blkw in its absolute sense means work but Janssen has shown that in many cases in these documents the meaning can shift from work to the resultproduct of the work90 Within this usage the bkw of the potter seems to have a more specific meaning Janssen has concluded that it signifies a fixed amount that was due every ten days a quota He cites the example ofO DeM 387 where two b3kw were recorded one for I smw 30 one for II smw 10 91 The detenninatives used in the writing of b3lnv support this interpretation Although in the late 19th and early 20th Dynasty texts bkw was detennined by the papyrus roll92 from the middle to the end of the reign of Ramesses III the vessel detenninative was used93 The change to this detenninative from one with a more abstract meaning signals that here bkw is a work requirement consisting of an amount of ceramics

The usage of bkw in the journals and accounts implies that this amount was fixed a quota that would therefore be quantifiable There are records of the entry of two bkw often to make up for overdue deliveries and occasionally even half bkw94 These references certainly imply that the bIlnv was a predetennined amount that could be doubled or halved when necessary The documenting of deficits in the texts also shows that each delivery was expected to consist of a predetermined amount The Category E text O DeM 12 seems to record such a deficit On line 4 of this delivery list is written deficit namely deficit of vessels (4 qrlJt 4)95 Since qrlt is the generic tenn for vessels the implication is that the expected delivery of ceramics probably a mixture of types and quantities was not made To determine the composition of each bkw in terms of vessel types and numbers is however difficult

33 b3kw in the J(jh Dynasty accounts (text categories B C E) The 19th Dynasty accounts of the deficits of the potters Menna and Nakhy indicate that deliveries were pre-determined as amounts that if not delivered in full were recorded to be made up later O Berlin P 10840 records an accumulation of deficits owed by Menna from year 9 III fJt 1 to III prt 30 making 5 months 53 qbt vessels 575 bw vessels (11 2-3) This account shows the scale of thc deficit that the potter could incur over a period of time if complete deliveries were not made

89 Cernys transcription of the text contains an ellipsis and query at this point (Catalogue VII pI 2) Janssen (pers corron) has suggested that the two dashes in the hieratic facsimile could be read as Jr n 90 hkw From Work to Product 89 91 ibid 89-90 nO DeM 606 rto 611 O Cairo 25591 rto 4-5 and O Cairo 25633 vso 1 P Greg rto B 23 A 11 vso B 8 11-12 93 The journal ostraca from the mid_20th Dynasty consistently use this determinative 94 For an examples entries of two bkw see O DeM 154 rto 16 P Greg rto A II 11-12 Half units are recorded in O DeM 44 rto 20 P Turin 1961 (Pleyte and Rossi pI 99) vso II 5 Anonymous Turin fragment (Cerny MSS 3616) 95 t~~lon

46 POTTERS

O DeM 135 is a testimony to the precision with which such deficits were recorded This undated text enumerates the deficit of two potters Deficit of the potters 2 men 96 29 qbw fle)vessels 5 gy vessels 00 Ibw vessels 9 dp(r) vessels to (r) qbw vessels making 4Y2 Total ves making 33Y2 qbw vessels The final two lines seem to indicate that 9 dpr vessels were equivalent mo in some way to 4Yz qbw vessels97 When added to the 29 qbw vessels in line 2 this gives the total ves of 33Y2 Perhaps the potters were initially required to deliver 9 dpr vessels along with the other and vessels but the decision was made to convert these dpr vessels into their equivalent in qbw dprvessels Here it must be borne in mind that this text records deficit rather than delivery It seems forto reflect the scribes accounting mentality precisely recording the precise value of the deficit

forwhich may have been rounded up or down in reality The meticulous record of deficit does imply sigrfixed vessel deliveries with a specific amount being due every ten days

deliAlthough such texts imply the presence of a quota it is difficult to quantify that quota in terms

posof numbers and types of vessels In this context O DeM 135 provides an additional insight The

asklconversion of one vessel type into its equivalent in another type if it is a concrete conversion

therather than a statement of value implies a certain flexibility within the deliveries Perhaps this document shows the superiors of the crew specifying or making adjustments to the amounts of

34ceramics required every ten days in accordance with the needs of the crew

TheSuch an interpretation could explain the range of vessel types and quantities enumerated in the

19th defiDynasty delivery lists while also perhaps accounting for the precise documentation of It isdeficits These ostraca note deliveries of at least eight different vessel types in varying quantities

and combinations including jn~t98 m~t99 qbwIOO kJ-lr-kJ 101 gJy102 Ibw103 dpr104 and dS I05 and imp

Some of these vessel names are very rare in other documentation The dpr vessel although common in these lists and in 19th Dynasty pottery accounts does not appear to occur later 106 This

Ir

pattern could suggest a reduction in the vessel repertoire in the 20th Dyllasty but the contents of IVr Jourdeliveries are not generally enumerated in the later data potentially concealing some vessel types 29Deliveries of lbw vessels are recorded in the majority of the surviving lists and as will be 15-1illustrated below Ibw vessels alongside qbw vessels remained the core of the potters deliveries (conin the 20th Dynasty It is possible that qbw and bw are classes of ceramics rather than distinct samlvessel types so that the terms may cover a wider range of forms (see section 61) DeIlt othe

96 1- ~~~gt5l~I (I 1) reml 97 Compare O DeM 346 where 42 dpr vessels may be the equivalent of 22 qbt vessels (see section 31) day The flexibility of equivalence between the two types may indicate flexibility in the form and valuation of seen these vessels (see section 41) evid 98 Janssen Commodity Prices434 O DeM 16 153 174 23 5

ther99 Wb II 126 W F Reineke Der Zusammenhang der altagptischen Rohl- und LiingenmaBe MfG 9 (1963)148 O DeM 56 7 6 114 100 Janssen Commodity Prices 412-5 qbw is a feminine word and can also be spelt qbt Valbelle Guvriers 18 O DeM J 7 4 5 7 5 104 O DR 5 4 O Gardiner 435 101 Wb V 93 O DeM 28 3 O DR 6 8 lOi 0 102 Janssen Commodity Prices 426-8 O DeM 5 5 9 6 107 225 O DR 8 3 O Gardiner 436 108 0 10J Janssen Commodity Prices 433-4 O DeM 18 3 4 4 6 6 6 8 6 105 116 136 154 16 5 17 109 0 3 226 O DR 5 7 6 9 7 5 84 O Or lnst Chicago 188785 O Gardiner 43 7 O DeM 288 records 110 0 a lbw-n-k~ vessel (see section 41) III 0 104 This vessel is not included in Janssen Commodity Prices or in the Worterbuch It is written lith the 1110

generic term for vessel qrlt confirming its nature as such O DeM 25 3 3 5 7 6 5 9 5 106 165 113 0 O DR 5 6 O Or lnst Chicago 188784 4prt vessels presumably a different orthography of the same 114 C term occur in hieratic inscriptions from the tomb of Tutankhamun 1 Cerny Hieratic lnscriptionsfrom the Il5 t Tomb of TutCankhamun TutCankhamiins Tomb Series II (Oxford 1965) 6 with references See also G 116 Ir Bouvier BlFAG 101 (2001)90 note g PriCE 105 Wb V 485 Janssen Commodity Prices 472-4 O DeM 64 8 5 135 165 22 4 O DR 5 6 74 non-I 1(lj See the documents cited in n 100 also O DeM 346 vso 3 117 Q~

This qbw otal alent total other qbw

eems ficit mply

erms The rsion this Its of

n the m of ttities dS I05

tough This lts of ypes ill be veries stinct

1 31) ion of

1109

vriers

5 17 ecords

ith the 165

same Jm the

Iso G

74

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 47

The degree to which the composition of deliveries could vary from list to list illustrates the flexiblity of the institution On I 3Jt 10 of year 3 of Sety I 7 jn~t vessels (3 good 2 poor) 37 qbw vessels (deficit of 3) and 58 Ibw vessels (deficit of 2) were delivered l07 On the 20th day of that month dpr vessels were delivered (the rest of the text is lost)108 80 dpr vessels and 50 Ibw vessels were delivered on the last day of I 3Jt109 while on the last day of II Jt 40 qbw vessels and 50 Ibw vessels were delivered l1O On day 10 of III Jt 80 g3y vessels 90 m~t vessels and 40 dpr vessels were delivered lll Not only do several vcssel types occur in each delivery but totals for each vessel type also vary considerably as weI Ibw vessels tend to total between 50 and 60 for each list in which they occur1l2 However many of the attested totals documented are significantly larger between 100 and 300 lbw1l3 These texts may point to there being variable deliveries that resulted from commissions in response to specific needs However this is only one possible interpretation based upon a comparatively small group of texts The question must be asked whether a similar understanding can be gained from the qualitatively different sources of the 20th Dynasty

34 Recording b3kw in the 20th Dynasty The recording of pottery deliveries was less explicit in the 20th Dynasty with deliveries and deficits generally noted as b3kw and (w)4(t) of the potter without further clarifying information It is difficult to determine whether the quantities and contents of the deliveries were as flexible and varying as the 19th Dynasty data suggest Indeed as Janssen has concluded it is virtually impossible to prove what was meant by the termbkw l 114

In the rare cases where journal entries on ostraca of the reigns of Ramesses III and Ramesses N record numbers of vessels this information is difficult to interpret O DeM 154 rto recording journal entries in year 31 of Ramesses III documents the delivery made by the potter on II smw 29 entered by the hand of the potter 2 bkw (plus) 50 lbw vessels for II smw 30 deficit 65 (II 15-16) Janssen alternatively translates this part of the text as [e ]ntered from the potter 2 bkw (consisting of) 50 lbw vessels comparing it with O Berlin P 10654 (unpub) vso 1 where the same amount of 50 vessels is also mentioned I IS There is a number of possible readings of O DeM 154 rto The two b3kw may be deliveries owing from earlier in the month116 while on the other hand the 50 Ibw vessels may be an early partial payment for II smw 30 with 65 vessels remaining outstanding Since we do not have the rest of the journal for II smw and the entry for day 20 records neither delivery nor deficit it is difficult to draw firm conclusions Nonetheless it seems unlikely that the b3kw referred to in the text consisted of 50 lbw vessels The supporting evidence of the late 20th Dynasty ostracon O Berlin P 10654 vso is ambiguous also referring to the production of 50 vessels in the first line the numbers are lost thereafter

II Jt 10 the potter fashioned1l7 50 (vessels) day 20 the potter [fashioned x (vessels)]

107 O DeM 16-8 108 O DeM 2 5 109 O DeM 3 3-4 110 O DeM 45-6 1110 DeM 5 5-7 112 O DeM 18 34 8 6 165 O DH 5 7 6 9 O Or Inst Chicago 188785 113 O DeM 6 6 136 22 6 154 173 O DH 76 ll4 Commodity Prices 488 bkw From Work to Product 89 115 bkw From Work to Product 89 116 In a similar situation O DeM 40 14-5 records by the hand of the potter 3 bkw Janssen Commodity Prices 487-8 concludes that two of the bkw were payments for the first two decades although the non-delivery is nowhere stated while the third delivery was due for the five epagomenal days 117 ~~li~IT1l~~o

II

48 POTTERS

day 30 fashioning [x (vessels)] III 11]t 10 while he (fashioned)118 [x (vessels)] 35 b day 20119

Vhel total 230 qbw vessels [ ] the n specifYing it (wp Sf) ~ 23 jn~11 vessels blkw

In recording the actual work of the potters this text is unique While units of 50 vessels seem to statu be specified any connection with a blkw is not made explicit and can only be inferredYo perio

Janssen also cites the example of O DeM 35 on which a note above line 7 recording entries been for IIprt 19 of year 28 of Ramesses III reads entered by the hand of the potter as one b3kw 100 these qbw vessels 45 lbw vessels Although this text indicates that the b3kw consisted of 100 qbw Th vessels and 45 lbw vessels the phrase m w( b3kw could imply that the vessels enumerated were the e those making up this particular delivery perhaps differing from although equivalent to the recor contents of earlier deliveries and the standard b3kw The higher number of qbw vessels than Ibw epagt vessels which is very unusual when compared with other texts enumerating these two types 5 ep suggests that this entry is exceptional not only in its formulation It may be that this delivery ofth required special enumeration perhaps the potter altered the original order and provided an bee) equivalent number of qbw vessels instead of lbw vessels P

The two uneertain entries of O DeM 154 and O DeM 35 are the only texts in which actual Ram vessel types are enumerated in 20u Dynasty journal ostraca O DeM 35 in particular may suggest reads that the composition of b3kw could be flexible Other surviving records of pottery deliveries from An e the reign of Rarnesses III usually state only whether or not the potter entered his deliveries deliv complete or was in deficit O DeM 143 vso 5 datable to year 24 of Ramesses III does fo11o however enter a deficit of lbw vessels for the five epagomenal days Although the exact figures as 65 are lost the final two lines record an unknown total (dnuf) of qbw vessels and a total of 680 lbw char~ vessels these probably being deficits incurred since IV smw 30 the day the potter first fell behind disru in deliveries as the account records In O DeM 165 which largely documents deficits incurred in prt 1 year 30 III prt and thereafter a note to one side records year 29 entered for the five whih (epagomenal) days 30 lbw vessels his deficit 85 (11 4amiddot5a) vesst

Where vessel numbers are enumerated in these 20th Dynasty texts they vary in some cases notin considerably although the relationships of these numbers with the context of the documents must onw be kept in mind The vessel types are less varied than in the 19th Dynasty sources Mostly qbw and that 1 [bw vessels are enumerated in large quantities which confirms that these vessel types were the here basis of the potters b 3kw The deficit accounts from the reign of Ramesses II (group III) record If only qbw and lbw vesselsl2I in contrast with the variety of vessels represented in the delivery deliv lists The delivery lists of the 19th Dynasty appear to be exceptional in the variety of vessel types large they enumerate They may represent deliveries from other specialized workshops or supplies for vess particular purposes The similarity between the 19th Dynasty delivery lists of pottery and wood on en1r) the one hand and of specialty breads and beer on the other hand may indicate that these inter deliveries were in general more specialized they were perhaps associated with festivals Such an here association is illuminated by a study of one of the vessel types less commonly enumerated in A1 these texts (see section 42) However the regularity of delivery in these lists recorded in tenmiddotday b3kJi blocks is closely comparable with the regular b3kw delivery For the 20th Dynasty it must be potu borne in mind that b3kw which is mostly unqualified in the journal ostraca may cover a range of the ( vessel types sing

liS Q0--1i11 122 G ll9 Cerny noted that the line here was left blank 123 J~

120 The specification of jnJz1 vessels may also suggest that this text refers to a specialized perhaps unique lUF

production series For jnJzt see section 42 me 121 0 DeM 91 O Berlin P 10840 vso O IFAO 387 126 C

em to

ntries 100

l qbw were

) the nbw types livery ed an

actual 19gest from veries does

igures 101bw )ehind red in ~ fivc

cases must wand re thc ccord livery types es for odon thcsc Ichan ted in n-day lst be 1ge of

mique

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 49

35 bikw in the late 20th Dynasty papyrus documents Where pottery deliveries are recorded in the journal papyri the numbers of vessels involved and the name of the potter are often included A further contrast with earlier records is that the tenn bkw is rarely employed The more fonnal status of the papyri may explain such differences This status may also be one reason despite the large amount of documentation surviving from this period deliveries of pottery are only recorded occasionally Those that are recorded may have been special deliveries and hence worthy of note When bkw are recorded as in earlier records these may be variable in size and consist largely ofbw and qbw vessels

The recto ofP Turin 2070133 134 + 3 fragments (KRIVI 426-8) contains journal entries for the epagomenal days of the year 2 of a king later than Ramesses IV 122 The entry for the final day records the deliveries of the potter Right the potter - 29 [qb]w vessels 145 lbw vessels Five epagomenal days 100 [+ 45] Ibwvessels [Left] the potter 29 [qbw] vessels 145lbwvessels 5 epagomenal days 145 (Col II 10-11) The deliveries are enumerated separately for each side of the crew although if the restorations are correct the totals are the same for each side As is to be expected qbw and bw vessels are the only vessel types mentioned

P Turin 1881+ (Pleyte and Rossi pI 1-8 KRIVI 609-19) records entries for years 6-8 of Ramesses IX the potter is only mentioned on three occasions in year 7 For IV lu 29 the entry reads received by the hand of the potter ~Ahawy - qbw vessels 65 bw vessels 65 (vso V 1-2) An entry for 65 handfuls of plants follows in this list and seems to be associated with this delivery An entry on the same line also records 2 khar of k3Y (Ulq~ ~ ) probably roe123 The following line records again by his hand (wlm m-fjrtj) (for) I prt 10 100 [b[w] vessels as well as 65 handfuls of plants and an unknown measure of roe It seems that the potter had also been charged with delivering produce to the village perhaps the organization of deliveries was disrupted in this period Other entries record deliveries received by the hand of scribes 124 In III prt 18 almost three months later ~Ahawy made another delivery of 300 Ibw vessels (vso VI 7-8) while in III smw there were received by the hand of the potter (for) Right and Left 1501bw vessels and 70 qbw vessels (vso VII 1-2) P Turin 1881 + is an unusual text which rather than noting events day by day records only a few days from a few months of each year perhaps days on which events occurred that were more significant in the eyes of the scribe Valbelle observes that the scribe was running out of space on the papyrus increasing the likelihood that the entries he recorded were those he considered important125

If the deliveries recorded in this text were the only ones made for year 7 of Ramesses IX the delivery patterns of the potters may have changed Rather than delivering units every decade large deliveries were made every two to three months This would explain the large totals of vessels supplied However as Janssen cautions scribal inaccuracies mean that the absence of an entry in the journal does not necessarily mean that the delivery was not made126 An alternative interpretation is that the standard deliveries were made every ten days and that those recorded here were supplementary and worthy of special mention

An entry in P Turin 1900+ (KRl VI 619-24) vso 117 may indicate that regular deliveries of blkw continued at least in the early years of Ramesses IX Year 9 II 31Jt 19 records Right the potters b3kw [ ] (wnmy p qd n b3kw [ J) The context of this delivery is similar to those of the earlier 20th Dynasty with supply of fuel and gypsum being recorded as well However the single mention of a potters bkw in this entry in the papyrus may be as unique as those in P

122 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 242 123 Janssen Village Varia 53 124 For example vso 2a vso 5 5 vso 5 10 vso 6 1 125 Ouvriers 63-4 126 Commodity Prices 486

l

50 POTTERS

Turin l88l Journal entries from years 10 and 17 of Ramesses IX support this interpretation P A Turin 2071140 (KRIVI 63715) rto 9 records delivery of vegetables and pottery 2l() qb(w) varia vessels 110 [+ x] [bw vessels for day 30 IV smw year 10 The Turin Necropolis Journal of year vana 17 rto B II 2-3 (Botti and Peet pI 16) is the only record of a pottery delivery in this substantial inclu text covering two full months potter rAhawy 33 qbw vessels 165 [bw vessels This may Dyna indicate that the delivery was an unusual hence noteworthy event especially in relation to (HO references to problems with smdt organization earlier in the text (see section 37) the p

Deliveries of varying quantities of pottery are entered a number of times for different sides of recei the crew in the journal of year 3 of Ramesses X (P Turin 1898 + Botti and Peet pI 50-63 KRI Re VI 687-99) On III prt 18 even though the crew was not working because of the foreigners cornr (Omyw) 30 qb(w) vessels and 30 [+ x] [[bw] vessels were delivered to Right (rto I 11) On the wood last day of IV prt 9 qb(w) and 27 ([)bw vessels were delivered to Left (the entry for Right is comp lost rto II 14) The entry for II smw 19 records crew not working Right 28 qb(w) vessels 300 Janss [b(w) vessels Left 28 qb(w) vessels 15 g1(y) vessels 300 [b(w) vessels (rto III 9-10) The entry amou for g1y vessels is unusual in this text Two days later there was a further delivery for Right alone largel the potter - 30 qb(w) vessels 150 [b(w) vessels (rto III 13-14) In the month of III smw qbw Alt and [bw vessels were delivered on two occasions day 5 and day 30127 On IV smw 1 1 qbw was texts

delivered perhaps to Right while 90 [bw vessels were delivered to Left (rto V 18-9) If each are in delivery of vessels to the village was flexible in size and composition the entries in this journal as a c may also illustrate that deliveries to different sides of the crew could be varied as well quant

The journal text of year 1 of Ramesses XI P Turin 1898+ VSO128 records for I 10t 24 Right excep

from the hand of (the) potter [ ] 18 qb(w) vessels 50 [+x] [bw vessels Left from the hand of 37 In(the) potter [ ]y129 10 [+x] (Hh vessels [r~R~~o] [ J (vso Text A 2-4) Again the Otherdelivery is separately enumerated for the different sides of the crew breaks in the text mean that unprethe composition of the delivery is unknown If the entry on line 4 is a variant orthography of a this b type of vessel (1(1130 it may indicate a specialized delivery because (1(1 vessels are not firingotherwise attested in the pottery deliveries l3I Further deliveries are recorded in this journal again therein a very broken context by the hand ofthe potter [ ] lbw vessels 51 [+ x ] (vso dockets B taken5-6) later 18 qbw vessels and 50 lbw vessels are recorded (vso dockets C 2) This is the latest or adrsurviving record of pottery deliveries to the necropolis workmen in the 20th Dynasty deficit Impac36 Conclusion the meanings ofb1kw

TheThe Turin Necropolis journals seem to support the interpretation of the nature of the b1kw found detailein the earlier documentation Despite the possibility that delivery patterns may have altered or that from t some entries may represent extra deliveries these documents indicate that [bw and qbw vessels earlyformed the core of any quota of pottery delivered to the village occasionally supplemented with irregulother vessel types the pa III It

127 On III sectmw 529 qb(w) vessels and 150 bw vessels were delivered to Right Left received 19 qb(w) month vessels and 150 bw vessels (Botti and Peet pI 57 rto IV 15-9) The papyrus is damaged in the entries for III sectmw 30 but the surviving text indicates that deliveries of over 100 bw vessels were made to Right and both fbw and rqlbw vessels were delivered to Left (Botti and Peet pI 59 rto V 17-19) Unusually this latter entry records bw vessels before qbw 132 For 128 Botti and Peet pI 63 KRI VI 850-1 I follow the reassessment of Jtirgen von Beckerath in my reading 34 see of this text Papyrus Turin 1898+ vso SAK21 (1994)29-33 133 Th( 129 Perhaps the name of the potter CAhawy can be restored here 134 C J 130 Wh V 532 W F Reineke Der Zusammenhang der altagyptischen Hohl- und UingenmaBe MID 9 East e (1963)151 observlt 131 4343 vessels are included in a list of products in O Cairo 25678 vso 17 along with fbw vessels (1 18) discuss Valbelle citing this text considers that 4343 vessels could replace qbw vessels and were perhaps be mad synonymous (in her reference Duvriers 265 n 12 read 25678 for 25673) 135 Con

n p b(w) year ntial may m to

es of KRI

yenlers 11 the ht is 300 ~ntry

lone qbw was each lmal

ight ld of I the that ofa not

gain s B atest

lUnd that sels with

b(w) 8 for tand this

ding

[09

18) haps

DOCUMENTIKG SUPPLY 51

A further correspondence between the papyrus documents and the earlier ostraca is the variation in the numbers of vessels being delivered If these figures do represent regular bkw the variation in vessel totals may reflect responses to the changing needs of the crew perhaps including orders made by the superiors of the crew to the potters The use of bkw in one 20th

Dynasty account ostracon exemplifies the flexible character of commissions O Gardiner 80 4-5 (HO 6114) states after recording the complete deliveries during III smw received as the bkw of the potter entered complete like his custom of every day This text implies that the deliveries received during that month constituted the potters commission which he managed to fulfiL

Records survive of other members of the smdt such as gardeners and woodcutters receiving commands to deliver specific amounts132 Janssen notes the commission received by the woodcutter Saroy in year 29 III fJt 7 to deliver 380 units every 10 days This order can be compared with that of Saroys colleague who received a commission to deliver 500 units 133 As Janssen observes the quotas of the woodcutters often deviated quickly from these specified amounts (see above p 20) Such orders might have been regular normal occurrences that are largely invisible in the written record

Although no known text records such an assignment to the potters to deliver specific amounts texts that record varying quantities of ceramics and texts in which vessels other than qbw and tbw are included suggest that such commissions were madc The bkw may therefore be understood as a commission or expected dclivery of a predetermined unit of ceramics Although theoretically quantifiablc the bkw was flexible so that we cannot determinc what amount was expected except in specific deliveries

37 Implications ofdefiCits Other factors may also have operated to produce differential sizes of deliveries Firing was an unpredictable process with a certain amount of wasters inevitably being produced each time On this basis Christopher Eyre has suggested the one bkw may have been the equivalent of one firing which could vary in composition and in success134 Although this hypothesis is viable there is no direct evidence to support it and it is also possible that the needs of the crew were taken into account in each individual bkw or work requirement Where problems in the workshop or administrative breakdowns affected deliveries these are likely to be reflected in the records as deficits By examining patterns of deficit within the documentation it is possible to observe the impact of external problems in the Theban area on the potters deliveries in the mid 20th Dynasty

The journal ostraca of the reigns of Ramesses III and IV (Group I) again provide the most detailed documentation of delivery and deficit although only very general trends can be deduced from the materiaL Janssens analysis of pottery deliveries at the end of Ramesses Ills reign to early Ramesses IV led to the conclusion that deliveries of commodities were generally very irregular at this time whereas in the preceding years they had been more stable 135 The details of the pattern of deficits can be supplemented by a few account ostraca from the reign of Ramesses III It must be borne in mind that the idiosyncrasies of scribal record keeping mean that some months record no deliveries at all even though deliveries were most probably made

132 For the commissioning of the smdt see J J Janssen The Year of the Strikes BSEG 16 (1992) 44 n 34 see also Janssens section 7 in this volume 133 The Year of the Strikes 44-6 134 C J Eyre Work and the Organization of Work in the New Kingdom in Labor in the Ancient Near East ed M A Powell (New Haven 1987) 193 Janssen bkw From Work to Product 90 n observes that if this were the case the potters would have delivered once per decade The limited evidence discussed in 31 and a review of the delivery dates in the texts included in 33 indicate that deliveries could be made on more than one occasion during the ten-day period 135 Commodity Prices 488

52 POTTERS

The account of O Gardiner 80 (HO 61 4) for year 21 of Ramesses III records deliveries that O were made complete for the entire month of III smw the final line entered complete like his bJrn custom of every day although formulaic may be an indicator of a reputation for efficiency and for t punctuality The records from a few years later appear to tarnish this reputation The account text far 11 O DeM 143 datable to year 24 while recording complete deliveries for III smw 30 and IV smw coml 10 and 20 enters deficits for IV smw 30 the five epagomenal days and the first two decades of I appe 3bt (11 1-7) Reasons for the accumulation of such a substantial deficit beyond internal incre production problems are unknown This text warns us that although the relationship between admi administrative problems at Deir el-Medina and deficit is clear at times less easily identifiable in th factors may also have had an impact By year 27 deliveries appear to have returned to normal the p with no deficits being entered and every delivery recorded as complete (0 DeM 33 vso 8 O TI DeM 34 rto 7 16 vso 11) a deficit is however noted for the epagomenal days of year 28 in O agair DeM 156 vso 4 that

From year 29 deficits are again a consistent feature of the record during the time when labour inc01 troubles began to disrupt the community The first hint of delivery problems may be found in the whet problematic O Strasbourg H 26 If the entries on the recto refer to the potter this text records mad~ complete deliveries throughout I and II smw and probably through the epagomenal days and II there 3bt The verso may refer more explicitly to pottery deliveries with the final line recording IV coul Jbt 10 deficit of the [potter) However the reading of qd is based on a restoration (Cerny Nb in thi 3561) and the status of this text as a pottery account could be questioned There are more certain Th references to delivery from later in year 29 In I prt 30 the potter made deliveries to Right and perio Left details of the content of delivery are not given (0 Turin 57007 vso 4-5) The strike action ambi began in the village only ten days later on II prt 10136 The only further entry recording a pottery Peet delivery is in P Turin 1961 (Pleyte and Rossi pI 99) possibly from the end of year 29 IV prt 30 outsi notes for Right the potter I Y while the potter l is noted for Left (vso II 5 7)137 There are there no further records of pottery deliveries until year 30 although the consistent deficits incurred by reorg the woodcutters during year 29 and into year 30 are evidence of the impact of the strikes (see for II above p 21)138 authc

Deficits are recorded in an account text for III prt 30 and probably IV prt 10 of year 30 but a Peet delivery oftvo b3kw was promptly made to remedy this deficit (0 DeM 165 rto 1-2) O DeM ~Aha 154 rto 15-16 of year 31 records the delivery of two b3kw on II smw 29 probably overdue entric payments for days 10 and 20 A number of fbw vessels are also specified I interpret these as and perhaps an early payment for II smw 30 although they may relate to the two b3kw A deficit of 65 speci is noted Complete deliveries are made in IV lJl but since they are noted specifically they may perha have been considered late one b3kw being entered on day 13 for day 10 and one being entered Th for Right only on day 21 (0 DeM 157 8-9 17) From then into the reign of Ramesses IV the may potters made deliveries late or were making good deficits In II smw 7 of year 32 the debt was diffic paid for I smw 30 and at the same time the b3kw was delivered three days early for II smw 10 (0 or the

19thDeM 38 7 17 23) No sooner had these deliveries been made then the potter was in debt again I for the rest of the month Disruptions to pottery and fuel deliveries (see above p 21) throughout wide] year 30 and into year 31 are symptoms of continued labour problems within the village or of subst general administrative problems in the Theban area 139

mont side I

136 RAD 49 15 P J Frandsen Editing reality the Turin Strike Papyrus in Studies in Egyptology presented to Miriam Lichtheim ed S Israelit-Groll (Jerusalem 1990) 166-99 Risbo 137 Janssen considers that the documentation of half units may point to a scarcity of materials Commodity availa Prices 488 A reference to a half unit may also be found in an anonymous papyrus fragment in Turin 140 Fo (Cerny MSS 3616) which records the potter 2h this probably means 2h bJkw 141 Fo 138 Janssen The Year ofthe Strikes 46-8 BerIir B9 Disruptions in local administration may have directly impacted pottery production if as Colin Hope bkw suggests the state provided clay to these workshops Egyptian Pottery Shire Egyptology 5 (princes been ~

8 that ce his yand It text smw

s of ternal tween fiable Irmal 8 O in O

aboUT in the ~cords

md II ~ IV YNb ertain It and ~ction ottery Jrt 30 re are ed by (see

but a DeM erdue se as of65 may

tered the twas 0(0 19ain ~hout or of

~logy

ity

ffope inces

DOCUMENTlIG SUPPLY 53

O DeM 40 rto 15 from I gUt of year 1 of Ramesses IV records that the potter delivered three bgkw on day 24 probably overdue deliveries for days 10 and 20 (the deficits are not noted) and for the epagomenal days for which the deficit was entered in a note in a separate column on the far left A deficit is also recorded for day 30 (vso 9) From this point on the deliveries tend to be complete although often a few days late140 There are still occasional deficits but the deliveries appear to have been generally more regular than in the final years of Ramesses IILI41 The increasing irregularity of delivery is probably a symptom of the general decay of the administration of the Necropolis at the end of a long reign The more regular deliveries beginning in the first year of Ramesses IV perhaps correspond with a renewed interest in the Necropolis on the part of the successor king who was eager to get work on his tomb underway

These documents provide the only opportunity to trace a pattern of deficit in pottery deliveries against well documented changes and problems in the administration of the village They show that such an equation between the two is possible this may have implications for the more incomplete records of the end of the dynasty It is difficult to determine from the papyrus texts whether deliveries continued on a regular basis in the closing years of the 20th Dynasty or were made in large consignments more infrequently as the surviving evidence seems to suggest Since there were significant civil disturbances in the Theban area throughout this period deliveries could have been affected to the point that they became more unusual events and warranted entry in the journals

The Turin Necropolis journal for year 17 of Ramesses IX provides the best example from this period From II prl on the text includes entries concerning the smdt in general from the ambiguous entry taking the smdt of the Tomb of Left by the scribe of the Tomb Hori (Botti and Peet pI 14 rto B I 8) to the entries a few lines later crew not working while the smdt were outside under the authority (rJ(wyraquo of the two scribes of the Necropolis [ ] crew not working there being no smdt outside (rto B I 12) These entries seem to indicate that there was some reorganization of or problem with the smdt although a record of a wood delivery was entered for II prl 15 The entry for II prt 18 records crew not working while their smdt were under the authority of the two scribes of the Tomb of the Outside without any payments (1) (Botti and Peet pI 15 rto B I 18) On II prt 24 a delivery of fish was made and on day 25 the potter rAhawy delivered a number of vessels (Botti and Peet pI 16 rto B II 1-3) Although these entries are difficult to interpret it seems that the crew was facing both deficits in grain delivery and problems with the smdt In this context the delivery of pottery can perhaps be seen as a special occurrence no text from the end of the 20 th Dynasty explicitly records a potters deficit perhaps indicating that there was no longer an expected pattern to delivery

The interpretations presented here are speculative moreover other factors that left no trace may have had an impact on production The deficits entered for year 25 of Ramesses III are difficult to explain except in terms of unknowable production problems specific to the workshops or the personal circumstances of the potters as are the causes for the deficits recorded in the early 19th Dynasty Such deficits cannot be equated with any known problems in the village or the wider Theban area The accounts of the potters Menna and N akhy in the early 19th Dynasty record substantial deficits especially those incurred by Menna in a year 9 where he is in deficit for five months totalling 53 qbw vessels and 575 fbw vessels Further deficit totals perhaps for the other side of the crew are even larger 94 qbw vessels and 992 lbw vessels (0 Berlin P 10840) The

Risborough 1987) 10 This argument may apply only to high quality ceramics considering the ready availability ofNile silt for the production of most basic vessels 140 For example O DeM 47 rto 3 11 vso 4 141 For example the following texts record deficits in year 1 = I prt 30 (0 DeM 47 rto 11) III prt 30 (0 Berlin P 12641 + 12628 7) II smw 20(7) (0 DeM 161 vso 3) O DeM 44 rto 20 records a delivery of 1y bklv for III smw 29 Janssen considers that since no delivery was recorded for day 20 materials may have been scarce at this time Commodity Prices 488

--54 POTTERS

patterns of deficit incurred by the potters that can be traced in the texts cannot generally be Ana correlated with external administrative problems and decay rese

proc sect4 Equations of word and object an analysis offour pot-types A notable feature of the potter texts from Deir el-Medina is the substantial number of vessels 41 delivered to the village every ten days Although the exact number due in each bkw varied the I ha totals of some deliveries indicate that there was a significant and constant need for ceramics in the thrOl community In the lives of the villagers this pottery was essential It was the principal means to mult store prepare and serve food and to carry out many other activities within the domestic and work refer spheres Janssen observes in Commodity Prices that we have virtually no cvidence for the enun exchange value of ceramics beeause price texts generally refer only to metal or stone vessels 142

used Vessels used for a wide variety of domestic purposes would have had a low value and high class turnover millions of pot sherds were found within the rubbish dumps of the village including the offo Grands PuitS 143 Since their role was so essential it is desirable to learn about the various forms of In thl the vessels - their sizes and range of functions - in order to advance our understanding of the lJl villagers daily lives possi

Holthoerl44 noted that most Mesopotamian names of vessels relate directly to their material their function or their capacity but concluded that the Egyptians derived their vessel names from something other than vessel function This conclusion was largely based on the 1935 lexicographic analysis of Egyptian vessels by Robert du Mesnil du Buisson whose study is the only one that covers a wide range of ceramics including some of the vessel names that occur in the Deir el-Medina potter texts He considered that the qbw vessel was connected to qb fresh cool an appropriate concept for a jar145 He equated the gy vessel with the verb gw to be narrow perhaps suggesting a jar with a narrow neck 146

Edward Brovarski has done preliminary work on some Old Kingdom and First Intermediate Period vessel terms147 and Patricia Paice has studies connections between vessel shapes and their functions as depicted in tomb reliefs 148 The most valuable recent examination of the intersection of lexicography and a ceramic corpus is that of Janet Bourriau and Stephen Quirke on the Middle Kingdom ceramic repertoire from Lahun l49

An approach comparable to that taken at Lahun would be ideal for the material from Deir elshy Fig 1 Medina but a full statistical analysis of the archaeological material in relation to the textual data Urk r that is a prerequisite for determining lexicographic relations is beyond the scope of this study

The VI

Jb-nraquo142 407_8 and n 5 lS enu 143 ibid 488

vessel 144 New Kingdom Pharaonic Sites The Pottery 41 see J Bourriau and S Quirke The Late Middle

terminKingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects in Lahun studies ed S Quirke (Reigate 1998) 60shydeterm1 for a more recent discussion of the basis of classifications

145 Les noms et signes egyptiens designant des vases ou objets simiaires (Paris 1935)30 l46 Noms et signes 72 Janssen Commodity Prices 427 considers that du Mesnil du Buissons suggestions 150 FoUl

and explanations for the gly are unconvincing and concludes that no identification of the gly is apparant P Turi Ricardo A Caminos considered it to be an open bowl or cup since it was used more as a container for Howevl

ISl Jansvegetables and flowers than liquids (CLEM 194-5) corresponding to the use of gy vessels for natron 152 Thelotus leaves and fruit in the Medinet Habu festival lists A Spalinger Medinet Habu and Deir el-Yledina IS3 TheCombined in Deir el-Medina in the Third Millennium AD A Tribute to Jac J Janssen eds R 1 Demaree

and A Egberts Egyptologische Uitgaven 14 (Leiden 2000) 314 Although the shape of the gl) remains these m unknown Janssen has determined a capacity of 20 hin Two Ancient Egyptian Ships Logs Papyrus Leiden detenni 1350 verso and Papyrus Turin 2008 + 2016 (Leiden 1961)88 vessel l47 Lexicographical Studies in Egyptian Pottery Bulletin de Liaison du Groupe International dEtude de determi fa Ceramique Egyptienne 7 (1982) 36-7 154 P GJ 14S The Pottery of Daily Life in Ancient Egypt JSSEA 19 (1989) 50-88 bibliogr 149 The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects 60-83 IS5 Com

lly be

essels d the in the ansto lwork Dr the oels142

1 high ngthe rmsof of the

lterial s from

1935 is the

cur in fresh to be

lediate i their ection fiddle

eir elshyt data study

v1iddle 8) 60shy

~stions

Jaranl ler for latron -edina maree mains Leiden

~de de

EQUA TJONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 55

Analysis of the occurrence of vessel types in the potter texts can be related to the present stage of research into vessel shape and size to produce some further insights both into the potters products and into the documentation for the supply of particular ceramic types

41 The basic pots qbw and [bw I have shown above that [bw and qbw vessels formed the basis of deliveries to the village

19th 20ththroughout the and Dynasties Therefore it seems likely that they were simple multipurpose vessels distinct from each another in shape andor size There is a standard way of referring to them in the records qbw vessels precede [bw vessels and many fewer are usually enumerated This relationship points to a qualitative differentiation between the two ISO Both are used as containers for liquids such as beer and waterl5l I consider that these two terms designate classes of vessels rather than fixed single shapes their names perhaps referring to a wider range of forms Difference in size may account for the differentation in numbers delivered in the texts In the following discussion I assess the evidence for these two classes of vessels

Jb lbw) vessels are included among the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak indicating a possible shape for the vessel152

tlBoo~WJ~O 01It 0P L II I I

Fig 1 ob-nw-k vessels in the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak (Wreszinski Atlas II pI 33 Urk IV 636)

The vessel shown is distinctive being beaker-like and wider at the base than at the neck JS3 The ub-nw-k vessel here is the equivalent of the u-m-Icw of P Harris I 36a 7 A significant number is enumerated in this text as containers tor incense perhaps indicating a smaller cup-like vessel l54 Janssen has considered that the [x]-n-k termination which is fairly common in vessel terminology indicates that the vessels were cups the name of the vessel given in the compound determines the shape155 In the inscription of the High Priest Osorkon the Oblb-n-k is written

150 Four texts which enumerate qbw and fbw vessels show a ratio of 15 O Or Inst Chicago 16698 rto 3 P Turin 2070133 134 + frgs rto 10-11 Giornale of year 17 rto B II 1-3 P Turin 1898 rto III 14 However since these are isolated examples it is uncertain how widely applicable such a ratio was 151 Janssen Commodity Prices 433 Valbelle Ouvriers 265 152 The equivalence between the lb andlbw is confirmed in CLEM 186-7 153 The determinative given for a qby vessel in the offering list ofThutmose III at Elcphantine indicates that these may have been quite close in shape to the IJb-nw-h of the Karnak list The simple elongated beaker determinative is quite distinct from the determinatives given for the other vases in the list including the Ub vessel which is shon with a definite neck (Urk IV 828 4) However the occurrence of different determinatives within a single text does not offer a basis for a classification of vessel forms 154 P Grandet Le Papyrus Harris I (EM 9999) BdE 109 (Cairo 1994) I 272 see vol IT 141 n 576 for a bibliography for lbw l55 Commodity Prices 409

I

56 POTTERS

with a goblet detenninative ls6 The vessels recorded in these texts may be smaller cup versions of thai larger Ibw jars with the wide mouth and lack of defined neck perhaps pointing to a vessel associated with food preparation and service 157 The delivery list O DeM 288 records fb-nw-kJ

cor 1

vessels perhaps as a fuller writing of bw or as a distinct fonn vithin the Ibw class Vessels ves categorized as Ibw may have had a generalized function as cups or containers for both liquid and con solid foods A comparison can be made with the ~nw vessels which are recorded in significant 4W numbers in the papyrus documents from Lahun and are equated by Bourriau and Quirke with the 346 drinking cups known from the site the only vessel fonn which they consider could have been used in such numbers 158 The bkw of the Deir el-Medina potters show that Ibw vessels too were

lbw 50

delivered in large quantities the The lower numbers of qbw vessels in the deliveries may be related to their larger size In Poids o

No 5135 3 the weight of a metal qbw vessel is stated to be 20 deben or 18 kg Valbelle betv concludes from this that the qbw was significantly larger than the Ibw 159 That qbw designates a POttl simple storage jar may be indicated by the name itself If the connection suggested by du Mesnil two du Buisson between qbw vessels and qb cool can be accepted it may suggest that qbw vessels were storage jars perhaps for water and other liquids The connection may also suggest the

sigh one

material of manufacture qbw vessels could have been made from marl clay which cools water Helc through evaporation

As storage jars qbw vessels may have been connected in shape or broad function with the qbwshyIf a have

n-wt canopic jar The coincidence of the name suggests some correspondence The simple canopic jar fonns given by Georges Nagel for Tomb 359 seem similar in shape to vessels found in the cellar of a house in the village160 However Nagels sample is so small that any identification is tentative Janssen cautions that the standard shape of a canopic jar was rarely used as the fonn of bronze or pottery vessels 161 This may be a principle of decorum vessels with a funerary purpose not being equated in fonn with ordinary domestic ceramics The connection between qbw and qbw-n-wt may be simply that they were both in one fonn or another storage jars

Although the qbw may have been proportionally larger than the lbw it is very unlikely that

capa temp capa appn meas

Cc vso cannc into i

either fonn had a fixed capacity at Deir el-Medina W W Struve [V V Struve] offered the only attempt to determine the capacity of the qbw (or qby) vessel based largely on Greek evidence and his research on P Boulaq 18162 Wolfgang HeIcks review of this evidence led him to conclude

dOCUJ

repre betw( vesse restril than 1

156 R A Caminos The Chronicle ofPrince Osorkon Analecta Orientalia 37 (Rome 1958) 129 157 p Cairo 58088 indicates that bw could have had a large size in this case accommodating 3 ds measures See also Janssen Commodity Prices 433 n 170 C Daniel Les noms egyptiens de certains types de vases

proba fixed

In

grecs Studia et Acta Orientalia 5-6 (1967) 383-5 equates the lIb vessel with the Greek 10 olt7tW and the vesse

Mycenaean di-pa He notes that the di-pa depicted on a tablet corresponds in shape with the form of the fib indicated by the determinative used for the word The depictions of the di-pa that Daniel cites are not 163 DG

comparable in form with the Ibw depicted in the Karnak offering list D H F Gray Linear Band evidee Archaeology Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies of the UniverSity of London 6 (1959) pI 7 I andDI would argue that the form of the lbw was very flexible 164 It 1

158 Bourriau and Quirke The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects 74 some 159 Catalogues des poids a inscriptions hieratiques de Deir el-Medineh Nos 5001-5423 DFIFAO 16 165 Da~

(Cairo 1973) 18 166 FOI 160 La ceramique du Nouvel Empire aDeir el Medineh DFIFAO 10 (Cairo 1938)35 cf 122 no 38 42 SpaHn 44 167 Da 161 Commodity Prices 412 sugges 162 Mathematischer Papyrus des staatlichen Museums der SchOnen Kunste in Moskau (Berlin 1930) 55 Ceram withn2 25 1itr

lions of vessel

-nw-k

Vessels llid and ilificant vith the Ie been )0 were

n Poids lalbelle ~ates a Mesnil vessels est the s water

le qbwshysimple

s found lat any rarely vessels s The omlor

~ly that Iteonly lce and melude

~asures

le vases and the the b are not Band pI 7 I

AO 16

3842

gt30) 55

EQliAnONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 57

that the qbw had no fixed capacity Rather it seems that vessels such as the Ibw and qbw could correspond to a range of different ds measures 163

Two texts may point to some perhaps proportional equivalence between qbw vessels and dpr vessels In O DeM 135 the record of the accumulated deficits of two potters includes a conversion from dpr vessels into qbw vessels 9 dpr vessels to (=) qbw vessels making Urn) 4Yz (see section 31) Such a conversion may indicate a size ratio between the vessels O DeM 346 vso 3 records 42 dpr vessels [making Urn)] 22 qbt vessels (see n 89 for the restoration) Ibw vessels may also be equated with dpr vessels in O DeM 202 dpr vessels 30 [as] 15 bw 50 (1 3_4)164 The restoration here is problematic and the hypothesis of any equivalence between the two types must remain tentative

O Berlin P 10654 vso displays a similar complexity in possible equivalences this time between qbw vessels and jnJt vessels This text (discussed in section 33) seems to record the potters production of ceramics on days 10 20 and 30 of II bt and day 10 of IIIilt The final two lines state total 230 of (n) qbw vessels [ ] specifying it (wp st) 23 jnJt vessels At first sight such a text seems to point to a proportional relationship between these vessels a qbw being one tenth of ajnJt Such a ratio is quite possible because jnJt vessels do seem to have been large Heicks calculations from O Gardiner 81 indicate that ajnJt vessel was 2 of a mnt-amphora 165

If a mnt had a liquid capacity of c 20 hin and a hin was 048 litres the capacity of a jnlzt would have been c 53 hin or 2551itres O Berlin P 10654 vso would then show that a qbw vessel had a capacity of c 53 hin or 25 litres whieh is a sensible size for a storage jar 166 Although it is tempting to make such equations from this data this evidence is based on assumptions about the capacity of other vessel types so is tentative HeIck estimated that the ds vessel had a eapacity of approximately 3 litres 167 If so the qbw in P Boulaq 18 would have been double the size ofa ds measure in order to contain the 2 ds (e 6 litres)

Contextual study of the equation between qbw vessels and other types in O Berlin P 10654 vso O DeM 135 and O DeM 346 vso indicates some form of size ratio operated although we cannot easily determine the flexibility of that ratio or how it was used A conversion of one vessel into its equivalent of another type is unusual in a text like O Berlin P 10654 vso which seems to document the actual produetion of vessels even their firing If the last two lines of the text represent the total of ceramics produced in this process then the specification of a relationship between the two vessels types is rather strange Perhaps the original order was for 230 qbw vessels and this was then converted into the equivalent in jn~t vessels Ifjn~t vessels had a more restricted even ritual function the equivalence expressed here may be more abstract or complex than a ratio of capacity The size of vessels delivered may have been standardized to some extent probably based on ease of delivery and manageability within a domestic eontext rather than as fixed measures

In such a context a value relationship might well have operated The jnlzt as a specialized vessel may have had a more established value in relation to which the qbw vessels could be set

163 Das Bier im Alten Agypten (Berlin 1971) 47 See also Anthony Spalingers re-evaluation of the evidence for the capacity of these vessels including discussion of O DeM 135 and 202 Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 314 His conclusions largely correspond with mine 164 It may also be possible to read dpr 30 Urnl 15 lbw 50 which would support the hypothesis of some sort ofequivalence 165 Das Bier 47 16lt5 For a review of evidence concerning the capacity of the mnl including discussion of this text see A Spalinger Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 312-3 167 Das Bier 46 R L Miller (is-vessels Beer Mugs Cirrhosis and Casting Slag GM 115 (1990) 64 suggests that the ds was a drinking vessel perhaps to be equated with depictions given in Nagel Ceramique 199-206 Miller identifies a jar found at Saqqara as a ds vessel noting that it had a capacity of 25 litres roughly corresponding to Heicks estimate

58 POTTERS

In O DeM 135 the scribe may well have calculated the value of the vessels owed down to the half vessel A parallel for this is found in O Turin 57062 vso 4 where 2Yz jnJtt vessels are set

dlagainst five vessel types which precede them (their names are lost) The recording of five vessels compared with half that amount in jnJtt vessels producing the unusual amount of a half vessel tt

2again suggests a value equivalence Since vessels do not appear with fixed values in the price

SJtexts their worth may well have been assessed in relation to other vessel types st b42 A specialized vessel jnJzt DApart from the two vessel types or classes that formed the basis of the deliveries of ceramics to rethe village the potter texts also occasionally enumerate other types jnJtt vessels although well

known from other contexts are rare in the potter texts A few texts that may indicate their ritproduction or delivery by the Deir el-Medina potters illuminate aspects of its function and context

of use The pattern of occurrence of jnJtt vessels indicates a specialized vessel type the shape of which is unknown The jnJtt vessel is most widely documented as a storage container for beer and as Walter F Reineke notes outside the data from Deir el-Medina it was often made of gold or silver J68 That this vessel could be supplied as part of the ceramic requirement of the village seems to be indicated by the delivery lists from the early 19th Dynasty (Category E) Some of these lists record jnJzt vessels although they are not always indisputably connected with the smdt potters

In the Category E delivery lists of wood and ceramics jnJtt vessels occur four times their total Ccamount being low in comparison with the other vessels enumerated in these texts In O DeM 1 6 una total of 7 jnlu vessels are delivered 5 of good quality 2 of poor In O DeM 17 4 only 3 jnJzt aUvessels were delivered (2 good 1 poor) in comparison with 290 lbw recorded in the previous intline and in O DeM 15 3 7 jn~lt vessels were delivered as against 295 Ibw vessels 16 jnJzt povessels are documented in O DeM 23 5 (the text is broken and the reading at the end of the line

uncertain)169 bei ve~Only two texts explicitly includejnJtt vessels in pottery deliveries 0 Qurna 6181 records two

jnJtt vessels among the deficit of 55 qbw and 265 Ibw vessels incurred by the potter Menna O IJry Michaelides 33 rto 3-6 J70 This text records for III Jot 30 matching deliveries from a potter to vex

Right and Left among other deliveries of wood and gypsum the potter 1 jnlp vessels 20 (pJ qd 1 jnJzt 20)171 The stroke read as one after the title p qd could refer to the bkw of the potter not

with jnJtt vessels being an addition to the quota delivered 172 jnJtt vessels were therefore a wit gocomponent of the potters repertoire and this fact may complicate the interpretation of other texts

where they occur173 More generally jnJzt vessels are recorded as being delivered filled with beer I thisand thus are probably not associated with ceramic delivery

174 (

Me(J68 Der Zusammenhang der altagyptischen Hohl- und UingenmaBe MID 9 (1963) 146 175( 169 Kitchen restores 16jnli vessels [by the hand of A]meneminet (KRII 367 8 a-b) but there does not 176 1appear to be space for this formula in the break The rest of this text is similar to the other wood and pottery

177pounddelivery lists See the discussion of parallel texts in section 23 170 Goedicke-Wente pJ 67 However I follow CernYs transcription of the text here (Nb 10830)

178 1

Cau171 Contra Goedicke and Wente who restore IT1l ] on line 3 On line 7 Goedicke and Wente read 27 jnlt 197vessels instead of 20 vessels and the restoration for the [plasterer] (Pi q() given by Cerny 179 1

172 Alternatively it could refer to a single potter although this would be unusual in this context (see section Rek21) Compare the reading of this text with that discussed for O DeM 154 rto 15-6 in section 34 Egy

173 Other entries for this day include specialty breads and ds measures of beer (117-8) while the folloVing somentry for IV Jt 1 records a festival of Hathor (1 9) Although an association with a festival context is Dietpossible the delivery of jnlts as discussed by Spahnger is recorded separately from the breads and ds inameasures and is included among more standard delveries Medinet Habu and Dei elmiddotMedina Combined note310-311 Earl

l to the are set vessels vessel e price

mics to ~h well e their ~ontext

mpe of Ir beer of gold village ome of le smdt

ir total M 16 r 3jn~f

revious 16 jn~t he line

ds two mao O )tter to (pJ qd potter fore a r texts th beer

oes not pottery

27 jn~t

section

llowing rrtext is and ds

lbined

EQUATIONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 59

jn~t vessels of beer occur consistently in a series of six Category E ostraca that seem to document the delivery of commodities associated with festival or temple offerings174 Four of these texts state that the commodities were delivered by an individual in O DeM 20 and O DeM 25 the deliveries are made by a local priest Each of these six texts lists items that include speciality foodstuffs and jn~t vessels of beer rather than the fuel and plain unfilled pottery of standard deliveries II smw 12 by the hand of the local priest (w(b Sf) 175 60 large j nJzt vessels of beer entered 56 deficit 4 120 (bundles of) vegetables ISO s(t cakes and 100 rJzs cakes (0 DeM 20) The only exception in this group is O DeM 26 where 30 large jn~1f vessels are recorded 27 are entered (jw) and there is a deficit on No beer is recorded with these vessels

The recto of O DeM 29 may confirm that lists containing such products are associated with rituals or festivals rather than deliveries of materials to the village 176

total of various (sbn)jnl)tvessels of beer 653 [+x] the record of the [ ] which were given as offerings (snw) [] good bread loaves of [ ] s(t cake [x oipeJ rJzs cakes [ J jnJzt vessels of beer [ J beer [ ]

Connections of this vessel type with the temple or festival sphere nmy explain features of the unique and difficult distribution text O BM 50728 discussed in section 23 The text records the allocation ofjnJzt vessels to individual crew members The 10 + 5 jnJzt vessels seem to be grouped into four different categories perhaps accordin~ to quality of the vessel or its contents and possibly its shape or finish 177 5 doubly good (~reg) jnJzt vessels in the fashion of hbny [vessels] being returned (m hyt) 2 for Baky I for Huy 1 (for) (Omek 1 for Qaha totalS (11 5-6) Six vessels given to individuals in line 7 one for each nmn are stated to be middling good (11fr mshyhry-jb) and line 10 enumerates two vessels that also have a designation perhaps reading not (J I~~ 3)very poor _ 1

If the jnJzt vessels were more specialized beer vessels used in festival or ritual contexts then the note of quality either of contents or of the vessel itself would have been important This concern with quality can also be seen in the delivery lists where the jnJzt vessels are described as either good or poor 178

Particularly difficult to understand in this context are the writings of hbny perhaps referring to this well-known amphora-shaped vessel I19 The five doubly goodjnl)t vessels are designated in

174 O DeM 19 20 21 25 26 27 For further discussion of these texts see Spalinger Deir e1middotMedina and Medinet Habu Combined 311

(1 0

175 l=n (1 1) For another writing of this title see O DeM 25 2 176 The verso of this text records only nswt bjty mnmiddotmrtmiddotrr 177 For the use of red ink in this text see p 19 n 75 above

178 O DeM 1 6 174 For discussion of the meaning of snn 1~ in these contexts see D Valbelle Catalogue des poids ainscriptions hieratiques de Deir eAmiddotfedineh Nos 500l-5423 DFIFAO 16 (Cairo 1977)23 179 Wh II 487 There are depictions of the hbnylhbnt vessel in Urk IV 11308 11352 and in the tomb of Rekhmire N de G Davies The Tomb of Rekh-mi-r~ at Thebes The Metropolitan Museum of Art Egyptian Expedition 11 (New York 1943) I pIs 33 34 In these examples it is shaped as an amphora sometimes without handles and often contains honey E A W Budge An Egyptian Hieroglyphic Dictionary (London 1920)446 gave the capacity of a hbnt ndst as one quarter of a hin F G Hilton-Price in an earlier publication Notes on Some Egyptian Antiquities in My Collection TSBA 9 (1886) 353 noted the same capacity for this vessel Here see also T G H James The Heqanakhte Papers and Other Early Middle Kingdom Documents (New York 1962) 118

60 POTTERS

the fashion of hbny vessels (~[]~IlJ1J 0) (vso 5) This seems to express an equivalence between the two vessel types perhaps representing an addition or finish to the jn~lt vessel that increased its value Du Mesnil du Buisson speculated in his discussion of the hhnl vessel that the word related to hbny ebony t ruJ-Oi) and indicated a blackened colour or lustre to the vesseL I80 hbny also occurs as an annotation above the entries of jnit vessels for particular workmen in lines 8-12 of the recto The entry on line 13 (hhny n [ ]) may indicate that hhny vessels themselves were also delivered to the workmen named in the following lines So far as I know hbny vessels do not occur in other Deir el-Medina textsl8J These notations may also refer to some sort of finishing to the j nit vesseL

The inclusion of more unusual designations for the vessels certainly points to the exceptional nature ofthe delivery in O BM 50728 as does the entry of an amount ((i(w) of bJq oil (8) in line lOon the verso after the specification of 10 further jnlJl vessels for particular workmen (pJ WpWl

n plIO n jnlJt n tJ jst) Janssen observes that this oil was rarely used by the workmen as it was too expensive 182 It is possible that the text refers to the delivery of jnit vessels of bJq oil the references to quality therefore referring to the quality of oil rather than the vessel itself The designation hbny may be associated with this as welL

Complicating this analysis is the proposed large size of jnit vessels (discussed in section 41) which may account to some extent for its more restricted function within the vessel repertoire jnlJt vessels occur only rarely in the Medinet Habu festival calendar indicating that even within the temple their use was specialized ls3 The ealculation of the equivalence in contents of the vessels in O Gardiner 81 indicates that we are dealing with a set capacity for these vessel types in this text 184 If the capacity of a jnit was 53 hin or 255 Htres this would equate to a significant quantity ofbJq oil per person 185

O BM 50728 remains a puzzle Despite thc difficulties in interpretation it seems most likely that it records allocation of vessels possibly filled with oil or beer for festival or cultic purposes The careful documentation of such a distribution may also indicate that the vessels were not to be kept by the men perhaps only being used by them for the event and then returned to the temple A large size may serve to explain their more limited and specialized oecurrence in the data perhaps restricted to the religious sphere rather than playing a role in the domestic life of the villagers

In this instance contextual analysis of texts that seem to relate to ceramic deliveries can alter our understanding of these texts and illuminate the role and function of a vessel type in the community For vessels that were delivered more commonly we can observe the potential for flexibility in the classification systems these would repay further detailed study sectS Conclusion Analysis of the texts concerning pottery delivery leaves a number of questions unanswered and areas unexplored the limited number of sources available and problems inherent in them restrict their potential for interpretation However some insights into the organization and administrative structures of Deir el-Medina are fortheoming from the material Within the meticulous record keeping of the village the key theme seems to be flexibility This flexibility is apparent in the

180 Noms et signes 28 181 Janssen did not include them in his chapter on Vessels in Commodity Prices None of the references for the entry in the Wb II 487 has a Deir e1-Medina provenance 182 Commodity Prices 330 183 On the occurrence of the jnltt in the Medinet Hahn festival lists see A Spalinger Medinet Habn and Deir ei-Medina Combined 311-2 ]84 Heick Das Bier 46 185 Even if the mnt was only 10 hin a jnltt would still be of a substantial size c 11-12 iitres Janssen Commodity Prices 434

N

CONCLUSION 61

number of potters assigned to the crew the size and content of the quota required every 10 days and the timing of deliveries The final section of my study also points to the potential flexibility of form size and function of the pots themselves

Although we can find implications in the potter texts for features of society beyond the village itself such as the specifie interpretation of bkw or the occurrence of vessels in royal festival calendars it must be borne in mind that the real value of the Deir el-Medina material lies in its potential to illuminate the lives of ordinary people in Ramessid Egypt For that purpose we need to attend most closely to the village context

Appendix The potters of Deir el-Medina Names of potters in documents relating to the delivery of ceramics

I

Names of potters in documents concerning matters other than the supply of ceramics

I 1 (Omek i Turin Strike Papyrus RAD 476 I

2 Khonsu bull O Turin 57192 1

3 Herunefer bull O DeM 73 rto 2

4 Paaeminet I O Berlin P 12343 vso 3

5 Bakenmut P Turin 2018 A rto la 5 rto IV 17 vso I 6 B rto II 4 D I rto 14 P BM 10068 vso V l3

6 Wenennefer P BM 10068 vso V 14

alence el that 1at the to the ticular thbny ar as I ) refer

ltional in line middotwpwt it was til the f The

1 41) rtoire within of the pes in ificant

likely poses tto be ~mple data of the

1 alter in the ial for

d and estrict rative ecord in the

rences

)U and

nssen

1 I Menna O IFAO 387 1 O Qurna 618i1 O DeM 91 1 O Berlin P 10840 vso 1

2 bull Nakhy I

O IFAO 3874 O DeM 914

3 I Ptahemheb O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O DeM 343 2 P Greg vso B 8 rto A11

4 Parahotep O DeM 868

5 Hori O DeM 868 O DeM 869

6 Herunefer O Cairo 25597 rto 3

7 Neferher O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O Cairo 25633 vso 2

8 Amennakht O DeM 44 rto 8

9 Dmek P Turin 2081+2095 rto 1

10 ltAhawy P Turin 1881 vso V 1 VI 7 VII 1 () Giornale of year 17 rto B II 2 P Turin 2018 A vso 1 12 B rto II 11 B vso II 17 P BM 10068 vso VI 25 P Turin 2014 rto 27-8 P BM 10054 vso II 9

62 POTTERS

Addendnm

Pierre Grandets Catalogue des ostraca hieratiques non litteraires de Deir el-Medineh IXbecame available just as this chapter went to the press This volume contains a number of important potter texts I have included them in the tables on pages 33-7 and provide a short account of them here

O DeM is the longest and most detailed potter account known to me I will be adressing the issues it raises in a further publication It records deliveries made by the potters Ptahemheb Parahotep Hori and Neferher for the months of I bt to I prt of a year 6 The title p qd occurs only in line I in reference to Ptahemheb but probably also covers the other individuals named Ptahemheb and Neferher are known from other potter accounts discussed in this chapter O DeM 869 also published by Grandet and dated to a year 6 records deliveries made by Hori of qbw and lbw vessels to Right Both Hori and Parahotep are not otherwise attested in the potter texts In O DeM 868 details of delivery are grouped according to individual potters In line 13 Neferher delivers vessels to Left (t rj smM this is the only statement concerning Right or Left in this text That four potters deliver during the same general period emphasizes the potential number of potters involved in delivery which is not generally apparent in many of the potter texts Ptahemheb and Neferher make deliveries on different days in IV bt The vessel numbers vary except for those delivered as the making good of deficits by Ptahemheb which are consistent sums (II 3-4) The vessels delivered include qbw and Ibw vessels as well as gy andjnlt this text therefore provides further evidence thatjnJtt vessels were part of the potters repertoire

Grandet follows Gutgesell in assigning a date in the mid-20th Dynasty to O DeM 868 and 869 19thMy assignment of a late Dynasty date to the other account ostraca of Ptahemheb and

Neferher (0 Cairo 25591 O Cairo 25633 and O DeM 343) is based on the record of Ptahemhebs deliveries in P Greg firmly dated by Janssen to the reign of Siptah186 Gutgesell places Ptahemheb in the 20th Dynasty on the basis of the occurrence of this name in P Turin 2006+ 1961 usually dated to year 29 of Ramesses 111 [87 The Ptahemheb in this text is not a potter and so is a different individual I propose that the late 19th Dynasty date of the other documents should therefore be retained and should also be adopted for O DeM 868 and 869

Further texts relevant to potters in Grandets volume include O DeM 877 in which a list of arrears in water supplies are measured in jnlt vessels O DeM 871-3 are sherds bearing the phrase mJ qd Grandet considers these phrases along with the phrase ml m-rJrt p-Jtm-nlr complete by the hand ofPahemnetjerthe priest on O DeM 870 as delivery marks inscribed on the pots themselves18S

186 Janssen Village Varia 115-6 187 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 252 309-12 188 Catalogue des ostraca IX 49-50

UNT

Marel

sectl Eil Die A Papyr Einwc zusHin Verw Angell besch~

Bei suchur wichtil Andre Vortei Juni 2( nicht-li recherc

Beirr allgem

bull Der MaXI

mieh Aufn Doni Sieh~

J Ja grap dazu

2 Sieht tause Peri Gutg Teil1 el ME Held Janss Histo

6 MeD Valb

g Venn Witnl II Ta

10 Ein P II Gutg 12 Allan 13 Held

Page 3: Woodcutters, Potters and Doorkeepers Service Personnel of the Deir El Medina Workmen

30 POTTERS

Peet and Jac J JanssenJ Potential difficulties in translation can be resolved if the term p3 qd or j(an individual known to hold that title is associated with a vessel delivery Moreover the activity Ii of builders was not generally recorded in the Deir el-Medina data particularly when compared rr with the numerous references to the delivery of pottery by people termed p qd One exception to at this is the recto of P Turin 1923 2-3 where p ~ry qd n pr jmn came to take measurements d and make calculations for the construction of a well near the Necropolis4 Here the translation the tt master builder of the domain of Amun is appropriate The meaning builder in this text is 0 exceptional the individual was associated with the temple workforce rather than the workmens village The status of qd as builder is therefore related to a different work organization The title (try qd is not otherwise attested in any context concerning potters It can be concluded that the title qd when occurring with reference to events in or deliveries to Deir el-Medina generally d refers to a potters

si aJ

12 Categories oftexts tt My discussion of the categories of text I use as sources follows the model provided by Janssen in the preceding paper (see above p 2) I treat some texts that do not appear to correspond to any one of these categories at the end of this section In comparison with the texts concerning wood deliveries there are significantly fewer sources concerning pottery I have identified 90 ostraca that record deliveries of unfilled ceramic-ware although I argue that some of these may not be connected to the smdt-potters To these sources can be added diverse papyrus documents one from the end of the 19th and several from the later 20th Dynasty some of which do not fit easily into any category

The largest numbers of sources for pottery delivery are Joumal-of-the-Necropolis texts 01

(Janssens Category A) The series ofjournal ostraca documenting the final years of Ramesses III and the first two years of Ramesses IV provide the most complete account of ceramic deliveries I p have identified 28 ostraca in this group The nature of the data included in these texts changed al over time and from scribe to scribe6 It is nevertheless possible to use this evidence to trace w patterns of delivery and deficit and to gain some insight into the nature of each delivery although Qthe contents of the deliveries themselves are rarely enumerated d

Journal papyri from the later 20th Dynasty provide further information about supply often detailing the contents of the delivery and the name of the potter However these journals are extremely fragmentary Even in the documents from the best attested reign that of Ramesses IX only eight years are represented and most fragments except for the comparatively substantial

s(

3 T E Peet The Great Tomb-Robberies of the Twentieth Egyptian Dynasty reprint (Oxford 1930) I 96 7 s( 102 n 41 noted the potential ambiguity of the title in P BM 10068 translating qd Wenennefer and qd Bakenmut as builders and qd Ahawy as a potter See also J J Janssen Commodity Prices in the Ramessid Period An Economic Study of the Village ofNecropolis Workmen at Thebes (Leiden 1975)40 n 8 in reference to a qd Herunefer Manfred Gutgesell Die Datierung der Ostraka und Papyri aus Deir

5el-Hedineh ind ihre okonomische Interpretation I Die 20 Dynastie Hildesheimer Agyptologische 8

Beitrage 18 (Hildesheim 1983)219 misunderstands the title and includes p jqd in his list of workers names E 4 R Ventura On the Location of the Administrative Outpost of the Community of Workmen in Western 1(

Thebes JEA 73 (1987) 149-60 II

5 For discussion of the orthography and textual context of qd including texts from Deir el-Medina see PF Donnan Faces in Clay Technique Imagery and Allusion in a Corpus ofCeramic Sculpture from Ancient Egypt Milnchner Agyptologische Studien 52 (Mainz 2002) 87-99 h 6 J J Janssen Appendix the Journal of the Necropolis Ostraca from the Reign of Ramesses Ill in jVillage Voices Proceedings of the Symposium Texts from Deir el-Medfna and their Interpretation Leiden May 3J-June I 1991 ed R J Demaree and A Egberts CNWS Publications 13 (Leiden 1992)

a 1

91 (

d or ivity ared )ll to lents the

xt is lens title

t the rally

en in ) any ~iOod

traca ot be one asily

texts es III ies I nged trace ough

often s are 8 IX mtial

967 nd qd n the 5)40 Deir ische rkers

estern

PF ient

n in ation [992)

CATEGORlES OF TEXTS 31

journal from year 17 do not record more than 20 days 1 The data available for these deliveries are limited and it is difficult to draw firm conclusions Differences in the data provided by these texts may be related to different function The papyrus texts were probably drawn up for the central administration while ostraca were used by the local authorities the two contexts required different levels of detail and types of information Other papyrus documentation is available from this period in the form of payment texts and house lists illuminating aspects of the potters organization and situation

The other numerically significant textual category for pottery delivery is Janssens Category E 19ththe Dynasty lists which record quantities of ceramics alongside food and fuel and

occasionally other items including tools and implements Janssen suggests that these ostraca document deliveries that were later recorded in the journal ostraca and papyri providing significant comparative data for these texts8 The 29 ostraca recording pottery enumerate variable amounts of a number of different vessel types perhaps providing clues to the nature of the bkw the term used to record units of ceramics delivered in journal and account ostraca

Important supplementary and complementary data is found in a small group of account ostraca from the 19th and perhaps the very beginning of the 20th Dynasties which record the activities of individual potters sometimes alongside those of the woodcutters (Categories B B I Cl) These accounts detail deliveries and more commonly deficits often giving the names of the vessels and amounts involved data that were not generally included in the journal ostraca In comparison with the texts concerning for example woodcutters (see above pp 12-15) fishermen9 and laundrymenlO potters are rarely named (see Appendix) two of the texts I include in these categories are anonymous although I argue that there is sufficient evidence to assign them to a B or C category Those that are less clear are included in Category D discussed below

O IFAO 387 (unpubl) O Qurna 61811 O DeM 91 and O Berlin P 10840 (Hieratische Papyrus Berlin III pI 32 KRII 368)11 are accounts of the deficits incurred by the potters Menna and Nakhy during the early 19th Dynasty O IFAO 387 records deficits of both these potters while O Qurna 61811 records the deficit of just Menna The other two texts are not so clear O Qurna 6181 belongs to Category C while I assign the other three to Category B but see the discussion in 22 below

Three accounts from the late 19th and early 20th Dynasties record deliveries made by the potters Ptahemheb and Neferher once together in one text and twice alone along with accounts of wood deliveries They are hence assigned to categories Bl (0 Cairo 25591 O Cairo 25633) and Cl (0 DeM 343)12

Although the identity of the potter in O DeM 346 is not stated deliveries are made on two separate days to the scribe Amenemope known as a srndt-scribe of Right 13 The delivery to this scribe may indicate that the text refers to the supply of pottery by a single individual hencc its

7 D Valbelle Les ouvriers de la Tombe Deir el-Medineh aepoque ramesside I3dE 96 (Cairo 1985) 53 table I 8 Commodity Prices 485 9 J 1 Janssen Village Varia Ten Studies on the History and Administration of DeiI el-Medina Egyptologisehe Uitgaven 11 (Leiden 1997)38-46 to J J Janssen and R M Janssen The Laundrymen of the Theban Necropolis ArOr 70 (2002) 12 1I fgyptens Aufttieg zur Weltmacht (Mainz 1987)202 cat 121 Les artistes de Pharaon Deir el-Medineh et la Vallee des Rots (Paris 2002) 104 cat 41 12 Pierre Grandet recently published further texts connected with these potters (Catalogue des ostraca hieratiques non litteraires de Deir el-MMimih IX) O DeM 868 records deliveries of Ptahemhcb and Neferher as well as Hori and Parahotep Deliveries by Hori are also recorded in O DeM 869 These texts are included in the tables on pp 36-7 and in an addendum to the end of this chapter 13 B G Davies Whos Who at Deir el-Medina A Prosopographic Study of the Royal Workmens Community Egyptologische Uitgaven 13 (Leiden 1999)284

I

32 POTTERS

tentative inclusion in Category C 14 In contrast O DeM 135 records the delivery of two unnamed potters so the text is included in Category B

My Category D consists of 13 ostraca that do not include names and in which the numbers of potters referred to is unclear Two of these texts warrant further discussion The recto of O DeM 143 records deficits of wood deliveries for two woodcutters and so is assigned by Janssen to Category B 1 (above p 2) The verso which is entirely a pottery account includes no names so I have assigned it to my Category D O Strasbourg H 2615 does not refer explicitly to vessel types the recto only gives dates and notes of supply by the hand of unnamed individuals as complete (mJt) this form of text has a parallel in the recto of O Gardiner 80 (HO 61 4) On the verso of O Strasbourg H 26 the text may record deficit of the [potter) (1 4) although the end of the line is broken away qd was restored by Jaroslav Cerny (Nb 3561)16 I include this text as a pottery account although its status remains uncertain (see section 37) O Cairo 25704 assigned to Category D is also problematic and may not record a pottery delivery (see section 23)

Among my remaining sources O DeM 73 concerns a legal dispute over the hiring of a donkey (Janssens Category F) The verso of 0 Berlin P 10654 (unpubl) seems to refer to the firing of vessels in ten day periods (see 34) 0 DeM 337 and O BM 50728 17 may concern the distribution of vessels to workmen O BM 50728 is problematic and is discussed at greater length in sections 23 and 42 A potter is included at the end of a list of smdt in O IFAO 351 (unpubl rto 2) following a gardener and a doorkeeper Line 3 begins with the word vessels (qru) but the rest is lost It is unclear whether this text refers to a delivery the list of smdt in lines 1-2 may indicate that it is associated with an aspect of organization O Cairo 25597 records the distribution of bundles to members of the smdt including a potter Tassign these texts to my Category G texts that are related to the organization and distribution of the potters work rather than explicitly enumerating delivery

These categories are necessarily artificial the contents of the texts in each category are often complementary and the relationship between them unclear The fragmentary nature of many of the texts must also be kept in mind (see above p 2) I do not claim that my categories reflect any ancient administrative system of recording We have little access to any such broader systems in the material Any division of the documentation concerning potters into these classes or categories can impose certain expectations about individual texts1S Such a division is however a useful tool in analysing the texts and understanding their potential and limitations for illuminating aspects of the organization and deliveries of the potters

13 Dating oftexts My criteria for dating the texts again follows those presented by Janssen for the woodcutters (see above p 3) and I have modelled the tables in this section upon those he has developed As in Janssens tables I present the texts in six lists with the seventh reserved for undatable texts Discussions of the dates of individual ostraca and papyri by Manfred GutgeseUl9 and Benedict

14 If as I argue in 22 there was usually only one potter assigned to eaeh side of the crew 15 Yvan Koenig Les ostraca hieratiques inMits de fa Bibliotheque Nationale et Universitaire de Strasbourg DFIFAO 33 (Cairo 1997) pI 7-8 16 Koenig by contrast tentatively restores nty ibid pI 8 17 R J Demaree Ramesside Ostraca (London 2002) pI 124-5 18 There is often a fine line between account texts and journals The guide of Janssen Appendix the journal of the necropolis ostraea from the reign of Ramesses III 92-4 provides my criteria for classifying the journal documentation from this reign 19 Die Datierung del Ostraka und Papyri aus DeiI el-Medineh und ihre iikonomische interpretation I Die 20 Dynastie Hildesheimer Agyptologische Beitrage 18 (Hildesheirn 1983) id Die Datienmg del Ostraka und Papyri aus DeiI el-Medilleh iI Die Ostlaka der 19 Dynastie Hildesheimer Agyptologische Beitragc 44 (Hildesheirn 20(2)

Da ther corr fran

20 inch datil Catf exce nam acco Grot Dym Grot who

GrOl

00

00

0Dj

O Pe

O Dlt

ODc

o Tu

bull OOr

IOTu

I~ron f- shy

20 Davi 21 See

Pracee CJE 22 ibid DieDa 23 Gutg 24 ibid 25 ibid

med

rs of DeM ~n to so I pes plete so of ~ line Ittery

~d to

nkey flg of ution tions D2) est is licate on of texts icitly

often fly of t any 1sin s or ever s for

(see As in texts ledict

re de

x the ifying

I Die g der $ische

DATING OF TEXTS 33

Davies20 are noted Since many of the sources for pottery deliveries also deal with fuel supply there is some overlap in the data Despite this I feel these tables provide useful points of comparison with those for the woodcutters Presenting the texts in this way also establishes a framework and reference points for the analysis that follows

I have expanded Janssens group I to include earlier years of Ramesses III beginning with year 20 in order to incorporate some account ostraca dated to these years At the end of group I I include 2 journal texts dated to year 5 of Ramesses IV (0 DeM 655 656) Group II includes texts dating to the reign of Sety L As with the woodcutter documents this group consists mainly of Category E texts O Cairo 25704 a Category D text dated to the wltm-mswt of Sety I is the only exceptionl Group III contains texts dated to the reign of Ramesses II largely on the basis of names In accordance with Davies discussion of the year 9 date in O Berlin P 10840 the accounts of Menna and Nakhy could date to either Sety I or Ramesses 1122 I include them in Group III I have identified a smaller number of accounts and journal texts from the late 19th

Dynasty (Group IV) and three texts that possibly date to the reign of Ramesses III (Group V) Group VI as in Janssens list contains mainly papyrus documents from the later 20th Dynasty whose diverse contents means that they cannot be easily assigned to textual categories

Group I

yr

o Gardiner 80 (HO 611 4) yr 21

O DeM l43vso yr 2424

O Petrie 50 (HO 1911) yr25W

O DeM 169 + O Berlin P 12633 yr25 W

O DeM 35 yr28W A I

AO Turin 57153 yr26

O Or Inst Chicago 16998 (unpub) yr26 D

yr27 A

A

Ayr27

yr 28 AO DeM 156 -~

DO Strasbourg H 26 yr 2925

20 Davies Whos Who 21 See S Wimmer Hieratische Palaographie zur Datierung der nicht-literarischen Ostraka in Proceedings of the Seventh International Congress ofEgyptologists Cambridge 3~9 September 1995 cd C J Eyre (Leuven 1998) 1230-31 for discussion of the dating of this text 22 ibid 124 contra Gutgesell who dates O IFAO 387 and o DeM 91 to the latter half of the 19th Dynasty Die Datierung Die Ostraka del 19 Dynastie 49146 23 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 102 24 ibid 368 25 ibid 120

34 POTTERS

10 DeM 165

0 DeM 154

0 DeM 157

0 DeM 159

I ODeM 36

IODeM 37 i i 0 DeM 166

I ODeM 153

i 0 DeM 38

0DeM39

0 Berlin P 12631

0 DeM 40 + 0 Strasbourg H 42

bull 0 OeM 41

0DeM43

0 DeM47

0 Berlin P 12641 + 12628

0 DeM 160 0 Strasbourg H 5

0 DeM 161 -- degStrasbourg H 82

0 DeM44

0 DeM45

0 Gardiner 113 (liO 7311)

0 Cairo 25597

0 DeM 655

0 DeM 656

I Group II

0 DeM 1-19

bull O DeM22

26 ibid 123 27 ibid 36 28 ibid 47-8

yr 3026 D

yr31 W A

yr 31 W I A

yr 31 A

yr 31 I A

yr 31

yr 31 W27

I yr312W

yr 32

yr 321

yr1

yr1

yr1

yr1

yr1

yr1

yr 1W28

A

A

A

A

A

A

A

A

A

A

A

I A

yrlW A

yr 12 A

yr2 A

yr2 A

yr2 G

yr5 A

yr5 AI

E

E

I

I

0D1 I

10Dl

001

1001

I 0 Or

~ I F

[ Grou] i ODe

l~ ~

r~ IoJr---=shy

0 Del

Groul

ODel

0 Cai

10 Cai

10 Del

i O Del

29 Davi O ibid Ramesl 31 ibid 32 For Ostrak

DATING OF TEXTS 35

ODeM23

ODeM28

ODR5

I E

ODR6 i E

ODR7

ODR8

O Or Inst Chicago 18878 (unpubl) I

O Gardiner 43 (HO 26 2)

I o Cairo 25704 yr2

i

Group III

O DeM 91

O Berlin P 10840 yr 9 Sety IIRamesses rr29

I O IFAO 387 (unpubl)

O Qurna 6181

O DeM623

O BM 50728

O DeM202

i Group IV

O DeM606

E

E

E

E

D

B

B

B

C

D

G30

A 32

I

Blbull O Cairo 25591

O Cairo 25633 Bl

O DeM 343 yr6 Cl I

o DeM 868 yr6 C I

29 Davies Whos Who 124 30 ibid 219 n 201 Gutgesell considers the dating of this text very uncertain but inclines towards year 2 of Ramesses II Die Datierung Die Ostraka der 19 Dynastie 47 3] ibid 159 32 For the scribes mentioned in this text see Davies PVhos Who 127 Gutgesell Die Datierung Die Ostraka der 19 Dynastie 91

36 POTTERS

O DeM 869 yr6 B

O DeM 135 B i

P Greg (P UC 34336) yrs 5-7 Siptah A I

o Cairo 25593 D

Group V

O Michaelides 33 (OM pi 67) Ramesses m33 A=

P Turin 1961 Ramesses III34

O DeM 416 Ramesses IIIIIV35 D

Group VI

P Turin 1880 yT 29 Ramesses III

O DeM346 Ramesses IV_y36 C

O Gardiner 145 (unpuhl) yr 1 Ramesses y37 D

P Turin 2044 (unpuhl) yr 1 Ramesses yJ8

P Turin 2081+2095 (unpuhl) mid 20th Dynasty39

O Berlin 10654 (unpubl) late 20th Dynasty40 G

I P Turin 20701133 134 + rto late 20 th Dynasty4J A

I P Turin 2014 (unpuhl) late 20th Dynasty42

P Turin 1881 + yr 7 Ramesses IX

P Turin 1900+shy yrs 4-9 Ramesses IX

P Turin 20711224 [140] yr 10 Ramesses IX43

year yr 17 Ramesses IX

33 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 253 34 ibid 309-12 For the numbering of this papyrus see J J IanssenJorthcoming 35 ibid 369 36 Davies Whos Who 284 contra Gutgesel1 who dates the text to Ramesses II Die Datierung Die Ostraka der 19 Dynastie 159 37 Gutgesell Die Dalierung 20 Dynastie 77-8 38 ibid 256 39 Janssen Commodity Prices 98 Gutgesell Die Datiermg 20 Dynastie 227-32 40 ibid 442 41 ibid 242 42 Janssen and Janssen The Laundrymen of the Theban Necropolis 5 n 30 43 Kitchen RIVI 637-38

O GI

IFl

O IFi

OCa ~ i ODe

sect2 Th 21 Th Accou of the the de interes largel) throug virtual archae ethnoa

The of the identif Dynas1 therefc notes f

44 The ( the late 45 One 1

records that the single ( potters context 46 Rapp pubiqu

g Die

THE ORGANIZATION OF WORK AND DELIVERY 37

P Turin 1898+ yr 3 Ramesses X

P Turin 1888 yr 1 Ramesses XI

i yrs 8-10 Ramesses XI

bull Anonymous Turin fragment

(Cerny MSS 3616)

Group VII

O Gardiner 88 (HO 5511)

O DeM703

O DeM337

bull O IFAO 245 (unpub)

I OlFAO 351

O CaIro 25245

i O DeM 871-3

D i

D

G44

D

G

D

i G

sect2 The organization of work and delivery 21 The evidence for workshops Account texts in particular provide important clues for understanding aspects of the organization of the potters work including the number of potters delivering at anyone time supervision of the deliveries and distribution of the vessels to the workmen However since the scribes were interested primarily in documenting the receipt or deficit of the pottery such information is largely based on inference Although it is possible to identify stages within the delivery process through the documentation evidence for the organization of the pottery workshops themselves is virtually non-existent45 Hypotheses about the workshops can be made from limited archaeological data and by analogy with the evidence for the pottery industries at el-Amarna and ethnoarchaeological research

The written sources are almost devoid of information concerning the location of the workshops of the potters of Deir el-Medina and the archaeological evidence is ambiguous Bernard Bruyere

18 uJidentified what he considered wasters from a potters workshop on the exterior of the Dynasty village at the base of the wall of Thutmose I beneath the 19th Dynasty house SE 1 He therefore assumed that most pottery production occurred within the village itself46 Nicholson notes that most of the private home complexes at el-Amarna had pottery kilns implying domestic

44 The dating of this text is very uncertain but Gutgesell considers it to be from the reign of Ramesses II or the late 19th Dynasty Die Datierung Die Ostraka der 19 Dynastie lOS n 95 45 One text may refer to the work of the potter in making vessels The verso of O Berlin P 10654 (unpubl) records the potter fashioning (qd) vessels on days 1020 and 30 of II 1bt and day 10 of III 1bt It may be that these dates are the days on which the shaping or firing of the ceramics occurred The recording of single days favours the interpretation that the text records firing events However little else about the potters work can be inferred from this text A translation ofthis text is provided in section 33 in another context 46 Rapport sur les fouilles de Deir el Medineh (1934-1935) Troisieme Partie Le village les dfJcharges publiques fa station de repos du col de la Valtee des Rots IFAO (Cairo 1939) 264 341

--

38 POTTERS

production of some simple forms alongside those produced in the kilns of the state-controlled the workshops47 There is no further evidence for such a practice at Deir el-Medina Dominique con Valbelle also assumed that the potters worked close to the village48 but there is no archaeological evidence for workshops in the vicinity 22

Rostislav Holthoers survey of New Kingdom kiln sites does not include any at Deir elshy Thn Medina However he did record a kiln associated with a 19th to 2200 Dynasty habitation to the left time of the road between Deir el-Medina and Medinet Habu This kiln is small being only 11Ocm wide invc and 70cm high and may be considered too small for the considerable production levels of the orga Deir el-Medina potters49 Nicholson has also noted that the kilns identified by Holthoer at elshy char Amarna were in fact ovens associated with different industries5o This casts some doubt over text~

Holthoers identifications It is also uncertain how far el-Amarna is comparable to Deir elshy IS plt Medina expl

Some textual evidence may indicate that the workshops were located some distance from the S( village The service staff of Deir el-Medina was generally regarded as of the outside their (unp deliveries perhaps made to the gatehouse of the necropolis p lJtm n p lJr from a location DeM external to the village itself although this is nowhere stated in a text concerning pottery but t delivery51 A workshop location on the floodplain also seems appropriate in view of the ostra quantities of water required by potteries The town register on the verso ofP BM 10068 dated to the d year 12 probably of Ramesses XI seems to support such a location52 Three potters are included Ar in the list of houses centred on Medinet Habu two of these rAhawy and Bakenmut are known sumn from contemporaneous journal papyri The potter r Ahawy of the tomb is also included among Pash( those receiving grain who belong to every house [within] the enclosure wall of the temple of Ipuy Usermaatre meriamun These houses are not necessarily to be equated with their workshops relatilt

Potteries are generally regarded as unpleasant and anti-social operations requiring their on th location on the outskirts of settlements53 Such an assumption may sometimes be based on actior imposition of modern concepts of pollution Although the pottery workshop at el-Amarna was on delivf the outskirts of the main city area54 there is ethnographic evidence for pottery workshops sited crew within residential areas55 Be that as it may the location of the pottery workshops which supplied Lefts

whetl1 defici work

47 The Firing of Pottery in An Introduction to Ancient Egyptian Pottery eds D Arnold and 1 Bourriau seem (Mainz 1993) 113 Nicholson The Pottery Workshop at Q 484 at Tell e1-Amarna 67 The S1 48 Ouvriers 265

exam~ 49 New Kingdom Pharaonic Sites The Pottery ed T Siive-Soderbergh vol 51 The Scandanavian joint

twomexpedition to sudanese Nubia (Copenhagen Oslo Stockholm 1977)22

as one 50 The Firing of Pottery 112 Evidence of pottery kilns was also found behind the mortuary temple of

side OJAmenhotep son of Hapu A Varille and C Robichon Quatre nouveaux temples Thebains CdE 10 (1935) L It has been suggested that these kilns were a component of the industrial area which operated put the on behalf of the mortuary temples 1 D Bourriau P T Nicholson and P 1 Rose Pottery in Ancient The Egyptian Materials and Technology eds P T Nicholson and I Shaw (Cambridge 2000) 139-40 found 5l See for example Giornale of year 17 of Ramesses IX (Botti and Peet pI 14) rto B I 11middot12 with 1 seem t Cemy A Community of Workmen at Thebes in the Ramesside period BdE 50 (Cairo 1973) 184-5 but see 25591 now Janssen section 8 For discussion of the role of the p IJtm n p IJr see for example R Ventura On (the) p the Location of the Administrative Outpost of the Conununity of Workmen in Western Thebes JEA 73 (1987) 149middot60 52 J J Janssen A New Kingdom Settlement The Verso of Pap BM 10068 AOF 19 (1992) 8-23 56AL 53 PT Nicholson and H L Patterson Pottery Making in Upper Egypt An Ethnoarchaeological Study Worksh World Archaeology 17 (1985) 226 For a negative description of the potters trade in a literary text 1983) transmitted within Deir el-Medina see W Heick Die Lehre des Dw-M KAT (Wiesbaden 1970)53-58 57 This sect IX of this t 54 The pottery workshop at Q 484 at Tell el-Amarna 61 58 Hene 55 Nessim Henry Henein Poterie et potiers d Al-Qasr oasis de Dakhla BdE 116 (Cairo 1997) 124Fo

trolled Imque ogical

eir elshyhe left tlwide of the at el-

It over eir e1shy

)m the their tcation )ottery of the ated to eluded known among Iple of IpS ~ their jed on vas on s sited pplied

ourriau

iI1 joint

3ple of dE 10 )erated Indent

with J but see ra On rEA 73

Study ry text 53-58

THE ORGANIZATION OF WORK AND DELIVERY 39

the village and their internal organization remains a mystery Only when the potters come into contact with the village through delivery do they become more visible in the record

22 How many potters Throughout the 19th and 20th Dynasties the numbers of potters delivering to the village at anyone time seems to have remained largely stable Potteries are understood to be substantial operations involving probably a master potter and a number of assistants56 Evidence for the wider organization of the workshops on this level as well as any adaptations made in response to changes in the size of the village is not apparent in the data (see above pp 12-15) Where the texts do enumerate numbers of potters we can conclude that two were responsible for delivery it is possible that one potter was assigned to each side of the crew but the texts are not generally explicit concerning this level of the organization

Some evidence for potter numbers is found in the 19th Dynasty account texts O IFAO 387 (unpub) separately records the deficits of two potters that ofMerma preceding that ofNakhy O OeM 91 records a deficit accumulated by Menna in lines 1-3 In line 4 Nakhys name is written but the rest of the line was left blank or erased Cerny noted that three lines on the verso of this ostracon had been erased perhaps indicating that the account was originally intended to record the deliveries of both men57

Another account in this group O Berlin P 10840 is more difficult to interpret The recto summarizes Mennas total deficit for 5 months stating that he is under the authority of the scribe Pashed (r-lJt sf P3-sd) On the verso are three lines of text the first giving the name of a scribe Ipuy Lines 2 and 3 record very high totals of vessels (94 qbw vessels and 992lbw vessels) The relationship between the text on the recto and that on the verso is unclear the numbers of vessels on the verso are almost double the amount of those on the recto Other sources recording the actions of Pashed and Ipuy indicate that they were smdt-scribes responsible for the supervision of deliveries Their separate appearance in this text may indicate that deficits for each side of the crew were enumerated seperately because smdt-scribes seem to have been assigned to Right and Left58 It is not clear whether Menna was responsible to the different sides for both deficits or whether the verso deficits belong to a second potter perhaps Nakhy If the latter is the case the deficits of O DeM 91 and O IF AO 387 may also reflect the division into Right and Left The work organization and administration of the crew was structured by this division so it would seem logical that the work and deliveries of the potters should be organized on this basis as well The situation is often not made explicit and these texts can be interpreted in various ways For example an undated and anonymous account text O OeM 135 records deficit of the potters two men (4t n p3 qd s 2) (1 1) The totals of vessels that follow are not divided into two groups as one might expect It is therefore not clear whether the two men were required to deliver to one side of the crew to the viIIage as a single unit or whether for the sake of expediency the scribe put the totals for each side together

The only clear statements concerning a division of the potters deliveries to Right and Left are found in the account ostraca and the journal papyrus from the late 19th Dynasty These texts also seem to confirm that two potters usually delivered to the village at anyone time In O Cairo 25591 rto 4-5 is recorded receipt of the bkw of (the) potter Ptah[emheb] receipt of the bkw of (the) potter Nefer[her] The text breaks off at the end of these lines so it cannot be ascertained

56 A L Kelley Some Reflections on Pottery and Society in Ancient Egypt in Papers of the Pottery Workshop Third International Congress of Egyptology Toronto Sept 1982 ed A L Kelley (Toronto 1983)30 57 This idea is recorded as a note in Cerny Nb 104l39 No mention of the verso is made in the publication of this text Catalogue des ostraca I pI 54 58 Hence my tentative assignment of this text and O DeM 91 to Category B see also Davies Whos Who 124 For discussion of the role of muil-scribes see section 23 with references

--

v

40 POTTERS

whether these deliveries were made to different sides of the crew The preceding entries concerning units of fuel were separately enumerated for each side Right preceding Left (rto 1-2) tI Perhaps the pottery delivery followed this pattern

Two further texts O Cairo 25633 and O DeM 343 are more explicit O Cairo 25633 vso 1-2 tI records receipt of the bkw of (the) potter Neferher of Left (ssp bkw qd nfr-~r n smM O Il DeM 343 1-2 in contrast records Year 6 I smw 1 receipt by the hand of (the) potter ( Ptahemheb of Right (qd pt~-m-~b n wnmy) Ptahemheb continued to deliver to Right into the B reign of Siptah at the end of the 19th Dynasty as recorded in P Greg rto A 11 potter Ptahemheb f~ of Right to the scribe Pentaweret - 2 bkw59 Other entries in this text (vso B 11-13) also v separately enumerate deliveries of bkw for each side the entry on vso B 8 also recording the Ii name Ptah[ emheb] 60 From these texts we can posit that in the late 19th Dynasty the potters el Ptahemheb and Neferher were probably required to deliver to the right and left sides of the crew re respectively as successors of Menna and Nakhy the only other pair of potters named in the 19tb

Ie Dynasty documentation

In the journal ostraca from the reign of Ramesses II which record deliveries to Right the use of 2~ the singular in the standard entry marking pottery delivery entered by the hand of the potter Uw th m-Ijrt p qd)61 and variants seems to record the activities of only one potter However p qd is a P formulaic way of referring to potters and it is possible that the title may conceal varying numbers th of men pc

The lists of smdt representing Right and Left included on the verso of the Turin Strike Papyrus (RAD 45-7) do not clarify the situation for the mid_20th Dynasty The entry after those who produce pots (nty qd) in the first list (vso 1 19) is lost although there is space for only one name The second list also ineludes only one potter ~Omek (vso 4 11) and the list ends here62 It is possible to interpret these lists as indicating the presence of only one potter for each side of the crew The speech of the door-keeper Khaemwaset entered later in this text where he promises to increase the numbers of potters to 4 men (on) Right and 4 (on) Left total 8 men (vso 2 16) can perhaps be interpreted as pure rhetoric (see above p 13) There is little further evidence for 2 numbers of potters in the journals of year 29 and later but no such increase seems to have As occurred ad

In the papyrus journals from the late 20th Dynasty deliveries of the potters bkw are separately OCI enumerated for each side63 The entries in these texts indicate some variation in numbers of ill potters although we still seem to be dealing with only one or two men In P Turin 2044 vel (unpubl) from year 1 of Ramesses V an entry records Left the two potters [deficit] (sm~ p im qd 2 [4]) (rto I 5) Thus at times two potters may have been expected to deliver to one side

The only potters name recorded in the later papyrus journals is that of ~Ahawy In the Journal De of Year 7 of Ramesses IX (P Turin 1881 Pleyte and Rossi pI 1-8 KRI VI 609-19) pottery SCI deliveries are made by ~Ahawy but there is no indication whether these were made to Right or Ra Left (vso col V 1-3 col VI 7-8) In verso col VII 1-2 the entry for a lost day in III smw the records received by the hand of the potter [ ] Right and Left vessels Ibw-vessels 150 qb(w)shy en1

SCt

Dy 59 Janssen Village Varia 117 Pel 60 ibid 122 61 For this phrase see section 23 62 The potter Omek also occurs in P Turin 2081 +2095 rto 1 (unpubl) from the mid 20th Dynasty The text records a delivery but the details are lost 63 For example P Turin 2070133 134 + 3 frgs rto II 10-11 (KRJ VI 426-8 entered as Cat 2070154) P Turin 1881 (Pleyte and Rossi pI 1-8) vso VII 1-2 P Turin 1900 (KRI VI 619-24) vso II 7 Turin Necropolis Journal Year 3 Ramesses X (P Turin 1898 Botti and Peet pI 50-63 KRIVI 687-99) rto III 9-1013-14 Turin ~ecropolis Journal Year I Ramesses XI (P Turin 1888 Botti and Peet pl 63 KRJVI 850-1) vso dockets A 2-4

mtries 1-2)

101-2 I) O potter Ito the milieb ) also ng the )otters crew le 19th

use of er Uw ldis a rnbers

Strike those lyone

62 Itre of the ises to

~ 16) ce for have

rately ers of 2044

llip3 je

mmal ottery ~ht or smw

b(w)shy

e text

4) P Turin 0 III IVI

INTERPRETING RECEIPT AND DELIVERY 41

vessels 70 It seems likely that (Ahawys name is to be restored here This last entry may indicate that IAha) could be responsible for deliveries to both Right and Left

In P Turin 2018 (KRI VI 851-63) listing payments of grain to the crew and the smdt dating to the end of the 20th Dynasty IAhawy is included in the list of smdt for Left (A vso 1 10-12 B rto II 9-11 B vso II 17) In the list of smdt for Right is recorded the name of the potter Bakenmut (A rto IV 15-17 A vso I 2-6 B rto II 2-4) In one entry in this text he is recorded as potter Bakenmut son of r Ahawy (A rto la 3-5) It is very likely that potting was a skill passed from father to son and here we see a family of craftsmen responsible for delivery of ceramics to the village In contrast with the evidence for the woodcutters (see above p 15) there seems to be little indication of a change in numbers of potters to reflect any decrease in the size of the crew except for the Journal of Year 7 Perhaps IAhawy was assisted in his delivery by his son the responsibility for supply at this time falling to a single family who could be noted in greater or lesser detail in the record64

The potter rAhawy is also entered in a list of potters (m qdw) in P Turin 2014 (UTlpubl) rto 27_865 The text is not dated but his name places it in the late 20th Dynasty As Janssen observes the names of the laundrymen included in the list in this papyrus are different from those listed in P Turin 2018 perhaps indicating some distance in time between the two texts66 The writing of the plural in the title to the list (m qdw) is formulaic and need not indieate that more than one potter is meant

The number of potters delivering to the village at anyone time seems generally to have been stable at two men Some flexibility may be detected in the papyrus documents of the late 20th

Dynasty although the numbers do not seem to vary beyond one or two The potential for flexibility in the numbers of smdt has been noted by Janssen for both the woodcutters and the fishermen (see above p 15) It is possible that the fonnulae used for recording ceramic deliveries in earlier texts may conceal variations in their numbers

23 Interpreting receipt and distribution As Davies has shown in his study of the family histories in the village the smdt were administered by their Oill scribes67 Possibly the earliest explicit attestation of smdt-scribes occurs in a pottery account On the recto of O Berlin P 10840 the potter Menna is said to be under the authority (r-) of the scribe Pashed (I 1) Pashed and the scribe mentioned on the verso of the ostracon (1 1) Ipuy are knovro from other contemporaneous texts to have been involved in smdt-deliveries and the deliveries ofproduce such as dates and loaves to the village68

Scribes also occur with less explicit statements of authority in two other pottery accounts In O OeM 346 quantities of vessels were delivered on II prt 20 and 23 by the hand of (m-4rt) the scribe Amenemope Davies records two smdt-scribes named Amenemope one from the reign of Ramesses II and one from Ramesses IV_V69 I am inclined to assign this text the earlier date on the basis of its similarity to O OeM 623 On the verso of O OeM 623 a number of vessels are entered for I smw 1 On the recto a quantity of wood is entered by the hand Uw m-4rt) of the scribe Pentaweret for the same date Two smdt-scribes named Pentawcret held office in the 19tb

Dynasty one late in the reign of Ramesses II and one at the very end of the dynasty7o The Pentaweret of the late 19tb Dynasty is recorded as receiving 2 b3kw from the potter Ptahemheb (P

64 Compare the family firms of fishermen Janssen Village Varia 40 65 The line numbers given here follow CernYs provisional transcription (171541-6 171725-9) 66 Janssen and Janssen The Laundrymen of the Theban Necropolis 5 67 Whos Who 123-42 68 ibid 124 Davies doubts the equation Cerny made between this Pashed and the like-named draughtsman (Community206) 69 Whos Who 283-4 70 ibid 125-6283

--

42 POTTERS

Greg rto A II) The phrase jw tn-4rt can be used of both potters and scribes In the case of the

scribes it is likely they were involved in receiving and recording the ceramics rathcr than men

physical transportation and delivery The interpretation of tn-4rt is crucial here Although I T

translate the preposition literally it can be understood more flexibly as under the responsibility of which could express a range of levels of responsibility for supply from physical delivery to

seen for (

recording receipt7l

theslWhen pots are delivered or received by the hand of someone who is not given the title

indi(potter or otherwise connected with the stndt the status of the delivery is less clear Valbelle

to innotes the distinction between ceramics brought by the potters and vessels filled with beer and oother commodities provided by institutions72 Usually the content of the latter vessels is given 73

andHowever in some cases the entry is uncertain particularly with the delivery ofjnlt vessels In O

worDeM 23 5 16 jnll vessels are delivered by the hand of Amenemope while in O DeM 26 2-3 the a 30 large jnlt vessels are recorded by the hand of Nebnefer entered 27 deficit 3 Neither of

laquo~(ythese men is given any title and it is possible that they are ordinary workmen 74

(ves~The problems associated with interpreting the deliveries of jnlzt vessels can be best illustrated grou

by O Cairo 25704 which records the delivery ofjnll vessels in year 2 of Sety I no month or day probis given Although Davies connects this delivery with the known smdt-scribe Tjay or the member distn of the smdl Tjiro75 the status of this text remains uncertain Line 2 records the one who brought alloe very largejn~t vessels returned to Tj[ J (nty rdj jnlt (5t sp sn m-hyt mJ 0[ ]) while line 3 lines has the one who brought small () jnlt vessels assigned to [ J (nty rdj jnlt lrj m-Is (5 m-( twtw [ ))76 The non-standard means of entering the delivery nty rdj may indicate that this text 451 d records a more specialized range of vessels not necessarily to be associated vith the smdt-potters O jnlt vessels have a restricted range of occurrence in the Deir el-Medina documentation and are perhsometimes associated with festival deliveries (see the discussion of O BM 50728 below and desigsection 42) Therefore these vessels may not belong with the unfilled ceramics delivered by the desigsmdt-potters text I

There is little evidence in the texts that potters were assisted in the delivery of their wares by there other members of the smdt as is the case with the woodcutters (see above pp 12ff) Entries in the smdt journal OStraca record deliveries by the hand of the potter (m-4rt P5 qd)77 or entered by the In hand of the potter (jw m-4rt P5 qd)78 This may indicate delivery by the potters themselves but meml the use of such formulaic phraseology in recording delivery may conceal a number of possible inclUi alternatives for this aspect of supply Considering the quantities involved and the probable size of (mrw

is no perha

71 For discussion sec P Tallet Deux pretres-sem tMbains de la XXe dynastie BIFAO 99 (1999) 417 An SOlalternative translation of the phrase with similar implications would be arrived by the hand of

proba72 Ouvriers 265 For the representation of such tilled vessels in the ceramic repertoire from Deir el-Medina

delivcsee for example L Bavay S Marchand and P Tallet Les jarres inscrites du Nouvel Empire provenant de Deir aI-Medina CaMers de la Ceramique Egyptienne 6 (2000) 77-86 with references of the 73 For example all deliveries of wine to the village were made in mnt-amphorae Janssen Commodity Prices 350 mnt vessels are only once recorded as part of a potters deliveries In O Or Inst Chicago

79 Tw16998 (unpubL) 30 mnt vessels are entered alongside 30 qbw vessels and 150 Ibw vessels (1 3) The entry

Amenof a wood delivery in line 2 may indicate that this text records deliveries by the smdt For the elite status periodof the mnt see Bourriau Nicholson and Rice Pottery l37 potter

74 O DeM 202 records quantities of dpr and lbw vessels entered by the hand of Wepwawetmose potterAlthough the status of this text can be questioned lbw vessels are a more standard part of the smdt-potters cornprepertoire 80 In 1

75 Whos Who 106 with n 302 referri

76 For the readings of m-hyt mJ and rrt-s mJ see D Valbelle Remarques sur les textes neo-egyptiens meaninon-Iitteraires (sect 6-10) BIFAO 77 (1977) 129-13 L 81 For

77 For example O DeM 159 10 O DeM 39 rto 4 of hig

78 For example O DeM 35 addition above line 7 O DeM 154 rto 15-6 O DeM 38 7 O DeM 47 vso 4 Ramel

e of than

19h I bility ry to

title lbelle rand fenn

InO 2-3 ler of

trated lrday mlber ought line 3 mJ

s text )tters

Id are If and )y the

res by in the )y the es but ISsible ize of

17 An

l1edina venant

modity 1llcago e entry status

trnose )otters

yptiens

vso 4

INTERPRETING RECEIPT AND DELIVERY 43

the vessels the delivery could have involved several trips andor the use of assistants who are not mentioned because they had no responsibility

The distribution of the ceramics among the community is only rarely attested O DeM 337 seems to record numbers of pots owed to particular workmen III ot 10 deficit of 3lbw vessels for (n) Amenemope deficit of I ds vessel 1 dpy vessel and 3 lbw vessels for (n) Nakhy Both these names are common and it is impossible to date the text on this basis79 This text may indicate that not only were records made of the potters debts to the crew in general deficits owed to individual crew members could be documented as well

O BM 50728 dated to year 2 probably of Ramesses II also seems to relate to the processing and distribution of a particular type of ceramic recording vessels delivered to individual workmen as well as deficits owed to them The first five lines of the recto set out the purpose of the account Year 2 [ ] the record of the jn~t vessels for Left (p SOJW m n jn~t n smM - a total (~~~w) of 10 + 5 jn~t vessels Specification (wp s(traquo) for the crew concerning the 10 + 5 (vessels) 80 The numbers of vessels given to each member of the crew are then detailed The first group of five vessels is clearly allocated to four named workmen one for each man Baki probably the foreman of the crew81 received two corresponding to the hierarchal systems of distribution known from accounts of rations and other provisions Lines 7-10 continue with the allocation of different vessel types to named individuals The end of the recto is very broken but lines 11 and 12 seem to have recorded vessels owed to Amenmose (4t n jmn-msw) Pa-[ ] and twtw() and in this the text provides a parallel for O DeM 337 In O BM 50728 rto 11-12 the 41 determinative was crossed out possibly indicating that the debt was paid

O BM 50728 includes some unusual qualifications for the vessels including terms related perhaps to quality (very good jnJt njr nJr middling good jn~t nJr m-~ry-jb) and the designation of certain vessels as being in the fashion of hbny (vessels) (m qd hbny) These designations and the total (~J~w) ofbq oil given in the last line of the recto may indicate that the text records the delivery of filled jnJt vessels for a specific perhaps festival or ritual context I therefore doubt whether the text is concerned with the distribution of ceramics delivered by the smdt potters (see 42 for further discussion of this text)

In contrast O Cairo 25597 dated to year 2 of Ramesses IV records items distributed to members of the smdt The distribution list begins on line 2 with specification (wp-st) and includes a coppersmith a water-carrier as well as the potter Herunefer who received 5 bundles (mrw or ors) the content of these bundles is not stated Although the context for this distribution is not clear this is the only text known to me in which a potter seems to receive a payment perhaps in exchange for work

Some aspects of organization of work such as distribution of pots among the villagers probably did not require the level of administration and documentation needed for the record of delivery Details concerning the processing of delivery remain unclear such as the precise nature of the receipt and distribution of the products However the texts do allow the stages of delivery

79 Two workmen named Nakhy are known from the late 19th Dynasty Janssen Commodity Prices 86 Amenemope is a common name in all periods ibid 42 Although a potter Nakhy is known from this period I doubt whether this text should be understood as referring to the deficits of untitled but named potters instead I read the n as a preposition rather than the indirect genitive It would be very unusual for a potter to be untitled and the text does not follow the standard pattern for potter accounts recording deficits compare O DeM 91 O IFAO 387 O DeM 135 O Gardiner 88 vso 80 In these lines the number 10 is written in black ink while 5 is written in red Some of the numbers referring to allocations to individual workmen in the following lines of the text are also written in red The meaning of the use of red ink in the text requires further investigation 81 For Baki and his family see Davies Whos Who 2-12 If the provision of an extra vessel is an indicator of higher status this text would provide evidence that Baki continued in office into the early years of Ramesses II

I

--44 POTTERS

to be traced illuminating aspects of the organization of the potters work and their relationship the with the community ofDeir el-Medina veSt

may 24 Donkey hire by potters timi Although it can be assumed that donkeys were necessary for the delivery of ceramics to the (see village J know of only one relevant text and that refers only indirectly to the potters use of lOe donkeys There seem to be no hireage texts for potters comparable to those attested for or4 woodcutters and watercarriers

O DeM 73 Ito details a legal case concerning a donkey in the 20 th year of Ramesses III The 32 text records the resolution of a dispute (del) between the potter Herunefer who was the complainant and the workman Anynakht82 Herunefer hired a donkey from Anynakht The

FrO bkI

donkey proved unsatisfactory and an exchange was agreed upon in the presence of (m-blM a scribe of the mat Amennakhe3 The bad donkey was handed over to him Uwtw Ir swd n) and

blk1 Sh01

he gave him Uwf djt) an (other) she-donkey in its place (11 3-4) The text concludes with the resl taking of an oath on account of it (br pbwys) presumably by Anynakht

As Janssen observes in reference to the woodcutters and watercarriers texts about the hireage spec daYE

of donkeys are comparatively rare and are concentrated in the reigns of Ramesses III and IV Those that survive perhaps refer to rather unusual situations as here The distinctive nature of this

smt intel

text lends support to Janssens proposal that there was a pool of donkeys perhaps state or communally owned rather than belonging to the workmen themselves available for deliveries to

pap) was

the village (see above p 29) here T

sect3 Documenting supply 31 The timing ofexpected deliveries Janssen has determined through analysis of the journal OStraca of the reigns of Ramesses TIT and IV that deliveries of ceramics were expected every ten days84 That this was the practice in the early 19th Dynasty is confirmed by the delivery lists of wood and pottery Where the lists are dated these dates usually fall on days 1085 2086 or 3087 of the month which are the days on which deliveries were also recorded later in the 20 th Dynasty

It is likely that vessels were not expected on any particular day within this time frame and could be delivered in smaller amounts throughout the period like the deliveries by the gardeners and fishermen ss P Greg vso B II 8 documents the receipt of bkw of the potter for year 6 of

that for ( the doCl pred of tl gene mixt term

Siptah on the 19th day of IV lvt This delivery is then recorded in the summary information for IV lvt 10 to 20 A journal ostracon of the reign of Ramesses III records that on II smw 7 the potter entered two blkw one (w) for I smw 30 one for II smw 10 (0 DeM 38 7) The account text O DeM 346 of the mid_20th Dynasty documents the receipt of two quantities of vessels within three days On II prt 20 30 qbt vessels and 110 lbw vessels were received or delivered by the hand of

33l The wen O E IIIp scali mad

82 For Anynakht see Davies Whos Who 74-5 The potter Herunefer is also known from O Cairo 25597 39 (1

83 The role of the scribe of the mat (sv n un) in this text has been discussed by Ben Haring The Scribe of the Mat From Agrarian Administration to Local Justice in Deir el-Medina in the Third Millennium

Jans~ 90 b

AD A Tribute to Jac J Janssen eds R J Demaree and A Egberts Egyptologische Uitgaven 14 (Leiden 91 ibi

2000) 149 For the legal status of this text see A G McDowell Jurisdiction in the Workmens Community 92 O

ofDeir el-Medina Egyptologische Uitgaven 5 (Leiden 1990) 146-7 84 Commodity Prices 485-6

B893n

85 O DeM 1 5 7 10 12 13 17 23 O Gardiner 43 94 Fe

86 O DeM 2 8 15 24 O Or lust Chicago 18878 reCOl

87 O DeM 3 4 9 11 12 14 18 22 O DH 6 7 88 J J Janssen bkw From Work to Product SAK 20 (1993)90 n 52

tragI 95 L

lship

)the se of I for

The the The

M a ) and h the

reage i IV fthis te or ies to

I and n the s are fS on

ould sand 6 of

or IV lotter xtO three ndof

97 kribe znium iden lunity

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 45

the scribe Amenemope (rto 11 1-2) On II prt 23 a further 42 dpr vessels making(9 22 qb vessels and 100 tbw vessels were also entered by the scribe Amenemope (vso n 1-4) This text may record part payments of the delivery expected for II prt 20-30 The data concerning the timing of delivery therefore correspond to the evidence discussed by Janssen for the woodcutters (see above pp 18ff) As in the woodcutter texts if the delivery was completed in full during the 10 day period it was recorded as mI Any deficit or shortfall in delivery was entered as (w)gJ(t) or gJ nlr

32 The terminology ofsupply bJkw From the late 19th or early 20 th Dynasties the deliveries of ceramics were recorded in units of bJlnv in both account and journal ostraca Janssen has discussed the use and meaning of the tenn bkw in the Deir el-Medina material blkw in its absolute sense means work but Janssen has shown that in many cases in these documents the meaning can shift from work to the resultproduct of the work90 Within this usage the bkw of the potter seems to have a more specific meaning Janssen has concluded that it signifies a fixed amount that was due every ten days a quota He cites the example ofO DeM 387 where two b3kw were recorded one for I smw 30 one for II smw 10 91 The detenninatives used in the writing of b3lnv support this interpretation Although in the late 19th and early 20th Dynasty texts bkw was detennined by the papyrus roll92 from the middle to the end of the reign of Ramesses III the vessel detenninative was used93 The change to this detenninative from one with a more abstract meaning signals that here bkw is a work requirement consisting of an amount of ceramics

The usage of bkw in the journals and accounts implies that this amount was fixed a quota that would therefore be quantifiable There are records of the entry of two bkw often to make up for overdue deliveries and occasionally even half bkw94 These references certainly imply that the bIlnv was a predetennined amount that could be doubled or halved when necessary The documenting of deficits in the texts also shows that each delivery was expected to consist of a predetermined amount The Category E text O DeM 12 seems to record such a deficit On line 4 of this delivery list is written deficit namely deficit of vessels (4 qrlJt 4)95 Since qrlt is the generic tenn for vessels the implication is that the expected delivery of ceramics probably a mixture of types and quantities was not made To determine the composition of each bkw in terms of vessel types and numbers is however difficult

33 b3kw in the J(jh Dynasty accounts (text categories B C E) The 19th Dynasty accounts of the deficits of the potters Menna and Nakhy indicate that deliveries were pre-determined as amounts that if not delivered in full were recorded to be made up later O Berlin P 10840 records an accumulation of deficits owed by Menna from year 9 III fJt 1 to III prt 30 making 5 months 53 qbt vessels 575 bw vessels (11 2-3) This account shows the scale of thc deficit that the potter could incur over a period of time if complete deliveries were not made

89 Cernys transcription of the text contains an ellipsis and query at this point (Catalogue VII pI 2) Janssen (pers corron) has suggested that the two dashes in the hieratic facsimile could be read as Jr n 90 hkw From Work to Product 89 91 ibid 89-90 nO DeM 606 rto 611 O Cairo 25591 rto 4-5 and O Cairo 25633 vso 1 P Greg rto B 23 A 11 vso B 8 11-12 93 The journal ostraca from the mid_20th Dynasty consistently use this determinative 94 For an examples entries of two bkw see O DeM 154 rto 16 P Greg rto A II 11-12 Half units are recorded in O DeM 44 rto 20 P Turin 1961 (Pleyte and Rossi pI 99) vso II 5 Anonymous Turin fragment (Cerny MSS 3616) 95 t~~lon

46 POTTERS

O DeM 135 is a testimony to the precision with which such deficits were recorded This undated text enumerates the deficit of two potters Deficit of the potters 2 men 96 29 qbw fle)vessels 5 gy vessels 00 Ibw vessels 9 dp(r) vessels to (r) qbw vessels making 4Y2 Total ves making 33Y2 qbw vessels The final two lines seem to indicate that 9 dpr vessels were equivalent mo in some way to 4Yz qbw vessels97 When added to the 29 qbw vessels in line 2 this gives the total ves of 33Y2 Perhaps the potters were initially required to deliver 9 dpr vessels along with the other and vessels but the decision was made to convert these dpr vessels into their equivalent in qbw dprvessels Here it must be borne in mind that this text records deficit rather than delivery It seems forto reflect the scribes accounting mentality precisely recording the precise value of the deficit

forwhich may have been rounded up or down in reality The meticulous record of deficit does imply sigrfixed vessel deliveries with a specific amount being due every ten days

deliAlthough such texts imply the presence of a quota it is difficult to quantify that quota in terms

posof numbers and types of vessels In this context O DeM 135 provides an additional insight The

asklconversion of one vessel type into its equivalent in another type if it is a concrete conversion

therather than a statement of value implies a certain flexibility within the deliveries Perhaps this document shows the superiors of the crew specifying or making adjustments to the amounts of

34ceramics required every ten days in accordance with the needs of the crew

TheSuch an interpretation could explain the range of vessel types and quantities enumerated in the

19th defiDynasty delivery lists while also perhaps accounting for the precise documentation of It isdeficits These ostraca note deliveries of at least eight different vessel types in varying quantities

and combinations including jn~t98 m~t99 qbwIOO kJ-lr-kJ 101 gJy102 Ibw103 dpr104 and dS I05 and imp

Some of these vessel names are very rare in other documentation The dpr vessel although common in these lists and in 19th Dynasty pottery accounts does not appear to occur later 106 This

Ir

pattern could suggest a reduction in the vessel repertoire in the 20th Dyllasty but the contents of IVr Jourdeliveries are not generally enumerated in the later data potentially concealing some vessel types 29Deliveries of lbw vessels are recorded in the majority of the surviving lists and as will be 15-1illustrated below Ibw vessels alongside qbw vessels remained the core of the potters deliveries (conin the 20th Dynasty It is possible that qbw and bw are classes of ceramics rather than distinct samlvessel types so that the terms may cover a wider range of forms (see section 61) DeIlt othe

96 1- ~~~gt5l~I (I 1) reml 97 Compare O DeM 346 where 42 dpr vessels may be the equivalent of 22 qbt vessels (see section 31) day The flexibility of equivalence between the two types may indicate flexibility in the form and valuation of seen these vessels (see section 41) evid 98 Janssen Commodity Prices434 O DeM 16 153 174 23 5

ther99 Wb II 126 W F Reineke Der Zusammenhang der altagptischen Rohl- und LiingenmaBe MfG 9 (1963)148 O DeM 56 7 6 114 100 Janssen Commodity Prices 412-5 qbw is a feminine word and can also be spelt qbt Valbelle Guvriers 18 O DeM J 7 4 5 7 5 104 O DR 5 4 O Gardiner 435 101 Wb V 93 O DeM 28 3 O DR 6 8 lOi 0 102 Janssen Commodity Prices 426-8 O DeM 5 5 9 6 107 225 O DR 8 3 O Gardiner 436 108 0 10J Janssen Commodity Prices 433-4 O DeM 18 3 4 4 6 6 6 8 6 105 116 136 154 16 5 17 109 0 3 226 O DR 5 7 6 9 7 5 84 O Or lnst Chicago 188785 O Gardiner 43 7 O DeM 288 records 110 0 a lbw-n-k~ vessel (see section 41) III 0 104 This vessel is not included in Janssen Commodity Prices or in the Worterbuch It is written lith the 1110

generic term for vessel qrlt confirming its nature as such O DeM 25 3 3 5 7 6 5 9 5 106 165 113 0 O DR 5 6 O Or lnst Chicago 188784 4prt vessels presumably a different orthography of the same 114 C term occur in hieratic inscriptions from the tomb of Tutankhamun 1 Cerny Hieratic lnscriptionsfrom the Il5 t Tomb of TutCankhamun TutCankhamiins Tomb Series II (Oxford 1965) 6 with references See also G 116 Ir Bouvier BlFAG 101 (2001)90 note g PriCE 105 Wb V 485 Janssen Commodity Prices 472-4 O DeM 64 8 5 135 165 22 4 O DR 5 6 74 non-I 1(lj See the documents cited in n 100 also O DeM 346 vso 3 117 Q~

This qbw otal alent total other qbw

eems ficit mply

erms The rsion this Its of

n the m of ttities dS I05

tough This lts of ypes ill be veries stinct

1 31) ion of

1109

vriers

5 17 ecords

ith the 165

same Jm the

Iso G

74

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 47

The degree to which the composition of deliveries could vary from list to list illustrates the flexiblity of the institution On I 3Jt 10 of year 3 of Sety I 7 jn~t vessels (3 good 2 poor) 37 qbw vessels (deficit of 3) and 58 Ibw vessels (deficit of 2) were delivered l07 On the 20th day of that month dpr vessels were delivered (the rest of the text is lost)108 80 dpr vessels and 50 Ibw vessels were delivered on the last day of I 3Jt109 while on the last day of II Jt 40 qbw vessels and 50 Ibw vessels were delivered l1O On day 10 of III Jt 80 g3y vessels 90 m~t vessels and 40 dpr vessels were delivered lll Not only do several vcssel types occur in each delivery but totals for each vessel type also vary considerably as weI Ibw vessels tend to total between 50 and 60 for each list in which they occur1l2 However many of the attested totals documented are significantly larger between 100 and 300 lbw1l3 These texts may point to there being variable deliveries that resulted from commissions in response to specific needs However this is only one possible interpretation based upon a comparatively small group of texts The question must be asked whether a similar understanding can be gained from the qualitatively different sources of the 20th Dynasty

34 Recording b3kw in the 20th Dynasty The recording of pottery deliveries was less explicit in the 20th Dynasty with deliveries and deficits generally noted as b3kw and (w)4(t) of the potter without further clarifying information It is difficult to determine whether the quantities and contents of the deliveries were as flexible and varying as the 19th Dynasty data suggest Indeed as Janssen has concluded it is virtually impossible to prove what was meant by the termbkw l 114

In the rare cases where journal entries on ostraca of the reigns of Ramesses III and Ramesses N record numbers of vessels this information is difficult to interpret O DeM 154 rto recording journal entries in year 31 of Ramesses III documents the delivery made by the potter on II smw 29 entered by the hand of the potter 2 bkw (plus) 50 lbw vessels for II smw 30 deficit 65 (II 15-16) Janssen alternatively translates this part of the text as [e ]ntered from the potter 2 bkw (consisting of) 50 lbw vessels comparing it with O Berlin P 10654 (unpub) vso 1 where the same amount of 50 vessels is also mentioned I IS There is a number of possible readings of O DeM 154 rto The two b3kw may be deliveries owing from earlier in the month116 while on the other hand the 50 Ibw vessels may be an early partial payment for II smw 30 with 65 vessels remaining outstanding Since we do not have the rest of the journal for II smw and the entry for day 20 records neither delivery nor deficit it is difficult to draw firm conclusions Nonetheless it seems unlikely that the b3kw referred to in the text consisted of 50 lbw vessels The supporting evidence of the late 20th Dynasty ostracon O Berlin P 10654 vso is ambiguous also referring to the production of 50 vessels in the first line the numbers are lost thereafter

II Jt 10 the potter fashioned1l7 50 (vessels) day 20 the potter [fashioned x (vessels)]

107 O DeM 16-8 108 O DeM 2 5 109 O DeM 3 3-4 110 O DeM 45-6 1110 DeM 5 5-7 112 O DeM 18 34 8 6 165 O DH 5 7 6 9 O Or Inst Chicago 188785 113 O DeM 6 6 136 22 6 154 173 O DH 76 ll4 Commodity Prices 488 bkw From Work to Product 89 115 bkw From Work to Product 89 116 In a similar situation O DeM 40 14-5 records by the hand of the potter 3 bkw Janssen Commodity Prices 487-8 concludes that two of the bkw were payments for the first two decades although the non-delivery is nowhere stated while the third delivery was due for the five epagomenal days 117 ~~li~IT1l~~o

II

48 POTTERS

day 30 fashioning [x (vessels)] III 11]t 10 while he (fashioned)118 [x (vessels)] 35 b day 20119

Vhel total 230 qbw vessels [ ] the n specifYing it (wp Sf) ~ 23 jn~11 vessels blkw

In recording the actual work of the potters this text is unique While units of 50 vessels seem to statu be specified any connection with a blkw is not made explicit and can only be inferredYo perio

Janssen also cites the example of O DeM 35 on which a note above line 7 recording entries been for IIprt 19 of year 28 of Ramesses III reads entered by the hand of the potter as one b3kw 100 these qbw vessels 45 lbw vessels Although this text indicates that the b3kw consisted of 100 qbw Th vessels and 45 lbw vessels the phrase m w( b3kw could imply that the vessels enumerated were the e those making up this particular delivery perhaps differing from although equivalent to the recor contents of earlier deliveries and the standard b3kw The higher number of qbw vessels than Ibw epagt vessels which is very unusual when compared with other texts enumerating these two types 5 ep suggests that this entry is exceptional not only in its formulation It may be that this delivery ofth required special enumeration perhaps the potter altered the original order and provided an bee) equivalent number of qbw vessels instead of lbw vessels P

The two uneertain entries of O DeM 154 and O DeM 35 are the only texts in which actual Ram vessel types are enumerated in 20u Dynasty journal ostraca O DeM 35 in particular may suggest reads that the composition of b3kw could be flexible Other surviving records of pottery deliveries from An e the reign of Rarnesses III usually state only whether or not the potter entered his deliveries deliv complete or was in deficit O DeM 143 vso 5 datable to year 24 of Ramesses III does fo11o however enter a deficit of lbw vessels for the five epagomenal days Although the exact figures as 65 are lost the final two lines record an unknown total (dnuf) of qbw vessels and a total of 680 lbw char~ vessels these probably being deficits incurred since IV smw 30 the day the potter first fell behind disru in deliveries as the account records In O DeM 165 which largely documents deficits incurred in prt 1 year 30 III prt and thereafter a note to one side records year 29 entered for the five whih (epagomenal) days 30 lbw vessels his deficit 85 (11 4amiddot5a) vesst

Where vessel numbers are enumerated in these 20th Dynasty texts they vary in some cases notin considerably although the relationships of these numbers with the context of the documents must onw be kept in mind The vessel types are less varied than in the 19th Dynasty sources Mostly qbw and that 1 [bw vessels are enumerated in large quantities which confirms that these vessel types were the here basis of the potters b 3kw The deficit accounts from the reign of Ramesses II (group III) record If only qbw and lbw vesselsl2I in contrast with the variety of vessels represented in the delivery deliv lists The delivery lists of the 19th Dynasty appear to be exceptional in the variety of vessel types large they enumerate They may represent deliveries from other specialized workshops or supplies for vess particular purposes The similarity between the 19th Dynasty delivery lists of pottery and wood on en1r) the one hand and of specialty breads and beer on the other hand may indicate that these inter deliveries were in general more specialized they were perhaps associated with festivals Such an here association is illuminated by a study of one of the vessel types less commonly enumerated in A1 these texts (see section 42) However the regularity of delivery in these lists recorded in tenmiddotday b3kJi blocks is closely comparable with the regular b3kw delivery For the 20th Dynasty it must be potu borne in mind that b3kw which is mostly unqualified in the journal ostraca may cover a range of the ( vessel types sing

liS Q0--1i11 122 G ll9 Cerny noted that the line here was left blank 123 J~

120 The specification of jnJz1 vessels may also suggest that this text refers to a specialized perhaps unique lUF

production series For jnJzt see section 42 me 121 0 DeM 91 O Berlin P 10840 vso O IFAO 387 126 C

em to

ntries 100

l qbw were

) the nbw types livery ed an

actual 19gest from veries does

igures 101bw )ehind red in ~ fivc

cases must wand re thc ccord livery types es for odon thcsc Ichan ted in n-day lst be 1ge of

mique

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 49

35 bikw in the late 20th Dynasty papyrus documents Where pottery deliveries are recorded in the journal papyri the numbers of vessels involved and the name of the potter are often included A further contrast with earlier records is that the tenn bkw is rarely employed The more fonnal status of the papyri may explain such differences This status may also be one reason despite the large amount of documentation surviving from this period deliveries of pottery are only recorded occasionally Those that are recorded may have been special deliveries and hence worthy of note When bkw are recorded as in earlier records these may be variable in size and consist largely ofbw and qbw vessels

The recto ofP Turin 2070133 134 + 3 fragments (KRIVI 426-8) contains journal entries for the epagomenal days of the year 2 of a king later than Ramesses IV 122 The entry for the final day records the deliveries of the potter Right the potter - 29 [qb]w vessels 145 lbw vessels Five epagomenal days 100 [+ 45] Ibwvessels [Left] the potter 29 [qbw] vessels 145lbwvessels 5 epagomenal days 145 (Col II 10-11) The deliveries are enumerated separately for each side of the crew although if the restorations are correct the totals are the same for each side As is to be expected qbw and bw vessels are the only vessel types mentioned

P Turin 1881+ (Pleyte and Rossi pI 1-8 KRIVI 609-19) records entries for years 6-8 of Ramesses IX the potter is only mentioned on three occasions in year 7 For IV lu 29 the entry reads received by the hand of the potter ~Ahawy - qbw vessels 65 bw vessels 65 (vso V 1-2) An entry for 65 handfuls of plants follows in this list and seems to be associated with this delivery An entry on the same line also records 2 khar of k3Y (Ulq~ ~ ) probably roe123 The following line records again by his hand (wlm m-fjrtj) (for) I prt 10 100 [b[w] vessels as well as 65 handfuls of plants and an unknown measure of roe It seems that the potter had also been charged with delivering produce to the village perhaps the organization of deliveries was disrupted in this period Other entries record deliveries received by the hand of scribes 124 In III prt 18 almost three months later ~Ahawy made another delivery of 300 Ibw vessels (vso VI 7-8) while in III smw there were received by the hand of the potter (for) Right and Left 1501bw vessels and 70 qbw vessels (vso VII 1-2) P Turin 1881 + is an unusual text which rather than noting events day by day records only a few days from a few months of each year perhaps days on which events occurred that were more significant in the eyes of the scribe Valbelle observes that the scribe was running out of space on the papyrus increasing the likelihood that the entries he recorded were those he considered important125

If the deliveries recorded in this text were the only ones made for year 7 of Ramesses IX the delivery patterns of the potters may have changed Rather than delivering units every decade large deliveries were made every two to three months This would explain the large totals of vessels supplied However as Janssen cautions scribal inaccuracies mean that the absence of an entry in the journal does not necessarily mean that the delivery was not made126 An alternative interpretation is that the standard deliveries were made every ten days and that those recorded here were supplementary and worthy of special mention

An entry in P Turin 1900+ (KRl VI 619-24) vso 117 may indicate that regular deliveries of blkw continued at least in the early years of Ramesses IX Year 9 II 31Jt 19 records Right the potters b3kw [ ] (wnmy p qd n b3kw [ J) The context of this delivery is similar to those of the earlier 20th Dynasty with supply of fuel and gypsum being recorded as well However the single mention of a potters bkw in this entry in the papyrus may be as unique as those in P

122 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 242 123 Janssen Village Varia 53 124 For example vso 2a vso 5 5 vso 5 10 vso 6 1 125 Ouvriers 63-4 126 Commodity Prices 486

l

50 POTTERS

Turin l88l Journal entries from years 10 and 17 of Ramesses IX support this interpretation P A Turin 2071140 (KRIVI 63715) rto 9 records delivery of vegetables and pottery 2l() qb(w) varia vessels 110 [+ x] [bw vessels for day 30 IV smw year 10 The Turin Necropolis Journal of year vana 17 rto B II 2-3 (Botti and Peet pI 16) is the only record of a pottery delivery in this substantial inclu text covering two full months potter rAhawy 33 qbw vessels 165 [bw vessels This may Dyna indicate that the delivery was an unusual hence noteworthy event especially in relation to (HO references to problems with smdt organization earlier in the text (see section 37) the p

Deliveries of varying quantities of pottery are entered a number of times for different sides of recei the crew in the journal of year 3 of Ramesses X (P Turin 1898 + Botti and Peet pI 50-63 KRI Re VI 687-99) On III prt 18 even though the crew was not working because of the foreigners cornr (Omyw) 30 qb(w) vessels and 30 [+ x] [[bw] vessels were delivered to Right (rto I 11) On the wood last day of IV prt 9 qb(w) and 27 ([)bw vessels were delivered to Left (the entry for Right is comp lost rto II 14) The entry for II smw 19 records crew not working Right 28 qb(w) vessels 300 Janss [b(w) vessels Left 28 qb(w) vessels 15 g1(y) vessels 300 [b(w) vessels (rto III 9-10) The entry amou for g1y vessels is unusual in this text Two days later there was a further delivery for Right alone largel the potter - 30 qb(w) vessels 150 [b(w) vessels (rto III 13-14) In the month of III smw qbw Alt and [bw vessels were delivered on two occasions day 5 and day 30127 On IV smw 1 1 qbw was texts

delivered perhaps to Right while 90 [bw vessels were delivered to Left (rto V 18-9) If each are in delivery of vessels to the village was flexible in size and composition the entries in this journal as a c may also illustrate that deliveries to different sides of the crew could be varied as well quant

The journal text of year 1 of Ramesses XI P Turin 1898+ VSO128 records for I 10t 24 Right excep

from the hand of (the) potter [ ] 18 qb(w) vessels 50 [+x] [bw vessels Left from the hand of 37 In(the) potter [ ]y129 10 [+x] (Hh vessels [r~R~~o] [ J (vso Text A 2-4) Again the Otherdelivery is separately enumerated for the different sides of the crew breaks in the text mean that unprethe composition of the delivery is unknown If the entry on line 4 is a variant orthography of a this b type of vessel (1(1130 it may indicate a specialized delivery because (1(1 vessels are not firingotherwise attested in the pottery deliveries l3I Further deliveries are recorded in this journal again therein a very broken context by the hand ofthe potter [ ] lbw vessels 51 [+ x ] (vso dockets B taken5-6) later 18 qbw vessels and 50 lbw vessels are recorded (vso dockets C 2) This is the latest or adrsurviving record of pottery deliveries to the necropolis workmen in the 20th Dynasty deficit Impac36 Conclusion the meanings ofb1kw

TheThe Turin Necropolis journals seem to support the interpretation of the nature of the b1kw found detailein the earlier documentation Despite the possibility that delivery patterns may have altered or that from t some entries may represent extra deliveries these documents indicate that [bw and qbw vessels earlyformed the core of any quota of pottery delivered to the village occasionally supplemented with irregulother vessel types the pa III It

127 On III sectmw 529 qb(w) vessels and 150 bw vessels were delivered to Right Left received 19 qb(w) month vessels and 150 bw vessels (Botti and Peet pI 57 rto IV 15-9) The papyrus is damaged in the entries for III sectmw 30 but the surviving text indicates that deliveries of over 100 bw vessels were made to Right and both fbw and rqlbw vessels were delivered to Left (Botti and Peet pI 59 rto V 17-19) Unusually this latter entry records bw vessels before qbw 132 For 128 Botti and Peet pI 63 KRI VI 850-1 I follow the reassessment of Jtirgen von Beckerath in my reading 34 see of this text Papyrus Turin 1898+ vso SAK21 (1994)29-33 133 Th( 129 Perhaps the name of the potter CAhawy can be restored here 134 C J 130 Wh V 532 W F Reineke Der Zusammenhang der altagyptischen Hohl- und UingenmaBe MID 9 East e (1963)151 observlt 131 4343 vessels are included in a list of products in O Cairo 25678 vso 17 along with fbw vessels (1 18) discuss Valbelle citing this text considers that 4343 vessels could replace qbw vessels and were perhaps be mad synonymous (in her reference Duvriers 265 n 12 read 25678 for 25673) 135 Con

n p b(w) year ntial may m to

es of KRI

yenlers 11 the ht is 300 ~ntry

lone qbw was each lmal

ight ld of I the that ofa not

gain s B atest

lUnd that sels with

b(w) 8 for tand this

ding

[09

18) haps

DOCUMENTIKG SUPPLY 51

A further correspondence between the papyrus documents and the earlier ostraca is the variation in the numbers of vessels being delivered If these figures do represent regular bkw the variation in vessel totals may reflect responses to the changing needs of the crew perhaps including orders made by the superiors of the crew to the potters The use of bkw in one 20th

Dynasty account ostracon exemplifies the flexible character of commissions O Gardiner 80 4-5 (HO 6114) states after recording the complete deliveries during III smw received as the bkw of the potter entered complete like his custom of every day This text implies that the deliveries received during that month constituted the potters commission which he managed to fulfiL

Records survive of other members of the smdt such as gardeners and woodcutters receiving commands to deliver specific amounts132 Janssen notes the commission received by the woodcutter Saroy in year 29 III fJt 7 to deliver 380 units every 10 days This order can be compared with that of Saroys colleague who received a commission to deliver 500 units 133 As Janssen observes the quotas of the woodcutters often deviated quickly from these specified amounts (see above p 20) Such orders might have been regular normal occurrences that are largely invisible in the written record

Although no known text records such an assignment to the potters to deliver specific amounts texts that record varying quantities of ceramics and texts in which vessels other than qbw and tbw are included suggest that such commissions were madc The bkw may therefore be understood as a commission or expected dclivery of a predetermined unit of ceramics Although theoretically quantifiablc the bkw was flexible so that we cannot determinc what amount was expected except in specific deliveries

37 Implications ofdefiCits Other factors may also have operated to produce differential sizes of deliveries Firing was an unpredictable process with a certain amount of wasters inevitably being produced each time On this basis Christopher Eyre has suggested the one bkw may have been the equivalent of one firing which could vary in composition and in success134 Although this hypothesis is viable there is no direct evidence to support it and it is also possible that the needs of the crew were taken into account in each individual bkw or work requirement Where problems in the workshop or administrative breakdowns affected deliveries these are likely to be reflected in the records as deficits By examining patterns of deficit within the documentation it is possible to observe the impact of external problems in the Theban area on the potters deliveries in the mid 20th Dynasty

The journal ostraca of the reigns of Ramesses III and IV (Group I) again provide the most detailed documentation of delivery and deficit although only very general trends can be deduced from the materiaL Janssens analysis of pottery deliveries at the end of Ramesses Ills reign to early Ramesses IV led to the conclusion that deliveries of commodities were generally very irregular at this time whereas in the preceding years they had been more stable 135 The details of the pattern of deficits can be supplemented by a few account ostraca from the reign of Ramesses III It must be borne in mind that the idiosyncrasies of scribal record keeping mean that some months record no deliveries at all even though deliveries were most probably made

132 For the commissioning of the smdt see J J Janssen The Year of the Strikes BSEG 16 (1992) 44 n 34 see also Janssens section 7 in this volume 133 The Year of the Strikes 44-6 134 C J Eyre Work and the Organization of Work in the New Kingdom in Labor in the Ancient Near East ed M A Powell (New Haven 1987) 193 Janssen bkw From Work to Product 90 n observes that if this were the case the potters would have delivered once per decade The limited evidence discussed in 31 and a review of the delivery dates in the texts included in 33 indicate that deliveries could be made on more than one occasion during the ten-day period 135 Commodity Prices 488

52 POTTERS

The account of O Gardiner 80 (HO 61 4) for year 21 of Ramesses III records deliveries that O were made complete for the entire month of III smw the final line entered complete like his bJrn custom of every day although formulaic may be an indicator of a reputation for efficiency and for t punctuality The records from a few years later appear to tarnish this reputation The account text far 11 O DeM 143 datable to year 24 while recording complete deliveries for III smw 30 and IV smw coml 10 and 20 enters deficits for IV smw 30 the five epagomenal days and the first two decades of I appe 3bt (11 1-7) Reasons for the accumulation of such a substantial deficit beyond internal incre production problems are unknown This text warns us that although the relationship between admi administrative problems at Deir el-Medina and deficit is clear at times less easily identifiable in th factors may also have had an impact By year 27 deliveries appear to have returned to normal the p with no deficits being entered and every delivery recorded as complete (0 DeM 33 vso 8 O TI DeM 34 rto 7 16 vso 11) a deficit is however noted for the epagomenal days of year 28 in O agair DeM 156 vso 4 that

From year 29 deficits are again a consistent feature of the record during the time when labour inc01 troubles began to disrupt the community The first hint of delivery problems may be found in the whet problematic O Strasbourg H 26 If the entries on the recto refer to the potter this text records mad~ complete deliveries throughout I and II smw and probably through the epagomenal days and II there 3bt The verso may refer more explicitly to pottery deliveries with the final line recording IV coul Jbt 10 deficit of the [potter) However the reading of qd is based on a restoration (Cerny Nb in thi 3561) and the status of this text as a pottery account could be questioned There are more certain Th references to delivery from later in year 29 In I prt 30 the potter made deliveries to Right and perio Left details of the content of delivery are not given (0 Turin 57007 vso 4-5) The strike action ambi began in the village only ten days later on II prt 10136 The only further entry recording a pottery Peet delivery is in P Turin 1961 (Pleyte and Rossi pI 99) possibly from the end of year 29 IV prt 30 outsi notes for Right the potter I Y while the potter l is noted for Left (vso II 5 7)137 There are there no further records of pottery deliveries until year 30 although the consistent deficits incurred by reorg the woodcutters during year 29 and into year 30 are evidence of the impact of the strikes (see for II above p 21)138 authc

Deficits are recorded in an account text for III prt 30 and probably IV prt 10 of year 30 but a Peet delivery oftvo b3kw was promptly made to remedy this deficit (0 DeM 165 rto 1-2) O DeM ~Aha 154 rto 15-16 of year 31 records the delivery of two b3kw on II smw 29 probably overdue entric payments for days 10 and 20 A number of fbw vessels are also specified I interpret these as and perhaps an early payment for II smw 30 although they may relate to the two b3kw A deficit of 65 speci is noted Complete deliveries are made in IV lJl but since they are noted specifically they may perha have been considered late one b3kw being entered on day 13 for day 10 and one being entered Th for Right only on day 21 (0 DeM 157 8-9 17) From then into the reign of Ramesses IV the may potters made deliveries late or were making good deficits In II smw 7 of year 32 the debt was diffic paid for I smw 30 and at the same time the b3kw was delivered three days early for II smw 10 (0 or the

19thDeM 38 7 17 23) No sooner had these deliveries been made then the potter was in debt again I for the rest of the month Disruptions to pottery and fuel deliveries (see above p 21) throughout wide] year 30 and into year 31 are symptoms of continued labour problems within the village or of subst general administrative problems in the Theban area 139

mont side I

136 RAD 49 15 P J Frandsen Editing reality the Turin Strike Papyrus in Studies in Egyptology presented to Miriam Lichtheim ed S Israelit-Groll (Jerusalem 1990) 166-99 Risbo 137 Janssen considers that the documentation of half units may point to a scarcity of materials Commodity availa Prices 488 A reference to a half unit may also be found in an anonymous papyrus fragment in Turin 140 Fo (Cerny MSS 3616) which records the potter 2h this probably means 2h bJkw 141 Fo 138 Janssen The Year ofthe Strikes 46-8 BerIir B9 Disruptions in local administration may have directly impacted pottery production if as Colin Hope bkw suggests the state provided clay to these workshops Egyptian Pottery Shire Egyptology 5 (princes been ~

8 that ce his yand It text smw

s of ternal tween fiable Irmal 8 O in O

aboUT in the ~cords

md II ~ IV YNb ertain It and ~ction ottery Jrt 30 re are ed by (see

but a DeM erdue se as of65 may

tered the twas 0(0 19ain ~hout or of

~logy

ity

ffope inces

DOCUMENTlIG SUPPLY 53

O DeM 40 rto 15 from I gUt of year 1 of Ramesses IV records that the potter delivered three bgkw on day 24 probably overdue deliveries for days 10 and 20 (the deficits are not noted) and for the epagomenal days for which the deficit was entered in a note in a separate column on the far left A deficit is also recorded for day 30 (vso 9) From this point on the deliveries tend to be complete although often a few days late140 There are still occasional deficits but the deliveries appear to have been generally more regular than in the final years of Ramesses IILI41 The increasing irregularity of delivery is probably a symptom of the general decay of the administration of the Necropolis at the end of a long reign The more regular deliveries beginning in the first year of Ramesses IV perhaps correspond with a renewed interest in the Necropolis on the part of the successor king who was eager to get work on his tomb underway

These documents provide the only opportunity to trace a pattern of deficit in pottery deliveries against well documented changes and problems in the administration of the village They show that such an equation between the two is possible this may have implications for the more incomplete records of the end of the dynasty It is difficult to determine from the papyrus texts whether deliveries continued on a regular basis in the closing years of the 20th Dynasty or were made in large consignments more infrequently as the surviving evidence seems to suggest Since there were significant civil disturbances in the Theban area throughout this period deliveries could have been affected to the point that they became more unusual events and warranted entry in the journals

The Turin Necropolis journal for year 17 of Ramesses IX provides the best example from this period From II prl on the text includes entries concerning the smdt in general from the ambiguous entry taking the smdt of the Tomb of Left by the scribe of the Tomb Hori (Botti and Peet pI 14 rto B I 8) to the entries a few lines later crew not working while the smdt were outside under the authority (rJ(wyraquo of the two scribes of the Necropolis [ ] crew not working there being no smdt outside (rto B I 12) These entries seem to indicate that there was some reorganization of or problem with the smdt although a record of a wood delivery was entered for II prl 15 The entry for II prt 18 records crew not working while their smdt were under the authority of the two scribes of the Tomb of the Outside without any payments (1) (Botti and Peet pI 15 rto B I 18) On II prt 24 a delivery of fish was made and on day 25 the potter rAhawy delivered a number of vessels (Botti and Peet pI 16 rto B II 1-3) Although these entries are difficult to interpret it seems that the crew was facing both deficits in grain delivery and problems with the smdt In this context the delivery of pottery can perhaps be seen as a special occurrence no text from the end of the 20 th Dynasty explicitly records a potters deficit perhaps indicating that there was no longer an expected pattern to delivery

The interpretations presented here are speculative moreover other factors that left no trace may have had an impact on production The deficits entered for year 25 of Ramesses III are difficult to explain except in terms of unknowable production problems specific to the workshops or the personal circumstances of the potters as are the causes for the deficits recorded in the early 19th Dynasty Such deficits cannot be equated with any known problems in the village or the wider Theban area The accounts of the potters Menna and N akhy in the early 19th Dynasty record substantial deficits especially those incurred by Menna in a year 9 where he is in deficit for five months totalling 53 qbw vessels and 575 fbw vessels Further deficit totals perhaps for the other side of the crew are even larger 94 qbw vessels and 992 lbw vessels (0 Berlin P 10840) The

Risborough 1987) 10 This argument may apply only to high quality ceramics considering the ready availability ofNile silt for the production of most basic vessels 140 For example O DeM 47 rto 3 11 vso 4 141 For example the following texts record deficits in year 1 = I prt 30 (0 DeM 47 rto 11) III prt 30 (0 Berlin P 12641 + 12628 7) II smw 20(7) (0 DeM 161 vso 3) O DeM 44 rto 20 records a delivery of 1y bklv for III smw 29 Janssen considers that since no delivery was recorded for day 20 materials may have been scarce at this time Commodity Prices 488

--54 POTTERS

patterns of deficit incurred by the potters that can be traced in the texts cannot generally be Ana correlated with external administrative problems and decay rese

proc sect4 Equations of word and object an analysis offour pot-types A notable feature of the potter texts from Deir el-Medina is the substantial number of vessels 41 delivered to the village every ten days Although the exact number due in each bkw varied the I ha totals of some deliveries indicate that there was a significant and constant need for ceramics in the thrOl community In the lives of the villagers this pottery was essential It was the principal means to mult store prepare and serve food and to carry out many other activities within the domestic and work refer spheres Janssen observes in Commodity Prices that we have virtually no cvidence for the enun exchange value of ceramics beeause price texts generally refer only to metal or stone vessels 142

used Vessels used for a wide variety of domestic purposes would have had a low value and high class turnover millions of pot sherds were found within the rubbish dumps of the village including the offo Grands PuitS 143 Since their role was so essential it is desirable to learn about the various forms of In thl the vessels - their sizes and range of functions - in order to advance our understanding of the lJl villagers daily lives possi

Holthoerl44 noted that most Mesopotamian names of vessels relate directly to their material their function or their capacity but concluded that the Egyptians derived their vessel names from something other than vessel function This conclusion was largely based on the 1935 lexicographic analysis of Egyptian vessels by Robert du Mesnil du Buisson whose study is the only one that covers a wide range of ceramics including some of the vessel names that occur in the Deir el-Medina potter texts He considered that the qbw vessel was connected to qb fresh cool an appropriate concept for a jar145 He equated the gy vessel with the verb gw to be narrow perhaps suggesting a jar with a narrow neck 146

Edward Brovarski has done preliminary work on some Old Kingdom and First Intermediate Period vessel terms147 and Patricia Paice has studies connections between vessel shapes and their functions as depicted in tomb reliefs 148 The most valuable recent examination of the intersection of lexicography and a ceramic corpus is that of Janet Bourriau and Stephen Quirke on the Middle Kingdom ceramic repertoire from Lahun l49

An approach comparable to that taken at Lahun would be ideal for the material from Deir elshy Fig 1 Medina but a full statistical analysis of the archaeological material in relation to the textual data Urk r that is a prerequisite for determining lexicographic relations is beyond the scope of this study

The VI

Jb-nraquo142 407_8 and n 5 lS enu 143 ibid 488

vessel 144 New Kingdom Pharaonic Sites The Pottery 41 see J Bourriau and S Quirke The Late Middle

terminKingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects in Lahun studies ed S Quirke (Reigate 1998) 60shydeterm1 for a more recent discussion of the basis of classifications

145 Les noms et signes egyptiens designant des vases ou objets simiaires (Paris 1935)30 l46 Noms et signes 72 Janssen Commodity Prices 427 considers that du Mesnil du Buissons suggestions 150 FoUl

and explanations for the gly are unconvincing and concludes that no identification of the gly is apparant P Turi Ricardo A Caminos considered it to be an open bowl or cup since it was used more as a container for Howevl

ISl Jansvegetables and flowers than liquids (CLEM 194-5) corresponding to the use of gy vessels for natron 152 Thelotus leaves and fruit in the Medinet Habu festival lists A Spalinger Medinet Habu and Deir el-Yledina IS3 TheCombined in Deir el-Medina in the Third Millennium AD A Tribute to Jac J Janssen eds R 1 Demaree

and A Egberts Egyptologische Uitgaven 14 (Leiden 2000) 314 Although the shape of the gl) remains these m unknown Janssen has determined a capacity of 20 hin Two Ancient Egyptian Ships Logs Papyrus Leiden detenni 1350 verso and Papyrus Turin 2008 + 2016 (Leiden 1961)88 vessel l47 Lexicographical Studies in Egyptian Pottery Bulletin de Liaison du Groupe International dEtude de determi fa Ceramique Egyptienne 7 (1982) 36-7 154 P GJ 14S The Pottery of Daily Life in Ancient Egypt JSSEA 19 (1989) 50-88 bibliogr 149 The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects 60-83 IS5 Com

lly be

essels d the in the ansto lwork Dr the oels142

1 high ngthe rmsof of the

lterial s from

1935 is the

cur in fresh to be

lediate i their ection fiddle

eir elshyt data study

v1iddle 8) 60shy

~stions

Jaranl ler for latron -edina maree mains Leiden

~de de

EQUA TJONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 55

Analysis of the occurrence of vessel types in the potter texts can be related to the present stage of research into vessel shape and size to produce some further insights both into the potters products and into the documentation for the supply of particular ceramic types

41 The basic pots qbw and [bw I have shown above that [bw and qbw vessels formed the basis of deliveries to the village

19th 20ththroughout the and Dynasties Therefore it seems likely that they were simple multipurpose vessels distinct from each another in shape andor size There is a standard way of referring to them in the records qbw vessels precede [bw vessels and many fewer are usually enumerated This relationship points to a qualitative differentiation between the two ISO Both are used as containers for liquids such as beer and waterl5l I consider that these two terms designate classes of vessels rather than fixed single shapes their names perhaps referring to a wider range of forms Difference in size may account for the differentation in numbers delivered in the texts In the following discussion I assess the evidence for these two classes of vessels

Jb lbw) vessels are included among the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak indicating a possible shape for the vessel152

tlBoo~WJ~O 01It 0P L II I I

Fig 1 ob-nw-k vessels in the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak (Wreszinski Atlas II pI 33 Urk IV 636)

The vessel shown is distinctive being beaker-like and wider at the base than at the neck JS3 The ub-nw-k vessel here is the equivalent of the u-m-Icw of P Harris I 36a 7 A significant number is enumerated in this text as containers tor incense perhaps indicating a smaller cup-like vessel l54 Janssen has considered that the [x]-n-k termination which is fairly common in vessel terminology indicates that the vessels were cups the name of the vessel given in the compound determines the shape155 In the inscription of the High Priest Osorkon the Oblb-n-k is written

150 Four texts which enumerate qbw and fbw vessels show a ratio of 15 O Or Inst Chicago 16698 rto 3 P Turin 2070133 134 + frgs rto 10-11 Giornale of year 17 rto B II 1-3 P Turin 1898 rto III 14 However since these are isolated examples it is uncertain how widely applicable such a ratio was 151 Janssen Commodity Prices 433 Valbelle Ouvriers 265 152 The equivalence between the lb andlbw is confirmed in CLEM 186-7 153 The determinative given for a qby vessel in the offering list ofThutmose III at Elcphantine indicates that these may have been quite close in shape to the IJb-nw-h of the Karnak list The simple elongated beaker determinative is quite distinct from the determinatives given for the other vases in the list including the Ub vessel which is shon with a definite neck (Urk IV 828 4) However the occurrence of different determinatives within a single text does not offer a basis for a classification of vessel forms 154 P Grandet Le Papyrus Harris I (EM 9999) BdE 109 (Cairo 1994) I 272 see vol IT 141 n 576 for a bibliography for lbw l55 Commodity Prices 409

I

56 POTTERS

with a goblet detenninative ls6 The vessels recorded in these texts may be smaller cup versions of thai larger Ibw jars with the wide mouth and lack of defined neck perhaps pointing to a vessel associated with food preparation and service 157 The delivery list O DeM 288 records fb-nw-kJ

cor 1

vessels perhaps as a fuller writing of bw or as a distinct fonn vithin the Ibw class Vessels ves categorized as Ibw may have had a generalized function as cups or containers for both liquid and con solid foods A comparison can be made with the ~nw vessels which are recorded in significant 4W numbers in the papyrus documents from Lahun and are equated by Bourriau and Quirke with the 346 drinking cups known from the site the only vessel fonn which they consider could have been used in such numbers 158 The bkw of the Deir el-Medina potters show that Ibw vessels too were

lbw 50

delivered in large quantities the The lower numbers of qbw vessels in the deliveries may be related to their larger size In Poids o

No 5135 3 the weight of a metal qbw vessel is stated to be 20 deben or 18 kg Valbelle betv concludes from this that the qbw was significantly larger than the Ibw 159 That qbw designates a POttl simple storage jar may be indicated by the name itself If the connection suggested by du Mesnil two du Buisson between qbw vessels and qb cool can be accepted it may suggest that qbw vessels were storage jars perhaps for water and other liquids The connection may also suggest the

sigh one

material of manufacture qbw vessels could have been made from marl clay which cools water Helc through evaporation

As storage jars qbw vessels may have been connected in shape or broad function with the qbwshyIf a have

n-wt canopic jar The coincidence of the name suggests some correspondence The simple canopic jar fonns given by Georges Nagel for Tomb 359 seem similar in shape to vessels found in the cellar of a house in the village160 However Nagels sample is so small that any identification is tentative Janssen cautions that the standard shape of a canopic jar was rarely used as the fonn of bronze or pottery vessels 161 This may be a principle of decorum vessels with a funerary purpose not being equated in fonn with ordinary domestic ceramics The connection between qbw and qbw-n-wt may be simply that they were both in one fonn or another storage jars

Although the qbw may have been proportionally larger than the lbw it is very unlikely that

capa temp capa appn meas

Cc vso cannc into i

either fonn had a fixed capacity at Deir el-Medina W W Struve [V V Struve] offered the only attempt to determine the capacity of the qbw (or qby) vessel based largely on Greek evidence and his research on P Boulaq 18162 Wolfgang HeIcks review of this evidence led him to conclude

dOCUJ

repre betw( vesse restril than 1

156 R A Caminos The Chronicle ofPrince Osorkon Analecta Orientalia 37 (Rome 1958) 129 157 p Cairo 58088 indicates that bw could have had a large size in this case accommodating 3 ds measures See also Janssen Commodity Prices 433 n 170 C Daniel Les noms egyptiens de certains types de vases

proba fixed

In

grecs Studia et Acta Orientalia 5-6 (1967) 383-5 equates the lIb vessel with the Greek 10 olt7tW and the vesse

Mycenaean di-pa He notes that the di-pa depicted on a tablet corresponds in shape with the form of the fib indicated by the determinative used for the word The depictions of the di-pa that Daniel cites are not 163 DG

comparable in form with the Ibw depicted in the Karnak offering list D H F Gray Linear Band evidee Archaeology Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies of the UniverSity of London 6 (1959) pI 7 I andDI would argue that the form of the lbw was very flexible 164 It 1

158 Bourriau and Quirke The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects 74 some 159 Catalogues des poids a inscriptions hieratiques de Deir el-Medineh Nos 5001-5423 DFIFAO 16 165 Da~

(Cairo 1973) 18 166 FOI 160 La ceramique du Nouvel Empire aDeir el Medineh DFIFAO 10 (Cairo 1938)35 cf 122 no 38 42 SpaHn 44 167 Da 161 Commodity Prices 412 sugges 162 Mathematischer Papyrus des staatlichen Museums der SchOnen Kunste in Moskau (Berlin 1930) 55 Ceram withn2 25 1itr

lions of vessel

-nw-k

Vessels llid and ilificant vith the Ie been )0 were

n Poids lalbelle ~ates a Mesnil vessels est the s water

le qbwshysimple

s found lat any rarely vessels s The omlor

~ly that Iteonly lce and melude

~asures

le vases and the the b are not Band pI 7 I

AO 16

3842

gt30) 55

EQliAnONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 57

that the qbw had no fixed capacity Rather it seems that vessels such as the Ibw and qbw could correspond to a range of different ds measures 163

Two texts may point to some perhaps proportional equivalence between qbw vessels and dpr vessels In O DeM 135 the record of the accumulated deficits of two potters includes a conversion from dpr vessels into qbw vessels 9 dpr vessels to (=) qbw vessels making Urn) 4Yz (see section 31) Such a conversion may indicate a size ratio between the vessels O DeM 346 vso 3 records 42 dpr vessels [making Urn)] 22 qbt vessels (see n 89 for the restoration) Ibw vessels may also be equated with dpr vessels in O DeM 202 dpr vessels 30 [as] 15 bw 50 (1 3_4)164 The restoration here is problematic and the hypothesis of any equivalence between the two types must remain tentative

O Berlin P 10654 vso displays a similar complexity in possible equivalences this time between qbw vessels and jnJt vessels This text (discussed in section 33) seems to record the potters production of ceramics on days 10 20 and 30 of II bt and day 10 of IIIilt The final two lines state total 230 of (n) qbw vessels [ ] specifying it (wp st) 23 jnJt vessels At first sight such a text seems to point to a proportional relationship between these vessels a qbw being one tenth of ajnJt Such a ratio is quite possible because jnJt vessels do seem to have been large Heicks calculations from O Gardiner 81 indicate that ajnJt vessel was 2 of a mnt-amphora 165

If a mnt had a liquid capacity of c 20 hin and a hin was 048 litres the capacity of a jnlzt would have been c 53 hin or 2551itres O Berlin P 10654 vso would then show that a qbw vessel had a capacity of c 53 hin or 25 litres whieh is a sensible size for a storage jar 166 Although it is tempting to make such equations from this data this evidence is based on assumptions about the capacity of other vessel types so is tentative HeIck estimated that the ds vessel had a eapacity of approximately 3 litres 167 If so the qbw in P Boulaq 18 would have been double the size ofa ds measure in order to contain the 2 ds (e 6 litres)

Contextual study of the equation between qbw vessels and other types in O Berlin P 10654 vso O DeM 135 and O DeM 346 vso indicates some form of size ratio operated although we cannot easily determine the flexibility of that ratio or how it was used A conversion of one vessel into its equivalent of another type is unusual in a text like O Berlin P 10654 vso which seems to document the actual produetion of vessels even their firing If the last two lines of the text represent the total of ceramics produced in this process then the specification of a relationship between the two vessels types is rather strange Perhaps the original order was for 230 qbw vessels and this was then converted into the equivalent in jn~t vessels Ifjn~t vessels had a more restricted even ritual function the equivalence expressed here may be more abstract or complex than a ratio of capacity The size of vessels delivered may have been standardized to some extent probably based on ease of delivery and manageability within a domestic eontext rather than as fixed measures

In such a context a value relationship might well have operated The jnlzt as a specialized vessel may have had a more established value in relation to which the qbw vessels could be set

163 Das Bier im Alten Agypten (Berlin 1971) 47 See also Anthony Spalingers re-evaluation of the evidence for the capacity of these vessels including discussion of O DeM 135 and 202 Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 314 His conclusions largely correspond with mine 164 It may also be possible to read dpr 30 Urnl 15 lbw 50 which would support the hypothesis of some sort ofequivalence 165 Das Bier 47 16lt5 For a review of evidence concerning the capacity of the mnl including discussion of this text see A Spalinger Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 312-3 167 Das Bier 46 R L Miller (is-vessels Beer Mugs Cirrhosis and Casting Slag GM 115 (1990) 64 suggests that the ds was a drinking vessel perhaps to be equated with depictions given in Nagel Ceramique 199-206 Miller identifies a jar found at Saqqara as a ds vessel noting that it had a capacity of 25 litres roughly corresponding to Heicks estimate

58 POTTERS

In O DeM 135 the scribe may well have calculated the value of the vessels owed down to the half vessel A parallel for this is found in O Turin 57062 vso 4 where 2Yz jnJtt vessels are set

dlagainst five vessel types which precede them (their names are lost) The recording of five vessels compared with half that amount in jnJtt vessels producing the unusual amount of a half vessel tt

2again suggests a value equivalence Since vessels do not appear with fixed values in the price

SJtexts their worth may well have been assessed in relation to other vessel types st b42 A specialized vessel jnJzt DApart from the two vessel types or classes that formed the basis of the deliveries of ceramics to rethe village the potter texts also occasionally enumerate other types jnJtt vessels although well

known from other contexts are rare in the potter texts A few texts that may indicate their ritproduction or delivery by the Deir el-Medina potters illuminate aspects of its function and context

of use The pattern of occurrence of jnJtt vessels indicates a specialized vessel type the shape of which is unknown The jnJtt vessel is most widely documented as a storage container for beer and as Walter F Reineke notes outside the data from Deir el-Medina it was often made of gold or silver J68 That this vessel could be supplied as part of the ceramic requirement of the village seems to be indicated by the delivery lists from the early 19th Dynasty (Category E) Some of these lists record jnJzt vessels although they are not always indisputably connected with the smdt potters

In the Category E delivery lists of wood and ceramics jnJtt vessels occur four times their total Ccamount being low in comparison with the other vessels enumerated in these texts In O DeM 1 6 una total of 7 jnlu vessels are delivered 5 of good quality 2 of poor In O DeM 17 4 only 3 jnJzt aUvessels were delivered (2 good 1 poor) in comparison with 290 lbw recorded in the previous intline and in O DeM 15 3 7 jn~lt vessels were delivered as against 295 Ibw vessels 16 jnJzt povessels are documented in O DeM 23 5 (the text is broken and the reading at the end of the line

uncertain)169 bei ve~Only two texts explicitly includejnJtt vessels in pottery deliveries 0 Qurna 6181 records two

jnJtt vessels among the deficit of 55 qbw and 265 Ibw vessels incurred by the potter Menna O IJry Michaelides 33 rto 3-6 J70 This text records for III Jot 30 matching deliveries from a potter to vex

Right and Left among other deliveries of wood and gypsum the potter 1 jnlp vessels 20 (pJ qd 1 jnJzt 20)171 The stroke read as one after the title p qd could refer to the bkw of the potter not

with jnJtt vessels being an addition to the quota delivered 172 jnJtt vessels were therefore a wit gocomponent of the potters repertoire and this fact may complicate the interpretation of other texts

where they occur173 More generally jnJzt vessels are recorded as being delivered filled with beer I thisand thus are probably not associated with ceramic delivery

174 (

Me(J68 Der Zusammenhang der altagyptischen Hohl- und UingenmaBe MID 9 (1963) 146 175( 169 Kitchen restores 16jnli vessels [by the hand of A]meneminet (KRII 367 8 a-b) but there does not 176 1appear to be space for this formula in the break The rest of this text is similar to the other wood and pottery

177pounddelivery lists See the discussion of parallel texts in section 23 170 Goedicke-Wente pJ 67 However I follow CernYs transcription of the text here (Nb 10830)

178 1

Cau171 Contra Goedicke and Wente who restore IT1l ] on line 3 On line 7 Goedicke and Wente read 27 jnlt 197vessels instead of 20 vessels and the restoration for the [plasterer] (Pi q() given by Cerny 179 1

172 Alternatively it could refer to a single potter although this would be unusual in this context (see section Rek21) Compare the reading of this text with that discussed for O DeM 154 rto 15-6 in section 34 Egy

173 Other entries for this day include specialty breads and ds measures of beer (117-8) while the folloVing somentry for IV Jt 1 records a festival of Hathor (1 9) Although an association with a festival context is Dietpossible the delivery of jnlts as discussed by Spahnger is recorded separately from the breads and ds inameasures and is included among more standard delveries Medinet Habu and Dei elmiddotMedina Combined note310-311 Earl

l to the are set vessels vessel e price

mics to ~h well e their ~ontext

mpe of Ir beer of gold village ome of le smdt

ir total M 16 r 3jn~f

revious 16 jn~t he line

ds two mao O )tter to (pJ qd potter fore a r texts th beer

oes not pottery

27 jn~t

section

llowing rrtext is and ds

lbined

EQUATIONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 59

jn~t vessels of beer occur consistently in a series of six Category E ostraca that seem to document the delivery of commodities associated with festival or temple offerings174 Four of these texts state that the commodities were delivered by an individual in O DeM 20 and O DeM 25 the deliveries are made by a local priest Each of these six texts lists items that include speciality foodstuffs and jn~t vessels of beer rather than the fuel and plain unfilled pottery of standard deliveries II smw 12 by the hand of the local priest (w(b Sf) 175 60 large j nJzt vessels of beer entered 56 deficit 4 120 (bundles of) vegetables ISO s(t cakes and 100 rJzs cakes (0 DeM 20) The only exception in this group is O DeM 26 where 30 large jn~1f vessels are recorded 27 are entered (jw) and there is a deficit on No beer is recorded with these vessels

The recto of O DeM 29 may confirm that lists containing such products are associated with rituals or festivals rather than deliveries of materials to the village 176

total of various (sbn)jnl)tvessels of beer 653 [+x] the record of the [ ] which were given as offerings (snw) [] good bread loaves of [ ] s(t cake [x oipeJ rJzs cakes [ J jnJzt vessels of beer [ J beer [ ]

Connections of this vessel type with the temple or festival sphere nmy explain features of the unique and difficult distribution text O BM 50728 discussed in section 23 The text records the allocation ofjnJzt vessels to individual crew members The 10 + 5 jnJzt vessels seem to be grouped into four different categories perhaps accordin~ to quality of the vessel or its contents and possibly its shape or finish 177 5 doubly good (~reg) jnJzt vessels in the fashion of hbny [vessels] being returned (m hyt) 2 for Baky I for Huy 1 (for) (Omek 1 for Qaha totalS (11 5-6) Six vessels given to individuals in line 7 one for each nmn are stated to be middling good (11fr mshyhry-jb) and line 10 enumerates two vessels that also have a designation perhaps reading not (J I~~ 3)very poor _ 1

If the jnJzt vessels were more specialized beer vessels used in festival or ritual contexts then the note of quality either of contents or of the vessel itself would have been important This concern with quality can also be seen in the delivery lists where the jnJzt vessels are described as either good or poor 178

Particularly difficult to understand in this context are the writings of hbny perhaps referring to this well-known amphora-shaped vessel I19 The five doubly goodjnl)t vessels are designated in

174 O DeM 19 20 21 25 26 27 For further discussion of these texts see Spalinger Deir e1middotMedina and Medinet Habu Combined 311

(1 0

175 l=n (1 1) For another writing of this title see O DeM 25 2 176 The verso of this text records only nswt bjty mnmiddotmrtmiddotrr 177 For the use of red ink in this text see p 19 n 75 above

178 O DeM 1 6 174 For discussion of the meaning of snn 1~ in these contexts see D Valbelle Catalogue des poids ainscriptions hieratiques de Deir eAmiddotfedineh Nos 500l-5423 DFIFAO 16 (Cairo 1977)23 179 Wh II 487 There are depictions of the hbnylhbnt vessel in Urk IV 11308 11352 and in the tomb of Rekhmire N de G Davies The Tomb of Rekh-mi-r~ at Thebes The Metropolitan Museum of Art Egyptian Expedition 11 (New York 1943) I pIs 33 34 In these examples it is shaped as an amphora sometimes without handles and often contains honey E A W Budge An Egyptian Hieroglyphic Dictionary (London 1920)446 gave the capacity of a hbnt ndst as one quarter of a hin F G Hilton-Price in an earlier publication Notes on Some Egyptian Antiquities in My Collection TSBA 9 (1886) 353 noted the same capacity for this vessel Here see also T G H James The Heqanakhte Papers and Other Early Middle Kingdom Documents (New York 1962) 118

60 POTTERS

the fashion of hbny vessels (~[]~IlJ1J 0) (vso 5) This seems to express an equivalence between the two vessel types perhaps representing an addition or finish to the jn~lt vessel that increased its value Du Mesnil du Buisson speculated in his discussion of the hhnl vessel that the word related to hbny ebony t ruJ-Oi) and indicated a blackened colour or lustre to the vesseL I80 hbny also occurs as an annotation above the entries of jnit vessels for particular workmen in lines 8-12 of the recto The entry on line 13 (hhny n [ ]) may indicate that hhny vessels themselves were also delivered to the workmen named in the following lines So far as I know hbny vessels do not occur in other Deir el-Medina textsl8J These notations may also refer to some sort of finishing to the j nit vesseL

The inclusion of more unusual designations for the vessels certainly points to the exceptional nature ofthe delivery in O BM 50728 as does the entry of an amount ((i(w) of bJq oil (8) in line lOon the verso after the specification of 10 further jnlJl vessels for particular workmen (pJ WpWl

n plIO n jnlJt n tJ jst) Janssen observes that this oil was rarely used by the workmen as it was too expensive 182 It is possible that the text refers to the delivery of jnit vessels of bJq oil the references to quality therefore referring to the quality of oil rather than the vessel itself The designation hbny may be associated with this as welL

Complicating this analysis is the proposed large size of jnit vessels (discussed in section 41) which may account to some extent for its more restricted function within the vessel repertoire jnlJt vessels occur only rarely in the Medinet Habu festival calendar indicating that even within the temple their use was specialized ls3 The ealculation of the equivalence in contents of the vessels in O Gardiner 81 indicates that we are dealing with a set capacity for these vessel types in this text 184 If the capacity of a jnit was 53 hin or 255 Htres this would equate to a significant quantity ofbJq oil per person 185

O BM 50728 remains a puzzle Despite thc difficulties in interpretation it seems most likely that it records allocation of vessels possibly filled with oil or beer for festival or cultic purposes The careful documentation of such a distribution may also indicate that the vessels were not to be kept by the men perhaps only being used by them for the event and then returned to the temple A large size may serve to explain their more limited and specialized oecurrence in the data perhaps restricted to the religious sphere rather than playing a role in the domestic life of the villagers

In this instance contextual analysis of texts that seem to relate to ceramic deliveries can alter our understanding of these texts and illuminate the role and function of a vessel type in the community For vessels that were delivered more commonly we can observe the potential for flexibility in the classification systems these would repay further detailed study sectS Conclusion Analysis of the texts concerning pottery delivery leaves a number of questions unanswered and areas unexplored the limited number of sources available and problems inherent in them restrict their potential for interpretation However some insights into the organization and administrative structures of Deir el-Medina are fortheoming from the material Within the meticulous record keeping of the village the key theme seems to be flexibility This flexibility is apparent in the

180 Noms et signes 28 181 Janssen did not include them in his chapter on Vessels in Commodity Prices None of the references for the entry in the Wb II 487 has a Deir e1-Medina provenance 182 Commodity Prices 330 183 On the occurrence of the jnltt in the Medinet Hahn festival lists see A Spalinger Medinet Habn and Deir ei-Medina Combined 311-2 ]84 Heick Das Bier 46 185 Even if the mnt was only 10 hin a jnltt would still be of a substantial size c 11-12 iitres Janssen Commodity Prices 434

N

CONCLUSION 61

number of potters assigned to the crew the size and content of the quota required every 10 days and the timing of deliveries The final section of my study also points to the potential flexibility of form size and function of the pots themselves

Although we can find implications in the potter texts for features of society beyond the village itself such as the specifie interpretation of bkw or the occurrence of vessels in royal festival calendars it must be borne in mind that the real value of the Deir el-Medina material lies in its potential to illuminate the lives of ordinary people in Ramessid Egypt For that purpose we need to attend most closely to the village context

Appendix The potters of Deir el-Medina Names of potters in documents relating to the delivery of ceramics

I

Names of potters in documents concerning matters other than the supply of ceramics

I 1 (Omek i Turin Strike Papyrus RAD 476 I

2 Khonsu bull O Turin 57192 1

3 Herunefer bull O DeM 73 rto 2

4 Paaeminet I O Berlin P 12343 vso 3

5 Bakenmut P Turin 2018 A rto la 5 rto IV 17 vso I 6 B rto II 4 D I rto 14 P BM 10068 vso V l3

6 Wenennefer P BM 10068 vso V 14

alence el that 1at the to the ticular thbny ar as I ) refer

ltional in line middotwpwt it was til the f The

1 41) rtoire within of the pes in ificant

likely poses tto be ~mple data of the

1 alter in the ial for

d and estrict rative ecord in the

rences

)U and

nssen

1 I Menna O IFAO 387 1 O Qurna 618i1 O DeM 91 1 O Berlin P 10840 vso 1

2 bull Nakhy I

O IFAO 3874 O DeM 914

3 I Ptahemheb O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O DeM 343 2 P Greg vso B 8 rto A11

4 Parahotep O DeM 868

5 Hori O DeM 868 O DeM 869

6 Herunefer O Cairo 25597 rto 3

7 Neferher O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O Cairo 25633 vso 2

8 Amennakht O DeM 44 rto 8

9 Dmek P Turin 2081+2095 rto 1

10 ltAhawy P Turin 1881 vso V 1 VI 7 VII 1 () Giornale of year 17 rto B II 2 P Turin 2018 A vso 1 12 B rto II 11 B vso II 17 P BM 10068 vso VI 25 P Turin 2014 rto 27-8 P BM 10054 vso II 9

62 POTTERS

Addendnm

Pierre Grandets Catalogue des ostraca hieratiques non litteraires de Deir el-Medineh IXbecame available just as this chapter went to the press This volume contains a number of important potter texts I have included them in the tables on pages 33-7 and provide a short account of them here

O DeM is the longest and most detailed potter account known to me I will be adressing the issues it raises in a further publication It records deliveries made by the potters Ptahemheb Parahotep Hori and Neferher for the months of I bt to I prt of a year 6 The title p qd occurs only in line I in reference to Ptahemheb but probably also covers the other individuals named Ptahemheb and Neferher are known from other potter accounts discussed in this chapter O DeM 869 also published by Grandet and dated to a year 6 records deliveries made by Hori of qbw and lbw vessels to Right Both Hori and Parahotep are not otherwise attested in the potter texts In O DeM 868 details of delivery are grouped according to individual potters In line 13 Neferher delivers vessels to Left (t rj smM this is the only statement concerning Right or Left in this text That four potters deliver during the same general period emphasizes the potential number of potters involved in delivery which is not generally apparent in many of the potter texts Ptahemheb and Neferher make deliveries on different days in IV bt The vessel numbers vary except for those delivered as the making good of deficits by Ptahemheb which are consistent sums (II 3-4) The vessels delivered include qbw and Ibw vessels as well as gy andjnlt this text therefore provides further evidence thatjnJtt vessels were part of the potters repertoire

Grandet follows Gutgesell in assigning a date in the mid-20th Dynasty to O DeM 868 and 869 19thMy assignment of a late Dynasty date to the other account ostraca of Ptahemheb and

Neferher (0 Cairo 25591 O Cairo 25633 and O DeM 343) is based on the record of Ptahemhebs deliveries in P Greg firmly dated by Janssen to the reign of Siptah186 Gutgesell places Ptahemheb in the 20th Dynasty on the basis of the occurrence of this name in P Turin 2006+ 1961 usually dated to year 29 of Ramesses 111 [87 The Ptahemheb in this text is not a potter and so is a different individual I propose that the late 19th Dynasty date of the other documents should therefore be retained and should also be adopted for O DeM 868 and 869

Further texts relevant to potters in Grandets volume include O DeM 877 in which a list of arrears in water supplies are measured in jnlt vessels O DeM 871-3 are sherds bearing the phrase mJ qd Grandet considers these phrases along with the phrase ml m-rJrt p-Jtm-nlr complete by the hand ofPahemnetjerthe priest on O DeM 870 as delivery marks inscribed on the pots themselves18S

186 Janssen Village Varia 115-6 187 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 252 309-12 188 Catalogue des ostraca IX 49-50

UNT

Marel

sectl Eil Die A Papyr Einwc zusHin Verw Angell besch~

Bei suchur wichtil Andre Vortei Juni 2( nicht-li recherc

Beirr allgem

bull Der MaXI

mieh Aufn Doni Sieh~

J Ja grap dazu

2 Sieht tause Peri Gutg Teil1 el ME Held Janss Histo

6 MeD Valb

g Venn Witnl II Ta

10 Ein P II Gutg 12 Allan 13 Held

Page 4: Woodcutters, Potters and Doorkeepers Service Personnel of the Deir El Medina Workmen

d or ivity ared )ll to lents the

xt is lens title

t the rally

en in ) any ~iOod

traca ot be one asily

texts es III ies I nged trace ough

often s are 8 IX mtial

967 nd qd n the 5)40 Deir ische rkers

estern

PF ient

n in ation [992)

CATEGORlES OF TEXTS 31

journal from year 17 do not record more than 20 days 1 The data available for these deliveries are limited and it is difficult to draw firm conclusions Differences in the data provided by these texts may be related to different function The papyrus texts were probably drawn up for the central administration while ostraca were used by the local authorities the two contexts required different levels of detail and types of information Other papyrus documentation is available from this period in the form of payment texts and house lists illuminating aspects of the potters organization and situation

The other numerically significant textual category for pottery delivery is Janssens Category E 19ththe Dynasty lists which record quantities of ceramics alongside food and fuel and

occasionally other items including tools and implements Janssen suggests that these ostraca document deliveries that were later recorded in the journal ostraca and papyri providing significant comparative data for these texts8 The 29 ostraca recording pottery enumerate variable amounts of a number of different vessel types perhaps providing clues to the nature of the bkw the term used to record units of ceramics delivered in journal and account ostraca

Important supplementary and complementary data is found in a small group of account ostraca from the 19th and perhaps the very beginning of the 20th Dynasties which record the activities of individual potters sometimes alongside those of the woodcutters (Categories B B I Cl) These accounts detail deliveries and more commonly deficits often giving the names of the vessels and amounts involved data that were not generally included in the journal ostraca In comparison with the texts concerning for example woodcutters (see above pp 12-15) fishermen9 and laundrymenlO potters are rarely named (see Appendix) two of the texts I include in these categories are anonymous although I argue that there is sufficient evidence to assign them to a B or C category Those that are less clear are included in Category D discussed below

O IFAO 387 (unpubl) O Qurna 61811 O DeM 91 and O Berlin P 10840 (Hieratische Papyrus Berlin III pI 32 KRII 368)11 are accounts of the deficits incurred by the potters Menna and Nakhy during the early 19th Dynasty O IFAO 387 records deficits of both these potters while O Qurna 61811 records the deficit of just Menna The other two texts are not so clear O Qurna 6181 belongs to Category C while I assign the other three to Category B but see the discussion in 22 below

Three accounts from the late 19th and early 20th Dynasties record deliveries made by the potters Ptahemheb and Neferher once together in one text and twice alone along with accounts of wood deliveries They are hence assigned to categories Bl (0 Cairo 25591 O Cairo 25633) and Cl (0 DeM 343)12

Although the identity of the potter in O DeM 346 is not stated deliveries are made on two separate days to the scribe Amenemope known as a srndt-scribe of Right 13 The delivery to this scribe may indicate that the text refers to the supply of pottery by a single individual hencc its

7 D Valbelle Les ouvriers de la Tombe Deir el-Medineh aepoque ramesside I3dE 96 (Cairo 1985) 53 table I 8 Commodity Prices 485 9 J 1 Janssen Village Varia Ten Studies on the History and Administration of DeiI el-Medina Egyptologisehe Uitgaven 11 (Leiden 1997)38-46 to J J Janssen and R M Janssen The Laundrymen of the Theban Necropolis ArOr 70 (2002) 12 1I fgyptens Aufttieg zur Weltmacht (Mainz 1987)202 cat 121 Les artistes de Pharaon Deir el-Medineh et la Vallee des Rots (Paris 2002) 104 cat 41 12 Pierre Grandet recently published further texts connected with these potters (Catalogue des ostraca hieratiques non litteraires de Deir el-MMimih IX) O DeM 868 records deliveries of Ptahemhcb and Neferher as well as Hori and Parahotep Deliveries by Hori are also recorded in O DeM 869 These texts are included in the tables on pp 36-7 and in an addendum to the end of this chapter 13 B G Davies Whos Who at Deir el-Medina A Prosopographic Study of the Royal Workmens Community Egyptologische Uitgaven 13 (Leiden 1999)284

I

32 POTTERS

tentative inclusion in Category C 14 In contrast O DeM 135 records the delivery of two unnamed potters so the text is included in Category B

My Category D consists of 13 ostraca that do not include names and in which the numbers of potters referred to is unclear Two of these texts warrant further discussion The recto of O DeM 143 records deficits of wood deliveries for two woodcutters and so is assigned by Janssen to Category B 1 (above p 2) The verso which is entirely a pottery account includes no names so I have assigned it to my Category D O Strasbourg H 2615 does not refer explicitly to vessel types the recto only gives dates and notes of supply by the hand of unnamed individuals as complete (mJt) this form of text has a parallel in the recto of O Gardiner 80 (HO 61 4) On the verso of O Strasbourg H 26 the text may record deficit of the [potter) (1 4) although the end of the line is broken away qd was restored by Jaroslav Cerny (Nb 3561)16 I include this text as a pottery account although its status remains uncertain (see section 37) O Cairo 25704 assigned to Category D is also problematic and may not record a pottery delivery (see section 23)

Among my remaining sources O DeM 73 concerns a legal dispute over the hiring of a donkey (Janssens Category F) The verso of 0 Berlin P 10654 (unpubl) seems to refer to the firing of vessels in ten day periods (see 34) 0 DeM 337 and O BM 50728 17 may concern the distribution of vessels to workmen O BM 50728 is problematic and is discussed at greater length in sections 23 and 42 A potter is included at the end of a list of smdt in O IFAO 351 (unpubl rto 2) following a gardener and a doorkeeper Line 3 begins with the word vessels (qru) but the rest is lost It is unclear whether this text refers to a delivery the list of smdt in lines 1-2 may indicate that it is associated with an aspect of organization O Cairo 25597 records the distribution of bundles to members of the smdt including a potter Tassign these texts to my Category G texts that are related to the organization and distribution of the potters work rather than explicitly enumerating delivery

These categories are necessarily artificial the contents of the texts in each category are often complementary and the relationship between them unclear The fragmentary nature of many of the texts must also be kept in mind (see above p 2) I do not claim that my categories reflect any ancient administrative system of recording We have little access to any such broader systems in the material Any division of the documentation concerning potters into these classes or categories can impose certain expectations about individual texts1S Such a division is however a useful tool in analysing the texts and understanding their potential and limitations for illuminating aspects of the organization and deliveries of the potters

13 Dating oftexts My criteria for dating the texts again follows those presented by Janssen for the woodcutters (see above p 3) and I have modelled the tables in this section upon those he has developed As in Janssens tables I present the texts in six lists with the seventh reserved for undatable texts Discussions of the dates of individual ostraca and papyri by Manfred GutgeseUl9 and Benedict

14 If as I argue in 22 there was usually only one potter assigned to eaeh side of the crew 15 Yvan Koenig Les ostraca hieratiques inMits de fa Bibliotheque Nationale et Universitaire de Strasbourg DFIFAO 33 (Cairo 1997) pI 7-8 16 Koenig by contrast tentatively restores nty ibid pI 8 17 R J Demaree Ramesside Ostraca (London 2002) pI 124-5 18 There is often a fine line between account texts and journals The guide of Janssen Appendix the journal of the necropolis ostraea from the reign of Ramesses III 92-4 provides my criteria for classifying the journal documentation from this reign 19 Die Datierung del Ostraka und Papyri aus DeiI el-Medineh und ihre iikonomische interpretation I Die 20 Dynastie Hildesheimer Agyptologische Beitrage 18 (Hildesheirn 1983) id Die Datienmg del Ostraka und Papyri aus DeiI el-Medilleh iI Die Ostlaka der 19 Dynastie Hildesheimer Agyptologische Beitragc 44 (Hildesheirn 20(2)

Da ther corr fran

20 inch datil Catf exce nam acco Grot Dym Grot who

GrOl

00

00

0Dj

O Pe

O Dlt

ODc

o Tu

bull OOr

IOTu

I~ron f- shy

20 Davi 21 See

Pracee CJE 22 ibid DieDa 23 Gutg 24 ibid 25 ibid

med

rs of DeM ~n to so I pes plete so of ~ line Ittery

~d to

nkey flg of ution tions D2) est is licate on of texts icitly

often fly of t any 1sin s or ever s for

(see As in texts ledict

re de

x the ifying

I Die g der $ische

DATING OF TEXTS 33

Davies20 are noted Since many of the sources for pottery deliveries also deal with fuel supply there is some overlap in the data Despite this I feel these tables provide useful points of comparison with those for the woodcutters Presenting the texts in this way also establishes a framework and reference points for the analysis that follows

I have expanded Janssens group I to include earlier years of Ramesses III beginning with year 20 in order to incorporate some account ostraca dated to these years At the end of group I I include 2 journal texts dated to year 5 of Ramesses IV (0 DeM 655 656) Group II includes texts dating to the reign of Sety L As with the woodcutter documents this group consists mainly of Category E texts O Cairo 25704 a Category D text dated to the wltm-mswt of Sety I is the only exceptionl Group III contains texts dated to the reign of Ramesses II largely on the basis of names In accordance with Davies discussion of the year 9 date in O Berlin P 10840 the accounts of Menna and Nakhy could date to either Sety I or Ramesses 1122 I include them in Group III I have identified a smaller number of accounts and journal texts from the late 19th

Dynasty (Group IV) and three texts that possibly date to the reign of Ramesses III (Group V) Group VI as in Janssens list contains mainly papyrus documents from the later 20th Dynasty whose diverse contents means that they cannot be easily assigned to textual categories

Group I

yr

o Gardiner 80 (HO 611 4) yr 21

O DeM l43vso yr 2424

O Petrie 50 (HO 1911) yr25W

O DeM 169 + O Berlin P 12633 yr25 W

O DeM 35 yr28W A I

AO Turin 57153 yr26

O Or Inst Chicago 16998 (unpub) yr26 D

yr27 A

A

Ayr27

yr 28 AO DeM 156 -~

DO Strasbourg H 26 yr 2925

20 Davies Whos Who 21 See S Wimmer Hieratische Palaographie zur Datierung der nicht-literarischen Ostraka in Proceedings of the Seventh International Congress ofEgyptologists Cambridge 3~9 September 1995 cd C J Eyre (Leuven 1998) 1230-31 for discussion of the dating of this text 22 ibid 124 contra Gutgesell who dates O IFAO 387 and o DeM 91 to the latter half of the 19th Dynasty Die Datierung Die Ostraka del 19 Dynastie 49146 23 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 102 24 ibid 368 25 ibid 120

34 POTTERS

10 DeM 165

0 DeM 154

0 DeM 157

0 DeM 159

I ODeM 36

IODeM 37 i i 0 DeM 166

I ODeM 153

i 0 DeM 38

0DeM39

0 Berlin P 12631

0 DeM 40 + 0 Strasbourg H 42

bull 0 OeM 41

0DeM43

0 DeM47

0 Berlin P 12641 + 12628

0 DeM 160 0 Strasbourg H 5

0 DeM 161 -- degStrasbourg H 82

0 DeM44

0 DeM45

0 Gardiner 113 (liO 7311)

0 Cairo 25597

0 DeM 655

0 DeM 656

I Group II

0 DeM 1-19

bull O DeM22

26 ibid 123 27 ibid 36 28 ibid 47-8

yr 3026 D

yr31 W A

yr 31 W I A

yr 31 A

yr 31 I A

yr 31

yr 31 W27

I yr312W

yr 32

yr 321

yr1

yr1

yr1

yr1

yr1

yr1

yr 1W28

A

A

A

A

A

A

A

A

A

A

A

I A

yrlW A

yr 12 A

yr2 A

yr2 A

yr2 G

yr5 A

yr5 AI

E

E

I

I

0D1 I

10Dl

001

1001

I 0 Or

~ I F

[ Grou] i ODe

l~ ~

r~ IoJr---=shy

0 Del

Groul

ODel

0 Cai

10 Cai

10 Del

i O Del

29 Davi O ibid Ramesl 31 ibid 32 For Ostrak

DATING OF TEXTS 35

ODeM23

ODeM28

ODR5

I E

ODR6 i E

ODR7

ODR8

O Or Inst Chicago 18878 (unpubl) I

O Gardiner 43 (HO 26 2)

I o Cairo 25704 yr2

i

Group III

O DeM 91

O Berlin P 10840 yr 9 Sety IIRamesses rr29

I O IFAO 387 (unpubl)

O Qurna 6181

O DeM623

O BM 50728

O DeM202

i Group IV

O DeM606

E

E

E

E

D

B

B

B

C

D

G30

A 32

I

Blbull O Cairo 25591

O Cairo 25633 Bl

O DeM 343 yr6 Cl I

o DeM 868 yr6 C I

29 Davies Whos Who 124 30 ibid 219 n 201 Gutgesell considers the dating of this text very uncertain but inclines towards year 2 of Ramesses II Die Datierung Die Ostraka der 19 Dynastie 47 3] ibid 159 32 For the scribes mentioned in this text see Davies PVhos Who 127 Gutgesell Die Datierung Die Ostraka der 19 Dynastie 91

36 POTTERS

O DeM 869 yr6 B

O DeM 135 B i

P Greg (P UC 34336) yrs 5-7 Siptah A I

o Cairo 25593 D

Group V

O Michaelides 33 (OM pi 67) Ramesses m33 A=

P Turin 1961 Ramesses III34

O DeM 416 Ramesses IIIIIV35 D

Group VI

P Turin 1880 yT 29 Ramesses III

O DeM346 Ramesses IV_y36 C

O Gardiner 145 (unpuhl) yr 1 Ramesses y37 D

P Turin 2044 (unpuhl) yr 1 Ramesses yJ8

P Turin 2081+2095 (unpuhl) mid 20th Dynasty39

O Berlin 10654 (unpubl) late 20th Dynasty40 G

I P Turin 20701133 134 + rto late 20 th Dynasty4J A

I P Turin 2014 (unpuhl) late 20th Dynasty42

P Turin 1881 + yr 7 Ramesses IX

P Turin 1900+shy yrs 4-9 Ramesses IX

P Turin 20711224 [140] yr 10 Ramesses IX43

year yr 17 Ramesses IX

33 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 253 34 ibid 309-12 For the numbering of this papyrus see J J IanssenJorthcoming 35 ibid 369 36 Davies Whos Who 284 contra Gutgesel1 who dates the text to Ramesses II Die Datierung Die Ostraka der 19 Dynastie 159 37 Gutgesell Die Dalierung 20 Dynastie 77-8 38 ibid 256 39 Janssen Commodity Prices 98 Gutgesell Die Datiermg 20 Dynastie 227-32 40 ibid 442 41 ibid 242 42 Janssen and Janssen The Laundrymen of the Theban Necropolis 5 n 30 43 Kitchen RIVI 637-38

O GI

IFl

O IFi

OCa ~ i ODe

sect2 Th 21 Th Accou of the the de interes largel) throug virtual archae ethnoa

The of the identif Dynas1 therefc notes f

44 The ( the late 45 One 1

records that the single ( potters context 46 Rapp pubiqu

g Die

THE ORGANIZATION OF WORK AND DELIVERY 37

P Turin 1898+ yr 3 Ramesses X

P Turin 1888 yr 1 Ramesses XI

i yrs 8-10 Ramesses XI

bull Anonymous Turin fragment

(Cerny MSS 3616)

Group VII

O Gardiner 88 (HO 5511)

O DeM703

O DeM337

bull O IFAO 245 (unpub)

I OlFAO 351

O CaIro 25245

i O DeM 871-3

D i

D

G44

D

G

D

i G

sect2 The organization of work and delivery 21 The evidence for workshops Account texts in particular provide important clues for understanding aspects of the organization of the potters work including the number of potters delivering at anyone time supervision of the deliveries and distribution of the vessels to the workmen However since the scribes were interested primarily in documenting the receipt or deficit of the pottery such information is largely based on inference Although it is possible to identify stages within the delivery process through the documentation evidence for the organization of the pottery workshops themselves is virtually non-existent45 Hypotheses about the workshops can be made from limited archaeological data and by analogy with the evidence for the pottery industries at el-Amarna and ethnoarchaeological research

The written sources are almost devoid of information concerning the location of the workshops of the potters of Deir el-Medina and the archaeological evidence is ambiguous Bernard Bruyere

18 uJidentified what he considered wasters from a potters workshop on the exterior of the Dynasty village at the base of the wall of Thutmose I beneath the 19th Dynasty house SE 1 He therefore assumed that most pottery production occurred within the village itself46 Nicholson notes that most of the private home complexes at el-Amarna had pottery kilns implying domestic

44 The dating of this text is very uncertain but Gutgesell considers it to be from the reign of Ramesses II or the late 19th Dynasty Die Datierung Die Ostraka der 19 Dynastie lOS n 95 45 One text may refer to the work of the potter in making vessels The verso of O Berlin P 10654 (unpubl) records the potter fashioning (qd) vessels on days 1020 and 30 of II 1bt and day 10 of III 1bt It may be that these dates are the days on which the shaping or firing of the ceramics occurred The recording of single days favours the interpretation that the text records firing events However little else about the potters work can be inferred from this text A translation ofthis text is provided in section 33 in another context 46 Rapport sur les fouilles de Deir el Medineh (1934-1935) Troisieme Partie Le village les dfJcharges publiques fa station de repos du col de la Valtee des Rots IFAO (Cairo 1939) 264 341

--

38 POTTERS

production of some simple forms alongside those produced in the kilns of the state-controlled the workshops47 There is no further evidence for such a practice at Deir el-Medina Dominique con Valbelle also assumed that the potters worked close to the village48 but there is no archaeological evidence for workshops in the vicinity 22

Rostislav Holthoers survey of New Kingdom kiln sites does not include any at Deir elshy Thn Medina However he did record a kiln associated with a 19th to 2200 Dynasty habitation to the left time of the road between Deir el-Medina and Medinet Habu This kiln is small being only 11Ocm wide invc and 70cm high and may be considered too small for the considerable production levels of the orga Deir el-Medina potters49 Nicholson has also noted that the kilns identified by Holthoer at elshy char Amarna were in fact ovens associated with different industries5o This casts some doubt over text~

Holthoers identifications It is also uncertain how far el-Amarna is comparable to Deir elshy IS plt Medina expl

Some textual evidence may indicate that the workshops were located some distance from the S( village The service staff of Deir el-Medina was generally regarded as of the outside their (unp deliveries perhaps made to the gatehouse of the necropolis p lJtm n p lJr from a location DeM external to the village itself although this is nowhere stated in a text concerning pottery but t delivery51 A workshop location on the floodplain also seems appropriate in view of the ostra quantities of water required by potteries The town register on the verso ofP BM 10068 dated to the d year 12 probably of Ramesses XI seems to support such a location52 Three potters are included Ar in the list of houses centred on Medinet Habu two of these rAhawy and Bakenmut are known sumn from contemporaneous journal papyri The potter r Ahawy of the tomb is also included among Pash( those receiving grain who belong to every house [within] the enclosure wall of the temple of Ipuy Usermaatre meriamun These houses are not necessarily to be equated with their workshops relatilt

Potteries are generally regarded as unpleasant and anti-social operations requiring their on th location on the outskirts of settlements53 Such an assumption may sometimes be based on actior imposition of modern concepts of pollution Although the pottery workshop at el-Amarna was on delivf the outskirts of the main city area54 there is ethnographic evidence for pottery workshops sited crew within residential areas55 Be that as it may the location of the pottery workshops which supplied Lefts

whetl1 defici work

47 The Firing of Pottery in An Introduction to Ancient Egyptian Pottery eds D Arnold and 1 Bourriau seem (Mainz 1993) 113 Nicholson The Pottery Workshop at Q 484 at Tell e1-Amarna 67 The S1 48 Ouvriers 265

exam~ 49 New Kingdom Pharaonic Sites The Pottery ed T Siive-Soderbergh vol 51 The Scandanavian joint

twomexpedition to sudanese Nubia (Copenhagen Oslo Stockholm 1977)22

as one 50 The Firing of Pottery 112 Evidence of pottery kilns was also found behind the mortuary temple of

side OJAmenhotep son of Hapu A Varille and C Robichon Quatre nouveaux temples Thebains CdE 10 (1935) L It has been suggested that these kilns were a component of the industrial area which operated put the on behalf of the mortuary temples 1 D Bourriau P T Nicholson and P 1 Rose Pottery in Ancient The Egyptian Materials and Technology eds P T Nicholson and I Shaw (Cambridge 2000) 139-40 found 5l See for example Giornale of year 17 of Ramesses IX (Botti and Peet pI 14) rto B I 11middot12 with 1 seem t Cemy A Community of Workmen at Thebes in the Ramesside period BdE 50 (Cairo 1973) 184-5 but see 25591 now Janssen section 8 For discussion of the role of the p IJtm n p IJr see for example R Ventura On (the) p the Location of the Administrative Outpost of the Conununity of Workmen in Western Thebes JEA 73 (1987) 149middot60 52 J J Janssen A New Kingdom Settlement The Verso of Pap BM 10068 AOF 19 (1992) 8-23 56AL 53 PT Nicholson and H L Patterson Pottery Making in Upper Egypt An Ethnoarchaeological Study Worksh World Archaeology 17 (1985) 226 For a negative description of the potters trade in a literary text 1983) transmitted within Deir el-Medina see W Heick Die Lehre des Dw-M KAT (Wiesbaden 1970)53-58 57 This sect IX of this t 54 The pottery workshop at Q 484 at Tell el-Amarna 61 58 Hene 55 Nessim Henry Henein Poterie et potiers d Al-Qasr oasis de Dakhla BdE 116 (Cairo 1997) 124Fo

trolled Imque ogical

eir elshyhe left tlwide of the at el-

It over eir e1shy

)m the their tcation )ottery of the ated to eluded known among Iple of IpS ~ their jed on vas on s sited pplied

ourriau

iI1 joint

3ple of dE 10 )erated Indent

with J but see ra On rEA 73

Study ry text 53-58

THE ORGANIZATION OF WORK AND DELIVERY 39

the village and their internal organization remains a mystery Only when the potters come into contact with the village through delivery do they become more visible in the record

22 How many potters Throughout the 19th and 20th Dynasties the numbers of potters delivering to the village at anyone time seems to have remained largely stable Potteries are understood to be substantial operations involving probably a master potter and a number of assistants56 Evidence for the wider organization of the workshops on this level as well as any adaptations made in response to changes in the size of the village is not apparent in the data (see above pp 12-15) Where the texts do enumerate numbers of potters we can conclude that two were responsible for delivery it is possible that one potter was assigned to each side of the crew but the texts are not generally explicit concerning this level of the organization

Some evidence for potter numbers is found in the 19th Dynasty account texts O IFAO 387 (unpub) separately records the deficits of two potters that ofMerma preceding that ofNakhy O OeM 91 records a deficit accumulated by Menna in lines 1-3 In line 4 Nakhys name is written but the rest of the line was left blank or erased Cerny noted that three lines on the verso of this ostracon had been erased perhaps indicating that the account was originally intended to record the deliveries of both men57

Another account in this group O Berlin P 10840 is more difficult to interpret The recto summarizes Mennas total deficit for 5 months stating that he is under the authority of the scribe Pashed (r-lJt sf P3-sd) On the verso are three lines of text the first giving the name of a scribe Ipuy Lines 2 and 3 record very high totals of vessels (94 qbw vessels and 992lbw vessels) The relationship between the text on the recto and that on the verso is unclear the numbers of vessels on the verso are almost double the amount of those on the recto Other sources recording the actions of Pashed and Ipuy indicate that they were smdt-scribes responsible for the supervision of deliveries Their separate appearance in this text may indicate that deficits for each side of the crew were enumerated seperately because smdt-scribes seem to have been assigned to Right and Left58 It is not clear whether Menna was responsible to the different sides for both deficits or whether the verso deficits belong to a second potter perhaps Nakhy If the latter is the case the deficits of O DeM 91 and O IF AO 387 may also reflect the division into Right and Left The work organization and administration of the crew was structured by this division so it would seem logical that the work and deliveries of the potters should be organized on this basis as well The situation is often not made explicit and these texts can be interpreted in various ways For example an undated and anonymous account text O OeM 135 records deficit of the potters two men (4t n p3 qd s 2) (1 1) The totals of vessels that follow are not divided into two groups as one might expect It is therefore not clear whether the two men were required to deliver to one side of the crew to the viIIage as a single unit or whether for the sake of expediency the scribe put the totals for each side together

The only clear statements concerning a division of the potters deliveries to Right and Left are found in the account ostraca and the journal papyrus from the late 19th Dynasty These texts also seem to confirm that two potters usually delivered to the village at anyone time In O Cairo 25591 rto 4-5 is recorded receipt of the bkw of (the) potter Ptah[emheb] receipt of the bkw of (the) potter Nefer[her] The text breaks off at the end of these lines so it cannot be ascertained

56 A L Kelley Some Reflections on Pottery and Society in Ancient Egypt in Papers of the Pottery Workshop Third International Congress of Egyptology Toronto Sept 1982 ed A L Kelley (Toronto 1983)30 57 This idea is recorded as a note in Cerny Nb 104l39 No mention of the verso is made in the publication of this text Catalogue des ostraca I pI 54 58 Hence my tentative assignment of this text and O DeM 91 to Category B see also Davies Whos Who 124 For discussion of the role of muil-scribes see section 23 with references

--

v

40 POTTERS

whether these deliveries were made to different sides of the crew The preceding entries concerning units of fuel were separately enumerated for each side Right preceding Left (rto 1-2) tI Perhaps the pottery delivery followed this pattern

Two further texts O Cairo 25633 and O DeM 343 are more explicit O Cairo 25633 vso 1-2 tI records receipt of the bkw of (the) potter Neferher of Left (ssp bkw qd nfr-~r n smM O Il DeM 343 1-2 in contrast records Year 6 I smw 1 receipt by the hand of (the) potter ( Ptahemheb of Right (qd pt~-m-~b n wnmy) Ptahemheb continued to deliver to Right into the B reign of Siptah at the end of the 19th Dynasty as recorded in P Greg rto A 11 potter Ptahemheb f~ of Right to the scribe Pentaweret - 2 bkw59 Other entries in this text (vso B 11-13) also v separately enumerate deliveries of bkw for each side the entry on vso B 8 also recording the Ii name Ptah[ emheb] 60 From these texts we can posit that in the late 19th Dynasty the potters el Ptahemheb and Neferher were probably required to deliver to the right and left sides of the crew re respectively as successors of Menna and Nakhy the only other pair of potters named in the 19tb

Ie Dynasty documentation

In the journal ostraca from the reign of Ramesses II which record deliveries to Right the use of 2~ the singular in the standard entry marking pottery delivery entered by the hand of the potter Uw th m-Ijrt p qd)61 and variants seems to record the activities of only one potter However p qd is a P formulaic way of referring to potters and it is possible that the title may conceal varying numbers th of men pc

The lists of smdt representing Right and Left included on the verso of the Turin Strike Papyrus (RAD 45-7) do not clarify the situation for the mid_20th Dynasty The entry after those who produce pots (nty qd) in the first list (vso 1 19) is lost although there is space for only one name The second list also ineludes only one potter ~Omek (vso 4 11) and the list ends here62 It is possible to interpret these lists as indicating the presence of only one potter for each side of the crew The speech of the door-keeper Khaemwaset entered later in this text where he promises to increase the numbers of potters to 4 men (on) Right and 4 (on) Left total 8 men (vso 2 16) can perhaps be interpreted as pure rhetoric (see above p 13) There is little further evidence for 2 numbers of potters in the journals of year 29 and later but no such increase seems to have As occurred ad

In the papyrus journals from the late 20th Dynasty deliveries of the potters bkw are separately OCI enumerated for each side63 The entries in these texts indicate some variation in numbers of ill potters although we still seem to be dealing with only one or two men In P Turin 2044 vel (unpubl) from year 1 of Ramesses V an entry records Left the two potters [deficit] (sm~ p im qd 2 [4]) (rto I 5) Thus at times two potters may have been expected to deliver to one side

The only potters name recorded in the later papyrus journals is that of ~Ahawy In the Journal De of Year 7 of Ramesses IX (P Turin 1881 Pleyte and Rossi pI 1-8 KRI VI 609-19) pottery SCI deliveries are made by ~Ahawy but there is no indication whether these were made to Right or Ra Left (vso col V 1-3 col VI 7-8) In verso col VII 1-2 the entry for a lost day in III smw the records received by the hand of the potter [ ] Right and Left vessels Ibw-vessels 150 qb(w)shy en1

SCt

Dy 59 Janssen Village Varia 117 Pel 60 ibid 122 61 For this phrase see section 23 62 The potter Omek also occurs in P Turin 2081 +2095 rto 1 (unpubl) from the mid 20th Dynasty The text records a delivery but the details are lost 63 For example P Turin 2070133 134 + 3 frgs rto II 10-11 (KRJ VI 426-8 entered as Cat 2070154) P Turin 1881 (Pleyte and Rossi pI 1-8) vso VII 1-2 P Turin 1900 (KRI VI 619-24) vso II 7 Turin Necropolis Journal Year 3 Ramesses X (P Turin 1898 Botti and Peet pI 50-63 KRIVI 687-99) rto III 9-1013-14 Turin ~ecropolis Journal Year I Ramesses XI (P Turin 1888 Botti and Peet pl 63 KRJVI 850-1) vso dockets A 2-4

mtries 1-2)

101-2 I) O potter Ito the milieb ) also ng the )otters crew le 19th

use of er Uw ldis a rnbers

Strike those lyone

62 Itre of the ises to

~ 16) ce for have

rately ers of 2044

llip3 je

mmal ottery ~ht or smw

b(w)shy

e text

4) P Turin 0 III IVI

INTERPRETING RECEIPT AND DELIVERY 41

vessels 70 It seems likely that (Ahawys name is to be restored here This last entry may indicate that IAha) could be responsible for deliveries to both Right and Left

In P Turin 2018 (KRI VI 851-63) listing payments of grain to the crew and the smdt dating to the end of the 20th Dynasty IAhawy is included in the list of smdt for Left (A vso 1 10-12 B rto II 9-11 B vso II 17) In the list of smdt for Right is recorded the name of the potter Bakenmut (A rto IV 15-17 A vso I 2-6 B rto II 2-4) In one entry in this text he is recorded as potter Bakenmut son of r Ahawy (A rto la 3-5) It is very likely that potting was a skill passed from father to son and here we see a family of craftsmen responsible for delivery of ceramics to the village In contrast with the evidence for the woodcutters (see above p 15) there seems to be little indication of a change in numbers of potters to reflect any decrease in the size of the crew except for the Journal of Year 7 Perhaps IAhawy was assisted in his delivery by his son the responsibility for supply at this time falling to a single family who could be noted in greater or lesser detail in the record64

The potter rAhawy is also entered in a list of potters (m qdw) in P Turin 2014 (UTlpubl) rto 27_865 The text is not dated but his name places it in the late 20th Dynasty As Janssen observes the names of the laundrymen included in the list in this papyrus are different from those listed in P Turin 2018 perhaps indicating some distance in time between the two texts66 The writing of the plural in the title to the list (m qdw) is formulaic and need not indieate that more than one potter is meant

The number of potters delivering to the village at anyone time seems generally to have been stable at two men Some flexibility may be detected in the papyrus documents of the late 20th

Dynasty although the numbers do not seem to vary beyond one or two The potential for flexibility in the numbers of smdt has been noted by Janssen for both the woodcutters and the fishermen (see above p 15) It is possible that the fonnulae used for recording ceramic deliveries in earlier texts may conceal variations in their numbers

23 Interpreting receipt and distribution As Davies has shown in his study of the family histories in the village the smdt were administered by their Oill scribes67 Possibly the earliest explicit attestation of smdt-scribes occurs in a pottery account On the recto of O Berlin P 10840 the potter Menna is said to be under the authority (r-) of the scribe Pashed (I 1) Pashed and the scribe mentioned on the verso of the ostracon (1 1) Ipuy are knovro from other contemporaneous texts to have been involved in smdt-deliveries and the deliveries ofproduce such as dates and loaves to the village68

Scribes also occur with less explicit statements of authority in two other pottery accounts In O OeM 346 quantities of vessels were delivered on II prt 20 and 23 by the hand of (m-4rt) the scribe Amenemope Davies records two smdt-scribes named Amenemope one from the reign of Ramesses II and one from Ramesses IV_V69 I am inclined to assign this text the earlier date on the basis of its similarity to O OeM 623 On the verso of O OeM 623 a number of vessels are entered for I smw 1 On the recto a quantity of wood is entered by the hand Uw m-4rt) of the scribe Pentaweret for the same date Two smdt-scribes named Pentawcret held office in the 19tb

Dynasty one late in the reign of Ramesses II and one at the very end of the dynasty7o The Pentaweret of the late 19tb Dynasty is recorded as receiving 2 b3kw from the potter Ptahemheb (P

64 Compare the family firms of fishermen Janssen Village Varia 40 65 The line numbers given here follow CernYs provisional transcription (171541-6 171725-9) 66 Janssen and Janssen The Laundrymen of the Theban Necropolis 5 67 Whos Who 123-42 68 ibid 124 Davies doubts the equation Cerny made between this Pashed and the like-named draughtsman (Community206) 69 Whos Who 283-4 70 ibid 125-6283

--

42 POTTERS

Greg rto A II) The phrase jw tn-4rt can be used of both potters and scribes In the case of the

scribes it is likely they were involved in receiving and recording the ceramics rathcr than men

physical transportation and delivery The interpretation of tn-4rt is crucial here Although I T

translate the preposition literally it can be understood more flexibly as under the responsibility of which could express a range of levels of responsibility for supply from physical delivery to

seen for (

recording receipt7l

theslWhen pots are delivered or received by the hand of someone who is not given the title

indi(potter or otherwise connected with the stndt the status of the delivery is less clear Valbelle

to innotes the distinction between ceramics brought by the potters and vessels filled with beer and oother commodities provided by institutions72 Usually the content of the latter vessels is given 73

andHowever in some cases the entry is uncertain particularly with the delivery ofjnlt vessels In O

worDeM 23 5 16 jnll vessels are delivered by the hand of Amenemope while in O DeM 26 2-3 the a 30 large jnlt vessels are recorded by the hand of Nebnefer entered 27 deficit 3 Neither of

laquo~(ythese men is given any title and it is possible that they are ordinary workmen 74

(ves~The problems associated with interpreting the deliveries of jnlzt vessels can be best illustrated grou

by O Cairo 25704 which records the delivery ofjnll vessels in year 2 of Sety I no month or day probis given Although Davies connects this delivery with the known smdt-scribe Tjay or the member distn of the smdl Tjiro75 the status of this text remains uncertain Line 2 records the one who brought alloe very largejn~t vessels returned to Tj[ J (nty rdj jnlt (5t sp sn m-hyt mJ 0[ ]) while line 3 lines has the one who brought small () jnlt vessels assigned to [ J (nty rdj jnlt lrj m-Is (5 m-( twtw [ ))76 The non-standard means of entering the delivery nty rdj may indicate that this text 451 d records a more specialized range of vessels not necessarily to be associated vith the smdt-potters O jnlt vessels have a restricted range of occurrence in the Deir el-Medina documentation and are perhsometimes associated with festival deliveries (see the discussion of O BM 50728 below and desigsection 42) Therefore these vessels may not belong with the unfilled ceramics delivered by the desigsmdt-potters text I

There is little evidence in the texts that potters were assisted in the delivery of their wares by there other members of the smdt as is the case with the woodcutters (see above pp 12ff) Entries in the smdt journal OStraca record deliveries by the hand of the potter (m-4rt P5 qd)77 or entered by the In hand of the potter (jw m-4rt P5 qd)78 This may indicate delivery by the potters themselves but meml the use of such formulaic phraseology in recording delivery may conceal a number of possible inclUi alternatives for this aspect of supply Considering the quantities involved and the probable size of (mrw

is no perha

71 For discussion sec P Tallet Deux pretres-sem tMbains de la XXe dynastie BIFAO 99 (1999) 417 An SOlalternative translation of the phrase with similar implications would be arrived by the hand of

proba72 Ouvriers 265 For the representation of such tilled vessels in the ceramic repertoire from Deir el-Medina

delivcsee for example L Bavay S Marchand and P Tallet Les jarres inscrites du Nouvel Empire provenant de Deir aI-Medina CaMers de la Ceramique Egyptienne 6 (2000) 77-86 with references of the 73 For example all deliveries of wine to the village were made in mnt-amphorae Janssen Commodity Prices 350 mnt vessels are only once recorded as part of a potters deliveries In O Or Inst Chicago

79 Tw16998 (unpubL) 30 mnt vessels are entered alongside 30 qbw vessels and 150 Ibw vessels (1 3) The entry

Amenof a wood delivery in line 2 may indicate that this text records deliveries by the smdt For the elite status periodof the mnt see Bourriau Nicholson and Rice Pottery l37 potter

74 O DeM 202 records quantities of dpr and lbw vessels entered by the hand of Wepwawetmose potterAlthough the status of this text can be questioned lbw vessels are a more standard part of the smdt-potters cornprepertoire 80 In 1

75 Whos Who 106 with n 302 referri

76 For the readings of m-hyt mJ and rrt-s mJ see D Valbelle Remarques sur les textes neo-egyptiens meaninon-Iitteraires (sect 6-10) BIFAO 77 (1977) 129-13 L 81 For

77 For example O DeM 159 10 O DeM 39 rto 4 of hig

78 For example O DeM 35 addition above line 7 O DeM 154 rto 15-6 O DeM 38 7 O DeM 47 vso 4 Ramel

e of than

19h I bility ry to

title lbelle rand fenn

InO 2-3 ler of

trated lrday mlber ought line 3 mJ

s text )tters

Id are If and )y the

res by in the )y the es but ISsible ize of

17 An

l1edina venant

modity 1llcago e entry status

trnose )otters

yptiens

vso 4

INTERPRETING RECEIPT AND DELIVERY 43

the vessels the delivery could have involved several trips andor the use of assistants who are not mentioned because they had no responsibility

The distribution of the ceramics among the community is only rarely attested O DeM 337 seems to record numbers of pots owed to particular workmen III ot 10 deficit of 3lbw vessels for (n) Amenemope deficit of I ds vessel 1 dpy vessel and 3 lbw vessels for (n) Nakhy Both these names are common and it is impossible to date the text on this basis79 This text may indicate that not only were records made of the potters debts to the crew in general deficits owed to individual crew members could be documented as well

O BM 50728 dated to year 2 probably of Ramesses II also seems to relate to the processing and distribution of a particular type of ceramic recording vessels delivered to individual workmen as well as deficits owed to them The first five lines of the recto set out the purpose of the account Year 2 [ ] the record of the jn~t vessels for Left (p SOJW m n jn~t n smM - a total (~~~w) of 10 + 5 jn~t vessels Specification (wp s(traquo) for the crew concerning the 10 + 5 (vessels) 80 The numbers of vessels given to each member of the crew are then detailed The first group of five vessels is clearly allocated to four named workmen one for each man Baki probably the foreman of the crew81 received two corresponding to the hierarchal systems of distribution known from accounts of rations and other provisions Lines 7-10 continue with the allocation of different vessel types to named individuals The end of the recto is very broken but lines 11 and 12 seem to have recorded vessels owed to Amenmose (4t n jmn-msw) Pa-[ ] and twtw() and in this the text provides a parallel for O DeM 337 In O BM 50728 rto 11-12 the 41 determinative was crossed out possibly indicating that the debt was paid

O BM 50728 includes some unusual qualifications for the vessels including terms related perhaps to quality (very good jnJt njr nJr middling good jn~t nJr m-~ry-jb) and the designation of certain vessels as being in the fashion of hbny (vessels) (m qd hbny) These designations and the total (~J~w) ofbq oil given in the last line of the recto may indicate that the text records the delivery of filled jnJt vessels for a specific perhaps festival or ritual context I therefore doubt whether the text is concerned with the distribution of ceramics delivered by the smdt potters (see 42 for further discussion of this text)

In contrast O Cairo 25597 dated to year 2 of Ramesses IV records items distributed to members of the smdt The distribution list begins on line 2 with specification (wp-st) and includes a coppersmith a water-carrier as well as the potter Herunefer who received 5 bundles (mrw or ors) the content of these bundles is not stated Although the context for this distribution is not clear this is the only text known to me in which a potter seems to receive a payment perhaps in exchange for work

Some aspects of organization of work such as distribution of pots among the villagers probably did not require the level of administration and documentation needed for the record of delivery Details concerning the processing of delivery remain unclear such as the precise nature of the receipt and distribution of the products However the texts do allow the stages of delivery

79 Two workmen named Nakhy are known from the late 19th Dynasty Janssen Commodity Prices 86 Amenemope is a common name in all periods ibid 42 Although a potter Nakhy is known from this period I doubt whether this text should be understood as referring to the deficits of untitled but named potters instead I read the n as a preposition rather than the indirect genitive It would be very unusual for a potter to be untitled and the text does not follow the standard pattern for potter accounts recording deficits compare O DeM 91 O IFAO 387 O DeM 135 O Gardiner 88 vso 80 In these lines the number 10 is written in black ink while 5 is written in red Some of the numbers referring to allocations to individual workmen in the following lines of the text are also written in red The meaning of the use of red ink in the text requires further investigation 81 For Baki and his family see Davies Whos Who 2-12 If the provision of an extra vessel is an indicator of higher status this text would provide evidence that Baki continued in office into the early years of Ramesses II

I

--44 POTTERS

to be traced illuminating aspects of the organization of the potters work and their relationship the with the community ofDeir el-Medina veSt

may 24 Donkey hire by potters timi Although it can be assumed that donkeys were necessary for the delivery of ceramics to the (see village J know of only one relevant text and that refers only indirectly to the potters use of lOe donkeys There seem to be no hireage texts for potters comparable to those attested for or4 woodcutters and watercarriers

O DeM 73 Ito details a legal case concerning a donkey in the 20 th year of Ramesses III The 32 text records the resolution of a dispute (del) between the potter Herunefer who was the complainant and the workman Anynakht82 Herunefer hired a donkey from Anynakht The

FrO bkI

donkey proved unsatisfactory and an exchange was agreed upon in the presence of (m-blM a scribe of the mat Amennakhe3 The bad donkey was handed over to him Uwtw Ir swd n) and

blk1 Sh01

he gave him Uwf djt) an (other) she-donkey in its place (11 3-4) The text concludes with the resl taking of an oath on account of it (br pbwys) presumably by Anynakht

As Janssen observes in reference to the woodcutters and watercarriers texts about the hireage spec daYE

of donkeys are comparatively rare and are concentrated in the reigns of Ramesses III and IV Those that survive perhaps refer to rather unusual situations as here The distinctive nature of this

smt intel

text lends support to Janssens proposal that there was a pool of donkeys perhaps state or communally owned rather than belonging to the workmen themselves available for deliveries to

pap) was

the village (see above p 29) here T

sect3 Documenting supply 31 The timing ofexpected deliveries Janssen has determined through analysis of the journal OStraca of the reigns of Ramesses TIT and IV that deliveries of ceramics were expected every ten days84 That this was the practice in the early 19th Dynasty is confirmed by the delivery lists of wood and pottery Where the lists are dated these dates usually fall on days 1085 2086 or 3087 of the month which are the days on which deliveries were also recorded later in the 20 th Dynasty

It is likely that vessels were not expected on any particular day within this time frame and could be delivered in smaller amounts throughout the period like the deliveries by the gardeners and fishermen ss P Greg vso B II 8 documents the receipt of bkw of the potter for year 6 of

that for ( the doCl pred of tl gene mixt term

Siptah on the 19th day of IV lvt This delivery is then recorded in the summary information for IV lvt 10 to 20 A journal ostracon of the reign of Ramesses III records that on II smw 7 the potter entered two blkw one (w) for I smw 30 one for II smw 10 (0 DeM 38 7) The account text O DeM 346 of the mid_20th Dynasty documents the receipt of two quantities of vessels within three days On II prt 20 30 qbt vessels and 110 lbw vessels were received or delivered by the hand of

33l The wen O E IIIp scali mad

82 For Anynakht see Davies Whos Who 74-5 The potter Herunefer is also known from O Cairo 25597 39 (1

83 The role of the scribe of the mat (sv n un) in this text has been discussed by Ben Haring The Scribe of the Mat From Agrarian Administration to Local Justice in Deir el-Medina in the Third Millennium

Jans~ 90 b

AD A Tribute to Jac J Janssen eds R J Demaree and A Egberts Egyptologische Uitgaven 14 (Leiden 91 ibi

2000) 149 For the legal status of this text see A G McDowell Jurisdiction in the Workmens Community 92 O

ofDeir el-Medina Egyptologische Uitgaven 5 (Leiden 1990) 146-7 84 Commodity Prices 485-6

B893n

85 O DeM 1 5 7 10 12 13 17 23 O Gardiner 43 94 Fe

86 O DeM 2 8 15 24 O Or lust Chicago 18878 reCOl

87 O DeM 3 4 9 11 12 14 18 22 O DH 6 7 88 J J Janssen bkw From Work to Product SAK 20 (1993)90 n 52

tragI 95 L

lship

)the se of I for

The the The

M a ) and h the

reage i IV fthis te or ies to

I and n the s are fS on

ould sand 6 of

or IV lotter xtO three ndof

97 kribe znium iden lunity

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 45

the scribe Amenemope (rto 11 1-2) On II prt 23 a further 42 dpr vessels making(9 22 qb vessels and 100 tbw vessels were also entered by the scribe Amenemope (vso n 1-4) This text may record part payments of the delivery expected for II prt 20-30 The data concerning the timing of delivery therefore correspond to the evidence discussed by Janssen for the woodcutters (see above pp 18ff) As in the woodcutter texts if the delivery was completed in full during the 10 day period it was recorded as mI Any deficit or shortfall in delivery was entered as (w)gJ(t) or gJ nlr

32 The terminology ofsupply bJkw From the late 19th or early 20 th Dynasties the deliveries of ceramics were recorded in units of bJlnv in both account and journal ostraca Janssen has discussed the use and meaning of the tenn bkw in the Deir el-Medina material blkw in its absolute sense means work but Janssen has shown that in many cases in these documents the meaning can shift from work to the resultproduct of the work90 Within this usage the bkw of the potter seems to have a more specific meaning Janssen has concluded that it signifies a fixed amount that was due every ten days a quota He cites the example ofO DeM 387 where two b3kw were recorded one for I smw 30 one for II smw 10 91 The detenninatives used in the writing of b3lnv support this interpretation Although in the late 19th and early 20th Dynasty texts bkw was detennined by the papyrus roll92 from the middle to the end of the reign of Ramesses III the vessel detenninative was used93 The change to this detenninative from one with a more abstract meaning signals that here bkw is a work requirement consisting of an amount of ceramics

The usage of bkw in the journals and accounts implies that this amount was fixed a quota that would therefore be quantifiable There are records of the entry of two bkw often to make up for overdue deliveries and occasionally even half bkw94 These references certainly imply that the bIlnv was a predetennined amount that could be doubled or halved when necessary The documenting of deficits in the texts also shows that each delivery was expected to consist of a predetermined amount The Category E text O DeM 12 seems to record such a deficit On line 4 of this delivery list is written deficit namely deficit of vessels (4 qrlJt 4)95 Since qrlt is the generic tenn for vessels the implication is that the expected delivery of ceramics probably a mixture of types and quantities was not made To determine the composition of each bkw in terms of vessel types and numbers is however difficult

33 b3kw in the J(jh Dynasty accounts (text categories B C E) The 19th Dynasty accounts of the deficits of the potters Menna and Nakhy indicate that deliveries were pre-determined as amounts that if not delivered in full were recorded to be made up later O Berlin P 10840 records an accumulation of deficits owed by Menna from year 9 III fJt 1 to III prt 30 making 5 months 53 qbt vessels 575 bw vessels (11 2-3) This account shows the scale of thc deficit that the potter could incur over a period of time if complete deliveries were not made

89 Cernys transcription of the text contains an ellipsis and query at this point (Catalogue VII pI 2) Janssen (pers corron) has suggested that the two dashes in the hieratic facsimile could be read as Jr n 90 hkw From Work to Product 89 91 ibid 89-90 nO DeM 606 rto 611 O Cairo 25591 rto 4-5 and O Cairo 25633 vso 1 P Greg rto B 23 A 11 vso B 8 11-12 93 The journal ostraca from the mid_20th Dynasty consistently use this determinative 94 For an examples entries of two bkw see O DeM 154 rto 16 P Greg rto A II 11-12 Half units are recorded in O DeM 44 rto 20 P Turin 1961 (Pleyte and Rossi pI 99) vso II 5 Anonymous Turin fragment (Cerny MSS 3616) 95 t~~lon

46 POTTERS

O DeM 135 is a testimony to the precision with which such deficits were recorded This undated text enumerates the deficit of two potters Deficit of the potters 2 men 96 29 qbw fle)vessels 5 gy vessels 00 Ibw vessels 9 dp(r) vessels to (r) qbw vessels making 4Y2 Total ves making 33Y2 qbw vessels The final two lines seem to indicate that 9 dpr vessels were equivalent mo in some way to 4Yz qbw vessels97 When added to the 29 qbw vessels in line 2 this gives the total ves of 33Y2 Perhaps the potters were initially required to deliver 9 dpr vessels along with the other and vessels but the decision was made to convert these dpr vessels into their equivalent in qbw dprvessels Here it must be borne in mind that this text records deficit rather than delivery It seems forto reflect the scribes accounting mentality precisely recording the precise value of the deficit

forwhich may have been rounded up or down in reality The meticulous record of deficit does imply sigrfixed vessel deliveries with a specific amount being due every ten days

deliAlthough such texts imply the presence of a quota it is difficult to quantify that quota in terms

posof numbers and types of vessels In this context O DeM 135 provides an additional insight The

asklconversion of one vessel type into its equivalent in another type if it is a concrete conversion

therather than a statement of value implies a certain flexibility within the deliveries Perhaps this document shows the superiors of the crew specifying or making adjustments to the amounts of

34ceramics required every ten days in accordance with the needs of the crew

TheSuch an interpretation could explain the range of vessel types and quantities enumerated in the

19th defiDynasty delivery lists while also perhaps accounting for the precise documentation of It isdeficits These ostraca note deliveries of at least eight different vessel types in varying quantities

and combinations including jn~t98 m~t99 qbwIOO kJ-lr-kJ 101 gJy102 Ibw103 dpr104 and dS I05 and imp

Some of these vessel names are very rare in other documentation The dpr vessel although common in these lists and in 19th Dynasty pottery accounts does not appear to occur later 106 This

Ir

pattern could suggest a reduction in the vessel repertoire in the 20th Dyllasty but the contents of IVr Jourdeliveries are not generally enumerated in the later data potentially concealing some vessel types 29Deliveries of lbw vessels are recorded in the majority of the surviving lists and as will be 15-1illustrated below Ibw vessels alongside qbw vessels remained the core of the potters deliveries (conin the 20th Dynasty It is possible that qbw and bw are classes of ceramics rather than distinct samlvessel types so that the terms may cover a wider range of forms (see section 61) DeIlt othe

96 1- ~~~gt5l~I (I 1) reml 97 Compare O DeM 346 where 42 dpr vessels may be the equivalent of 22 qbt vessels (see section 31) day The flexibility of equivalence between the two types may indicate flexibility in the form and valuation of seen these vessels (see section 41) evid 98 Janssen Commodity Prices434 O DeM 16 153 174 23 5

ther99 Wb II 126 W F Reineke Der Zusammenhang der altagptischen Rohl- und LiingenmaBe MfG 9 (1963)148 O DeM 56 7 6 114 100 Janssen Commodity Prices 412-5 qbw is a feminine word and can also be spelt qbt Valbelle Guvriers 18 O DeM J 7 4 5 7 5 104 O DR 5 4 O Gardiner 435 101 Wb V 93 O DeM 28 3 O DR 6 8 lOi 0 102 Janssen Commodity Prices 426-8 O DeM 5 5 9 6 107 225 O DR 8 3 O Gardiner 436 108 0 10J Janssen Commodity Prices 433-4 O DeM 18 3 4 4 6 6 6 8 6 105 116 136 154 16 5 17 109 0 3 226 O DR 5 7 6 9 7 5 84 O Or lnst Chicago 188785 O Gardiner 43 7 O DeM 288 records 110 0 a lbw-n-k~ vessel (see section 41) III 0 104 This vessel is not included in Janssen Commodity Prices or in the Worterbuch It is written lith the 1110

generic term for vessel qrlt confirming its nature as such O DeM 25 3 3 5 7 6 5 9 5 106 165 113 0 O DR 5 6 O Or lnst Chicago 188784 4prt vessels presumably a different orthography of the same 114 C term occur in hieratic inscriptions from the tomb of Tutankhamun 1 Cerny Hieratic lnscriptionsfrom the Il5 t Tomb of TutCankhamun TutCankhamiins Tomb Series II (Oxford 1965) 6 with references See also G 116 Ir Bouvier BlFAG 101 (2001)90 note g PriCE 105 Wb V 485 Janssen Commodity Prices 472-4 O DeM 64 8 5 135 165 22 4 O DR 5 6 74 non-I 1(lj See the documents cited in n 100 also O DeM 346 vso 3 117 Q~

This qbw otal alent total other qbw

eems ficit mply

erms The rsion this Its of

n the m of ttities dS I05

tough This lts of ypes ill be veries stinct

1 31) ion of

1109

vriers

5 17 ecords

ith the 165

same Jm the

Iso G

74

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 47

The degree to which the composition of deliveries could vary from list to list illustrates the flexiblity of the institution On I 3Jt 10 of year 3 of Sety I 7 jn~t vessels (3 good 2 poor) 37 qbw vessels (deficit of 3) and 58 Ibw vessels (deficit of 2) were delivered l07 On the 20th day of that month dpr vessels were delivered (the rest of the text is lost)108 80 dpr vessels and 50 Ibw vessels were delivered on the last day of I 3Jt109 while on the last day of II Jt 40 qbw vessels and 50 Ibw vessels were delivered l1O On day 10 of III Jt 80 g3y vessels 90 m~t vessels and 40 dpr vessels were delivered lll Not only do several vcssel types occur in each delivery but totals for each vessel type also vary considerably as weI Ibw vessels tend to total between 50 and 60 for each list in which they occur1l2 However many of the attested totals documented are significantly larger between 100 and 300 lbw1l3 These texts may point to there being variable deliveries that resulted from commissions in response to specific needs However this is only one possible interpretation based upon a comparatively small group of texts The question must be asked whether a similar understanding can be gained from the qualitatively different sources of the 20th Dynasty

34 Recording b3kw in the 20th Dynasty The recording of pottery deliveries was less explicit in the 20th Dynasty with deliveries and deficits generally noted as b3kw and (w)4(t) of the potter without further clarifying information It is difficult to determine whether the quantities and contents of the deliveries were as flexible and varying as the 19th Dynasty data suggest Indeed as Janssen has concluded it is virtually impossible to prove what was meant by the termbkw l 114

In the rare cases where journal entries on ostraca of the reigns of Ramesses III and Ramesses N record numbers of vessels this information is difficult to interpret O DeM 154 rto recording journal entries in year 31 of Ramesses III documents the delivery made by the potter on II smw 29 entered by the hand of the potter 2 bkw (plus) 50 lbw vessels for II smw 30 deficit 65 (II 15-16) Janssen alternatively translates this part of the text as [e ]ntered from the potter 2 bkw (consisting of) 50 lbw vessels comparing it with O Berlin P 10654 (unpub) vso 1 where the same amount of 50 vessels is also mentioned I IS There is a number of possible readings of O DeM 154 rto The two b3kw may be deliveries owing from earlier in the month116 while on the other hand the 50 Ibw vessels may be an early partial payment for II smw 30 with 65 vessels remaining outstanding Since we do not have the rest of the journal for II smw and the entry for day 20 records neither delivery nor deficit it is difficult to draw firm conclusions Nonetheless it seems unlikely that the b3kw referred to in the text consisted of 50 lbw vessels The supporting evidence of the late 20th Dynasty ostracon O Berlin P 10654 vso is ambiguous also referring to the production of 50 vessels in the first line the numbers are lost thereafter

II Jt 10 the potter fashioned1l7 50 (vessels) day 20 the potter [fashioned x (vessels)]

107 O DeM 16-8 108 O DeM 2 5 109 O DeM 3 3-4 110 O DeM 45-6 1110 DeM 5 5-7 112 O DeM 18 34 8 6 165 O DH 5 7 6 9 O Or Inst Chicago 188785 113 O DeM 6 6 136 22 6 154 173 O DH 76 ll4 Commodity Prices 488 bkw From Work to Product 89 115 bkw From Work to Product 89 116 In a similar situation O DeM 40 14-5 records by the hand of the potter 3 bkw Janssen Commodity Prices 487-8 concludes that two of the bkw were payments for the first two decades although the non-delivery is nowhere stated while the third delivery was due for the five epagomenal days 117 ~~li~IT1l~~o

II

48 POTTERS

day 30 fashioning [x (vessels)] III 11]t 10 while he (fashioned)118 [x (vessels)] 35 b day 20119

Vhel total 230 qbw vessels [ ] the n specifYing it (wp Sf) ~ 23 jn~11 vessels blkw

In recording the actual work of the potters this text is unique While units of 50 vessels seem to statu be specified any connection with a blkw is not made explicit and can only be inferredYo perio

Janssen also cites the example of O DeM 35 on which a note above line 7 recording entries been for IIprt 19 of year 28 of Ramesses III reads entered by the hand of the potter as one b3kw 100 these qbw vessels 45 lbw vessels Although this text indicates that the b3kw consisted of 100 qbw Th vessels and 45 lbw vessels the phrase m w( b3kw could imply that the vessels enumerated were the e those making up this particular delivery perhaps differing from although equivalent to the recor contents of earlier deliveries and the standard b3kw The higher number of qbw vessels than Ibw epagt vessels which is very unusual when compared with other texts enumerating these two types 5 ep suggests that this entry is exceptional not only in its formulation It may be that this delivery ofth required special enumeration perhaps the potter altered the original order and provided an bee) equivalent number of qbw vessels instead of lbw vessels P

The two uneertain entries of O DeM 154 and O DeM 35 are the only texts in which actual Ram vessel types are enumerated in 20u Dynasty journal ostraca O DeM 35 in particular may suggest reads that the composition of b3kw could be flexible Other surviving records of pottery deliveries from An e the reign of Rarnesses III usually state only whether or not the potter entered his deliveries deliv complete or was in deficit O DeM 143 vso 5 datable to year 24 of Ramesses III does fo11o however enter a deficit of lbw vessels for the five epagomenal days Although the exact figures as 65 are lost the final two lines record an unknown total (dnuf) of qbw vessels and a total of 680 lbw char~ vessels these probably being deficits incurred since IV smw 30 the day the potter first fell behind disru in deliveries as the account records In O DeM 165 which largely documents deficits incurred in prt 1 year 30 III prt and thereafter a note to one side records year 29 entered for the five whih (epagomenal) days 30 lbw vessels his deficit 85 (11 4amiddot5a) vesst

Where vessel numbers are enumerated in these 20th Dynasty texts they vary in some cases notin considerably although the relationships of these numbers with the context of the documents must onw be kept in mind The vessel types are less varied than in the 19th Dynasty sources Mostly qbw and that 1 [bw vessels are enumerated in large quantities which confirms that these vessel types were the here basis of the potters b 3kw The deficit accounts from the reign of Ramesses II (group III) record If only qbw and lbw vesselsl2I in contrast with the variety of vessels represented in the delivery deliv lists The delivery lists of the 19th Dynasty appear to be exceptional in the variety of vessel types large they enumerate They may represent deliveries from other specialized workshops or supplies for vess particular purposes The similarity between the 19th Dynasty delivery lists of pottery and wood on en1r) the one hand and of specialty breads and beer on the other hand may indicate that these inter deliveries were in general more specialized they were perhaps associated with festivals Such an here association is illuminated by a study of one of the vessel types less commonly enumerated in A1 these texts (see section 42) However the regularity of delivery in these lists recorded in tenmiddotday b3kJi blocks is closely comparable with the regular b3kw delivery For the 20th Dynasty it must be potu borne in mind that b3kw which is mostly unqualified in the journal ostraca may cover a range of the ( vessel types sing

liS Q0--1i11 122 G ll9 Cerny noted that the line here was left blank 123 J~

120 The specification of jnJz1 vessels may also suggest that this text refers to a specialized perhaps unique lUF

production series For jnJzt see section 42 me 121 0 DeM 91 O Berlin P 10840 vso O IFAO 387 126 C

em to

ntries 100

l qbw were

) the nbw types livery ed an

actual 19gest from veries does

igures 101bw )ehind red in ~ fivc

cases must wand re thc ccord livery types es for odon thcsc Ichan ted in n-day lst be 1ge of

mique

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 49

35 bikw in the late 20th Dynasty papyrus documents Where pottery deliveries are recorded in the journal papyri the numbers of vessels involved and the name of the potter are often included A further contrast with earlier records is that the tenn bkw is rarely employed The more fonnal status of the papyri may explain such differences This status may also be one reason despite the large amount of documentation surviving from this period deliveries of pottery are only recorded occasionally Those that are recorded may have been special deliveries and hence worthy of note When bkw are recorded as in earlier records these may be variable in size and consist largely ofbw and qbw vessels

The recto ofP Turin 2070133 134 + 3 fragments (KRIVI 426-8) contains journal entries for the epagomenal days of the year 2 of a king later than Ramesses IV 122 The entry for the final day records the deliveries of the potter Right the potter - 29 [qb]w vessels 145 lbw vessels Five epagomenal days 100 [+ 45] Ibwvessels [Left] the potter 29 [qbw] vessels 145lbwvessels 5 epagomenal days 145 (Col II 10-11) The deliveries are enumerated separately for each side of the crew although if the restorations are correct the totals are the same for each side As is to be expected qbw and bw vessels are the only vessel types mentioned

P Turin 1881+ (Pleyte and Rossi pI 1-8 KRIVI 609-19) records entries for years 6-8 of Ramesses IX the potter is only mentioned on three occasions in year 7 For IV lu 29 the entry reads received by the hand of the potter ~Ahawy - qbw vessels 65 bw vessels 65 (vso V 1-2) An entry for 65 handfuls of plants follows in this list and seems to be associated with this delivery An entry on the same line also records 2 khar of k3Y (Ulq~ ~ ) probably roe123 The following line records again by his hand (wlm m-fjrtj) (for) I prt 10 100 [b[w] vessels as well as 65 handfuls of plants and an unknown measure of roe It seems that the potter had also been charged with delivering produce to the village perhaps the organization of deliveries was disrupted in this period Other entries record deliveries received by the hand of scribes 124 In III prt 18 almost three months later ~Ahawy made another delivery of 300 Ibw vessels (vso VI 7-8) while in III smw there were received by the hand of the potter (for) Right and Left 1501bw vessels and 70 qbw vessels (vso VII 1-2) P Turin 1881 + is an unusual text which rather than noting events day by day records only a few days from a few months of each year perhaps days on which events occurred that were more significant in the eyes of the scribe Valbelle observes that the scribe was running out of space on the papyrus increasing the likelihood that the entries he recorded were those he considered important125

If the deliveries recorded in this text were the only ones made for year 7 of Ramesses IX the delivery patterns of the potters may have changed Rather than delivering units every decade large deliveries were made every two to three months This would explain the large totals of vessels supplied However as Janssen cautions scribal inaccuracies mean that the absence of an entry in the journal does not necessarily mean that the delivery was not made126 An alternative interpretation is that the standard deliveries were made every ten days and that those recorded here were supplementary and worthy of special mention

An entry in P Turin 1900+ (KRl VI 619-24) vso 117 may indicate that regular deliveries of blkw continued at least in the early years of Ramesses IX Year 9 II 31Jt 19 records Right the potters b3kw [ ] (wnmy p qd n b3kw [ J) The context of this delivery is similar to those of the earlier 20th Dynasty with supply of fuel and gypsum being recorded as well However the single mention of a potters bkw in this entry in the papyrus may be as unique as those in P

122 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 242 123 Janssen Village Varia 53 124 For example vso 2a vso 5 5 vso 5 10 vso 6 1 125 Ouvriers 63-4 126 Commodity Prices 486

l

50 POTTERS

Turin l88l Journal entries from years 10 and 17 of Ramesses IX support this interpretation P A Turin 2071140 (KRIVI 63715) rto 9 records delivery of vegetables and pottery 2l() qb(w) varia vessels 110 [+ x] [bw vessels for day 30 IV smw year 10 The Turin Necropolis Journal of year vana 17 rto B II 2-3 (Botti and Peet pI 16) is the only record of a pottery delivery in this substantial inclu text covering two full months potter rAhawy 33 qbw vessels 165 [bw vessels This may Dyna indicate that the delivery was an unusual hence noteworthy event especially in relation to (HO references to problems with smdt organization earlier in the text (see section 37) the p

Deliveries of varying quantities of pottery are entered a number of times for different sides of recei the crew in the journal of year 3 of Ramesses X (P Turin 1898 + Botti and Peet pI 50-63 KRI Re VI 687-99) On III prt 18 even though the crew was not working because of the foreigners cornr (Omyw) 30 qb(w) vessels and 30 [+ x] [[bw] vessels were delivered to Right (rto I 11) On the wood last day of IV prt 9 qb(w) and 27 ([)bw vessels were delivered to Left (the entry for Right is comp lost rto II 14) The entry for II smw 19 records crew not working Right 28 qb(w) vessels 300 Janss [b(w) vessels Left 28 qb(w) vessels 15 g1(y) vessels 300 [b(w) vessels (rto III 9-10) The entry amou for g1y vessels is unusual in this text Two days later there was a further delivery for Right alone largel the potter - 30 qb(w) vessels 150 [b(w) vessels (rto III 13-14) In the month of III smw qbw Alt and [bw vessels were delivered on two occasions day 5 and day 30127 On IV smw 1 1 qbw was texts

delivered perhaps to Right while 90 [bw vessels were delivered to Left (rto V 18-9) If each are in delivery of vessels to the village was flexible in size and composition the entries in this journal as a c may also illustrate that deliveries to different sides of the crew could be varied as well quant

The journal text of year 1 of Ramesses XI P Turin 1898+ VSO128 records for I 10t 24 Right excep

from the hand of (the) potter [ ] 18 qb(w) vessels 50 [+x] [bw vessels Left from the hand of 37 In(the) potter [ ]y129 10 [+x] (Hh vessels [r~R~~o] [ J (vso Text A 2-4) Again the Otherdelivery is separately enumerated for the different sides of the crew breaks in the text mean that unprethe composition of the delivery is unknown If the entry on line 4 is a variant orthography of a this b type of vessel (1(1130 it may indicate a specialized delivery because (1(1 vessels are not firingotherwise attested in the pottery deliveries l3I Further deliveries are recorded in this journal again therein a very broken context by the hand ofthe potter [ ] lbw vessels 51 [+ x ] (vso dockets B taken5-6) later 18 qbw vessels and 50 lbw vessels are recorded (vso dockets C 2) This is the latest or adrsurviving record of pottery deliveries to the necropolis workmen in the 20th Dynasty deficit Impac36 Conclusion the meanings ofb1kw

TheThe Turin Necropolis journals seem to support the interpretation of the nature of the b1kw found detailein the earlier documentation Despite the possibility that delivery patterns may have altered or that from t some entries may represent extra deliveries these documents indicate that [bw and qbw vessels earlyformed the core of any quota of pottery delivered to the village occasionally supplemented with irregulother vessel types the pa III It

127 On III sectmw 529 qb(w) vessels and 150 bw vessels were delivered to Right Left received 19 qb(w) month vessels and 150 bw vessels (Botti and Peet pI 57 rto IV 15-9) The papyrus is damaged in the entries for III sectmw 30 but the surviving text indicates that deliveries of over 100 bw vessels were made to Right and both fbw and rqlbw vessels were delivered to Left (Botti and Peet pI 59 rto V 17-19) Unusually this latter entry records bw vessels before qbw 132 For 128 Botti and Peet pI 63 KRI VI 850-1 I follow the reassessment of Jtirgen von Beckerath in my reading 34 see of this text Papyrus Turin 1898+ vso SAK21 (1994)29-33 133 Th( 129 Perhaps the name of the potter CAhawy can be restored here 134 C J 130 Wh V 532 W F Reineke Der Zusammenhang der altagyptischen Hohl- und UingenmaBe MID 9 East e (1963)151 observlt 131 4343 vessels are included in a list of products in O Cairo 25678 vso 17 along with fbw vessels (1 18) discuss Valbelle citing this text considers that 4343 vessels could replace qbw vessels and were perhaps be mad synonymous (in her reference Duvriers 265 n 12 read 25678 for 25673) 135 Con

n p b(w) year ntial may m to

es of KRI

yenlers 11 the ht is 300 ~ntry

lone qbw was each lmal

ight ld of I the that ofa not

gain s B atest

lUnd that sels with

b(w) 8 for tand this

ding

[09

18) haps

DOCUMENTIKG SUPPLY 51

A further correspondence between the papyrus documents and the earlier ostraca is the variation in the numbers of vessels being delivered If these figures do represent regular bkw the variation in vessel totals may reflect responses to the changing needs of the crew perhaps including orders made by the superiors of the crew to the potters The use of bkw in one 20th

Dynasty account ostracon exemplifies the flexible character of commissions O Gardiner 80 4-5 (HO 6114) states after recording the complete deliveries during III smw received as the bkw of the potter entered complete like his custom of every day This text implies that the deliveries received during that month constituted the potters commission which he managed to fulfiL

Records survive of other members of the smdt such as gardeners and woodcutters receiving commands to deliver specific amounts132 Janssen notes the commission received by the woodcutter Saroy in year 29 III fJt 7 to deliver 380 units every 10 days This order can be compared with that of Saroys colleague who received a commission to deliver 500 units 133 As Janssen observes the quotas of the woodcutters often deviated quickly from these specified amounts (see above p 20) Such orders might have been regular normal occurrences that are largely invisible in the written record

Although no known text records such an assignment to the potters to deliver specific amounts texts that record varying quantities of ceramics and texts in which vessels other than qbw and tbw are included suggest that such commissions were madc The bkw may therefore be understood as a commission or expected dclivery of a predetermined unit of ceramics Although theoretically quantifiablc the bkw was flexible so that we cannot determinc what amount was expected except in specific deliveries

37 Implications ofdefiCits Other factors may also have operated to produce differential sizes of deliveries Firing was an unpredictable process with a certain amount of wasters inevitably being produced each time On this basis Christopher Eyre has suggested the one bkw may have been the equivalent of one firing which could vary in composition and in success134 Although this hypothesis is viable there is no direct evidence to support it and it is also possible that the needs of the crew were taken into account in each individual bkw or work requirement Where problems in the workshop or administrative breakdowns affected deliveries these are likely to be reflected in the records as deficits By examining patterns of deficit within the documentation it is possible to observe the impact of external problems in the Theban area on the potters deliveries in the mid 20th Dynasty

The journal ostraca of the reigns of Ramesses III and IV (Group I) again provide the most detailed documentation of delivery and deficit although only very general trends can be deduced from the materiaL Janssens analysis of pottery deliveries at the end of Ramesses Ills reign to early Ramesses IV led to the conclusion that deliveries of commodities were generally very irregular at this time whereas in the preceding years they had been more stable 135 The details of the pattern of deficits can be supplemented by a few account ostraca from the reign of Ramesses III It must be borne in mind that the idiosyncrasies of scribal record keeping mean that some months record no deliveries at all even though deliveries were most probably made

132 For the commissioning of the smdt see J J Janssen The Year of the Strikes BSEG 16 (1992) 44 n 34 see also Janssens section 7 in this volume 133 The Year of the Strikes 44-6 134 C J Eyre Work and the Organization of Work in the New Kingdom in Labor in the Ancient Near East ed M A Powell (New Haven 1987) 193 Janssen bkw From Work to Product 90 n observes that if this were the case the potters would have delivered once per decade The limited evidence discussed in 31 and a review of the delivery dates in the texts included in 33 indicate that deliveries could be made on more than one occasion during the ten-day period 135 Commodity Prices 488

52 POTTERS

The account of O Gardiner 80 (HO 61 4) for year 21 of Ramesses III records deliveries that O were made complete for the entire month of III smw the final line entered complete like his bJrn custom of every day although formulaic may be an indicator of a reputation for efficiency and for t punctuality The records from a few years later appear to tarnish this reputation The account text far 11 O DeM 143 datable to year 24 while recording complete deliveries for III smw 30 and IV smw coml 10 and 20 enters deficits for IV smw 30 the five epagomenal days and the first two decades of I appe 3bt (11 1-7) Reasons for the accumulation of such a substantial deficit beyond internal incre production problems are unknown This text warns us that although the relationship between admi administrative problems at Deir el-Medina and deficit is clear at times less easily identifiable in th factors may also have had an impact By year 27 deliveries appear to have returned to normal the p with no deficits being entered and every delivery recorded as complete (0 DeM 33 vso 8 O TI DeM 34 rto 7 16 vso 11) a deficit is however noted for the epagomenal days of year 28 in O agair DeM 156 vso 4 that

From year 29 deficits are again a consistent feature of the record during the time when labour inc01 troubles began to disrupt the community The first hint of delivery problems may be found in the whet problematic O Strasbourg H 26 If the entries on the recto refer to the potter this text records mad~ complete deliveries throughout I and II smw and probably through the epagomenal days and II there 3bt The verso may refer more explicitly to pottery deliveries with the final line recording IV coul Jbt 10 deficit of the [potter) However the reading of qd is based on a restoration (Cerny Nb in thi 3561) and the status of this text as a pottery account could be questioned There are more certain Th references to delivery from later in year 29 In I prt 30 the potter made deliveries to Right and perio Left details of the content of delivery are not given (0 Turin 57007 vso 4-5) The strike action ambi began in the village only ten days later on II prt 10136 The only further entry recording a pottery Peet delivery is in P Turin 1961 (Pleyte and Rossi pI 99) possibly from the end of year 29 IV prt 30 outsi notes for Right the potter I Y while the potter l is noted for Left (vso II 5 7)137 There are there no further records of pottery deliveries until year 30 although the consistent deficits incurred by reorg the woodcutters during year 29 and into year 30 are evidence of the impact of the strikes (see for II above p 21)138 authc

Deficits are recorded in an account text for III prt 30 and probably IV prt 10 of year 30 but a Peet delivery oftvo b3kw was promptly made to remedy this deficit (0 DeM 165 rto 1-2) O DeM ~Aha 154 rto 15-16 of year 31 records the delivery of two b3kw on II smw 29 probably overdue entric payments for days 10 and 20 A number of fbw vessels are also specified I interpret these as and perhaps an early payment for II smw 30 although they may relate to the two b3kw A deficit of 65 speci is noted Complete deliveries are made in IV lJl but since they are noted specifically they may perha have been considered late one b3kw being entered on day 13 for day 10 and one being entered Th for Right only on day 21 (0 DeM 157 8-9 17) From then into the reign of Ramesses IV the may potters made deliveries late or were making good deficits In II smw 7 of year 32 the debt was diffic paid for I smw 30 and at the same time the b3kw was delivered three days early for II smw 10 (0 or the

19thDeM 38 7 17 23) No sooner had these deliveries been made then the potter was in debt again I for the rest of the month Disruptions to pottery and fuel deliveries (see above p 21) throughout wide] year 30 and into year 31 are symptoms of continued labour problems within the village or of subst general administrative problems in the Theban area 139

mont side I

136 RAD 49 15 P J Frandsen Editing reality the Turin Strike Papyrus in Studies in Egyptology presented to Miriam Lichtheim ed S Israelit-Groll (Jerusalem 1990) 166-99 Risbo 137 Janssen considers that the documentation of half units may point to a scarcity of materials Commodity availa Prices 488 A reference to a half unit may also be found in an anonymous papyrus fragment in Turin 140 Fo (Cerny MSS 3616) which records the potter 2h this probably means 2h bJkw 141 Fo 138 Janssen The Year ofthe Strikes 46-8 BerIir B9 Disruptions in local administration may have directly impacted pottery production if as Colin Hope bkw suggests the state provided clay to these workshops Egyptian Pottery Shire Egyptology 5 (princes been ~

8 that ce his yand It text smw

s of ternal tween fiable Irmal 8 O in O

aboUT in the ~cords

md II ~ IV YNb ertain It and ~ction ottery Jrt 30 re are ed by (see

but a DeM erdue se as of65 may

tered the twas 0(0 19ain ~hout or of

~logy

ity

ffope inces

DOCUMENTlIG SUPPLY 53

O DeM 40 rto 15 from I gUt of year 1 of Ramesses IV records that the potter delivered three bgkw on day 24 probably overdue deliveries for days 10 and 20 (the deficits are not noted) and for the epagomenal days for which the deficit was entered in a note in a separate column on the far left A deficit is also recorded for day 30 (vso 9) From this point on the deliveries tend to be complete although often a few days late140 There are still occasional deficits but the deliveries appear to have been generally more regular than in the final years of Ramesses IILI41 The increasing irregularity of delivery is probably a symptom of the general decay of the administration of the Necropolis at the end of a long reign The more regular deliveries beginning in the first year of Ramesses IV perhaps correspond with a renewed interest in the Necropolis on the part of the successor king who was eager to get work on his tomb underway

These documents provide the only opportunity to trace a pattern of deficit in pottery deliveries against well documented changes and problems in the administration of the village They show that such an equation between the two is possible this may have implications for the more incomplete records of the end of the dynasty It is difficult to determine from the papyrus texts whether deliveries continued on a regular basis in the closing years of the 20th Dynasty or were made in large consignments more infrequently as the surviving evidence seems to suggest Since there were significant civil disturbances in the Theban area throughout this period deliveries could have been affected to the point that they became more unusual events and warranted entry in the journals

The Turin Necropolis journal for year 17 of Ramesses IX provides the best example from this period From II prl on the text includes entries concerning the smdt in general from the ambiguous entry taking the smdt of the Tomb of Left by the scribe of the Tomb Hori (Botti and Peet pI 14 rto B I 8) to the entries a few lines later crew not working while the smdt were outside under the authority (rJ(wyraquo of the two scribes of the Necropolis [ ] crew not working there being no smdt outside (rto B I 12) These entries seem to indicate that there was some reorganization of or problem with the smdt although a record of a wood delivery was entered for II prl 15 The entry for II prt 18 records crew not working while their smdt were under the authority of the two scribes of the Tomb of the Outside without any payments (1) (Botti and Peet pI 15 rto B I 18) On II prt 24 a delivery of fish was made and on day 25 the potter rAhawy delivered a number of vessels (Botti and Peet pI 16 rto B II 1-3) Although these entries are difficult to interpret it seems that the crew was facing both deficits in grain delivery and problems with the smdt In this context the delivery of pottery can perhaps be seen as a special occurrence no text from the end of the 20 th Dynasty explicitly records a potters deficit perhaps indicating that there was no longer an expected pattern to delivery

The interpretations presented here are speculative moreover other factors that left no trace may have had an impact on production The deficits entered for year 25 of Ramesses III are difficult to explain except in terms of unknowable production problems specific to the workshops or the personal circumstances of the potters as are the causes for the deficits recorded in the early 19th Dynasty Such deficits cannot be equated with any known problems in the village or the wider Theban area The accounts of the potters Menna and N akhy in the early 19th Dynasty record substantial deficits especially those incurred by Menna in a year 9 where he is in deficit for five months totalling 53 qbw vessels and 575 fbw vessels Further deficit totals perhaps for the other side of the crew are even larger 94 qbw vessels and 992 lbw vessels (0 Berlin P 10840) The

Risborough 1987) 10 This argument may apply only to high quality ceramics considering the ready availability ofNile silt for the production of most basic vessels 140 For example O DeM 47 rto 3 11 vso 4 141 For example the following texts record deficits in year 1 = I prt 30 (0 DeM 47 rto 11) III prt 30 (0 Berlin P 12641 + 12628 7) II smw 20(7) (0 DeM 161 vso 3) O DeM 44 rto 20 records a delivery of 1y bklv for III smw 29 Janssen considers that since no delivery was recorded for day 20 materials may have been scarce at this time Commodity Prices 488

--54 POTTERS

patterns of deficit incurred by the potters that can be traced in the texts cannot generally be Ana correlated with external administrative problems and decay rese

proc sect4 Equations of word and object an analysis offour pot-types A notable feature of the potter texts from Deir el-Medina is the substantial number of vessels 41 delivered to the village every ten days Although the exact number due in each bkw varied the I ha totals of some deliveries indicate that there was a significant and constant need for ceramics in the thrOl community In the lives of the villagers this pottery was essential It was the principal means to mult store prepare and serve food and to carry out many other activities within the domestic and work refer spheres Janssen observes in Commodity Prices that we have virtually no cvidence for the enun exchange value of ceramics beeause price texts generally refer only to metal or stone vessels 142

used Vessels used for a wide variety of domestic purposes would have had a low value and high class turnover millions of pot sherds were found within the rubbish dumps of the village including the offo Grands PuitS 143 Since their role was so essential it is desirable to learn about the various forms of In thl the vessels - their sizes and range of functions - in order to advance our understanding of the lJl villagers daily lives possi

Holthoerl44 noted that most Mesopotamian names of vessels relate directly to their material their function or their capacity but concluded that the Egyptians derived their vessel names from something other than vessel function This conclusion was largely based on the 1935 lexicographic analysis of Egyptian vessels by Robert du Mesnil du Buisson whose study is the only one that covers a wide range of ceramics including some of the vessel names that occur in the Deir el-Medina potter texts He considered that the qbw vessel was connected to qb fresh cool an appropriate concept for a jar145 He equated the gy vessel with the verb gw to be narrow perhaps suggesting a jar with a narrow neck 146

Edward Brovarski has done preliminary work on some Old Kingdom and First Intermediate Period vessel terms147 and Patricia Paice has studies connections between vessel shapes and their functions as depicted in tomb reliefs 148 The most valuable recent examination of the intersection of lexicography and a ceramic corpus is that of Janet Bourriau and Stephen Quirke on the Middle Kingdom ceramic repertoire from Lahun l49

An approach comparable to that taken at Lahun would be ideal for the material from Deir elshy Fig 1 Medina but a full statistical analysis of the archaeological material in relation to the textual data Urk r that is a prerequisite for determining lexicographic relations is beyond the scope of this study

The VI

Jb-nraquo142 407_8 and n 5 lS enu 143 ibid 488

vessel 144 New Kingdom Pharaonic Sites The Pottery 41 see J Bourriau and S Quirke The Late Middle

terminKingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects in Lahun studies ed S Quirke (Reigate 1998) 60shydeterm1 for a more recent discussion of the basis of classifications

145 Les noms et signes egyptiens designant des vases ou objets simiaires (Paris 1935)30 l46 Noms et signes 72 Janssen Commodity Prices 427 considers that du Mesnil du Buissons suggestions 150 FoUl

and explanations for the gly are unconvincing and concludes that no identification of the gly is apparant P Turi Ricardo A Caminos considered it to be an open bowl or cup since it was used more as a container for Howevl

ISl Jansvegetables and flowers than liquids (CLEM 194-5) corresponding to the use of gy vessels for natron 152 Thelotus leaves and fruit in the Medinet Habu festival lists A Spalinger Medinet Habu and Deir el-Yledina IS3 TheCombined in Deir el-Medina in the Third Millennium AD A Tribute to Jac J Janssen eds R 1 Demaree

and A Egberts Egyptologische Uitgaven 14 (Leiden 2000) 314 Although the shape of the gl) remains these m unknown Janssen has determined a capacity of 20 hin Two Ancient Egyptian Ships Logs Papyrus Leiden detenni 1350 verso and Papyrus Turin 2008 + 2016 (Leiden 1961)88 vessel l47 Lexicographical Studies in Egyptian Pottery Bulletin de Liaison du Groupe International dEtude de determi fa Ceramique Egyptienne 7 (1982) 36-7 154 P GJ 14S The Pottery of Daily Life in Ancient Egypt JSSEA 19 (1989) 50-88 bibliogr 149 The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects 60-83 IS5 Com

lly be

essels d the in the ansto lwork Dr the oels142

1 high ngthe rmsof of the

lterial s from

1935 is the

cur in fresh to be

lediate i their ection fiddle

eir elshyt data study

v1iddle 8) 60shy

~stions

Jaranl ler for latron -edina maree mains Leiden

~de de

EQUA TJONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 55

Analysis of the occurrence of vessel types in the potter texts can be related to the present stage of research into vessel shape and size to produce some further insights both into the potters products and into the documentation for the supply of particular ceramic types

41 The basic pots qbw and [bw I have shown above that [bw and qbw vessels formed the basis of deliveries to the village

19th 20ththroughout the and Dynasties Therefore it seems likely that they were simple multipurpose vessels distinct from each another in shape andor size There is a standard way of referring to them in the records qbw vessels precede [bw vessels and many fewer are usually enumerated This relationship points to a qualitative differentiation between the two ISO Both are used as containers for liquids such as beer and waterl5l I consider that these two terms designate classes of vessels rather than fixed single shapes their names perhaps referring to a wider range of forms Difference in size may account for the differentation in numbers delivered in the texts In the following discussion I assess the evidence for these two classes of vessels

Jb lbw) vessels are included among the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak indicating a possible shape for the vessel152

tlBoo~WJ~O 01It 0P L II I I

Fig 1 ob-nw-k vessels in the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak (Wreszinski Atlas II pI 33 Urk IV 636)

The vessel shown is distinctive being beaker-like and wider at the base than at the neck JS3 The ub-nw-k vessel here is the equivalent of the u-m-Icw of P Harris I 36a 7 A significant number is enumerated in this text as containers tor incense perhaps indicating a smaller cup-like vessel l54 Janssen has considered that the [x]-n-k termination which is fairly common in vessel terminology indicates that the vessels were cups the name of the vessel given in the compound determines the shape155 In the inscription of the High Priest Osorkon the Oblb-n-k is written

150 Four texts which enumerate qbw and fbw vessels show a ratio of 15 O Or Inst Chicago 16698 rto 3 P Turin 2070133 134 + frgs rto 10-11 Giornale of year 17 rto B II 1-3 P Turin 1898 rto III 14 However since these are isolated examples it is uncertain how widely applicable such a ratio was 151 Janssen Commodity Prices 433 Valbelle Ouvriers 265 152 The equivalence between the lb andlbw is confirmed in CLEM 186-7 153 The determinative given for a qby vessel in the offering list ofThutmose III at Elcphantine indicates that these may have been quite close in shape to the IJb-nw-h of the Karnak list The simple elongated beaker determinative is quite distinct from the determinatives given for the other vases in the list including the Ub vessel which is shon with a definite neck (Urk IV 828 4) However the occurrence of different determinatives within a single text does not offer a basis for a classification of vessel forms 154 P Grandet Le Papyrus Harris I (EM 9999) BdE 109 (Cairo 1994) I 272 see vol IT 141 n 576 for a bibliography for lbw l55 Commodity Prices 409

I

56 POTTERS

with a goblet detenninative ls6 The vessels recorded in these texts may be smaller cup versions of thai larger Ibw jars with the wide mouth and lack of defined neck perhaps pointing to a vessel associated with food preparation and service 157 The delivery list O DeM 288 records fb-nw-kJ

cor 1

vessels perhaps as a fuller writing of bw or as a distinct fonn vithin the Ibw class Vessels ves categorized as Ibw may have had a generalized function as cups or containers for both liquid and con solid foods A comparison can be made with the ~nw vessels which are recorded in significant 4W numbers in the papyrus documents from Lahun and are equated by Bourriau and Quirke with the 346 drinking cups known from the site the only vessel fonn which they consider could have been used in such numbers 158 The bkw of the Deir el-Medina potters show that Ibw vessels too were

lbw 50

delivered in large quantities the The lower numbers of qbw vessels in the deliveries may be related to their larger size In Poids o

No 5135 3 the weight of a metal qbw vessel is stated to be 20 deben or 18 kg Valbelle betv concludes from this that the qbw was significantly larger than the Ibw 159 That qbw designates a POttl simple storage jar may be indicated by the name itself If the connection suggested by du Mesnil two du Buisson between qbw vessels and qb cool can be accepted it may suggest that qbw vessels were storage jars perhaps for water and other liquids The connection may also suggest the

sigh one

material of manufacture qbw vessels could have been made from marl clay which cools water Helc through evaporation

As storage jars qbw vessels may have been connected in shape or broad function with the qbwshyIf a have

n-wt canopic jar The coincidence of the name suggests some correspondence The simple canopic jar fonns given by Georges Nagel for Tomb 359 seem similar in shape to vessels found in the cellar of a house in the village160 However Nagels sample is so small that any identification is tentative Janssen cautions that the standard shape of a canopic jar was rarely used as the fonn of bronze or pottery vessels 161 This may be a principle of decorum vessels with a funerary purpose not being equated in fonn with ordinary domestic ceramics The connection between qbw and qbw-n-wt may be simply that they were both in one fonn or another storage jars

Although the qbw may have been proportionally larger than the lbw it is very unlikely that

capa temp capa appn meas

Cc vso cannc into i

either fonn had a fixed capacity at Deir el-Medina W W Struve [V V Struve] offered the only attempt to determine the capacity of the qbw (or qby) vessel based largely on Greek evidence and his research on P Boulaq 18162 Wolfgang HeIcks review of this evidence led him to conclude

dOCUJ

repre betw( vesse restril than 1

156 R A Caminos The Chronicle ofPrince Osorkon Analecta Orientalia 37 (Rome 1958) 129 157 p Cairo 58088 indicates that bw could have had a large size in this case accommodating 3 ds measures See also Janssen Commodity Prices 433 n 170 C Daniel Les noms egyptiens de certains types de vases

proba fixed

In

grecs Studia et Acta Orientalia 5-6 (1967) 383-5 equates the lIb vessel with the Greek 10 olt7tW and the vesse

Mycenaean di-pa He notes that the di-pa depicted on a tablet corresponds in shape with the form of the fib indicated by the determinative used for the word The depictions of the di-pa that Daniel cites are not 163 DG

comparable in form with the Ibw depicted in the Karnak offering list D H F Gray Linear Band evidee Archaeology Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies of the UniverSity of London 6 (1959) pI 7 I andDI would argue that the form of the lbw was very flexible 164 It 1

158 Bourriau and Quirke The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects 74 some 159 Catalogues des poids a inscriptions hieratiques de Deir el-Medineh Nos 5001-5423 DFIFAO 16 165 Da~

(Cairo 1973) 18 166 FOI 160 La ceramique du Nouvel Empire aDeir el Medineh DFIFAO 10 (Cairo 1938)35 cf 122 no 38 42 SpaHn 44 167 Da 161 Commodity Prices 412 sugges 162 Mathematischer Papyrus des staatlichen Museums der SchOnen Kunste in Moskau (Berlin 1930) 55 Ceram withn2 25 1itr

lions of vessel

-nw-k

Vessels llid and ilificant vith the Ie been )0 were

n Poids lalbelle ~ates a Mesnil vessels est the s water

le qbwshysimple

s found lat any rarely vessels s The omlor

~ly that Iteonly lce and melude

~asures

le vases and the the b are not Band pI 7 I

AO 16

3842

gt30) 55

EQliAnONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 57

that the qbw had no fixed capacity Rather it seems that vessels such as the Ibw and qbw could correspond to a range of different ds measures 163

Two texts may point to some perhaps proportional equivalence between qbw vessels and dpr vessels In O DeM 135 the record of the accumulated deficits of two potters includes a conversion from dpr vessels into qbw vessels 9 dpr vessels to (=) qbw vessels making Urn) 4Yz (see section 31) Such a conversion may indicate a size ratio between the vessels O DeM 346 vso 3 records 42 dpr vessels [making Urn)] 22 qbt vessels (see n 89 for the restoration) Ibw vessels may also be equated with dpr vessels in O DeM 202 dpr vessels 30 [as] 15 bw 50 (1 3_4)164 The restoration here is problematic and the hypothesis of any equivalence between the two types must remain tentative

O Berlin P 10654 vso displays a similar complexity in possible equivalences this time between qbw vessels and jnJt vessels This text (discussed in section 33) seems to record the potters production of ceramics on days 10 20 and 30 of II bt and day 10 of IIIilt The final two lines state total 230 of (n) qbw vessels [ ] specifying it (wp st) 23 jnJt vessels At first sight such a text seems to point to a proportional relationship between these vessels a qbw being one tenth of ajnJt Such a ratio is quite possible because jnJt vessels do seem to have been large Heicks calculations from O Gardiner 81 indicate that ajnJt vessel was 2 of a mnt-amphora 165

If a mnt had a liquid capacity of c 20 hin and a hin was 048 litres the capacity of a jnlzt would have been c 53 hin or 2551itres O Berlin P 10654 vso would then show that a qbw vessel had a capacity of c 53 hin or 25 litres whieh is a sensible size for a storage jar 166 Although it is tempting to make such equations from this data this evidence is based on assumptions about the capacity of other vessel types so is tentative HeIck estimated that the ds vessel had a eapacity of approximately 3 litres 167 If so the qbw in P Boulaq 18 would have been double the size ofa ds measure in order to contain the 2 ds (e 6 litres)

Contextual study of the equation between qbw vessels and other types in O Berlin P 10654 vso O DeM 135 and O DeM 346 vso indicates some form of size ratio operated although we cannot easily determine the flexibility of that ratio or how it was used A conversion of one vessel into its equivalent of another type is unusual in a text like O Berlin P 10654 vso which seems to document the actual produetion of vessels even their firing If the last two lines of the text represent the total of ceramics produced in this process then the specification of a relationship between the two vessels types is rather strange Perhaps the original order was for 230 qbw vessels and this was then converted into the equivalent in jn~t vessels Ifjn~t vessels had a more restricted even ritual function the equivalence expressed here may be more abstract or complex than a ratio of capacity The size of vessels delivered may have been standardized to some extent probably based on ease of delivery and manageability within a domestic eontext rather than as fixed measures

In such a context a value relationship might well have operated The jnlzt as a specialized vessel may have had a more established value in relation to which the qbw vessels could be set

163 Das Bier im Alten Agypten (Berlin 1971) 47 See also Anthony Spalingers re-evaluation of the evidence for the capacity of these vessels including discussion of O DeM 135 and 202 Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 314 His conclusions largely correspond with mine 164 It may also be possible to read dpr 30 Urnl 15 lbw 50 which would support the hypothesis of some sort ofequivalence 165 Das Bier 47 16lt5 For a review of evidence concerning the capacity of the mnl including discussion of this text see A Spalinger Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 312-3 167 Das Bier 46 R L Miller (is-vessels Beer Mugs Cirrhosis and Casting Slag GM 115 (1990) 64 suggests that the ds was a drinking vessel perhaps to be equated with depictions given in Nagel Ceramique 199-206 Miller identifies a jar found at Saqqara as a ds vessel noting that it had a capacity of 25 litres roughly corresponding to Heicks estimate

58 POTTERS

In O DeM 135 the scribe may well have calculated the value of the vessels owed down to the half vessel A parallel for this is found in O Turin 57062 vso 4 where 2Yz jnJtt vessels are set

dlagainst five vessel types which precede them (their names are lost) The recording of five vessels compared with half that amount in jnJtt vessels producing the unusual amount of a half vessel tt

2again suggests a value equivalence Since vessels do not appear with fixed values in the price

SJtexts their worth may well have been assessed in relation to other vessel types st b42 A specialized vessel jnJzt DApart from the two vessel types or classes that formed the basis of the deliveries of ceramics to rethe village the potter texts also occasionally enumerate other types jnJtt vessels although well

known from other contexts are rare in the potter texts A few texts that may indicate their ritproduction or delivery by the Deir el-Medina potters illuminate aspects of its function and context

of use The pattern of occurrence of jnJtt vessels indicates a specialized vessel type the shape of which is unknown The jnJtt vessel is most widely documented as a storage container for beer and as Walter F Reineke notes outside the data from Deir el-Medina it was often made of gold or silver J68 That this vessel could be supplied as part of the ceramic requirement of the village seems to be indicated by the delivery lists from the early 19th Dynasty (Category E) Some of these lists record jnJzt vessels although they are not always indisputably connected with the smdt potters

In the Category E delivery lists of wood and ceramics jnJtt vessels occur four times their total Ccamount being low in comparison with the other vessels enumerated in these texts In O DeM 1 6 una total of 7 jnlu vessels are delivered 5 of good quality 2 of poor In O DeM 17 4 only 3 jnJzt aUvessels were delivered (2 good 1 poor) in comparison with 290 lbw recorded in the previous intline and in O DeM 15 3 7 jn~lt vessels were delivered as against 295 Ibw vessels 16 jnJzt povessels are documented in O DeM 23 5 (the text is broken and the reading at the end of the line

uncertain)169 bei ve~Only two texts explicitly includejnJtt vessels in pottery deliveries 0 Qurna 6181 records two

jnJtt vessels among the deficit of 55 qbw and 265 Ibw vessels incurred by the potter Menna O IJry Michaelides 33 rto 3-6 J70 This text records for III Jot 30 matching deliveries from a potter to vex

Right and Left among other deliveries of wood and gypsum the potter 1 jnlp vessels 20 (pJ qd 1 jnJzt 20)171 The stroke read as one after the title p qd could refer to the bkw of the potter not

with jnJtt vessels being an addition to the quota delivered 172 jnJtt vessels were therefore a wit gocomponent of the potters repertoire and this fact may complicate the interpretation of other texts

where they occur173 More generally jnJzt vessels are recorded as being delivered filled with beer I thisand thus are probably not associated with ceramic delivery

174 (

Me(J68 Der Zusammenhang der altagyptischen Hohl- und UingenmaBe MID 9 (1963) 146 175( 169 Kitchen restores 16jnli vessels [by the hand of A]meneminet (KRII 367 8 a-b) but there does not 176 1appear to be space for this formula in the break The rest of this text is similar to the other wood and pottery

177pounddelivery lists See the discussion of parallel texts in section 23 170 Goedicke-Wente pJ 67 However I follow CernYs transcription of the text here (Nb 10830)

178 1

Cau171 Contra Goedicke and Wente who restore IT1l ] on line 3 On line 7 Goedicke and Wente read 27 jnlt 197vessels instead of 20 vessels and the restoration for the [plasterer] (Pi q() given by Cerny 179 1

172 Alternatively it could refer to a single potter although this would be unusual in this context (see section Rek21) Compare the reading of this text with that discussed for O DeM 154 rto 15-6 in section 34 Egy

173 Other entries for this day include specialty breads and ds measures of beer (117-8) while the folloVing somentry for IV Jt 1 records a festival of Hathor (1 9) Although an association with a festival context is Dietpossible the delivery of jnlts as discussed by Spahnger is recorded separately from the breads and ds inameasures and is included among more standard delveries Medinet Habu and Dei elmiddotMedina Combined note310-311 Earl

l to the are set vessels vessel e price

mics to ~h well e their ~ontext

mpe of Ir beer of gold village ome of le smdt

ir total M 16 r 3jn~f

revious 16 jn~t he line

ds two mao O )tter to (pJ qd potter fore a r texts th beer

oes not pottery

27 jn~t

section

llowing rrtext is and ds

lbined

EQUATIONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 59

jn~t vessels of beer occur consistently in a series of six Category E ostraca that seem to document the delivery of commodities associated with festival or temple offerings174 Four of these texts state that the commodities were delivered by an individual in O DeM 20 and O DeM 25 the deliveries are made by a local priest Each of these six texts lists items that include speciality foodstuffs and jn~t vessels of beer rather than the fuel and plain unfilled pottery of standard deliveries II smw 12 by the hand of the local priest (w(b Sf) 175 60 large j nJzt vessels of beer entered 56 deficit 4 120 (bundles of) vegetables ISO s(t cakes and 100 rJzs cakes (0 DeM 20) The only exception in this group is O DeM 26 where 30 large jn~1f vessels are recorded 27 are entered (jw) and there is a deficit on No beer is recorded with these vessels

The recto of O DeM 29 may confirm that lists containing such products are associated with rituals or festivals rather than deliveries of materials to the village 176

total of various (sbn)jnl)tvessels of beer 653 [+x] the record of the [ ] which were given as offerings (snw) [] good bread loaves of [ ] s(t cake [x oipeJ rJzs cakes [ J jnJzt vessels of beer [ J beer [ ]

Connections of this vessel type with the temple or festival sphere nmy explain features of the unique and difficult distribution text O BM 50728 discussed in section 23 The text records the allocation ofjnJzt vessels to individual crew members The 10 + 5 jnJzt vessels seem to be grouped into four different categories perhaps accordin~ to quality of the vessel or its contents and possibly its shape or finish 177 5 doubly good (~reg) jnJzt vessels in the fashion of hbny [vessels] being returned (m hyt) 2 for Baky I for Huy 1 (for) (Omek 1 for Qaha totalS (11 5-6) Six vessels given to individuals in line 7 one for each nmn are stated to be middling good (11fr mshyhry-jb) and line 10 enumerates two vessels that also have a designation perhaps reading not (J I~~ 3)very poor _ 1

If the jnJzt vessels were more specialized beer vessels used in festival or ritual contexts then the note of quality either of contents or of the vessel itself would have been important This concern with quality can also be seen in the delivery lists where the jnJzt vessels are described as either good or poor 178

Particularly difficult to understand in this context are the writings of hbny perhaps referring to this well-known amphora-shaped vessel I19 The five doubly goodjnl)t vessels are designated in

174 O DeM 19 20 21 25 26 27 For further discussion of these texts see Spalinger Deir e1middotMedina and Medinet Habu Combined 311

(1 0

175 l=n (1 1) For another writing of this title see O DeM 25 2 176 The verso of this text records only nswt bjty mnmiddotmrtmiddotrr 177 For the use of red ink in this text see p 19 n 75 above

178 O DeM 1 6 174 For discussion of the meaning of snn 1~ in these contexts see D Valbelle Catalogue des poids ainscriptions hieratiques de Deir eAmiddotfedineh Nos 500l-5423 DFIFAO 16 (Cairo 1977)23 179 Wh II 487 There are depictions of the hbnylhbnt vessel in Urk IV 11308 11352 and in the tomb of Rekhmire N de G Davies The Tomb of Rekh-mi-r~ at Thebes The Metropolitan Museum of Art Egyptian Expedition 11 (New York 1943) I pIs 33 34 In these examples it is shaped as an amphora sometimes without handles and often contains honey E A W Budge An Egyptian Hieroglyphic Dictionary (London 1920)446 gave the capacity of a hbnt ndst as one quarter of a hin F G Hilton-Price in an earlier publication Notes on Some Egyptian Antiquities in My Collection TSBA 9 (1886) 353 noted the same capacity for this vessel Here see also T G H James The Heqanakhte Papers and Other Early Middle Kingdom Documents (New York 1962) 118

60 POTTERS

the fashion of hbny vessels (~[]~IlJ1J 0) (vso 5) This seems to express an equivalence between the two vessel types perhaps representing an addition or finish to the jn~lt vessel that increased its value Du Mesnil du Buisson speculated in his discussion of the hhnl vessel that the word related to hbny ebony t ruJ-Oi) and indicated a blackened colour or lustre to the vesseL I80 hbny also occurs as an annotation above the entries of jnit vessels for particular workmen in lines 8-12 of the recto The entry on line 13 (hhny n [ ]) may indicate that hhny vessels themselves were also delivered to the workmen named in the following lines So far as I know hbny vessels do not occur in other Deir el-Medina textsl8J These notations may also refer to some sort of finishing to the j nit vesseL

The inclusion of more unusual designations for the vessels certainly points to the exceptional nature ofthe delivery in O BM 50728 as does the entry of an amount ((i(w) of bJq oil (8) in line lOon the verso after the specification of 10 further jnlJl vessels for particular workmen (pJ WpWl

n plIO n jnlJt n tJ jst) Janssen observes that this oil was rarely used by the workmen as it was too expensive 182 It is possible that the text refers to the delivery of jnit vessels of bJq oil the references to quality therefore referring to the quality of oil rather than the vessel itself The designation hbny may be associated with this as welL

Complicating this analysis is the proposed large size of jnit vessels (discussed in section 41) which may account to some extent for its more restricted function within the vessel repertoire jnlJt vessels occur only rarely in the Medinet Habu festival calendar indicating that even within the temple their use was specialized ls3 The ealculation of the equivalence in contents of the vessels in O Gardiner 81 indicates that we are dealing with a set capacity for these vessel types in this text 184 If the capacity of a jnit was 53 hin or 255 Htres this would equate to a significant quantity ofbJq oil per person 185

O BM 50728 remains a puzzle Despite thc difficulties in interpretation it seems most likely that it records allocation of vessels possibly filled with oil or beer for festival or cultic purposes The careful documentation of such a distribution may also indicate that the vessels were not to be kept by the men perhaps only being used by them for the event and then returned to the temple A large size may serve to explain their more limited and specialized oecurrence in the data perhaps restricted to the religious sphere rather than playing a role in the domestic life of the villagers

In this instance contextual analysis of texts that seem to relate to ceramic deliveries can alter our understanding of these texts and illuminate the role and function of a vessel type in the community For vessels that were delivered more commonly we can observe the potential for flexibility in the classification systems these would repay further detailed study sectS Conclusion Analysis of the texts concerning pottery delivery leaves a number of questions unanswered and areas unexplored the limited number of sources available and problems inherent in them restrict their potential for interpretation However some insights into the organization and administrative structures of Deir el-Medina are fortheoming from the material Within the meticulous record keeping of the village the key theme seems to be flexibility This flexibility is apparent in the

180 Noms et signes 28 181 Janssen did not include them in his chapter on Vessels in Commodity Prices None of the references for the entry in the Wb II 487 has a Deir e1-Medina provenance 182 Commodity Prices 330 183 On the occurrence of the jnltt in the Medinet Hahn festival lists see A Spalinger Medinet Habn and Deir ei-Medina Combined 311-2 ]84 Heick Das Bier 46 185 Even if the mnt was only 10 hin a jnltt would still be of a substantial size c 11-12 iitres Janssen Commodity Prices 434

N

CONCLUSION 61

number of potters assigned to the crew the size and content of the quota required every 10 days and the timing of deliveries The final section of my study also points to the potential flexibility of form size and function of the pots themselves

Although we can find implications in the potter texts for features of society beyond the village itself such as the specifie interpretation of bkw or the occurrence of vessels in royal festival calendars it must be borne in mind that the real value of the Deir el-Medina material lies in its potential to illuminate the lives of ordinary people in Ramessid Egypt For that purpose we need to attend most closely to the village context

Appendix The potters of Deir el-Medina Names of potters in documents relating to the delivery of ceramics

I

Names of potters in documents concerning matters other than the supply of ceramics

I 1 (Omek i Turin Strike Papyrus RAD 476 I

2 Khonsu bull O Turin 57192 1

3 Herunefer bull O DeM 73 rto 2

4 Paaeminet I O Berlin P 12343 vso 3

5 Bakenmut P Turin 2018 A rto la 5 rto IV 17 vso I 6 B rto II 4 D I rto 14 P BM 10068 vso V l3

6 Wenennefer P BM 10068 vso V 14

alence el that 1at the to the ticular thbny ar as I ) refer

ltional in line middotwpwt it was til the f The

1 41) rtoire within of the pes in ificant

likely poses tto be ~mple data of the

1 alter in the ial for

d and estrict rative ecord in the

rences

)U and

nssen

1 I Menna O IFAO 387 1 O Qurna 618i1 O DeM 91 1 O Berlin P 10840 vso 1

2 bull Nakhy I

O IFAO 3874 O DeM 914

3 I Ptahemheb O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O DeM 343 2 P Greg vso B 8 rto A11

4 Parahotep O DeM 868

5 Hori O DeM 868 O DeM 869

6 Herunefer O Cairo 25597 rto 3

7 Neferher O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O Cairo 25633 vso 2

8 Amennakht O DeM 44 rto 8

9 Dmek P Turin 2081+2095 rto 1

10 ltAhawy P Turin 1881 vso V 1 VI 7 VII 1 () Giornale of year 17 rto B II 2 P Turin 2018 A vso 1 12 B rto II 11 B vso II 17 P BM 10068 vso VI 25 P Turin 2014 rto 27-8 P BM 10054 vso II 9

62 POTTERS

Addendnm

Pierre Grandets Catalogue des ostraca hieratiques non litteraires de Deir el-Medineh IXbecame available just as this chapter went to the press This volume contains a number of important potter texts I have included them in the tables on pages 33-7 and provide a short account of them here

O DeM is the longest and most detailed potter account known to me I will be adressing the issues it raises in a further publication It records deliveries made by the potters Ptahemheb Parahotep Hori and Neferher for the months of I bt to I prt of a year 6 The title p qd occurs only in line I in reference to Ptahemheb but probably also covers the other individuals named Ptahemheb and Neferher are known from other potter accounts discussed in this chapter O DeM 869 also published by Grandet and dated to a year 6 records deliveries made by Hori of qbw and lbw vessels to Right Both Hori and Parahotep are not otherwise attested in the potter texts In O DeM 868 details of delivery are grouped according to individual potters In line 13 Neferher delivers vessels to Left (t rj smM this is the only statement concerning Right or Left in this text That four potters deliver during the same general period emphasizes the potential number of potters involved in delivery which is not generally apparent in many of the potter texts Ptahemheb and Neferher make deliveries on different days in IV bt The vessel numbers vary except for those delivered as the making good of deficits by Ptahemheb which are consistent sums (II 3-4) The vessels delivered include qbw and Ibw vessels as well as gy andjnlt this text therefore provides further evidence thatjnJtt vessels were part of the potters repertoire

Grandet follows Gutgesell in assigning a date in the mid-20th Dynasty to O DeM 868 and 869 19thMy assignment of a late Dynasty date to the other account ostraca of Ptahemheb and

Neferher (0 Cairo 25591 O Cairo 25633 and O DeM 343) is based on the record of Ptahemhebs deliveries in P Greg firmly dated by Janssen to the reign of Siptah186 Gutgesell places Ptahemheb in the 20th Dynasty on the basis of the occurrence of this name in P Turin 2006+ 1961 usually dated to year 29 of Ramesses 111 [87 The Ptahemheb in this text is not a potter and so is a different individual I propose that the late 19th Dynasty date of the other documents should therefore be retained and should also be adopted for O DeM 868 and 869

Further texts relevant to potters in Grandets volume include O DeM 877 in which a list of arrears in water supplies are measured in jnlt vessels O DeM 871-3 are sherds bearing the phrase mJ qd Grandet considers these phrases along with the phrase ml m-rJrt p-Jtm-nlr complete by the hand ofPahemnetjerthe priest on O DeM 870 as delivery marks inscribed on the pots themselves18S

186 Janssen Village Varia 115-6 187 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 252 309-12 188 Catalogue des ostraca IX 49-50

UNT

Marel

sectl Eil Die A Papyr Einwc zusHin Verw Angell besch~

Bei suchur wichtil Andre Vortei Juni 2( nicht-li recherc

Beirr allgem

bull Der MaXI

mieh Aufn Doni Sieh~

J Ja grap dazu

2 Sieht tause Peri Gutg Teil1 el ME Held Janss Histo

6 MeD Valb

g Venn Witnl II Ta

10 Ein P II Gutg 12 Allan 13 Held

Page 5: Woodcutters, Potters and Doorkeepers Service Personnel of the Deir El Medina Workmen

I

32 POTTERS

tentative inclusion in Category C 14 In contrast O DeM 135 records the delivery of two unnamed potters so the text is included in Category B

My Category D consists of 13 ostraca that do not include names and in which the numbers of potters referred to is unclear Two of these texts warrant further discussion The recto of O DeM 143 records deficits of wood deliveries for two woodcutters and so is assigned by Janssen to Category B 1 (above p 2) The verso which is entirely a pottery account includes no names so I have assigned it to my Category D O Strasbourg H 2615 does not refer explicitly to vessel types the recto only gives dates and notes of supply by the hand of unnamed individuals as complete (mJt) this form of text has a parallel in the recto of O Gardiner 80 (HO 61 4) On the verso of O Strasbourg H 26 the text may record deficit of the [potter) (1 4) although the end of the line is broken away qd was restored by Jaroslav Cerny (Nb 3561)16 I include this text as a pottery account although its status remains uncertain (see section 37) O Cairo 25704 assigned to Category D is also problematic and may not record a pottery delivery (see section 23)

Among my remaining sources O DeM 73 concerns a legal dispute over the hiring of a donkey (Janssens Category F) The verso of 0 Berlin P 10654 (unpubl) seems to refer to the firing of vessels in ten day periods (see 34) 0 DeM 337 and O BM 50728 17 may concern the distribution of vessels to workmen O BM 50728 is problematic and is discussed at greater length in sections 23 and 42 A potter is included at the end of a list of smdt in O IFAO 351 (unpubl rto 2) following a gardener and a doorkeeper Line 3 begins with the word vessels (qru) but the rest is lost It is unclear whether this text refers to a delivery the list of smdt in lines 1-2 may indicate that it is associated with an aspect of organization O Cairo 25597 records the distribution of bundles to members of the smdt including a potter Tassign these texts to my Category G texts that are related to the organization and distribution of the potters work rather than explicitly enumerating delivery

These categories are necessarily artificial the contents of the texts in each category are often complementary and the relationship between them unclear The fragmentary nature of many of the texts must also be kept in mind (see above p 2) I do not claim that my categories reflect any ancient administrative system of recording We have little access to any such broader systems in the material Any division of the documentation concerning potters into these classes or categories can impose certain expectations about individual texts1S Such a division is however a useful tool in analysing the texts and understanding their potential and limitations for illuminating aspects of the organization and deliveries of the potters

13 Dating oftexts My criteria for dating the texts again follows those presented by Janssen for the woodcutters (see above p 3) and I have modelled the tables in this section upon those he has developed As in Janssens tables I present the texts in six lists with the seventh reserved for undatable texts Discussions of the dates of individual ostraca and papyri by Manfred GutgeseUl9 and Benedict

14 If as I argue in 22 there was usually only one potter assigned to eaeh side of the crew 15 Yvan Koenig Les ostraca hieratiques inMits de fa Bibliotheque Nationale et Universitaire de Strasbourg DFIFAO 33 (Cairo 1997) pI 7-8 16 Koenig by contrast tentatively restores nty ibid pI 8 17 R J Demaree Ramesside Ostraca (London 2002) pI 124-5 18 There is often a fine line between account texts and journals The guide of Janssen Appendix the journal of the necropolis ostraea from the reign of Ramesses III 92-4 provides my criteria for classifying the journal documentation from this reign 19 Die Datierung del Ostraka und Papyri aus DeiI el-Medineh und ihre iikonomische interpretation I Die 20 Dynastie Hildesheimer Agyptologische Beitrage 18 (Hildesheirn 1983) id Die Datienmg del Ostraka und Papyri aus DeiI el-Medilleh iI Die Ostlaka der 19 Dynastie Hildesheimer Agyptologische Beitragc 44 (Hildesheirn 20(2)

Da ther corr fran

20 inch datil Catf exce nam acco Grot Dym Grot who

GrOl

00

00

0Dj

O Pe

O Dlt

ODc

o Tu

bull OOr

IOTu

I~ron f- shy

20 Davi 21 See

Pracee CJE 22 ibid DieDa 23 Gutg 24 ibid 25 ibid

med

rs of DeM ~n to so I pes plete so of ~ line Ittery

~d to

nkey flg of ution tions D2) est is licate on of texts icitly

often fly of t any 1sin s or ever s for

(see As in texts ledict

re de

x the ifying

I Die g der $ische

DATING OF TEXTS 33

Davies20 are noted Since many of the sources for pottery deliveries also deal with fuel supply there is some overlap in the data Despite this I feel these tables provide useful points of comparison with those for the woodcutters Presenting the texts in this way also establishes a framework and reference points for the analysis that follows

I have expanded Janssens group I to include earlier years of Ramesses III beginning with year 20 in order to incorporate some account ostraca dated to these years At the end of group I I include 2 journal texts dated to year 5 of Ramesses IV (0 DeM 655 656) Group II includes texts dating to the reign of Sety L As with the woodcutter documents this group consists mainly of Category E texts O Cairo 25704 a Category D text dated to the wltm-mswt of Sety I is the only exceptionl Group III contains texts dated to the reign of Ramesses II largely on the basis of names In accordance with Davies discussion of the year 9 date in O Berlin P 10840 the accounts of Menna and Nakhy could date to either Sety I or Ramesses 1122 I include them in Group III I have identified a smaller number of accounts and journal texts from the late 19th

Dynasty (Group IV) and three texts that possibly date to the reign of Ramesses III (Group V) Group VI as in Janssens list contains mainly papyrus documents from the later 20th Dynasty whose diverse contents means that they cannot be easily assigned to textual categories

Group I

yr

o Gardiner 80 (HO 611 4) yr 21

O DeM l43vso yr 2424

O Petrie 50 (HO 1911) yr25W

O DeM 169 + O Berlin P 12633 yr25 W

O DeM 35 yr28W A I

AO Turin 57153 yr26

O Or Inst Chicago 16998 (unpub) yr26 D

yr27 A

A

Ayr27

yr 28 AO DeM 156 -~

DO Strasbourg H 26 yr 2925

20 Davies Whos Who 21 See S Wimmer Hieratische Palaographie zur Datierung der nicht-literarischen Ostraka in Proceedings of the Seventh International Congress ofEgyptologists Cambridge 3~9 September 1995 cd C J Eyre (Leuven 1998) 1230-31 for discussion of the dating of this text 22 ibid 124 contra Gutgesell who dates O IFAO 387 and o DeM 91 to the latter half of the 19th Dynasty Die Datierung Die Ostraka del 19 Dynastie 49146 23 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 102 24 ibid 368 25 ibid 120

34 POTTERS

10 DeM 165

0 DeM 154

0 DeM 157

0 DeM 159

I ODeM 36

IODeM 37 i i 0 DeM 166

I ODeM 153

i 0 DeM 38

0DeM39

0 Berlin P 12631

0 DeM 40 + 0 Strasbourg H 42

bull 0 OeM 41

0DeM43

0 DeM47

0 Berlin P 12641 + 12628

0 DeM 160 0 Strasbourg H 5

0 DeM 161 -- degStrasbourg H 82

0 DeM44

0 DeM45

0 Gardiner 113 (liO 7311)

0 Cairo 25597

0 DeM 655

0 DeM 656

I Group II

0 DeM 1-19

bull O DeM22

26 ibid 123 27 ibid 36 28 ibid 47-8

yr 3026 D

yr31 W A

yr 31 W I A

yr 31 A

yr 31 I A

yr 31

yr 31 W27

I yr312W

yr 32

yr 321

yr1

yr1

yr1

yr1

yr1

yr1

yr 1W28

A

A

A

A

A

A

A

A

A

A

A

I A

yrlW A

yr 12 A

yr2 A

yr2 A

yr2 G

yr5 A

yr5 AI

E

E

I

I

0D1 I

10Dl

001

1001

I 0 Or

~ I F

[ Grou] i ODe

l~ ~

r~ IoJr---=shy

0 Del

Groul

ODel

0 Cai

10 Cai

10 Del

i O Del

29 Davi O ibid Ramesl 31 ibid 32 For Ostrak

DATING OF TEXTS 35

ODeM23

ODeM28

ODR5

I E

ODR6 i E

ODR7

ODR8

O Or Inst Chicago 18878 (unpubl) I

O Gardiner 43 (HO 26 2)

I o Cairo 25704 yr2

i

Group III

O DeM 91

O Berlin P 10840 yr 9 Sety IIRamesses rr29

I O IFAO 387 (unpubl)

O Qurna 6181

O DeM623

O BM 50728

O DeM202

i Group IV

O DeM606

E

E

E

E

D

B

B

B

C

D

G30

A 32

I

Blbull O Cairo 25591

O Cairo 25633 Bl

O DeM 343 yr6 Cl I

o DeM 868 yr6 C I

29 Davies Whos Who 124 30 ibid 219 n 201 Gutgesell considers the dating of this text very uncertain but inclines towards year 2 of Ramesses II Die Datierung Die Ostraka der 19 Dynastie 47 3] ibid 159 32 For the scribes mentioned in this text see Davies PVhos Who 127 Gutgesell Die Datierung Die Ostraka der 19 Dynastie 91

36 POTTERS

O DeM 869 yr6 B

O DeM 135 B i

P Greg (P UC 34336) yrs 5-7 Siptah A I

o Cairo 25593 D

Group V

O Michaelides 33 (OM pi 67) Ramesses m33 A=

P Turin 1961 Ramesses III34

O DeM 416 Ramesses IIIIIV35 D

Group VI

P Turin 1880 yT 29 Ramesses III

O DeM346 Ramesses IV_y36 C

O Gardiner 145 (unpuhl) yr 1 Ramesses y37 D

P Turin 2044 (unpuhl) yr 1 Ramesses yJ8

P Turin 2081+2095 (unpuhl) mid 20th Dynasty39

O Berlin 10654 (unpubl) late 20th Dynasty40 G

I P Turin 20701133 134 + rto late 20 th Dynasty4J A

I P Turin 2014 (unpuhl) late 20th Dynasty42

P Turin 1881 + yr 7 Ramesses IX

P Turin 1900+shy yrs 4-9 Ramesses IX

P Turin 20711224 [140] yr 10 Ramesses IX43

year yr 17 Ramesses IX

33 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 253 34 ibid 309-12 For the numbering of this papyrus see J J IanssenJorthcoming 35 ibid 369 36 Davies Whos Who 284 contra Gutgesel1 who dates the text to Ramesses II Die Datierung Die Ostraka der 19 Dynastie 159 37 Gutgesell Die Dalierung 20 Dynastie 77-8 38 ibid 256 39 Janssen Commodity Prices 98 Gutgesell Die Datiermg 20 Dynastie 227-32 40 ibid 442 41 ibid 242 42 Janssen and Janssen The Laundrymen of the Theban Necropolis 5 n 30 43 Kitchen RIVI 637-38

O GI

IFl

O IFi

OCa ~ i ODe

sect2 Th 21 Th Accou of the the de interes largel) throug virtual archae ethnoa

The of the identif Dynas1 therefc notes f

44 The ( the late 45 One 1

records that the single ( potters context 46 Rapp pubiqu

g Die

THE ORGANIZATION OF WORK AND DELIVERY 37

P Turin 1898+ yr 3 Ramesses X

P Turin 1888 yr 1 Ramesses XI

i yrs 8-10 Ramesses XI

bull Anonymous Turin fragment

(Cerny MSS 3616)

Group VII

O Gardiner 88 (HO 5511)

O DeM703

O DeM337

bull O IFAO 245 (unpub)

I OlFAO 351

O CaIro 25245

i O DeM 871-3

D i

D

G44

D

G

D

i G

sect2 The organization of work and delivery 21 The evidence for workshops Account texts in particular provide important clues for understanding aspects of the organization of the potters work including the number of potters delivering at anyone time supervision of the deliveries and distribution of the vessels to the workmen However since the scribes were interested primarily in documenting the receipt or deficit of the pottery such information is largely based on inference Although it is possible to identify stages within the delivery process through the documentation evidence for the organization of the pottery workshops themselves is virtually non-existent45 Hypotheses about the workshops can be made from limited archaeological data and by analogy with the evidence for the pottery industries at el-Amarna and ethnoarchaeological research

The written sources are almost devoid of information concerning the location of the workshops of the potters of Deir el-Medina and the archaeological evidence is ambiguous Bernard Bruyere

18 uJidentified what he considered wasters from a potters workshop on the exterior of the Dynasty village at the base of the wall of Thutmose I beneath the 19th Dynasty house SE 1 He therefore assumed that most pottery production occurred within the village itself46 Nicholson notes that most of the private home complexes at el-Amarna had pottery kilns implying domestic

44 The dating of this text is very uncertain but Gutgesell considers it to be from the reign of Ramesses II or the late 19th Dynasty Die Datierung Die Ostraka der 19 Dynastie lOS n 95 45 One text may refer to the work of the potter in making vessels The verso of O Berlin P 10654 (unpubl) records the potter fashioning (qd) vessels on days 1020 and 30 of II 1bt and day 10 of III 1bt It may be that these dates are the days on which the shaping or firing of the ceramics occurred The recording of single days favours the interpretation that the text records firing events However little else about the potters work can be inferred from this text A translation ofthis text is provided in section 33 in another context 46 Rapport sur les fouilles de Deir el Medineh (1934-1935) Troisieme Partie Le village les dfJcharges publiques fa station de repos du col de la Valtee des Rots IFAO (Cairo 1939) 264 341

--

38 POTTERS

production of some simple forms alongside those produced in the kilns of the state-controlled the workshops47 There is no further evidence for such a practice at Deir el-Medina Dominique con Valbelle also assumed that the potters worked close to the village48 but there is no archaeological evidence for workshops in the vicinity 22

Rostislav Holthoers survey of New Kingdom kiln sites does not include any at Deir elshy Thn Medina However he did record a kiln associated with a 19th to 2200 Dynasty habitation to the left time of the road between Deir el-Medina and Medinet Habu This kiln is small being only 11Ocm wide invc and 70cm high and may be considered too small for the considerable production levels of the orga Deir el-Medina potters49 Nicholson has also noted that the kilns identified by Holthoer at elshy char Amarna were in fact ovens associated with different industries5o This casts some doubt over text~

Holthoers identifications It is also uncertain how far el-Amarna is comparable to Deir elshy IS plt Medina expl

Some textual evidence may indicate that the workshops were located some distance from the S( village The service staff of Deir el-Medina was generally regarded as of the outside their (unp deliveries perhaps made to the gatehouse of the necropolis p lJtm n p lJr from a location DeM external to the village itself although this is nowhere stated in a text concerning pottery but t delivery51 A workshop location on the floodplain also seems appropriate in view of the ostra quantities of water required by potteries The town register on the verso ofP BM 10068 dated to the d year 12 probably of Ramesses XI seems to support such a location52 Three potters are included Ar in the list of houses centred on Medinet Habu two of these rAhawy and Bakenmut are known sumn from contemporaneous journal papyri The potter r Ahawy of the tomb is also included among Pash( those receiving grain who belong to every house [within] the enclosure wall of the temple of Ipuy Usermaatre meriamun These houses are not necessarily to be equated with their workshops relatilt

Potteries are generally regarded as unpleasant and anti-social operations requiring their on th location on the outskirts of settlements53 Such an assumption may sometimes be based on actior imposition of modern concepts of pollution Although the pottery workshop at el-Amarna was on delivf the outskirts of the main city area54 there is ethnographic evidence for pottery workshops sited crew within residential areas55 Be that as it may the location of the pottery workshops which supplied Lefts

whetl1 defici work

47 The Firing of Pottery in An Introduction to Ancient Egyptian Pottery eds D Arnold and 1 Bourriau seem (Mainz 1993) 113 Nicholson The Pottery Workshop at Q 484 at Tell e1-Amarna 67 The S1 48 Ouvriers 265

exam~ 49 New Kingdom Pharaonic Sites The Pottery ed T Siive-Soderbergh vol 51 The Scandanavian joint

twomexpedition to sudanese Nubia (Copenhagen Oslo Stockholm 1977)22

as one 50 The Firing of Pottery 112 Evidence of pottery kilns was also found behind the mortuary temple of

side OJAmenhotep son of Hapu A Varille and C Robichon Quatre nouveaux temples Thebains CdE 10 (1935) L It has been suggested that these kilns were a component of the industrial area which operated put the on behalf of the mortuary temples 1 D Bourriau P T Nicholson and P 1 Rose Pottery in Ancient The Egyptian Materials and Technology eds P T Nicholson and I Shaw (Cambridge 2000) 139-40 found 5l See for example Giornale of year 17 of Ramesses IX (Botti and Peet pI 14) rto B I 11middot12 with 1 seem t Cemy A Community of Workmen at Thebes in the Ramesside period BdE 50 (Cairo 1973) 184-5 but see 25591 now Janssen section 8 For discussion of the role of the p IJtm n p IJr see for example R Ventura On (the) p the Location of the Administrative Outpost of the Conununity of Workmen in Western Thebes JEA 73 (1987) 149middot60 52 J J Janssen A New Kingdom Settlement The Verso of Pap BM 10068 AOF 19 (1992) 8-23 56AL 53 PT Nicholson and H L Patterson Pottery Making in Upper Egypt An Ethnoarchaeological Study Worksh World Archaeology 17 (1985) 226 For a negative description of the potters trade in a literary text 1983) transmitted within Deir el-Medina see W Heick Die Lehre des Dw-M KAT (Wiesbaden 1970)53-58 57 This sect IX of this t 54 The pottery workshop at Q 484 at Tell el-Amarna 61 58 Hene 55 Nessim Henry Henein Poterie et potiers d Al-Qasr oasis de Dakhla BdE 116 (Cairo 1997) 124Fo

trolled Imque ogical

eir elshyhe left tlwide of the at el-

It over eir e1shy

)m the their tcation )ottery of the ated to eluded known among Iple of IpS ~ their jed on vas on s sited pplied

ourriau

iI1 joint

3ple of dE 10 )erated Indent

with J but see ra On rEA 73

Study ry text 53-58

THE ORGANIZATION OF WORK AND DELIVERY 39

the village and their internal organization remains a mystery Only when the potters come into contact with the village through delivery do they become more visible in the record

22 How many potters Throughout the 19th and 20th Dynasties the numbers of potters delivering to the village at anyone time seems to have remained largely stable Potteries are understood to be substantial operations involving probably a master potter and a number of assistants56 Evidence for the wider organization of the workshops on this level as well as any adaptations made in response to changes in the size of the village is not apparent in the data (see above pp 12-15) Where the texts do enumerate numbers of potters we can conclude that two were responsible for delivery it is possible that one potter was assigned to each side of the crew but the texts are not generally explicit concerning this level of the organization

Some evidence for potter numbers is found in the 19th Dynasty account texts O IFAO 387 (unpub) separately records the deficits of two potters that ofMerma preceding that ofNakhy O OeM 91 records a deficit accumulated by Menna in lines 1-3 In line 4 Nakhys name is written but the rest of the line was left blank or erased Cerny noted that three lines on the verso of this ostracon had been erased perhaps indicating that the account was originally intended to record the deliveries of both men57

Another account in this group O Berlin P 10840 is more difficult to interpret The recto summarizes Mennas total deficit for 5 months stating that he is under the authority of the scribe Pashed (r-lJt sf P3-sd) On the verso are three lines of text the first giving the name of a scribe Ipuy Lines 2 and 3 record very high totals of vessels (94 qbw vessels and 992lbw vessels) The relationship between the text on the recto and that on the verso is unclear the numbers of vessels on the verso are almost double the amount of those on the recto Other sources recording the actions of Pashed and Ipuy indicate that they were smdt-scribes responsible for the supervision of deliveries Their separate appearance in this text may indicate that deficits for each side of the crew were enumerated seperately because smdt-scribes seem to have been assigned to Right and Left58 It is not clear whether Menna was responsible to the different sides for both deficits or whether the verso deficits belong to a second potter perhaps Nakhy If the latter is the case the deficits of O DeM 91 and O IF AO 387 may also reflect the division into Right and Left The work organization and administration of the crew was structured by this division so it would seem logical that the work and deliveries of the potters should be organized on this basis as well The situation is often not made explicit and these texts can be interpreted in various ways For example an undated and anonymous account text O OeM 135 records deficit of the potters two men (4t n p3 qd s 2) (1 1) The totals of vessels that follow are not divided into two groups as one might expect It is therefore not clear whether the two men were required to deliver to one side of the crew to the viIIage as a single unit or whether for the sake of expediency the scribe put the totals for each side together

The only clear statements concerning a division of the potters deliveries to Right and Left are found in the account ostraca and the journal papyrus from the late 19th Dynasty These texts also seem to confirm that two potters usually delivered to the village at anyone time In O Cairo 25591 rto 4-5 is recorded receipt of the bkw of (the) potter Ptah[emheb] receipt of the bkw of (the) potter Nefer[her] The text breaks off at the end of these lines so it cannot be ascertained

56 A L Kelley Some Reflections on Pottery and Society in Ancient Egypt in Papers of the Pottery Workshop Third International Congress of Egyptology Toronto Sept 1982 ed A L Kelley (Toronto 1983)30 57 This idea is recorded as a note in Cerny Nb 104l39 No mention of the verso is made in the publication of this text Catalogue des ostraca I pI 54 58 Hence my tentative assignment of this text and O DeM 91 to Category B see also Davies Whos Who 124 For discussion of the role of muil-scribes see section 23 with references

--

v

40 POTTERS

whether these deliveries were made to different sides of the crew The preceding entries concerning units of fuel were separately enumerated for each side Right preceding Left (rto 1-2) tI Perhaps the pottery delivery followed this pattern

Two further texts O Cairo 25633 and O DeM 343 are more explicit O Cairo 25633 vso 1-2 tI records receipt of the bkw of (the) potter Neferher of Left (ssp bkw qd nfr-~r n smM O Il DeM 343 1-2 in contrast records Year 6 I smw 1 receipt by the hand of (the) potter ( Ptahemheb of Right (qd pt~-m-~b n wnmy) Ptahemheb continued to deliver to Right into the B reign of Siptah at the end of the 19th Dynasty as recorded in P Greg rto A 11 potter Ptahemheb f~ of Right to the scribe Pentaweret - 2 bkw59 Other entries in this text (vso B 11-13) also v separately enumerate deliveries of bkw for each side the entry on vso B 8 also recording the Ii name Ptah[ emheb] 60 From these texts we can posit that in the late 19th Dynasty the potters el Ptahemheb and Neferher were probably required to deliver to the right and left sides of the crew re respectively as successors of Menna and Nakhy the only other pair of potters named in the 19tb

Ie Dynasty documentation

In the journal ostraca from the reign of Ramesses II which record deliveries to Right the use of 2~ the singular in the standard entry marking pottery delivery entered by the hand of the potter Uw th m-Ijrt p qd)61 and variants seems to record the activities of only one potter However p qd is a P formulaic way of referring to potters and it is possible that the title may conceal varying numbers th of men pc

The lists of smdt representing Right and Left included on the verso of the Turin Strike Papyrus (RAD 45-7) do not clarify the situation for the mid_20th Dynasty The entry after those who produce pots (nty qd) in the first list (vso 1 19) is lost although there is space for only one name The second list also ineludes only one potter ~Omek (vso 4 11) and the list ends here62 It is possible to interpret these lists as indicating the presence of only one potter for each side of the crew The speech of the door-keeper Khaemwaset entered later in this text where he promises to increase the numbers of potters to 4 men (on) Right and 4 (on) Left total 8 men (vso 2 16) can perhaps be interpreted as pure rhetoric (see above p 13) There is little further evidence for 2 numbers of potters in the journals of year 29 and later but no such increase seems to have As occurred ad

In the papyrus journals from the late 20th Dynasty deliveries of the potters bkw are separately OCI enumerated for each side63 The entries in these texts indicate some variation in numbers of ill potters although we still seem to be dealing with only one or two men In P Turin 2044 vel (unpubl) from year 1 of Ramesses V an entry records Left the two potters [deficit] (sm~ p im qd 2 [4]) (rto I 5) Thus at times two potters may have been expected to deliver to one side

The only potters name recorded in the later papyrus journals is that of ~Ahawy In the Journal De of Year 7 of Ramesses IX (P Turin 1881 Pleyte and Rossi pI 1-8 KRI VI 609-19) pottery SCI deliveries are made by ~Ahawy but there is no indication whether these were made to Right or Ra Left (vso col V 1-3 col VI 7-8) In verso col VII 1-2 the entry for a lost day in III smw the records received by the hand of the potter [ ] Right and Left vessels Ibw-vessels 150 qb(w)shy en1

SCt

Dy 59 Janssen Village Varia 117 Pel 60 ibid 122 61 For this phrase see section 23 62 The potter Omek also occurs in P Turin 2081 +2095 rto 1 (unpubl) from the mid 20th Dynasty The text records a delivery but the details are lost 63 For example P Turin 2070133 134 + 3 frgs rto II 10-11 (KRJ VI 426-8 entered as Cat 2070154) P Turin 1881 (Pleyte and Rossi pI 1-8) vso VII 1-2 P Turin 1900 (KRI VI 619-24) vso II 7 Turin Necropolis Journal Year 3 Ramesses X (P Turin 1898 Botti and Peet pI 50-63 KRIVI 687-99) rto III 9-1013-14 Turin ~ecropolis Journal Year I Ramesses XI (P Turin 1888 Botti and Peet pl 63 KRJVI 850-1) vso dockets A 2-4

mtries 1-2)

101-2 I) O potter Ito the milieb ) also ng the )otters crew le 19th

use of er Uw ldis a rnbers

Strike those lyone

62 Itre of the ises to

~ 16) ce for have

rately ers of 2044

llip3 je

mmal ottery ~ht or smw

b(w)shy

e text

4) P Turin 0 III IVI

INTERPRETING RECEIPT AND DELIVERY 41

vessels 70 It seems likely that (Ahawys name is to be restored here This last entry may indicate that IAha) could be responsible for deliveries to both Right and Left

In P Turin 2018 (KRI VI 851-63) listing payments of grain to the crew and the smdt dating to the end of the 20th Dynasty IAhawy is included in the list of smdt for Left (A vso 1 10-12 B rto II 9-11 B vso II 17) In the list of smdt for Right is recorded the name of the potter Bakenmut (A rto IV 15-17 A vso I 2-6 B rto II 2-4) In one entry in this text he is recorded as potter Bakenmut son of r Ahawy (A rto la 3-5) It is very likely that potting was a skill passed from father to son and here we see a family of craftsmen responsible for delivery of ceramics to the village In contrast with the evidence for the woodcutters (see above p 15) there seems to be little indication of a change in numbers of potters to reflect any decrease in the size of the crew except for the Journal of Year 7 Perhaps IAhawy was assisted in his delivery by his son the responsibility for supply at this time falling to a single family who could be noted in greater or lesser detail in the record64

The potter rAhawy is also entered in a list of potters (m qdw) in P Turin 2014 (UTlpubl) rto 27_865 The text is not dated but his name places it in the late 20th Dynasty As Janssen observes the names of the laundrymen included in the list in this papyrus are different from those listed in P Turin 2018 perhaps indicating some distance in time between the two texts66 The writing of the plural in the title to the list (m qdw) is formulaic and need not indieate that more than one potter is meant

The number of potters delivering to the village at anyone time seems generally to have been stable at two men Some flexibility may be detected in the papyrus documents of the late 20th

Dynasty although the numbers do not seem to vary beyond one or two The potential for flexibility in the numbers of smdt has been noted by Janssen for both the woodcutters and the fishermen (see above p 15) It is possible that the fonnulae used for recording ceramic deliveries in earlier texts may conceal variations in their numbers

23 Interpreting receipt and distribution As Davies has shown in his study of the family histories in the village the smdt were administered by their Oill scribes67 Possibly the earliest explicit attestation of smdt-scribes occurs in a pottery account On the recto of O Berlin P 10840 the potter Menna is said to be under the authority (r-) of the scribe Pashed (I 1) Pashed and the scribe mentioned on the verso of the ostracon (1 1) Ipuy are knovro from other contemporaneous texts to have been involved in smdt-deliveries and the deliveries ofproduce such as dates and loaves to the village68

Scribes also occur with less explicit statements of authority in two other pottery accounts In O OeM 346 quantities of vessels were delivered on II prt 20 and 23 by the hand of (m-4rt) the scribe Amenemope Davies records two smdt-scribes named Amenemope one from the reign of Ramesses II and one from Ramesses IV_V69 I am inclined to assign this text the earlier date on the basis of its similarity to O OeM 623 On the verso of O OeM 623 a number of vessels are entered for I smw 1 On the recto a quantity of wood is entered by the hand Uw m-4rt) of the scribe Pentaweret for the same date Two smdt-scribes named Pentawcret held office in the 19tb

Dynasty one late in the reign of Ramesses II and one at the very end of the dynasty7o The Pentaweret of the late 19tb Dynasty is recorded as receiving 2 b3kw from the potter Ptahemheb (P

64 Compare the family firms of fishermen Janssen Village Varia 40 65 The line numbers given here follow CernYs provisional transcription (171541-6 171725-9) 66 Janssen and Janssen The Laundrymen of the Theban Necropolis 5 67 Whos Who 123-42 68 ibid 124 Davies doubts the equation Cerny made between this Pashed and the like-named draughtsman (Community206) 69 Whos Who 283-4 70 ibid 125-6283

--

42 POTTERS

Greg rto A II) The phrase jw tn-4rt can be used of both potters and scribes In the case of the

scribes it is likely they were involved in receiving and recording the ceramics rathcr than men

physical transportation and delivery The interpretation of tn-4rt is crucial here Although I T

translate the preposition literally it can be understood more flexibly as under the responsibility of which could express a range of levels of responsibility for supply from physical delivery to

seen for (

recording receipt7l

theslWhen pots are delivered or received by the hand of someone who is not given the title

indi(potter or otherwise connected with the stndt the status of the delivery is less clear Valbelle

to innotes the distinction between ceramics brought by the potters and vessels filled with beer and oother commodities provided by institutions72 Usually the content of the latter vessels is given 73

andHowever in some cases the entry is uncertain particularly with the delivery ofjnlt vessels In O

worDeM 23 5 16 jnll vessels are delivered by the hand of Amenemope while in O DeM 26 2-3 the a 30 large jnlt vessels are recorded by the hand of Nebnefer entered 27 deficit 3 Neither of

laquo~(ythese men is given any title and it is possible that they are ordinary workmen 74

(ves~The problems associated with interpreting the deliveries of jnlzt vessels can be best illustrated grou

by O Cairo 25704 which records the delivery ofjnll vessels in year 2 of Sety I no month or day probis given Although Davies connects this delivery with the known smdt-scribe Tjay or the member distn of the smdl Tjiro75 the status of this text remains uncertain Line 2 records the one who brought alloe very largejn~t vessels returned to Tj[ J (nty rdj jnlt (5t sp sn m-hyt mJ 0[ ]) while line 3 lines has the one who brought small () jnlt vessels assigned to [ J (nty rdj jnlt lrj m-Is (5 m-( twtw [ ))76 The non-standard means of entering the delivery nty rdj may indicate that this text 451 d records a more specialized range of vessels not necessarily to be associated vith the smdt-potters O jnlt vessels have a restricted range of occurrence in the Deir el-Medina documentation and are perhsometimes associated with festival deliveries (see the discussion of O BM 50728 below and desigsection 42) Therefore these vessels may not belong with the unfilled ceramics delivered by the desigsmdt-potters text I

There is little evidence in the texts that potters were assisted in the delivery of their wares by there other members of the smdt as is the case with the woodcutters (see above pp 12ff) Entries in the smdt journal OStraca record deliveries by the hand of the potter (m-4rt P5 qd)77 or entered by the In hand of the potter (jw m-4rt P5 qd)78 This may indicate delivery by the potters themselves but meml the use of such formulaic phraseology in recording delivery may conceal a number of possible inclUi alternatives for this aspect of supply Considering the quantities involved and the probable size of (mrw

is no perha

71 For discussion sec P Tallet Deux pretres-sem tMbains de la XXe dynastie BIFAO 99 (1999) 417 An SOlalternative translation of the phrase with similar implications would be arrived by the hand of

proba72 Ouvriers 265 For the representation of such tilled vessels in the ceramic repertoire from Deir el-Medina

delivcsee for example L Bavay S Marchand and P Tallet Les jarres inscrites du Nouvel Empire provenant de Deir aI-Medina CaMers de la Ceramique Egyptienne 6 (2000) 77-86 with references of the 73 For example all deliveries of wine to the village were made in mnt-amphorae Janssen Commodity Prices 350 mnt vessels are only once recorded as part of a potters deliveries In O Or Inst Chicago

79 Tw16998 (unpubL) 30 mnt vessels are entered alongside 30 qbw vessels and 150 Ibw vessels (1 3) The entry

Amenof a wood delivery in line 2 may indicate that this text records deliveries by the smdt For the elite status periodof the mnt see Bourriau Nicholson and Rice Pottery l37 potter

74 O DeM 202 records quantities of dpr and lbw vessels entered by the hand of Wepwawetmose potterAlthough the status of this text can be questioned lbw vessels are a more standard part of the smdt-potters cornprepertoire 80 In 1

75 Whos Who 106 with n 302 referri

76 For the readings of m-hyt mJ and rrt-s mJ see D Valbelle Remarques sur les textes neo-egyptiens meaninon-Iitteraires (sect 6-10) BIFAO 77 (1977) 129-13 L 81 For

77 For example O DeM 159 10 O DeM 39 rto 4 of hig

78 For example O DeM 35 addition above line 7 O DeM 154 rto 15-6 O DeM 38 7 O DeM 47 vso 4 Ramel

e of than

19h I bility ry to

title lbelle rand fenn

InO 2-3 ler of

trated lrday mlber ought line 3 mJ

s text )tters

Id are If and )y the

res by in the )y the es but ISsible ize of

17 An

l1edina venant

modity 1llcago e entry status

trnose )otters

yptiens

vso 4

INTERPRETING RECEIPT AND DELIVERY 43

the vessels the delivery could have involved several trips andor the use of assistants who are not mentioned because they had no responsibility

The distribution of the ceramics among the community is only rarely attested O DeM 337 seems to record numbers of pots owed to particular workmen III ot 10 deficit of 3lbw vessels for (n) Amenemope deficit of I ds vessel 1 dpy vessel and 3 lbw vessels for (n) Nakhy Both these names are common and it is impossible to date the text on this basis79 This text may indicate that not only were records made of the potters debts to the crew in general deficits owed to individual crew members could be documented as well

O BM 50728 dated to year 2 probably of Ramesses II also seems to relate to the processing and distribution of a particular type of ceramic recording vessels delivered to individual workmen as well as deficits owed to them The first five lines of the recto set out the purpose of the account Year 2 [ ] the record of the jn~t vessels for Left (p SOJW m n jn~t n smM - a total (~~~w) of 10 + 5 jn~t vessels Specification (wp s(traquo) for the crew concerning the 10 + 5 (vessels) 80 The numbers of vessels given to each member of the crew are then detailed The first group of five vessels is clearly allocated to four named workmen one for each man Baki probably the foreman of the crew81 received two corresponding to the hierarchal systems of distribution known from accounts of rations and other provisions Lines 7-10 continue with the allocation of different vessel types to named individuals The end of the recto is very broken but lines 11 and 12 seem to have recorded vessels owed to Amenmose (4t n jmn-msw) Pa-[ ] and twtw() and in this the text provides a parallel for O DeM 337 In O BM 50728 rto 11-12 the 41 determinative was crossed out possibly indicating that the debt was paid

O BM 50728 includes some unusual qualifications for the vessels including terms related perhaps to quality (very good jnJt njr nJr middling good jn~t nJr m-~ry-jb) and the designation of certain vessels as being in the fashion of hbny (vessels) (m qd hbny) These designations and the total (~J~w) ofbq oil given in the last line of the recto may indicate that the text records the delivery of filled jnJt vessels for a specific perhaps festival or ritual context I therefore doubt whether the text is concerned with the distribution of ceramics delivered by the smdt potters (see 42 for further discussion of this text)

In contrast O Cairo 25597 dated to year 2 of Ramesses IV records items distributed to members of the smdt The distribution list begins on line 2 with specification (wp-st) and includes a coppersmith a water-carrier as well as the potter Herunefer who received 5 bundles (mrw or ors) the content of these bundles is not stated Although the context for this distribution is not clear this is the only text known to me in which a potter seems to receive a payment perhaps in exchange for work

Some aspects of organization of work such as distribution of pots among the villagers probably did not require the level of administration and documentation needed for the record of delivery Details concerning the processing of delivery remain unclear such as the precise nature of the receipt and distribution of the products However the texts do allow the stages of delivery

79 Two workmen named Nakhy are known from the late 19th Dynasty Janssen Commodity Prices 86 Amenemope is a common name in all periods ibid 42 Although a potter Nakhy is known from this period I doubt whether this text should be understood as referring to the deficits of untitled but named potters instead I read the n as a preposition rather than the indirect genitive It would be very unusual for a potter to be untitled and the text does not follow the standard pattern for potter accounts recording deficits compare O DeM 91 O IFAO 387 O DeM 135 O Gardiner 88 vso 80 In these lines the number 10 is written in black ink while 5 is written in red Some of the numbers referring to allocations to individual workmen in the following lines of the text are also written in red The meaning of the use of red ink in the text requires further investigation 81 For Baki and his family see Davies Whos Who 2-12 If the provision of an extra vessel is an indicator of higher status this text would provide evidence that Baki continued in office into the early years of Ramesses II

I

--44 POTTERS

to be traced illuminating aspects of the organization of the potters work and their relationship the with the community ofDeir el-Medina veSt

may 24 Donkey hire by potters timi Although it can be assumed that donkeys were necessary for the delivery of ceramics to the (see village J know of only one relevant text and that refers only indirectly to the potters use of lOe donkeys There seem to be no hireage texts for potters comparable to those attested for or4 woodcutters and watercarriers

O DeM 73 Ito details a legal case concerning a donkey in the 20 th year of Ramesses III The 32 text records the resolution of a dispute (del) between the potter Herunefer who was the complainant and the workman Anynakht82 Herunefer hired a donkey from Anynakht The

FrO bkI

donkey proved unsatisfactory and an exchange was agreed upon in the presence of (m-blM a scribe of the mat Amennakhe3 The bad donkey was handed over to him Uwtw Ir swd n) and

blk1 Sh01

he gave him Uwf djt) an (other) she-donkey in its place (11 3-4) The text concludes with the resl taking of an oath on account of it (br pbwys) presumably by Anynakht

As Janssen observes in reference to the woodcutters and watercarriers texts about the hireage spec daYE

of donkeys are comparatively rare and are concentrated in the reigns of Ramesses III and IV Those that survive perhaps refer to rather unusual situations as here The distinctive nature of this

smt intel

text lends support to Janssens proposal that there was a pool of donkeys perhaps state or communally owned rather than belonging to the workmen themselves available for deliveries to

pap) was

the village (see above p 29) here T

sect3 Documenting supply 31 The timing ofexpected deliveries Janssen has determined through analysis of the journal OStraca of the reigns of Ramesses TIT and IV that deliveries of ceramics were expected every ten days84 That this was the practice in the early 19th Dynasty is confirmed by the delivery lists of wood and pottery Where the lists are dated these dates usually fall on days 1085 2086 or 3087 of the month which are the days on which deliveries were also recorded later in the 20 th Dynasty

It is likely that vessels were not expected on any particular day within this time frame and could be delivered in smaller amounts throughout the period like the deliveries by the gardeners and fishermen ss P Greg vso B II 8 documents the receipt of bkw of the potter for year 6 of

that for ( the doCl pred of tl gene mixt term

Siptah on the 19th day of IV lvt This delivery is then recorded in the summary information for IV lvt 10 to 20 A journal ostracon of the reign of Ramesses III records that on II smw 7 the potter entered two blkw one (w) for I smw 30 one for II smw 10 (0 DeM 38 7) The account text O DeM 346 of the mid_20th Dynasty documents the receipt of two quantities of vessels within three days On II prt 20 30 qbt vessels and 110 lbw vessels were received or delivered by the hand of

33l The wen O E IIIp scali mad

82 For Anynakht see Davies Whos Who 74-5 The potter Herunefer is also known from O Cairo 25597 39 (1

83 The role of the scribe of the mat (sv n un) in this text has been discussed by Ben Haring The Scribe of the Mat From Agrarian Administration to Local Justice in Deir el-Medina in the Third Millennium

Jans~ 90 b

AD A Tribute to Jac J Janssen eds R J Demaree and A Egberts Egyptologische Uitgaven 14 (Leiden 91 ibi

2000) 149 For the legal status of this text see A G McDowell Jurisdiction in the Workmens Community 92 O

ofDeir el-Medina Egyptologische Uitgaven 5 (Leiden 1990) 146-7 84 Commodity Prices 485-6

B893n

85 O DeM 1 5 7 10 12 13 17 23 O Gardiner 43 94 Fe

86 O DeM 2 8 15 24 O Or lust Chicago 18878 reCOl

87 O DeM 3 4 9 11 12 14 18 22 O DH 6 7 88 J J Janssen bkw From Work to Product SAK 20 (1993)90 n 52

tragI 95 L

lship

)the se of I for

The the The

M a ) and h the

reage i IV fthis te or ies to

I and n the s are fS on

ould sand 6 of

or IV lotter xtO three ndof

97 kribe znium iden lunity

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 45

the scribe Amenemope (rto 11 1-2) On II prt 23 a further 42 dpr vessels making(9 22 qb vessels and 100 tbw vessels were also entered by the scribe Amenemope (vso n 1-4) This text may record part payments of the delivery expected for II prt 20-30 The data concerning the timing of delivery therefore correspond to the evidence discussed by Janssen for the woodcutters (see above pp 18ff) As in the woodcutter texts if the delivery was completed in full during the 10 day period it was recorded as mI Any deficit or shortfall in delivery was entered as (w)gJ(t) or gJ nlr

32 The terminology ofsupply bJkw From the late 19th or early 20 th Dynasties the deliveries of ceramics were recorded in units of bJlnv in both account and journal ostraca Janssen has discussed the use and meaning of the tenn bkw in the Deir el-Medina material blkw in its absolute sense means work but Janssen has shown that in many cases in these documents the meaning can shift from work to the resultproduct of the work90 Within this usage the bkw of the potter seems to have a more specific meaning Janssen has concluded that it signifies a fixed amount that was due every ten days a quota He cites the example ofO DeM 387 where two b3kw were recorded one for I smw 30 one for II smw 10 91 The detenninatives used in the writing of b3lnv support this interpretation Although in the late 19th and early 20th Dynasty texts bkw was detennined by the papyrus roll92 from the middle to the end of the reign of Ramesses III the vessel detenninative was used93 The change to this detenninative from one with a more abstract meaning signals that here bkw is a work requirement consisting of an amount of ceramics

The usage of bkw in the journals and accounts implies that this amount was fixed a quota that would therefore be quantifiable There are records of the entry of two bkw often to make up for overdue deliveries and occasionally even half bkw94 These references certainly imply that the bIlnv was a predetennined amount that could be doubled or halved when necessary The documenting of deficits in the texts also shows that each delivery was expected to consist of a predetermined amount The Category E text O DeM 12 seems to record such a deficit On line 4 of this delivery list is written deficit namely deficit of vessels (4 qrlJt 4)95 Since qrlt is the generic tenn for vessels the implication is that the expected delivery of ceramics probably a mixture of types and quantities was not made To determine the composition of each bkw in terms of vessel types and numbers is however difficult

33 b3kw in the J(jh Dynasty accounts (text categories B C E) The 19th Dynasty accounts of the deficits of the potters Menna and Nakhy indicate that deliveries were pre-determined as amounts that if not delivered in full were recorded to be made up later O Berlin P 10840 records an accumulation of deficits owed by Menna from year 9 III fJt 1 to III prt 30 making 5 months 53 qbt vessels 575 bw vessels (11 2-3) This account shows the scale of thc deficit that the potter could incur over a period of time if complete deliveries were not made

89 Cernys transcription of the text contains an ellipsis and query at this point (Catalogue VII pI 2) Janssen (pers corron) has suggested that the two dashes in the hieratic facsimile could be read as Jr n 90 hkw From Work to Product 89 91 ibid 89-90 nO DeM 606 rto 611 O Cairo 25591 rto 4-5 and O Cairo 25633 vso 1 P Greg rto B 23 A 11 vso B 8 11-12 93 The journal ostraca from the mid_20th Dynasty consistently use this determinative 94 For an examples entries of two bkw see O DeM 154 rto 16 P Greg rto A II 11-12 Half units are recorded in O DeM 44 rto 20 P Turin 1961 (Pleyte and Rossi pI 99) vso II 5 Anonymous Turin fragment (Cerny MSS 3616) 95 t~~lon

46 POTTERS

O DeM 135 is a testimony to the precision with which such deficits were recorded This undated text enumerates the deficit of two potters Deficit of the potters 2 men 96 29 qbw fle)vessels 5 gy vessels 00 Ibw vessels 9 dp(r) vessels to (r) qbw vessels making 4Y2 Total ves making 33Y2 qbw vessels The final two lines seem to indicate that 9 dpr vessels were equivalent mo in some way to 4Yz qbw vessels97 When added to the 29 qbw vessels in line 2 this gives the total ves of 33Y2 Perhaps the potters were initially required to deliver 9 dpr vessels along with the other and vessels but the decision was made to convert these dpr vessels into their equivalent in qbw dprvessels Here it must be borne in mind that this text records deficit rather than delivery It seems forto reflect the scribes accounting mentality precisely recording the precise value of the deficit

forwhich may have been rounded up or down in reality The meticulous record of deficit does imply sigrfixed vessel deliveries with a specific amount being due every ten days

deliAlthough such texts imply the presence of a quota it is difficult to quantify that quota in terms

posof numbers and types of vessels In this context O DeM 135 provides an additional insight The

asklconversion of one vessel type into its equivalent in another type if it is a concrete conversion

therather than a statement of value implies a certain flexibility within the deliveries Perhaps this document shows the superiors of the crew specifying or making adjustments to the amounts of

34ceramics required every ten days in accordance with the needs of the crew

TheSuch an interpretation could explain the range of vessel types and quantities enumerated in the

19th defiDynasty delivery lists while also perhaps accounting for the precise documentation of It isdeficits These ostraca note deliveries of at least eight different vessel types in varying quantities

and combinations including jn~t98 m~t99 qbwIOO kJ-lr-kJ 101 gJy102 Ibw103 dpr104 and dS I05 and imp

Some of these vessel names are very rare in other documentation The dpr vessel although common in these lists and in 19th Dynasty pottery accounts does not appear to occur later 106 This

Ir

pattern could suggest a reduction in the vessel repertoire in the 20th Dyllasty but the contents of IVr Jourdeliveries are not generally enumerated in the later data potentially concealing some vessel types 29Deliveries of lbw vessels are recorded in the majority of the surviving lists and as will be 15-1illustrated below Ibw vessels alongside qbw vessels remained the core of the potters deliveries (conin the 20th Dynasty It is possible that qbw and bw are classes of ceramics rather than distinct samlvessel types so that the terms may cover a wider range of forms (see section 61) DeIlt othe

96 1- ~~~gt5l~I (I 1) reml 97 Compare O DeM 346 where 42 dpr vessels may be the equivalent of 22 qbt vessels (see section 31) day The flexibility of equivalence between the two types may indicate flexibility in the form and valuation of seen these vessels (see section 41) evid 98 Janssen Commodity Prices434 O DeM 16 153 174 23 5

ther99 Wb II 126 W F Reineke Der Zusammenhang der altagptischen Rohl- und LiingenmaBe MfG 9 (1963)148 O DeM 56 7 6 114 100 Janssen Commodity Prices 412-5 qbw is a feminine word and can also be spelt qbt Valbelle Guvriers 18 O DeM J 7 4 5 7 5 104 O DR 5 4 O Gardiner 435 101 Wb V 93 O DeM 28 3 O DR 6 8 lOi 0 102 Janssen Commodity Prices 426-8 O DeM 5 5 9 6 107 225 O DR 8 3 O Gardiner 436 108 0 10J Janssen Commodity Prices 433-4 O DeM 18 3 4 4 6 6 6 8 6 105 116 136 154 16 5 17 109 0 3 226 O DR 5 7 6 9 7 5 84 O Or lnst Chicago 188785 O Gardiner 43 7 O DeM 288 records 110 0 a lbw-n-k~ vessel (see section 41) III 0 104 This vessel is not included in Janssen Commodity Prices or in the Worterbuch It is written lith the 1110

generic term for vessel qrlt confirming its nature as such O DeM 25 3 3 5 7 6 5 9 5 106 165 113 0 O DR 5 6 O Or lnst Chicago 188784 4prt vessels presumably a different orthography of the same 114 C term occur in hieratic inscriptions from the tomb of Tutankhamun 1 Cerny Hieratic lnscriptionsfrom the Il5 t Tomb of TutCankhamun TutCankhamiins Tomb Series II (Oxford 1965) 6 with references See also G 116 Ir Bouvier BlFAG 101 (2001)90 note g PriCE 105 Wb V 485 Janssen Commodity Prices 472-4 O DeM 64 8 5 135 165 22 4 O DR 5 6 74 non-I 1(lj See the documents cited in n 100 also O DeM 346 vso 3 117 Q~

This qbw otal alent total other qbw

eems ficit mply

erms The rsion this Its of

n the m of ttities dS I05

tough This lts of ypes ill be veries stinct

1 31) ion of

1109

vriers

5 17 ecords

ith the 165

same Jm the

Iso G

74

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 47

The degree to which the composition of deliveries could vary from list to list illustrates the flexiblity of the institution On I 3Jt 10 of year 3 of Sety I 7 jn~t vessels (3 good 2 poor) 37 qbw vessels (deficit of 3) and 58 Ibw vessels (deficit of 2) were delivered l07 On the 20th day of that month dpr vessels were delivered (the rest of the text is lost)108 80 dpr vessels and 50 Ibw vessels were delivered on the last day of I 3Jt109 while on the last day of II Jt 40 qbw vessels and 50 Ibw vessels were delivered l1O On day 10 of III Jt 80 g3y vessels 90 m~t vessels and 40 dpr vessels were delivered lll Not only do several vcssel types occur in each delivery but totals for each vessel type also vary considerably as weI Ibw vessels tend to total between 50 and 60 for each list in which they occur1l2 However many of the attested totals documented are significantly larger between 100 and 300 lbw1l3 These texts may point to there being variable deliveries that resulted from commissions in response to specific needs However this is only one possible interpretation based upon a comparatively small group of texts The question must be asked whether a similar understanding can be gained from the qualitatively different sources of the 20th Dynasty

34 Recording b3kw in the 20th Dynasty The recording of pottery deliveries was less explicit in the 20th Dynasty with deliveries and deficits generally noted as b3kw and (w)4(t) of the potter without further clarifying information It is difficult to determine whether the quantities and contents of the deliveries were as flexible and varying as the 19th Dynasty data suggest Indeed as Janssen has concluded it is virtually impossible to prove what was meant by the termbkw l 114

In the rare cases where journal entries on ostraca of the reigns of Ramesses III and Ramesses N record numbers of vessels this information is difficult to interpret O DeM 154 rto recording journal entries in year 31 of Ramesses III documents the delivery made by the potter on II smw 29 entered by the hand of the potter 2 bkw (plus) 50 lbw vessels for II smw 30 deficit 65 (II 15-16) Janssen alternatively translates this part of the text as [e ]ntered from the potter 2 bkw (consisting of) 50 lbw vessels comparing it with O Berlin P 10654 (unpub) vso 1 where the same amount of 50 vessels is also mentioned I IS There is a number of possible readings of O DeM 154 rto The two b3kw may be deliveries owing from earlier in the month116 while on the other hand the 50 Ibw vessels may be an early partial payment for II smw 30 with 65 vessels remaining outstanding Since we do not have the rest of the journal for II smw and the entry for day 20 records neither delivery nor deficit it is difficult to draw firm conclusions Nonetheless it seems unlikely that the b3kw referred to in the text consisted of 50 lbw vessels The supporting evidence of the late 20th Dynasty ostracon O Berlin P 10654 vso is ambiguous also referring to the production of 50 vessels in the first line the numbers are lost thereafter

II Jt 10 the potter fashioned1l7 50 (vessels) day 20 the potter [fashioned x (vessels)]

107 O DeM 16-8 108 O DeM 2 5 109 O DeM 3 3-4 110 O DeM 45-6 1110 DeM 5 5-7 112 O DeM 18 34 8 6 165 O DH 5 7 6 9 O Or Inst Chicago 188785 113 O DeM 6 6 136 22 6 154 173 O DH 76 ll4 Commodity Prices 488 bkw From Work to Product 89 115 bkw From Work to Product 89 116 In a similar situation O DeM 40 14-5 records by the hand of the potter 3 bkw Janssen Commodity Prices 487-8 concludes that two of the bkw were payments for the first two decades although the non-delivery is nowhere stated while the third delivery was due for the five epagomenal days 117 ~~li~IT1l~~o

II

48 POTTERS

day 30 fashioning [x (vessels)] III 11]t 10 while he (fashioned)118 [x (vessels)] 35 b day 20119

Vhel total 230 qbw vessels [ ] the n specifYing it (wp Sf) ~ 23 jn~11 vessels blkw

In recording the actual work of the potters this text is unique While units of 50 vessels seem to statu be specified any connection with a blkw is not made explicit and can only be inferredYo perio

Janssen also cites the example of O DeM 35 on which a note above line 7 recording entries been for IIprt 19 of year 28 of Ramesses III reads entered by the hand of the potter as one b3kw 100 these qbw vessels 45 lbw vessels Although this text indicates that the b3kw consisted of 100 qbw Th vessels and 45 lbw vessels the phrase m w( b3kw could imply that the vessels enumerated were the e those making up this particular delivery perhaps differing from although equivalent to the recor contents of earlier deliveries and the standard b3kw The higher number of qbw vessels than Ibw epagt vessels which is very unusual when compared with other texts enumerating these two types 5 ep suggests that this entry is exceptional not only in its formulation It may be that this delivery ofth required special enumeration perhaps the potter altered the original order and provided an bee) equivalent number of qbw vessels instead of lbw vessels P

The two uneertain entries of O DeM 154 and O DeM 35 are the only texts in which actual Ram vessel types are enumerated in 20u Dynasty journal ostraca O DeM 35 in particular may suggest reads that the composition of b3kw could be flexible Other surviving records of pottery deliveries from An e the reign of Rarnesses III usually state only whether or not the potter entered his deliveries deliv complete or was in deficit O DeM 143 vso 5 datable to year 24 of Ramesses III does fo11o however enter a deficit of lbw vessels for the five epagomenal days Although the exact figures as 65 are lost the final two lines record an unknown total (dnuf) of qbw vessels and a total of 680 lbw char~ vessels these probably being deficits incurred since IV smw 30 the day the potter first fell behind disru in deliveries as the account records In O DeM 165 which largely documents deficits incurred in prt 1 year 30 III prt and thereafter a note to one side records year 29 entered for the five whih (epagomenal) days 30 lbw vessels his deficit 85 (11 4amiddot5a) vesst

Where vessel numbers are enumerated in these 20th Dynasty texts they vary in some cases notin considerably although the relationships of these numbers with the context of the documents must onw be kept in mind The vessel types are less varied than in the 19th Dynasty sources Mostly qbw and that 1 [bw vessels are enumerated in large quantities which confirms that these vessel types were the here basis of the potters b 3kw The deficit accounts from the reign of Ramesses II (group III) record If only qbw and lbw vesselsl2I in contrast with the variety of vessels represented in the delivery deliv lists The delivery lists of the 19th Dynasty appear to be exceptional in the variety of vessel types large they enumerate They may represent deliveries from other specialized workshops or supplies for vess particular purposes The similarity between the 19th Dynasty delivery lists of pottery and wood on en1r) the one hand and of specialty breads and beer on the other hand may indicate that these inter deliveries were in general more specialized they were perhaps associated with festivals Such an here association is illuminated by a study of one of the vessel types less commonly enumerated in A1 these texts (see section 42) However the regularity of delivery in these lists recorded in tenmiddotday b3kJi blocks is closely comparable with the regular b3kw delivery For the 20th Dynasty it must be potu borne in mind that b3kw which is mostly unqualified in the journal ostraca may cover a range of the ( vessel types sing

liS Q0--1i11 122 G ll9 Cerny noted that the line here was left blank 123 J~

120 The specification of jnJz1 vessels may also suggest that this text refers to a specialized perhaps unique lUF

production series For jnJzt see section 42 me 121 0 DeM 91 O Berlin P 10840 vso O IFAO 387 126 C

em to

ntries 100

l qbw were

) the nbw types livery ed an

actual 19gest from veries does

igures 101bw )ehind red in ~ fivc

cases must wand re thc ccord livery types es for odon thcsc Ichan ted in n-day lst be 1ge of

mique

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 49

35 bikw in the late 20th Dynasty papyrus documents Where pottery deliveries are recorded in the journal papyri the numbers of vessels involved and the name of the potter are often included A further contrast with earlier records is that the tenn bkw is rarely employed The more fonnal status of the papyri may explain such differences This status may also be one reason despite the large amount of documentation surviving from this period deliveries of pottery are only recorded occasionally Those that are recorded may have been special deliveries and hence worthy of note When bkw are recorded as in earlier records these may be variable in size and consist largely ofbw and qbw vessels

The recto ofP Turin 2070133 134 + 3 fragments (KRIVI 426-8) contains journal entries for the epagomenal days of the year 2 of a king later than Ramesses IV 122 The entry for the final day records the deliveries of the potter Right the potter - 29 [qb]w vessels 145 lbw vessels Five epagomenal days 100 [+ 45] Ibwvessels [Left] the potter 29 [qbw] vessels 145lbwvessels 5 epagomenal days 145 (Col II 10-11) The deliveries are enumerated separately for each side of the crew although if the restorations are correct the totals are the same for each side As is to be expected qbw and bw vessels are the only vessel types mentioned

P Turin 1881+ (Pleyte and Rossi pI 1-8 KRIVI 609-19) records entries for years 6-8 of Ramesses IX the potter is only mentioned on three occasions in year 7 For IV lu 29 the entry reads received by the hand of the potter ~Ahawy - qbw vessels 65 bw vessels 65 (vso V 1-2) An entry for 65 handfuls of plants follows in this list and seems to be associated with this delivery An entry on the same line also records 2 khar of k3Y (Ulq~ ~ ) probably roe123 The following line records again by his hand (wlm m-fjrtj) (for) I prt 10 100 [b[w] vessels as well as 65 handfuls of plants and an unknown measure of roe It seems that the potter had also been charged with delivering produce to the village perhaps the organization of deliveries was disrupted in this period Other entries record deliveries received by the hand of scribes 124 In III prt 18 almost three months later ~Ahawy made another delivery of 300 Ibw vessels (vso VI 7-8) while in III smw there were received by the hand of the potter (for) Right and Left 1501bw vessels and 70 qbw vessels (vso VII 1-2) P Turin 1881 + is an unusual text which rather than noting events day by day records only a few days from a few months of each year perhaps days on which events occurred that were more significant in the eyes of the scribe Valbelle observes that the scribe was running out of space on the papyrus increasing the likelihood that the entries he recorded were those he considered important125

If the deliveries recorded in this text were the only ones made for year 7 of Ramesses IX the delivery patterns of the potters may have changed Rather than delivering units every decade large deliveries were made every two to three months This would explain the large totals of vessels supplied However as Janssen cautions scribal inaccuracies mean that the absence of an entry in the journal does not necessarily mean that the delivery was not made126 An alternative interpretation is that the standard deliveries were made every ten days and that those recorded here were supplementary and worthy of special mention

An entry in P Turin 1900+ (KRl VI 619-24) vso 117 may indicate that regular deliveries of blkw continued at least in the early years of Ramesses IX Year 9 II 31Jt 19 records Right the potters b3kw [ ] (wnmy p qd n b3kw [ J) The context of this delivery is similar to those of the earlier 20th Dynasty with supply of fuel and gypsum being recorded as well However the single mention of a potters bkw in this entry in the papyrus may be as unique as those in P

122 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 242 123 Janssen Village Varia 53 124 For example vso 2a vso 5 5 vso 5 10 vso 6 1 125 Ouvriers 63-4 126 Commodity Prices 486

l

50 POTTERS

Turin l88l Journal entries from years 10 and 17 of Ramesses IX support this interpretation P A Turin 2071140 (KRIVI 63715) rto 9 records delivery of vegetables and pottery 2l() qb(w) varia vessels 110 [+ x] [bw vessels for day 30 IV smw year 10 The Turin Necropolis Journal of year vana 17 rto B II 2-3 (Botti and Peet pI 16) is the only record of a pottery delivery in this substantial inclu text covering two full months potter rAhawy 33 qbw vessels 165 [bw vessels This may Dyna indicate that the delivery was an unusual hence noteworthy event especially in relation to (HO references to problems with smdt organization earlier in the text (see section 37) the p

Deliveries of varying quantities of pottery are entered a number of times for different sides of recei the crew in the journal of year 3 of Ramesses X (P Turin 1898 + Botti and Peet pI 50-63 KRI Re VI 687-99) On III prt 18 even though the crew was not working because of the foreigners cornr (Omyw) 30 qb(w) vessels and 30 [+ x] [[bw] vessels were delivered to Right (rto I 11) On the wood last day of IV prt 9 qb(w) and 27 ([)bw vessels were delivered to Left (the entry for Right is comp lost rto II 14) The entry for II smw 19 records crew not working Right 28 qb(w) vessels 300 Janss [b(w) vessels Left 28 qb(w) vessels 15 g1(y) vessels 300 [b(w) vessels (rto III 9-10) The entry amou for g1y vessels is unusual in this text Two days later there was a further delivery for Right alone largel the potter - 30 qb(w) vessels 150 [b(w) vessels (rto III 13-14) In the month of III smw qbw Alt and [bw vessels were delivered on two occasions day 5 and day 30127 On IV smw 1 1 qbw was texts

delivered perhaps to Right while 90 [bw vessels were delivered to Left (rto V 18-9) If each are in delivery of vessels to the village was flexible in size and composition the entries in this journal as a c may also illustrate that deliveries to different sides of the crew could be varied as well quant

The journal text of year 1 of Ramesses XI P Turin 1898+ VSO128 records for I 10t 24 Right excep

from the hand of (the) potter [ ] 18 qb(w) vessels 50 [+x] [bw vessels Left from the hand of 37 In(the) potter [ ]y129 10 [+x] (Hh vessels [r~R~~o] [ J (vso Text A 2-4) Again the Otherdelivery is separately enumerated for the different sides of the crew breaks in the text mean that unprethe composition of the delivery is unknown If the entry on line 4 is a variant orthography of a this b type of vessel (1(1130 it may indicate a specialized delivery because (1(1 vessels are not firingotherwise attested in the pottery deliveries l3I Further deliveries are recorded in this journal again therein a very broken context by the hand ofthe potter [ ] lbw vessels 51 [+ x ] (vso dockets B taken5-6) later 18 qbw vessels and 50 lbw vessels are recorded (vso dockets C 2) This is the latest or adrsurviving record of pottery deliveries to the necropolis workmen in the 20th Dynasty deficit Impac36 Conclusion the meanings ofb1kw

TheThe Turin Necropolis journals seem to support the interpretation of the nature of the b1kw found detailein the earlier documentation Despite the possibility that delivery patterns may have altered or that from t some entries may represent extra deliveries these documents indicate that [bw and qbw vessels earlyformed the core of any quota of pottery delivered to the village occasionally supplemented with irregulother vessel types the pa III It

127 On III sectmw 529 qb(w) vessels and 150 bw vessels were delivered to Right Left received 19 qb(w) month vessels and 150 bw vessels (Botti and Peet pI 57 rto IV 15-9) The papyrus is damaged in the entries for III sectmw 30 but the surviving text indicates that deliveries of over 100 bw vessels were made to Right and both fbw and rqlbw vessels were delivered to Left (Botti and Peet pI 59 rto V 17-19) Unusually this latter entry records bw vessels before qbw 132 For 128 Botti and Peet pI 63 KRI VI 850-1 I follow the reassessment of Jtirgen von Beckerath in my reading 34 see of this text Papyrus Turin 1898+ vso SAK21 (1994)29-33 133 Th( 129 Perhaps the name of the potter CAhawy can be restored here 134 C J 130 Wh V 532 W F Reineke Der Zusammenhang der altagyptischen Hohl- und UingenmaBe MID 9 East e (1963)151 observlt 131 4343 vessels are included in a list of products in O Cairo 25678 vso 17 along with fbw vessels (1 18) discuss Valbelle citing this text considers that 4343 vessels could replace qbw vessels and were perhaps be mad synonymous (in her reference Duvriers 265 n 12 read 25678 for 25673) 135 Con

n p b(w) year ntial may m to

es of KRI

yenlers 11 the ht is 300 ~ntry

lone qbw was each lmal

ight ld of I the that ofa not

gain s B atest

lUnd that sels with

b(w) 8 for tand this

ding

[09

18) haps

DOCUMENTIKG SUPPLY 51

A further correspondence between the papyrus documents and the earlier ostraca is the variation in the numbers of vessels being delivered If these figures do represent regular bkw the variation in vessel totals may reflect responses to the changing needs of the crew perhaps including orders made by the superiors of the crew to the potters The use of bkw in one 20th

Dynasty account ostracon exemplifies the flexible character of commissions O Gardiner 80 4-5 (HO 6114) states after recording the complete deliveries during III smw received as the bkw of the potter entered complete like his custom of every day This text implies that the deliveries received during that month constituted the potters commission which he managed to fulfiL

Records survive of other members of the smdt such as gardeners and woodcutters receiving commands to deliver specific amounts132 Janssen notes the commission received by the woodcutter Saroy in year 29 III fJt 7 to deliver 380 units every 10 days This order can be compared with that of Saroys colleague who received a commission to deliver 500 units 133 As Janssen observes the quotas of the woodcutters often deviated quickly from these specified amounts (see above p 20) Such orders might have been regular normal occurrences that are largely invisible in the written record

Although no known text records such an assignment to the potters to deliver specific amounts texts that record varying quantities of ceramics and texts in which vessels other than qbw and tbw are included suggest that such commissions were madc The bkw may therefore be understood as a commission or expected dclivery of a predetermined unit of ceramics Although theoretically quantifiablc the bkw was flexible so that we cannot determinc what amount was expected except in specific deliveries

37 Implications ofdefiCits Other factors may also have operated to produce differential sizes of deliveries Firing was an unpredictable process with a certain amount of wasters inevitably being produced each time On this basis Christopher Eyre has suggested the one bkw may have been the equivalent of one firing which could vary in composition and in success134 Although this hypothesis is viable there is no direct evidence to support it and it is also possible that the needs of the crew were taken into account in each individual bkw or work requirement Where problems in the workshop or administrative breakdowns affected deliveries these are likely to be reflected in the records as deficits By examining patterns of deficit within the documentation it is possible to observe the impact of external problems in the Theban area on the potters deliveries in the mid 20th Dynasty

The journal ostraca of the reigns of Ramesses III and IV (Group I) again provide the most detailed documentation of delivery and deficit although only very general trends can be deduced from the materiaL Janssens analysis of pottery deliveries at the end of Ramesses Ills reign to early Ramesses IV led to the conclusion that deliveries of commodities were generally very irregular at this time whereas in the preceding years they had been more stable 135 The details of the pattern of deficits can be supplemented by a few account ostraca from the reign of Ramesses III It must be borne in mind that the idiosyncrasies of scribal record keeping mean that some months record no deliveries at all even though deliveries were most probably made

132 For the commissioning of the smdt see J J Janssen The Year of the Strikes BSEG 16 (1992) 44 n 34 see also Janssens section 7 in this volume 133 The Year of the Strikes 44-6 134 C J Eyre Work and the Organization of Work in the New Kingdom in Labor in the Ancient Near East ed M A Powell (New Haven 1987) 193 Janssen bkw From Work to Product 90 n observes that if this were the case the potters would have delivered once per decade The limited evidence discussed in 31 and a review of the delivery dates in the texts included in 33 indicate that deliveries could be made on more than one occasion during the ten-day period 135 Commodity Prices 488

52 POTTERS

The account of O Gardiner 80 (HO 61 4) for year 21 of Ramesses III records deliveries that O were made complete for the entire month of III smw the final line entered complete like his bJrn custom of every day although formulaic may be an indicator of a reputation for efficiency and for t punctuality The records from a few years later appear to tarnish this reputation The account text far 11 O DeM 143 datable to year 24 while recording complete deliveries for III smw 30 and IV smw coml 10 and 20 enters deficits for IV smw 30 the five epagomenal days and the first two decades of I appe 3bt (11 1-7) Reasons for the accumulation of such a substantial deficit beyond internal incre production problems are unknown This text warns us that although the relationship between admi administrative problems at Deir el-Medina and deficit is clear at times less easily identifiable in th factors may also have had an impact By year 27 deliveries appear to have returned to normal the p with no deficits being entered and every delivery recorded as complete (0 DeM 33 vso 8 O TI DeM 34 rto 7 16 vso 11) a deficit is however noted for the epagomenal days of year 28 in O agair DeM 156 vso 4 that

From year 29 deficits are again a consistent feature of the record during the time when labour inc01 troubles began to disrupt the community The first hint of delivery problems may be found in the whet problematic O Strasbourg H 26 If the entries on the recto refer to the potter this text records mad~ complete deliveries throughout I and II smw and probably through the epagomenal days and II there 3bt The verso may refer more explicitly to pottery deliveries with the final line recording IV coul Jbt 10 deficit of the [potter) However the reading of qd is based on a restoration (Cerny Nb in thi 3561) and the status of this text as a pottery account could be questioned There are more certain Th references to delivery from later in year 29 In I prt 30 the potter made deliveries to Right and perio Left details of the content of delivery are not given (0 Turin 57007 vso 4-5) The strike action ambi began in the village only ten days later on II prt 10136 The only further entry recording a pottery Peet delivery is in P Turin 1961 (Pleyte and Rossi pI 99) possibly from the end of year 29 IV prt 30 outsi notes for Right the potter I Y while the potter l is noted for Left (vso II 5 7)137 There are there no further records of pottery deliveries until year 30 although the consistent deficits incurred by reorg the woodcutters during year 29 and into year 30 are evidence of the impact of the strikes (see for II above p 21)138 authc

Deficits are recorded in an account text for III prt 30 and probably IV prt 10 of year 30 but a Peet delivery oftvo b3kw was promptly made to remedy this deficit (0 DeM 165 rto 1-2) O DeM ~Aha 154 rto 15-16 of year 31 records the delivery of two b3kw on II smw 29 probably overdue entric payments for days 10 and 20 A number of fbw vessels are also specified I interpret these as and perhaps an early payment for II smw 30 although they may relate to the two b3kw A deficit of 65 speci is noted Complete deliveries are made in IV lJl but since they are noted specifically they may perha have been considered late one b3kw being entered on day 13 for day 10 and one being entered Th for Right only on day 21 (0 DeM 157 8-9 17) From then into the reign of Ramesses IV the may potters made deliveries late or were making good deficits In II smw 7 of year 32 the debt was diffic paid for I smw 30 and at the same time the b3kw was delivered three days early for II smw 10 (0 or the

19thDeM 38 7 17 23) No sooner had these deliveries been made then the potter was in debt again I for the rest of the month Disruptions to pottery and fuel deliveries (see above p 21) throughout wide] year 30 and into year 31 are symptoms of continued labour problems within the village or of subst general administrative problems in the Theban area 139

mont side I

136 RAD 49 15 P J Frandsen Editing reality the Turin Strike Papyrus in Studies in Egyptology presented to Miriam Lichtheim ed S Israelit-Groll (Jerusalem 1990) 166-99 Risbo 137 Janssen considers that the documentation of half units may point to a scarcity of materials Commodity availa Prices 488 A reference to a half unit may also be found in an anonymous papyrus fragment in Turin 140 Fo (Cerny MSS 3616) which records the potter 2h this probably means 2h bJkw 141 Fo 138 Janssen The Year ofthe Strikes 46-8 BerIir B9 Disruptions in local administration may have directly impacted pottery production if as Colin Hope bkw suggests the state provided clay to these workshops Egyptian Pottery Shire Egyptology 5 (princes been ~

8 that ce his yand It text smw

s of ternal tween fiable Irmal 8 O in O

aboUT in the ~cords

md II ~ IV YNb ertain It and ~ction ottery Jrt 30 re are ed by (see

but a DeM erdue se as of65 may

tered the twas 0(0 19ain ~hout or of

~logy

ity

ffope inces

DOCUMENTlIG SUPPLY 53

O DeM 40 rto 15 from I gUt of year 1 of Ramesses IV records that the potter delivered three bgkw on day 24 probably overdue deliveries for days 10 and 20 (the deficits are not noted) and for the epagomenal days for which the deficit was entered in a note in a separate column on the far left A deficit is also recorded for day 30 (vso 9) From this point on the deliveries tend to be complete although often a few days late140 There are still occasional deficits but the deliveries appear to have been generally more regular than in the final years of Ramesses IILI41 The increasing irregularity of delivery is probably a symptom of the general decay of the administration of the Necropolis at the end of a long reign The more regular deliveries beginning in the first year of Ramesses IV perhaps correspond with a renewed interest in the Necropolis on the part of the successor king who was eager to get work on his tomb underway

These documents provide the only opportunity to trace a pattern of deficit in pottery deliveries against well documented changes and problems in the administration of the village They show that such an equation between the two is possible this may have implications for the more incomplete records of the end of the dynasty It is difficult to determine from the papyrus texts whether deliveries continued on a regular basis in the closing years of the 20th Dynasty or were made in large consignments more infrequently as the surviving evidence seems to suggest Since there were significant civil disturbances in the Theban area throughout this period deliveries could have been affected to the point that they became more unusual events and warranted entry in the journals

The Turin Necropolis journal for year 17 of Ramesses IX provides the best example from this period From II prl on the text includes entries concerning the smdt in general from the ambiguous entry taking the smdt of the Tomb of Left by the scribe of the Tomb Hori (Botti and Peet pI 14 rto B I 8) to the entries a few lines later crew not working while the smdt were outside under the authority (rJ(wyraquo of the two scribes of the Necropolis [ ] crew not working there being no smdt outside (rto B I 12) These entries seem to indicate that there was some reorganization of or problem with the smdt although a record of a wood delivery was entered for II prl 15 The entry for II prt 18 records crew not working while their smdt were under the authority of the two scribes of the Tomb of the Outside without any payments (1) (Botti and Peet pI 15 rto B I 18) On II prt 24 a delivery of fish was made and on day 25 the potter rAhawy delivered a number of vessels (Botti and Peet pI 16 rto B II 1-3) Although these entries are difficult to interpret it seems that the crew was facing both deficits in grain delivery and problems with the smdt In this context the delivery of pottery can perhaps be seen as a special occurrence no text from the end of the 20 th Dynasty explicitly records a potters deficit perhaps indicating that there was no longer an expected pattern to delivery

The interpretations presented here are speculative moreover other factors that left no trace may have had an impact on production The deficits entered for year 25 of Ramesses III are difficult to explain except in terms of unknowable production problems specific to the workshops or the personal circumstances of the potters as are the causes for the deficits recorded in the early 19th Dynasty Such deficits cannot be equated with any known problems in the village or the wider Theban area The accounts of the potters Menna and N akhy in the early 19th Dynasty record substantial deficits especially those incurred by Menna in a year 9 where he is in deficit for five months totalling 53 qbw vessels and 575 fbw vessels Further deficit totals perhaps for the other side of the crew are even larger 94 qbw vessels and 992 lbw vessels (0 Berlin P 10840) The

Risborough 1987) 10 This argument may apply only to high quality ceramics considering the ready availability ofNile silt for the production of most basic vessels 140 For example O DeM 47 rto 3 11 vso 4 141 For example the following texts record deficits in year 1 = I prt 30 (0 DeM 47 rto 11) III prt 30 (0 Berlin P 12641 + 12628 7) II smw 20(7) (0 DeM 161 vso 3) O DeM 44 rto 20 records a delivery of 1y bklv for III smw 29 Janssen considers that since no delivery was recorded for day 20 materials may have been scarce at this time Commodity Prices 488

--54 POTTERS

patterns of deficit incurred by the potters that can be traced in the texts cannot generally be Ana correlated with external administrative problems and decay rese

proc sect4 Equations of word and object an analysis offour pot-types A notable feature of the potter texts from Deir el-Medina is the substantial number of vessels 41 delivered to the village every ten days Although the exact number due in each bkw varied the I ha totals of some deliveries indicate that there was a significant and constant need for ceramics in the thrOl community In the lives of the villagers this pottery was essential It was the principal means to mult store prepare and serve food and to carry out many other activities within the domestic and work refer spheres Janssen observes in Commodity Prices that we have virtually no cvidence for the enun exchange value of ceramics beeause price texts generally refer only to metal or stone vessels 142

used Vessels used for a wide variety of domestic purposes would have had a low value and high class turnover millions of pot sherds were found within the rubbish dumps of the village including the offo Grands PuitS 143 Since their role was so essential it is desirable to learn about the various forms of In thl the vessels - their sizes and range of functions - in order to advance our understanding of the lJl villagers daily lives possi

Holthoerl44 noted that most Mesopotamian names of vessels relate directly to their material their function or their capacity but concluded that the Egyptians derived their vessel names from something other than vessel function This conclusion was largely based on the 1935 lexicographic analysis of Egyptian vessels by Robert du Mesnil du Buisson whose study is the only one that covers a wide range of ceramics including some of the vessel names that occur in the Deir el-Medina potter texts He considered that the qbw vessel was connected to qb fresh cool an appropriate concept for a jar145 He equated the gy vessel with the verb gw to be narrow perhaps suggesting a jar with a narrow neck 146

Edward Brovarski has done preliminary work on some Old Kingdom and First Intermediate Period vessel terms147 and Patricia Paice has studies connections between vessel shapes and their functions as depicted in tomb reliefs 148 The most valuable recent examination of the intersection of lexicography and a ceramic corpus is that of Janet Bourriau and Stephen Quirke on the Middle Kingdom ceramic repertoire from Lahun l49

An approach comparable to that taken at Lahun would be ideal for the material from Deir elshy Fig 1 Medina but a full statistical analysis of the archaeological material in relation to the textual data Urk r that is a prerequisite for determining lexicographic relations is beyond the scope of this study

The VI

Jb-nraquo142 407_8 and n 5 lS enu 143 ibid 488

vessel 144 New Kingdom Pharaonic Sites The Pottery 41 see J Bourriau and S Quirke The Late Middle

terminKingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects in Lahun studies ed S Quirke (Reigate 1998) 60shydeterm1 for a more recent discussion of the basis of classifications

145 Les noms et signes egyptiens designant des vases ou objets simiaires (Paris 1935)30 l46 Noms et signes 72 Janssen Commodity Prices 427 considers that du Mesnil du Buissons suggestions 150 FoUl

and explanations for the gly are unconvincing and concludes that no identification of the gly is apparant P Turi Ricardo A Caminos considered it to be an open bowl or cup since it was used more as a container for Howevl

ISl Jansvegetables and flowers than liquids (CLEM 194-5) corresponding to the use of gy vessels for natron 152 Thelotus leaves and fruit in the Medinet Habu festival lists A Spalinger Medinet Habu and Deir el-Yledina IS3 TheCombined in Deir el-Medina in the Third Millennium AD A Tribute to Jac J Janssen eds R 1 Demaree

and A Egberts Egyptologische Uitgaven 14 (Leiden 2000) 314 Although the shape of the gl) remains these m unknown Janssen has determined a capacity of 20 hin Two Ancient Egyptian Ships Logs Papyrus Leiden detenni 1350 verso and Papyrus Turin 2008 + 2016 (Leiden 1961)88 vessel l47 Lexicographical Studies in Egyptian Pottery Bulletin de Liaison du Groupe International dEtude de determi fa Ceramique Egyptienne 7 (1982) 36-7 154 P GJ 14S The Pottery of Daily Life in Ancient Egypt JSSEA 19 (1989) 50-88 bibliogr 149 The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects 60-83 IS5 Com

lly be

essels d the in the ansto lwork Dr the oels142

1 high ngthe rmsof of the

lterial s from

1935 is the

cur in fresh to be

lediate i their ection fiddle

eir elshyt data study

v1iddle 8) 60shy

~stions

Jaranl ler for latron -edina maree mains Leiden

~de de

EQUA TJONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 55

Analysis of the occurrence of vessel types in the potter texts can be related to the present stage of research into vessel shape and size to produce some further insights both into the potters products and into the documentation for the supply of particular ceramic types

41 The basic pots qbw and [bw I have shown above that [bw and qbw vessels formed the basis of deliveries to the village

19th 20ththroughout the and Dynasties Therefore it seems likely that they were simple multipurpose vessels distinct from each another in shape andor size There is a standard way of referring to them in the records qbw vessels precede [bw vessels and many fewer are usually enumerated This relationship points to a qualitative differentiation between the two ISO Both are used as containers for liquids such as beer and waterl5l I consider that these two terms designate classes of vessels rather than fixed single shapes their names perhaps referring to a wider range of forms Difference in size may account for the differentation in numbers delivered in the texts In the following discussion I assess the evidence for these two classes of vessels

Jb lbw) vessels are included among the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak indicating a possible shape for the vessel152

tlBoo~WJ~O 01It 0P L II I I

Fig 1 ob-nw-k vessels in the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak (Wreszinski Atlas II pI 33 Urk IV 636)

The vessel shown is distinctive being beaker-like and wider at the base than at the neck JS3 The ub-nw-k vessel here is the equivalent of the u-m-Icw of P Harris I 36a 7 A significant number is enumerated in this text as containers tor incense perhaps indicating a smaller cup-like vessel l54 Janssen has considered that the [x]-n-k termination which is fairly common in vessel terminology indicates that the vessels were cups the name of the vessel given in the compound determines the shape155 In the inscription of the High Priest Osorkon the Oblb-n-k is written

150 Four texts which enumerate qbw and fbw vessels show a ratio of 15 O Or Inst Chicago 16698 rto 3 P Turin 2070133 134 + frgs rto 10-11 Giornale of year 17 rto B II 1-3 P Turin 1898 rto III 14 However since these are isolated examples it is uncertain how widely applicable such a ratio was 151 Janssen Commodity Prices 433 Valbelle Ouvriers 265 152 The equivalence between the lb andlbw is confirmed in CLEM 186-7 153 The determinative given for a qby vessel in the offering list ofThutmose III at Elcphantine indicates that these may have been quite close in shape to the IJb-nw-h of the Karnak list The simple elongated beaker determinative is quite distinct from the determinatives given for the other vases in the list including the Ub vessel which is shon with a definite neck (Urk IV 828 4) However the occurrence of different determinatives within a single text does not offer a basis for a classification of vessel forms 154 P Grandet Le Papyrus Harris I (EM 9999) BdE 109 (Cairo 1994) I 272 see vol IT 141 n 576 for a bibliography for lbw l55 Commodity Prices 409

I

56 POTTERS

with a goblet detenninative ls6 The vessels recorded in these texts may be smaller cup versions of thai larger Ibw jars with the wide mouth and lack of defined neck perhaps pointing to a vessel associated with food preparation and service 157 The delivery list O DeM 288 records fb-nw-kJ

cor 1

vessels perhaps as a fuller writing of bw or as a distinct fonn vithin the Ibw class Vessels ves categorized as Ibw may have had a generalized function as cups or containers for both liquid and con solid foods A comparison can be made with the ~nw vessels which are recorded in significant 4W numbers in the papyrus documents from Lahun and are equated by Bourriau and Quirke with the 346 drinking cups known from the site the only vessel fonn which they consider could have been used in such numbers 158 The bkw of the Deir el-Medina potters show that Ibw vessels too were

lbw 50

delivered in large quantities the The lower numbers of qbw vessels in the deliveries may be related to their larger size In Poids o

No 5135 3 the weight of a metal qbw vessel is stated to be 20 deben or 18 kg Valbelle betv concludes from this that the qbw was significantly larger than the Ibw 159 That qbw designates a POttl simple storage jar may be indicated by the name itself If the connection suggested by du Mesnil two du Buisson between qbw vessels and qb cool can be accepted it may suggest that qbw vessels were storage jars perhaps for water and other liquids The connection may also suggest the

sigh one

material of manufacture qbw vessels could have been made from marl clay which cools water Helc through evaporation

As storage jars qbw vessels may have been connected in shape or broad function with the qbwshyIf a have

n-wt canopic jar The coincidence of the name suggests some correspondence The simple canopic jar fonns given by Georges Nagel for Tomb 359 seem similar in shape to vessels found in the cellar of a house in the village160 However Nagels sample is so small that any identification is tentative Janssen cautions that the standard shape of a canopic jar was rarely used as the fonn of bronze or pottery vessels 161 This may be a principle of decorum vessels with a funerary purpose not being equated in fonn with ordinary domestic ceramics The connection between qbw and qbw-n-wt may be simply that they were both in one fonn or another storage jars

Although the qbw may have been proportionally larger than the lbw it is very unlikely that

capa temp capa appn meas

Cc vso cannc into i

either fonn had a fixed capacity at Deir el-Medina W W Struve [V V Struve] offered the only attempt to determine the capacity of the qbw (or qby) vessel based largely on Greek evidence and his research on P Boulaq 18162 Wolfgang HeIcks review of this evidence led him to conclude

dOCUJ

repre betw( vesse restril than 1

156 R A Caminos The Chronicle ofPrince Osorkon Analecta Orientalia 37 (Rome 1958) 129 157 p Cairo 58088 indicates that bw could have had a large size in this case accommodating 3 ds measures See also Janssen Commodity Prices 433 n 170 C Daniel Les noms egyptiens de certains types de vases

proba fixed

In

grecs Studia et Acta Orientalia 5-6 (1967) 383-5 equates the lIb vessel with the Greek 10 olt7tW and the vesse

Mycenaean di-pa He notes that the di-pa depicted on a tablet corresponds in shape with the form of the fib indicated by the determinative used for the word The depictions of the di-pa that Daniel cites are not 163 DG

comparable in form with the Ibw depicted in the Karnak offering list D H F Gray Linear Band evidee Archaeology Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies of the UniverSity of London 6 (1959) pI 7 I andDI would argue that the form of the lbw was very flexible 164 It 1

158 Bourriau and Quirke The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects 74 some 159 Catalogues des poids a inscriptions hieratiques de Deir el-Medineh Nos 5001-5423 DFIFAO 16 165 Da~

(Cairo 1973) 18 166 FOI 160 La ceramique du Nouvel Empire aDeir el Medineh DFIFAO 10 (Cairo 1938)35 cf 122 no 38 42 SpaHn 44 167 Da 161 Commodity Prices 412 sugges 162 Mathematischer Papyrus des staatlichen Museums der SchOnen Kunste in Moskau (Berlin 1930) 55 Ceram withn2 25 1itr

lions of vessel

-nw-k

Vessels llid and ilificant vith the Ie been )0 were

n Poids lalbelle ~ates a Mesnil vessels est the s water

le qbwshysimple

s found lat any rarely vessels s The omlor

~ly that Iteonly lce and melude

~asures

le vases and the the b are not Band pI 7 I

AO 16

3842

gt30) 55

EQliAnONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 57

that the qbw had no fixed capacity Rather it seems that vessels such as the Ibw and qbw could correspond to a range of different ds measures 163

Two texts may point to some perhaps proportional equivalence between qbw vessels and dpr vessels In O DeM 135 the record of the accumulated deficits of two potters includes a conversion from dpr vessels into qbw vessels 9 dpr vessels to (=) qbw vessels making Urn) 4Yz (see section 31) Such a conversion may indicate a size ratio between the vessels O DeM 346 vso 3 records 42 dpr vessels [making Urn)] 22 qbt vessels (see n 89 for the restoration) Ibw vessels may also be equated with dpr vessels in O DeM 202 dpr vessels 30 [as] 15 bw 50 (1 3_4)164 The restoration here is problematic and the hypothesis of any equivalence between the two types must remain tentative

O Berlin P 10654 vso displays a similar complexity in possible equivalences this time between qbw vessels and jnJt vessels This text (discussed in section 33) seems to record the potters production of ceramics on days 10 20 and 30 of II bt and day 10 of IIIilt The final two lines state total 230 of (n) qbw vessels [ ] specifying it (wp st) 23 jnJt vessels At first sight such a text seems to point to a proportional relationship between these vessels a qbw being one tenth of ajnJt Such a ratio is quite possible because jnJt vessels do seem to have been large Heicks calculations from O Gardiner 81 indicate that ajnJt vessel was 2 of a mnt-amphora 165

If a mnt had a liquid capacity of c 20 hin and a hin was 048 litres the capacity of a jnlzt would have been c 53 hin or 2551itres O Berlin P 10654 vso would then show that a qbw vessel had a capacity of c 53 hin or 25 litres whieh is a sensible size for a storage jar 166 Although it is tempting to make such equations from this data this evidence is based on assumptions about the capacity of other vessel types so is tentative HeIck estimated that the ds vessel had a eapacity of approximately 3 litres 167 If so the qbw in P Boulaq 18 would have been double the size ofa ds measure in order to contain the 2 ds (e 6 litres)

Contextual study of the equation between qbw vessels and other types in O Berlin P 10654 vso O DeM 135 and O DeM 346 vso indicates some form of size ratio operated although we cannot easily determine the flexibility of that ratio or how it was used A conversion of one vessel into its equivalent of another type is unusual in a text like O Berlin P 10654 vso which seems to document the actual produetion of vessels even their firing If the last two lines of the text represent the total of ceramics produced in this process then the specification of a relationship between the two vessels types is rather strange Perhaps the original order was for 230 qbw vessels and this was then converted into the equivalent in jn~t vessels Ifjn~t vessels had a more restricted even ritual function the equivalence expressed here may be more abstract or complex than a ratio of capacity The size of vessels delivered may have been standardized to some extent probably based on ease of delivery and manageability within a domestic eontext rather than as fixed measures

In such a context a value relationship might well have operated The jnlzt as a specialized vessel may have had a more established value in relation to which the qbw vessels could be set

163 Das Bier im Alten Agypten (Berlin 1971) 47 See also Anthony Spalingers re-evaluation of the evidence for the capacity of these vessels including discussion of O DeM 135 and 202 Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 314 His conclusions largely correspond with mine 164 It may also be possible to read dpr 30 Urnl 15 lbw 50 which would support the hypothesis of some sort ofequivalence 165 Das Bier 47 16lt5 For a review of evidence concerning the capacity of the mnl including discussion of this text see A Spalinger Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 312-3 167 Das Bier 46 R L Miller (is-vessels Beer Mugs Cirrhosis and Casting Slag GM 115 (1990) 64 suggests that the ds was a drinking vessel perhaps to be equated with depictions given in Nagel Ceramique 199-206 Miller identifies a jar found at Saqqara as a ds vessel noting that it had a capacity of 25 litres roughly corresponding to Heicks estimate

58 POTTERS

In O DeM 135 the scribe may well have calculated the value of the vessels owed down to the half vessel A parallel for this is found in O Turin 57062 vso 4 where 2Yz jnJtt vessels are set

dlagainst five vessel types which precede them (their names are lost) The recording of five vessels compared with half that amount in jnJtt vessels producing the unusual amount of a half vessel tt

2again suggests a value equivalence Since vessels do not appear with fixed values in the price

SJtexts their worth may well have been assessed in relation to other vessel types st b42 A specialized vessel jnJzt DApart from the two vessel types or classes that formed the basis of the deliveries of ceramics to rethe village the potter texts also occasionally enumerate other types jnJtt vessels although well

known from other contexts are rare in the potter texts A few texts that may indicate their ritproduction or delivery by the Deir el-Medina potters illuminate aspects of its function and context

of use The pattern of occurrence of jnJtt vessels indicates a specialized vessel type the shape of which is unknown The jnJtt vessel is most widely documented as a storage container for beer and as Walter F Reineke notes outside the data from Deir el-Medina it was often made of gold or silver J68 That this vessel could be supplied as part of the ceramic requirement of the village seems to be indicated by the delivery lists from the early 19th Dynasty (Category E) Some of these lists record jnJzt vessels although they are not always indisputably connected with the smdt potters

In the Category E delivery lists of wood and ceramics jnJtt vessels occur four times their total Ccamount being low in comparison with the other vessels enumerated in these texts In O DeM 1 6 una total of 7 jnlu vessels are delivered 5 of good quality 2 of poor In O DeM 17 4 only 3 jnJzt aUvessels were delivered (2 good 1 poor) in comparison with 290 lbw recorded in the previous intline and in O DeM 15 3 7 jn~lt vessels were delivered as against 295 Ibw vessels 16 jnJzt povessels are documented in O DeM 23 5 (the text is broken and the reading at the end of the line

uncertain)169 bei ve~Only two texts explicitly includejnJtt vessels in pottery deliveries 0 Qurna 6181 records two

jnJtt vessels among the deficit of 55 qbw and 265 Ibw vessels incurred by the potter Menna O IJry Michaelides 33 rto 3-6 J70 This text records for III Jot 30 matching deliveries from a potter to vex

Right and Left among other deliveries of wood and gypsum the potter 1 jnlp vessels 20 (pJ qd 1 jnJzt 20)171 The stroke read as one after the title p qd could refer to the bkw of the potter not

with jnJtt vessels being an addition to the quota delivered 172 jnJtt vessels were therefore a wit gocomponent of the potters repertoire and this fact may complicate the interpretation of other texts

where they occur173 More generally jnJzt vessels are recorded as being delivered filled with beer I thisand thus are probably not associated with ceramic delivery

174 (

Me(J68 Der Zusammenhang der altagyptischen Hohl- und UingenmaBe MID 9 (1963) 146 175( 169 Kitchen restores 16jnli vessels [by the hand of A]meneminet (KRII 367 8 a-b) but there does not 176 1appear to be space for this formula in the break The rest of this text is similar to the other wood and pottery

177pounddelivery lists See the discussion of parallel texts in section 23 170 Goedicke-Wente pJ 67 However I follow CernYs transcription of the text here (Nb 10830)

178 1

Cau171 Contra Goedicke and Wente who restore IT1l ] on line 3 On line 7 Goedicke and Wente read 27 jnlt 197vessels instead of 20 vessels and the restoration for the [plasterer] (Pi q() given by Cerny 179 1

172 Alternatively it could refer to a single potter although this would be unusual in this context (see section Rek21) Compare the reading of this text with that discussed for O DeM 154 rto 15-6 in section 34 Egy

173 Other entries for this day include specialty breads and ds measures of beer (117-8) while the folloVing somentry for IV Jt 1 records a festival of Hathor (1 9) Although an association with a festival context is Dietpossible the delivery of jnlts as discussed by Spahnger is recorded separately from the breads and ds inameasures and is included among more standard delveries Medinet Habu and Dei elmiddotMedina Combined note310-311 Earl

l to the are set vessels vessel e price

mics to ~h well e their ~ontext

mpe of Ir beer of gold village ome of le smdt

ir total M 16 r 3jn~f

revious 16 jn~t he line

ds two mao O )tter to (pJ qd potter fore a r texts th beer

oes not pottery

27 jn~t

section

llowing rrtext is and ds

lbined

EQUATIONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 59

jn~t vessels of beer occur consistently in a series of six Category E ostraca that seem to document the delivery of commodities associated with festival or temple offerings174 Four of these texts state that the commodities were delivered by an individual in O DeM 20 and O DeM 25 the deliveries are made by a local priest Each of these six texts lists items that include speciality foodstuffs and jn~t vessels of beer rather than the fuel and plain unfilled pottery of standard deliveries II smw 12 by the hand of the local priest (w(b Sf) 175 60 large j nJzt vessels of beer entered 56 deficit 4 120 (bundles of) vegetables ISO s(t cakes and 100 rJzs cakes (0 DeM 20) The only exception in this group is O DeM 26 where 30 large jn~1f vessels are recorded 27 are entered (jw) and there is a deficit on No beer is recorded with these vessels

The recto of O DeM 29 may confirm that lists containing such products are associated with rituals or festivals rather than deliveries of materials to the village 176

total of various (sbn)jnl)tvessels of beer 653 [+x] the record of the [ ] which were given as offerings (snw) [] good bread loaves of [ ] s(t cake [x oipeJ rJzs cakes [ J jnJzt vessels of beer [ J beer [ ]

Connections of this vessel type with the temple or festival sphere nmy explain features of the unique and difficult distribution text O BM 50728 discussed in section 23 The text records the allocation ofjnJzt vessels to individual crew members The 10 + 5 jnJzt vessels seem to be grouped into four different categories perhaps accordin~ to quality of the vessel or its contents and possibly its shape or finish 177 5 doubly good (~reg) jnJzt vessels in the fashion of hbny [vessels] being returned (m hyt) 2 for Baky I for Huy 1 (for) (Omek 1 for Qaha totalS (11 5-6) Six vessels given to individuals in line 7 one for each nmn are stated to be middling good (11fr mshyhry-jb) and line 10 enumerates two vessels that also have a designation perhaps reading not (J I~~ 3)very poor _ 1

If the jnJzt vessels were more specialized beer vessels used in festival or ritual contexts then the note of quality either of contents or of the vessel itself would have been important This concern with quality can also be seen in the delivery lists where the jnJzt vessels are described as either good or poor 178

Particularly difficult to understand in this context are the writings of hbny perhaps referring to this well-known amphora-shaped vessel I19 The five doubly goodjnl)t vessels are designated in

174 O DeM 19 20 21 25 26 27 For further discussion of these texts see Spalinger Deir e1middotMedina and Medinet Habu Combined 311

(1 0

175 l=n (1 1) For another writing of this title see O DeM 25 2 176 The verso of this text records only nswt bjty mnmiddotmrtmiddotrr 177 For the use of red ink in this text see p 19 n 75 above

178 O DeM 1 6 174 For discussion of the meaning of snn 1~ in these contexts see D Valbelle Catalogue des poids ainscriptions hieratiques de Deir eAmiddotfedineh Nos 500l-5423 DFIFAO 16 (Cairo 1977)23 179 Wh II 487 There are depictions of the hbnylhbnt vessel in Urk IV 11308 11352 and in the tomb of Rekhmire N de G Davies The Tomb of Rekh-mi-r~ at Thebes The Metropolitan Museum of Art Egyptian Expedition 11 (New York 1943) I pIs 33 34 In these examples it is shaped as an amphora sometimes without handles and often contains honey E A W Budge An Egyptian Hieroglyphic Dictionary (London 1920)446 gave the capacity of a hbnt ndst as one quarter of a hin F G Hilton-Price in an earlier publication Notes on Some Egyptian Antiquities in My Collection TSBA 9 (1886) 353 noted the same capacity for this vessel Here see also T G H James The Heqanakhte Papers and Other Early Middle Kingdom Documents (New York 1962) 118

60 POTTERS

the fashion of hbny vessels (~[]~IlJ1J 0) (vso 5) This seems to express an equivalence between the two vessel types perhaps representing an addition or finish to the jn~lt vessel that increased its value Du Mesnil du Buisson speculated in his discussion of the hhnl vessel that the word related to hbny ebony t ruJ-Oi) and indicated a blackened colour or lustre to the vesseL I80 hbny also occurs as an annotation above the entries of jnit vessels for particular workmen in lines 8-12 of the recto The entry on line 13 (hhny n [ ]) may indicate that hhny vessels themselves were also delivered to the workmen named in the following lines So far as I know hbny vessels do not occur in other Deir el-Medina textsl8J These notations may also refer to some sort of finishing to the j nit vesseL

The inclusion of more unusual designations for the vessels certainly points to the exceptional nature ofthe delivery in O BM 50728 as does the entry of an amount ((i(w) of bJq oil (8) in line lOon the verso after the specification of 10 further jnlJl vessels for particular workmen (pJ WpWl

n plIO n jnlJt n tJ jst) Janssen observes that this oil was rarely used by the workmen as it was too expensive 182 It is possible that the text refers to the delivery of jnit vessels of bJq oil the references to quality therefore referring to the quality of oil rather than the vessel itself The designation hbny may be associated with this as welL

Complicating this analysis is the proposed large size of jnit vessels (discussed in section 41) which may account to some extent for its more restricted function within the vessel repertoire jnlJt vessels occur only rarely in the Medinet Habu festival calendar indicating that even within the temple their use was specialized ls3 The ealculation of the equivalence in contents of the vessels in O Gardiner 81 indicates that we are dealing with a set capacity for these vessel types in this text 184 If the capacity of a jnit was 53 hin or 255 Htres this would equate to a significant quantity ofbJq oil per person 185

O BM 50728 remains a puzzle Despite thc difficulties in interpretation it seems most likely that it records allocation of vessels possibly filled with oil or beer for festival or cultic purposes The careful documentation of such a distribution may also indicate that the vessels were not to be kept by the men perhaps only being used by them for the event and then returned to the temple A large size may serve to explain their more limited and specialized oecurrence in the data perhaps restricted to the religious sphere rather than playing a role in the domestic life of the villagers

In this instance contextual analysis of texts that seem to relate to ceramic deliveries can alter our understanding of these texts and illuminate the role and function of a vessel type in the community For vessels that were delivered more commonly we can observe the potential for flexibility in the classification systems these would repay further detailed study sectS Conclusion Analysis of the texts concerning pottery delivery leaves a number of questions unanswered and areas unexplored the limited number of sources available and problems inherent in them restrict their potential for interpretation However some insights into the organization and administrative structures of Deir el-Medina are fortheoming from the material Within the meticulous record keeping of the village the key theme seems to be flexibility This flexibility is apparent in the

180 Noms et signes 28 181 Janssen did not include them in his chapter on Vessels in Commodity Prices None of the references for the entry in the Wb II 487 has a Deir e1-Medina provenance 182 Commodity Prices 330 183 On the occurrence of the jnltt in the Medinet Hahn festival lists see A Spalinger Medinet Habn and Deir ei-Medina Combined 311-2 ]84 Heick Das Bier 46 185 Even if the mnt was only 10 hin a jnltt would still be of a substantial size c 11-12 iitres Janssen Commodity Prices 434

N

CONCLUSION 61

number of potters assigned to the crew the size and content of the quota required every 10 days and the timing of deliveries The final section of my study also points to the potential flexibility of form size and function of the pots themselves

Although we can find implications in the potter texts for features of society beyond the village itself such as the specifie interpretation of bkw or the occurrence of vessels in royal festival calendars it must be borne in mind that the real value of the Deir el-Medina material lies in its potential to illuminate the lives of ordinary people in Ramessid Egypt For that purpose we need to attend most closely to the village context

Appendix The potters of Deir el-Medina Names of potters in documents relating to the delivery of ceramics

I

Names of potters in documents concerning matters other than the supply of ceramics

I 1 (Omek i Turin Strike Papyrus RAD 476 I

2 Khonsu bull O Turin 57192 1

3 Herunefer bull O DeM 73 rto 2

4 Paaeminet I O Berlin P 12343 vso 3

5 Bakenmut P Turin 2018 A rto la 5 rto IV 17 vso I 6 B rto II 4 D I rto 14 P BM 10068 vso V l3

6 Wenennefer P BM 10068 vso V 14

alence el that 1at the to the ticular thbny ar as I ) refer

ltional in line middotwpwt it was til the f The

1 41) rtoire within of the pes in ificant

likely poses tto be ~mple data of the

1 alter in the ial for

d and estrict rative ecord in the

rences

)U and

nssen

1 I Menna O IFAO 387 1 O Qurna 618i1 O DeM 91 1 O Berlin P 10840 vso 1

2 bull Nakhy I

O IFAO 3874 O DeM 914

3 I Ptahemheb O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O DeM 343 2 P Greg vso B 8 rto A11

4 Parahotep O DeM 868

5 Hori O DeM 868 O DeM 869

6 Herunefer O Cairo 25597 rto 3

7 Neferher O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O Cairo 25633 vso 2

8 Amennakht O DeM 44 rto 8

9 Dmek P Turin 2081+2095 rto 1

10 ltAhawy P Turin 1881 vso V 1 VI 7 VII 1 () Giornale of year 17 rto B II 2 P Turin 2018 A vso 1 12 B rto II 11 B vso II 17 P BM 10068 vso VI 25 P Turin 2014 rto 27-8 P BM 10054 vso II 9

62 POTTERS

Addendnm

Pierre Grandets Catalogue des ostraca hieratiques non litteraires de Deir el-Medineh IXbecame available just as this chapter went to the press This volume contains a number of important potter texts I have included them in the tables on pages 33-7 and provide a short account of them here

O DeM is the longest and most detailed potter account known to me I will be adressing the issues it raises in a further publication It records deliveries made by the potters Ptahemheb Parahotep Hori and Neferher for the months of I bt to I prt of a year 6 The title p qd occurs only in line I in reference to Ptahemheb but probably also covers the other individuals named Ptahemheb and Neferher are known from other potter accounts discussed in this chapter O DeM 869 also published by Grandet and dated to a year 6 records deliveries made by Hori of qbw and lbw vessels to Right Both Hori and Parahotep are not otherwise attested in the potter texts In O DeM 868 details of delivery are grouped according to individual potters In line 13 Neferher delivers vessels to Left (t rj smM this is the only statement concerning Right or Left in this text That four potters deliver during the same general period emphasizes the potential number of potters involved in delivery which is not generally apparent in many of the potter texts Ptahemheb and Neferher make deliveries on different days in IV bt The vessel numbers vary except for those delivered as the making good of deficits by Ptahemheb which are consistent sums (II 3-4) The vessels delivered include qbw and Ibw vessels as well as gy andjnlt this text therefore provides further evidence thatjnJtt vessels were part of the potters repertoire

Grandet follows Gutgesell in assigning a date in the mid-20th Dynasty to O DeM 868 and 869 19thMy assignment of a late Dynasty date to the other account ostraca of Ptahemheb and

Neferher (0 Cairo 25591 O Cairo 25633 and O DeM 343) is based on the record of Ptahemhebs deliveries in P Greg firmly dated by Janssen to the reign of Siptah186 Gutgesell places Ptahemheb in the 20th Dynasty on the basis of the occurrence of this name in P Turin 2006+ 1961 usually dated to year 29 of Ramesses 111 [87 The Ptahemheb in this text is not a potter and so is a different individual I propose that the late 19th Dynasty date of the other documents should therefore be retained and should also be adopted for O DeM 868 and 869

Further texts relevant to potters in Grandets volume include O DeM 877 in which a list of arrears in water supplies are measured in jnlt vessels O DeM 871-3 are sherds bearing the phrase mJ qd Grandet considers these phrases along with the phrase ml m-rJrt p-Jtm-nlr complete by the hand ofPahemnetjerthe priest on O DeM 870 as delivery marks inscribed on the pots themselves18S

186 Janssen Village Varia 115-6 187 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 252 309-12 188 Catalogue des ostraca IX 49-50

UNT

Marel

sectl Eil Die A Papyr Einwc zusHin Verw Angell besch~

Bei suchur wichtil Andre Vortei Juni 2( nicht-li recherc

Beirr allgem

bull Der MaXI

mieh Aufn Doni Sieh~

J Ja grap dazu

2 Sieht tause Peri Gutg Teil1 el ME Held Janss Histo

6 MeD Valb

g Venn Witnl II Ta

10 Ein P II Gutg 12 Allan 13 Held

Page 6: Woodcutters, Potters and Doorkeepers Service Personnel of the Deir El Medina Workmen

med

rs of DeM ~n to so I pes plete so of ~ line Ittery

~d to

nkey flg of ution tions D2) est is licate on of texts icitly

often fly of t any 1sin s or ever s for

(see As in texts ledict

re de

x the ifying

I Die g der $ische

DATING OF TEXTS 33

Davies20 are noted Since many of the sources for pottery deliveries also deal with fuel supply there is some overlap in the data Despite this I feel these tables provide useful points of comparison with those for the woodcutters Presenting the texts in this way also establishes a framework and reference points for the analysis that follows

I have expanded Janssens group I to include earlier years of Ramesses III beginning with year 20 in order to incorporate some account ostraca dated to these years At the end of group I I include 2 journal texts dated to year 5 of Ramesses IV (0 DeM 655 656) Group II includes texts dating to the reign of Sety L As with the woodcutter documents this group consists mainly of Category E texts O Cairo 25704 a Category D text dated to the wltm-mswt of Sety I is the only exceptionl Group III contains texts dated to the reign of Ramesses II largely on the basis of names In accordance with Davies discussion of the year 9 date in O Berlin P 10840 the accounts of Menna and Nakhy could date to either Sety I or Ramesses 1122 I include them in Group III I have identified a smaller number of accounts and journal texts from the late 19th

Dynasty (Group IV) and three texts that possibly date to the reign of Ramesses III (Group V) Group VI as in Janssens list contains mainly papyrus documents from the later 20th Dynasty whose diverse contents means that they cannot be easily assigned to textual categories

Group I

yr

o Gardiner 80 (HO 611 4) yr 21

O DeM l43vso yr 2424

O Petrie 50 (HO 1911) yr25W

O DeM 169 + O Berlin P 12633 yr25 W

O DeM 35 yr28W A I

AO Turin 57153 yr26

O Or Inst Chicago 16998 (unpub) yr26 D

yr27 A

A

Ayr27

yr 28 AO DeM 156 -~

DO Strasbourg H 26 yr 2925

20 Davies Whos Who 21 See S Wimmer Hieratische Palaographie zur Datierung der nicht-literarischen Ostraka in Proceedings of the Seventh International Congress ofEgyptologists Cambridge 3~9 September 1995 cd C J Eyre (Leuven 1998) 1230-31 for discussion of the dating of this text 22 ibid 124 contra Gutgesell who dates O IFAO 387 and o DeM 91 to the latter half of the 19th Dynasty Die Datierung Die Ostraka del 19 Dynastie 49146 23 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 102 24 ibid 368 25 ibid 120

34 POTTERS

10 DeM 165

0 DeM 154

0 DeM 157

0 DeM 159

I ODeM 36

IODeM 37 i i 0 DeM 166

I ODeM 153

i 0 DeM 38

0DeM39

0 Berlin P 12631

0 DeM 40 + 0 Strasbourg H 42

bull 0 OeM 41

0DeM43

0 DeM47

0 Berlin P 12641 + 12628

0 DeM 160 0 Strasbourg H 5

0 DeM 161 -- degStrasbourg H 82

0 DeM44

0 DeM45

0 Gardiner 113 (liO 7311)

0 Cairo 25597

0 DeM 655

0 DeM 656

I Group II

0 DeM 1-19

bull O DeM22

26 ibid 123 27 ibid 36 28 ibid 47-8

yr 3026 D

yr31 W A

yr 31 W I A

yr 31 A

yr 31 I A

yr 31

yr 31 W27

I yr312W

yr 32

yr 321

yr1

yr1

yr1

yr1

yr1

yr1

yr 1W28

A

A

A

A

A

A

A

A

A

A

A

I A

yrlW A

yr 12 A

yr2 A

yr2 A

yr2 G

yr5 A

yr5 AI

E

E

I

I

0D1 I

10Dl

001

1001

I 0 Or

~ I F

[ Grou] i ODe

l~ ~

r~ IoJr---=shy

0 Del

Groul

ODel

0 Cai

10 Cai

10 Del

i O Del

29 Davi O ibid Ramesl 31 ibid 32 For Ostrak

DATING OF TEXTS 35

ODeM23

ODeM28

ODR5

I E

ODR6 i E

ODR7

ODR8

O Or Inst Chicago 18878 (unpubl) I

O Gardiner 43 (HO 26 2)

I o Cairo 25704 yr2

i

Group III

O DeM 91

O Berlin P 10840 yr 9 Sety IIRamesses rr29

I O IFAO 387 (unpubl)

O Qurna 6181

O DeM623

O BM 50728

O DeM202

i Group IV

O DeM606

E

E

E

E

D

B

B

B

C

D

G30

A 32

I

Blbull O Cairo 25591

O Cairo 25633 Bl

O DeM 343 yr6 Cl I

o DeM 868 yr6 C I

29 Davies Whos Who 124 30 ibid 219 n 201 Gutgesell considers the dating of this text very uncertain but inclines towards year 2 of Ramesses II Die Datierung Die Ostraka der 19 Dynastie 47 3] ibid 159 32 For the scribes mentioned in this text see Davies PVhos Who 127 Gutgesell Die Datierung Die Ostraka der 19 Dynastie 91

36 POTTERS

O DeM 869 yr6 B

O DeM 135 B i

P Greg (P UC 34336) yrs 5-7 Siptah A I

o Cairo 25593 D

Group V

O Michaelides 33 (OM pi 67) Ramesses m33 A=

P Turin 1961 Ramesses III34

O DeM 416 Ramesses IIIIIV35 D

Group VI

P Turin 1880 yT 29 Ramesses III

O DeM346 Ramesses IV_y36 C

O Gardiner 145 (unpuhl) yr 1 Ramesses y37 D

P Turin 2044 (unpuhl) yr 1 Ramesses yJ8

P Turin 2081+2095 (unpuhl) mid 20th Dynasty39

O Berlin 10654 (unpubl) late 20th Dynasty40 G

I P Turin 20701133 134 + rto late 20 th Dynasty4J A

I P Turin 2014 (unpuhl) late 20th Dynasty42

P Turin 1881 + yr 7 Ramesses IX

P Turin 1900+shy yrs 4-9 Ramesses IX

P Turin 20711224 [140] yr 10 Ramesses IX43

year yr 17 Ramesses IX

33 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 253 34 ibid 309-12 For the numbering of this papyrus see J J IanssenJorthcoming 35 ibid 369 36 Davies Whos Who 284 contra Gutgesel1 who dates the text to Ramesses II Die Datierung Die Ostraka der 19 Dynastie 159 37 Gutgesell Die Dalierung 20 Dynastie 77-8 38 ibid 256 39 Janssen Commodity Prices 98 Gutgesell Die Datiermg 20 Dynastie 227-32 40 ibid 442 41 ibid 242 42 Janssen and Janssen The Laundrymen of the Theban Necropolis 5 n 30 43 Kitchen RIVI 637-38

O GI

IFl

O IFi

OCa ~ i ODe

sect2 Th 21 Th Accou of the the de interes largel) throug virtual archae ethnoa

The of the identif Dynas1 therefc notes f

44 The ( the late 45 One 1

records that the single ( potters context 46 Rapp pubiqu

g Die

THE ORGANIZATION OF WORK AND DELIVERY 37

P Turin 1898+ yr 3 Ramesses X

P Turin 1888 yr 1 Ramesses XI

i yrs 8-10 Ramesses XI

bull Anonymous Turin fragment

(Cerny MSS 3616)

Group VII

O Gardiner 88 (HO 5511)

O DeM703

O DeM337

bull O IFAO 245 (unpub)

I OlFAO 351

O CaIro 25245

i O DeM 871-3

D i

D

G44

D

G

D

i G

sect2 The organization of work and delivery 21 The evidence for workshops Account texts in particular provide important clues for understanding aspects of the organization of the potters work including the number of potters delivering at anyone time supervision of the deliveries and distribution of the vessels to the workmen However since the scribes were interested primarily in documenting the receipt or deficit of the pottery such information is largely based on inference Although it is possible to identify stages within the delivery process through the documentation evidence for the organization of the pottery workshops themselves is virtually non-existent45 Hypotheses about the workshops can be made from limited archaeological data and by analogy with the evidence for the pottery industries at el-Amarna and ethnoarchaeological research

The written sources are almost devoid of information concerning the location of the workshops of the potters of Deir el-Medina and the archaeological evidence is ambiguous Bernard Bruyere

18 uJidentified what he considered wasters from a potters workshop on the exterior of the Dynasty village at the base of the wall of Thutmose I beneath the 19th Dynasty house SE 1 He therefore assumed that most pottery production occurred within the village itself46 Nicholson notes that most of the private home complexes at el-Amarna had pottery kilns implying domestic

44 The dating of this text is very uncertain but Gutgesell considers it to be from the reign of Ramesses II or the late 19th Dynasty Die Datierung Die Ostraka der 19 Dynastie lOS n 95 45 One text may refer to the work of the potter in making vessels The verso of O Berlin P 10654 (unpubl) records the potter fashioning (qd) vessels on days 1020 and 30 of II 1bt and day 10 of III 1bt It may be that these dates are the days on which the shaping or firing of the ceramics occurred The recording of single days favours the interpretation that the text records firing events However little else about the potters work can be inferred from this text A translation ofthis text is provided in section 33 in another context 46 Rapport sur les fouilles de Deir el Medineh (1934-1935) Troisieme Partie Le village les dfJcharges publiques fa station de repos du col de la Valtee des Rots IFAO (Cairo 1939) 264 341

--

38 POTTERS

production of some simple forms alongside those produced in the kilns of the state-controlled the workshops47 There is no further evidence for such a practice at Deir el-Medina Dominique con Valbelle also assumed that the potters worked close to the village48 but there is no archaeological evidence for workshops in the vicinity 22

Rostislav Holthoers survey of New Kingdom kiln sites does not include any at Deir elshy Thn Medina However he did record a kiln associated with a 19th to 2200 Dynasty habitation to the left time of the road between Deir el-Medina and Medinet Habu This kiln is small being only 11Ocm wide invc and 70cm high and may be considered too small for the considerable production levels of the orga Deir el-Medina potters49 Nicholson has also noted that the kilns identified by Holthoer at elshy char Amarna were in fact ovens associated with different industries5o This casts some doubt over text~

Holthoers identifications It is also uncertain how far el-Amarna is comparable to Deir elshy IS plt Medina expl

Some textual evidence may indicate that the workshops were located some distance from the S( village The service staff of Deir el-Medina was generally regarded as of the outside their (unp deliveries perhaps made to the gatehouse of the necropolis p lJtm n p lJr from a location DeM external to the village itself although this is nowhere stated in a text concerning pottery but t delivery51 A workshop location on the floodplain also seems appropriate in view of the ostra quantities of water required by potteries The town register on the verso ofP BM 10068 dated to the d year 12 probably of Ramesses XI seems to support such a location52 Three potters are included Ar in the list of houses centred on Medinet Habu two of these rAhawy and Bakenmut are known sumn from contemporaneous journal papyri The potter r Ahawy of the tomb is also included among Pash( those receiving grain who belong to every house [within] the enclosure wall of the temple of Ipuy Usermaatre meriamun These houses are not necessarily to be equated with their workshops relatilt

Potteries are generally regarded as unpleasant and anti-social operations requiring their on th location on the outskirts of settlements53 Such an assumption may sometimes be based on actior imposition of modern concepts of pollution Although the pottery workshop at el-Amarna was on delivf the outskirts of the main city area54 there is ethnographic evidence for pottery workshops sited crew within residential areas55 Be that as it may the location of the pottery workshops which supplied Lefts

whetl1 defici work

47 The Firing of Pottery in An Introduction to Ancient Egyptian Pottery eds D Arnold and 1 Bourriau seem (Mainz 1993) 113 Nicholson The Pottery Workshop at Q 484 at Tell e1-Amarna 67 The S1 48 Ouvriers 265

exam~ 49 New Kingdom Pharaonic Sites The Pottery ed T Siive-Soderbergh vol 51 The Scandanavian joint

twomexpedition to sudanese Nubia (Copenhagen Oslo Stockholm 1977)22

as one 50 The Firing of Pottery 112 Evidence of pottery kilns was also found behind the mortuary temple of

side OJAmenhotep son of Hapu A Varille and C Robichon Quatre nouveaux temples Thebains CdE 10 (1935) L It has been suggested that these kilns were a component of the industrial area which operated put the on behalf of the mortuary temples 1 D Bourriau P T Nicholson and P 1 Rose Pottery in Ancient The Egyptian Materials and Technology eds P T Nicholson and I Shaw (Cambridge 2000) 139-40 found 5l See for example Giornale of year 17 of Ramesses IX (Botti and Peet pI 14) rto B I 11middot12 with 1 seem t Cemy A Community of Workmen at Thebes in the Ramesside period BdE 50 (Cairo 1973) 184-5 but see 25591 now Janssen section 8 For discussion of the role of the p IJtm n p IJr see for example R Ventura On (the) p the Location of the Administrative Outpost of the Conununity of Workmen in Western Thebes JEA 73 (1987) 149middot60 52 J J Janssen A New Kingdom Settlement The Verso of Pap BM 10068 AOF 19 (1992) 8-23 56AL 53 PT Nicholson and H L Patterson Pottery Making in Upper Egypt An Ethnoarchaeological Study Worksh World Archaeology 17 (1985) 226 For a negative description of the potters trade in a literary text 1983) transmitted within Deir el-Medina see W Heick Die Lehre des Dw-M KAT (Wiesbaden 1970)53-58 57 This sect IX of this t 54 The pottery workshop at Q 484 at Tell el-Amarna 61 58 Hene 55 Nessim Henry Henein Poterie et potiers d Al-Qasr oasis de Dakhla BdE 116 (Cairo 1997) 124Fo

trolled Imque ogical

eir elshyhe left tlwide of the at el-

It over eir e1shy

)m the their tcation )ottery of the ated to eluded known among Iple of IpS ~ their jed on vas on s sited pplied

ourriau

iI1 joint

3ple of dE 10 )erated Indent

with J but see ra On rEA 73

Study ry text 53-58

THE ORGANIZATION OF WORK AND DELIVERY 39

the village and their internal organization remains a mystery Only when the potters come into contact with the village through delivery do they become more visible in the record

22 How many potters Throughout the 19th and 20th Dynasties the numbers of potters delivering to the village at anyone time seems to have remained largely stable Potteries are understood to be substantial operations involving probably a master potter and a number of assistants56 Evidence for the wider organization of the workshops on this level as well as any adaptations made in response to changes in the size of the village is not apparent in the data (see above pp 12-15) Where the texts do enumerate numbers of potters we can conclude that two were responsible for delivery it is possible that one potter was assigned to each side of the crew but the texts are not generally explicit concerning this level of the organization

Some evidence for potter numbers is found in the 19th Dynasty account texts O IFAO 387 (unpub) separately records the deficits of two potters that ofMerma preceding that ofNakhy O OeM 91 records a deficit accumulated by Menna in lines 1-3 In line 4 Nakhys name is written but the rest of the line was left blank or erased Cerny noted that three lines on the verso of this ostracon had been erased perhaps indicating that the account was originally intended to record the deliveries of both men57

Another account in this group O Berlin P 10840 is more difficult to interpret The recto summarizes Mennas total deficit for 5 months stating that he is under the authority of the scribe Pashed (r-lJt sf P3-sd) On the verso are three lines of text the first giving the name of a scribe Ipuy Lines 2 and 3 record very high totals of vessels (94 qbw vessels and 992lbw vessels) The relationship between the text on the recto and that on the verso is unclear the numbers of vessels on the verso are almost double the amount of those on the recto Other sources recording the actions of Pashed and Ipuy indicate that they were smdt-scribes responsible for the supervision of deliveries Their separate appearance in this text may indicate that deficits for each side of the crew were enumerated seperately because smdt-scribes seem to have been assigned to Right and Left58 It is not clear whether Menna was responsible to the different sides for both deficits or whether the verso deficits belong to a second potter perhaps Nakhy If the latter is the case the deficits of O DeM 91 and O IF AO 387 may also reflect the division into Right and Left The work organization and administration of the crew was structured by this division so it would seem logical that the work and deliveries of the potters should be organized on this basis as well The situation is often not made explicit and these texts can be interpreted in various ways For example an undated and anonymous account text O OeM 135 records deficit of the potters two men (4t n p3 qd s 2) (1 1) The totals of vessels that follow are not divided into two groups as one might expect It is therefore not clear whether the two men were required to deliver to one side of the crew to the viIIage as a single unit or whether for the sake of expediency the scribe put the totals for each side together

The only clear statements concerning a division of the potters deliveries to Right and Left are found in the account ostraca and the journal papyrus from the late 19th Dynasty These texts also seem to confirm that two potters usually delivered to the village at anyone time In O Cairo 25591 rto 4-5 is recorded receipt of the bkw of (the) potter Ptah[emheb] receipt of the bkw of (the) potter Nefer[her] The text breaks off at the end of these lines so it cannot be ascertained

56 A L Kelley Some Reflections on Pottery and Society in Ancient Egypt in Papers of the Pottery Workshop Third International Congress of Egyptology Toronto Sept 1982 ed A L Kelley (Toronto 1983)30 57 This idea is recorded as a note in Cerny Nb 104l39 No mention of the verso is made in the publication of this text Catalogue des ostraca I pI 54 58 Hence my tentative assignment of this text and O DeM 91 to Category B see also Davies Whos Who 124 For discussion of the role of muil-scribes see section 23 with references

--

v

40 POTTERS

whether these deliveries were made to different sides of the crew The preceding entries concerning units of fuel were separately enumerated for each side Right preceding Left (rto 1-2) tI Perhaps the pottery delivery followed this pattern

Two further texts O Cairo 25633 and O DeM 343 are more explicit O Cairo 25633 vso 1-2 tI records receipt of the bkw of (the) potter Neferher of Left (ssp bkw qd nfr-~r n smM O Il DeM 343 1-2 in contrast records Year 6 I smw 1 receipt by the hand of (the) potter ( Ptahemheb of Right (qd pt~-m-~b n wnmy) Ptahemheb continued to deliver to Right into the B reign of Siptah at the end of the 19th Dynasty as recorded in P Greg rto A 11 potter Ptahemheb f~ of Right to the scribe Pentaweret - 2 bkw59 Other entries in this text (vso B 11-13) also v separately enumerate deliveries of bkw for each side the entry on vso B 8 also recording the Ii name Ptah[ emheb] 60 From these texts we can posit that in the late 19th Dynasty the potters el Ptahemheb and Neferher were probably required to deliver to the right and left sides of the crew re respectively as successors of Menna and Nakhy the only other pair of potters named in the 19tb

Ie Dynasty documentation

In the journal ostraca from the reign of Ramesses II which record deliveries to Right the use of 2~ the singular in the standard entry marking pottery delivery entered by the hand of the potter Uw th m-Ijrt p qd)61 and variants seems to record the activities of only one potter However p qd is a P formulaic way of referring to potters and it is possible that the title may conceal varying numbers th of men pc

The lists of smdt representing Right and Left included on the verso of the Turin Strike Papyrus (RAD 45-7) do not clarify the situation for the mid_20th Dynasty The entry after those who produce pots (nty qd) in the first list (vso 1 19) is lost although there is space for only one name The second list also ineludes only one potter ~Omek (vso 4 11) and the list ends here62 It is possible to interpret these lists as indicating the presence of only one potter for each side of the crew The speech of the door-keeper Khaemwaset entered later in this text where he promises to increase the numbers of potters to 4 men (on) Right and 4 (on) Left total 8 men (vso 2 16) can perhaps be interpreted as pure rhetoric (see above p 13) There is little further evidence for 2 numbers of potters in the journals of year 29 and later but no such increase seems to have As occurred ad

In the papyrus journals from the late 20th Dynasty deliveries of the potters bkw are separately OCI enumerated for each side63 The entries in these texts indicate some variation in numbers of ill potters although we still seem to be dealing with only one or two men In P Turin 2044 vel (unpubl) from year 1 of Ramesses V an entry records Left the two potters [deficit] (sm~ p im qd 2 [4]) (rto I 5) Thus at times two potters may have been expected to deliver to one side

The only potters name recorded in the later papyrus journals is that of ~Ahawy In the Journal De of Year 7 of Ramesses IX (P Turin 1881 Pleyte and Rossi pI 1-8 KRI VI 609-19) pottery SCI deliveries are made by ~Ahawy but there is no indication whether these were made to Right or Ra Left (vso col V 1-3 col VI 7-8) In verso col VII 1-2 the entry for a lost day in III smw the records received by the hand of the potter [ ] Right and Left vessels Ibw-vessels 150 qb(w)shy en1

SCt

Dy 59 Janssen Village Varia 117 Pel 60 ibid 122 61 For this phrase see section 23 62 The potter Omek also occurs in P Turin 2081 +2095 rto 1 (unpubl) from the mid 20th Dynasty The text records a delivery but the details are lost 63 For example P Turin 2070133 134 + 3 frgs rto II 10-11 (KRJ VI 426-8 entered as Cat 2070154) P Turin 1881 (Pleyte and Rossi pI 1-8) vso VII 1-2 P Turin 1900 (KRI VI 619-24) vso II 7 Turin Necropolis Journal Year 3 Ramesses X (P Turin 1898 Botti and Peet pI 50-63 KRIVI 687-99) rto III 9-1013-14 Turin ~ecropolis Journal Year I Ramesses XI (P Turin 1888 Botti and Peet pl 63 KRJVI 850-1) vso dockets A 2-4

mtries 1-2)

101-2 I) O potter Ito the milieb ) also ng the )otters crew le 19th

use of er Uw ldis a rnbers

Strike those lyone

62 Itre of the ises to

~ 16) ce for have

rately ers of 2044

llip3 je

mmal ottery ~ht or smw

b(w)shy

e text

4) P Turin 0 III IVI

INTERPRETING RECEIPT AND DELIVERY 41

vessels 70 It seems likely that (Ahawys name is to be restored here This last entry may indicate that IAha) could be responsible for deliveries to both Right and Left

In P Turin 2018 (KRI VI 851-63) listing payments of grain to the crew and the smdt dating to the end of the 20th Dynasty IAhawy is included in the list of smdt for Left (A vso 1 10-12 B rto II 9-11 B vso II 17) In the list of smdt for Right is recorded the name of the potter Bakenmut (A rto IV 15-17 A vso I 2-6 B rto II 2-4) In one entry in this text he is recorded as potter Bakenmut son of r Ahawy (A rto la 3-5) It is very likely that potting was a skill passed from father to son and here we see a family of craftsmen responsible for delivery of ceramics to the village In contrast with the evidence for the woodcutters (see above p 15) there seems to be little indication of a change in numbers of potters to reflect any decrease in the size of the crew except for the Journal of Year 7 Perhaps IAhawy was assisted in his delivery by his son the responsibility for supply at this time falling to a single family who could be noted in greater or lesser detail in the record64

The potter rAhawy is also entered in a list of potters (m qdw) in P Turin 2014 (UTlpubl) rto 27_865 The text is not dated but his name places it in the late 20th Dynasty As Janssen observes the names of the laundrymen included in the list in this papyrus are different from those listed in P Turin 2018 perhaps indicating some distance in time between the two texts66 The writing of the plural in the title to the list (m qdw) is formulaic and need not indieate that more than one potter is meant

The number of potters delivering to the village at anyone time seems generally to have been stable at two men Some flexibility may be detected in the papyrus documents of the late 20th

Dynasty although the numbers do not seem to vary beyond one or two The potential for flexibility in the numbers of smdt has been noted by Janssen for both the woodcutters and the fishermen (see above p 15) It is possible that the fonnulae used for recording ceramic deliveries in earlier texts may conceal variations in their numbers

23 Interpreting receipt and distribution As Davies has shown in his study of the family histories in the village the smdt were administered by their Oill scribes67 Possibly the earliest explicit attestation of smdt-scribes occurs in a pottery account On the recto of O Berlin P 10840 the potter Menna is said to be under the authority (r-) of the scribe Pashed (I 1) Pashed and the scribe mentioned on the verso of the ostracon (1 1) Ipuy are knovro from other contemporaneous texts to have been involved in smdt-deliveries and the deliveries ofproduce such as dates and loaves to the village68

Scribes also occur with less explicit statements of authority in two other pottery accounts In O OeM 346 quantities of vessels were delivered on II prt 20 and 23 by the hand of (m-4rt) the scribe Amenemope Davies records two smdt-scribes named Amenemope one from the reign of Ramesses II and one from Ramesses IV_V69 I am inclined to assign this text the earlier date on the basis of its similarity to O OeM 623 On the verso of O OeM 623 a number of vessels are entered for I smw 1 On the recto a quantity of wood is entered by the hand Uw m-4rt) of the scribe Pentaweret for the same date Two smdt-scribes named Pentawcret held office in the 19tb

Dynasty one late in the reign of Ramesses II and one at the very end of the dynasty7o The Pentaweret of the late 19tb Dynasty is recorded as receiving 2 b3kw from the potter Ptahemheb (P

64 Compare the family firms of fishermen Janssen Village Varia 40 65 The line numbers given here follow CernYs provisional transcription (171541-6 171725-9) 66 Janssen and Janssen The Laundrymen of the Theban Necropolis 5 67 Whos Who 123-42 68 ibid 124 Davies doubts the equation Cerny made between this Pashed and the like-named draughtsman (Community206) 69 Whos Who 283-4 70 ibid 125-6283

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42 POTTERS

Greg rto A II) The phrase jw tn-4rt can be used of both potters and scribes In the case of the

scribes it is likely they were involved in receiving and recording the ceramics rathcr than men

physical transportation and delivery The interpretation of tn-4rt is crucial here Although I T

translate the preposition literally it can be understood more flexibly as under the responsibility of which could express a range of levels of responsibility for supply from physical delivery to

seen for (

recording receipt7l

theslWhen pots are delivered or received by the hand of someone who is not given the title

indi(potter or otherwise connected with the stndt the status of the delivery is less clear Valbelle

to innotes the distinction between ceramics brought by the potters and vessels filled with beer and oother commodities provided by institutions72 Usually the content of the latter vessels is given 73

andHowever in some cases the entry is uncertain particularly with the delivery ofjnlt vessels In O

worDeM 23 5 16 jnll vessels are delivered by the hand of Amenemope while in O DeM 26 2-3 the a 30 large jnlt vessels are recorded by the hand of Nebnefer entered 27 deficit 3 Neither of

laquo~(ythese men is given any title and it is possible that they are ordinary workmen 74

(ves~The problems associated with interpreting the deliveries of jnlzt vessels can be best illustrated grou

by O Cairo 25704 which records the delivery ofjnll vessels in year 2 of Sety I no month or day probis given Although Davies connects this delivery with the known smdt-scribe Tjay or the member distn of the smdl Tjiro75 the status of this text remains uncertain Line 2 records the one who brought alloe very largejn~t vessels returned to Tj[ J (nty rdj jnlt (5t sp sn m-hyt mJ 0[ ]) while line 3 lines has the one who brought small () jnlt vessels assigned to [ J (nty rdj jnlt lrj m-Is (5 m-( twtw [ ))76 The non-standard means of entering the delivery nty rdj may indicate that this text 451 d records a more specialized range of vessels not necessarily to be associated vith the smdt-potters O jnlt vessels have a restricted range of occurrence in the Deir el-Medina documentation and are perhsometimes associated with festival deliveries (see the discussion of O BM 50728 below and desigsection 42) Therefore these vessels may not belong with the unfilled ceramics delivered by the desigsmdt-potters text I

There is little evidence in the texts that potters were assisted in the delivery of their wares by there other members of the smdt as is the case with the woodcutters (see above pp 12ff) Entries in the smdt journal OStraca record deliveries by the hand of the potter (m-4rt P5 qd)77 or entered by the In hand of the potter (jw m-4rt P5 qd)78 This may indicate delivery by the potters themselves but meml the use of such formulaic phraseology in recording delivery may conceal a number of possible inclUi alternatives for this aspect of supply Considering the quantities involved and the probable size of (mrw

is no perha

71 For discussion sec P Tallet Deux pretres-sem tMbains de la XXe dynastie BIFAO 99 (1999) 417 An SOlalternative translation of the phrase with similar implications would be arrived by the hand of

proba72 Ouvriers 265 For the representation of such tilled vessels in the ceramic repertoire from Deir el-Medina

delivcsee for example L Bavay S Marchand and P Tallet Les jarres inscrites du Nouvel Empire provenant de Deir aI-Medina CaMers de la Ceramique Egyptienne 6 (2000) 77-86 with references of the 73 For example all deliveries of wine to the village were made in mnt-amphorae Janssen Commodity Prices 350 mnt vessels are only once recorded as part of a potters deliveries In O Or Inst Chicago

79 Tw16998 (unpubL) 30 mnt vessels are entered alongside 30 qbw vessels and 150 Ibw vessels (1 3) The entry

Amenof a wood delivery in line 2 may indicate that this text records deliveries by the smdt For the elite status periodof the mnt see Bourriau Nicholson and Rice Pottery l37 potter

74 O DeM 202 records quantities of dpr and lbw vessels entered by the hand of Wepwawetmose potterAlthough the status of this text can be questioned lbw vessels are a more standard part of the smdt-potters cornprepertoire 80 In 1

75 Whos Who 106 with n 302 referri

76 For the readings of m-hyt mJ and rrt-s mJ see D Valbelle Remarques sur les textes neo-egyptiens meaninon-Iitteraires (sect 6-10) BIFAO 77 (1977) 129-13 L 81 For

77 For example O DeM 159 10 O DeM 39 rto 4 of hig

78 For example O DeM 35 addition above line 7 O DeM 154 rto 15-6 O DeM 38 7 O DeM 47 vso 4 Ramel

e of than

19h I bility ry to

title lbelle rand fenn

InO 2-3 ler of

trated lrday mlber ought line 3 mJ

s text )tters

Id are If and )y the

res by in the )y the es but ISsible ize of

17 An

l1edina venant

modity 1llcago e entry status

trnose )otters

yptiens

vso 4

INTERPRETING RECEIPT AND DELIVERY 43

the vessels the delivery could have involved several trips andor the use of assistants who are not mentioned because they had no responsibility

The distribution of the ceramics among the community is only rarely attested O DeM 337 seems to record numbers of pots owed to particular workmen III ot 10 deficit of 3lbw vessels for (n) Amenemope deficit of I ds vessel 1 dpy vessel and 3 lbw vessels for (n) Nakhy Both these names are common and it is impossible to date the text on this basis79 This text may indicate that not only were records made of the potters debts to the crew in general deficits owed to individual crew members could be documented as well

O BM 50728 dated to year 2 probably of Ramesses II also seems to relate to the processing and distribution of a particular type of ceramic recording vessels delivered to individual workmen as well as deficits owed to them The first five lines of the recto set out the purpose of the account Year 2 [ ] the record of the jn~t vessels for Left (p SOJW m n jn~t n smM - a total (~~~w) of 10 + 5 jn~t vessels Specification (wp s(traquo) for the crew concerning the 10 + 5 (vessels) 80 The numbers of vessels given to each member of the crew are then detailed The first group of five vessels is clearly allocated to four named workmen one for each man Baki probably the foreman of the crew81 received two corresponding to the hierarchal systems of distribution known from accounts of rations and other provisions Lines 7-10 continue with the allocation of different vessel types to named individuals The end of the recto is very broken but lines 11 and 12 seem to have recorded vessels owed to Amenmose (4t n jmn-msw) Pa-[ ] and twtw() and in this the text provides a parallel for O DeM 337 In O BM 50728 rto 11-12 the 41 determinative was crossed out possibly indicating that the debt was paid

O BM 50728 includes some unusual qualifications for the vessels including terms related perhaps to quality (very good jnJt njr nJr middling good jn~t nJr m-~ry-jb) and the designation of certain vessels as being in the fashion of hbny (vessels) (m qd hbny) These designations and the total (~J~w) ofbq oil given in the last line of the recto may indicate that the text records the delivery of filled jnJt vessels for a specific perhaps festival or ritual context I therefore doubt whether the text is concerned with the distribution of ceramics delivered by the smdt potters (see 42 for further discussion of this text)

In contrast O Cairo 25597 dated to year 2 of Ramesses IV records items distributed to members of the smdt The distribution list begins on line 2 with specification (wp-st) and includes a coppersmith a water-carrier as well as the potter Herunefer who received 5 bundles (mrw or ors) the content of these bundles is not stated Although the context for this distribution is not clear this is the only text known to me in which a potter seems to receive a payment perhaps in exchange for work

Some aspects of organization of work such as distribution of pots among the villagers probably did not require the level of administration and documentation needed for the record of delivery Details concerning the processing of delivery remain unclear such as the precise nature of the receipt and distribution of the products However the texts do allow the stages of delivery

79 Two workmen named Nakhy are known from the late 19th Dynasty Janssen Commodity Prices 86 Amenemope is a common name in all periods ibid 42 Although a potter Nakhy is known from this period I doubt whether this text should be understood as referring to the deficits of untitled but named potters instead I read the n as a preposition rather than the indirect genitive It would be very unusual for a potter to be untitled and the text does not follow the standard pattern for potter accounts recording deficits compare O DeM 91 O IFAO 387 O DeM 135 O Gardiner 88 vso 80 In these lines the number 10 is written in black ink while 5 is written in red Some of the numbers referring to allocations to individual workmen in the following lines of the text are also written in red The meaning of the use of red ink in the text requires further investigation 81 For Baki and his family see Davies Whos Who 2-12 If the provision of an extra vessel is an indicator of higher status this text would provide evidence that Baki continued in office into the early years of Ramesses II

I

--44 POTTERS

to be traced illuminating aspects of the organization of the potters work and their relationship the with the community ofDeir el-Medina veSt

may 24 Donkey hire by potters timi Although it can be assumed that donkeys were necessary for the delivery of ceramics to the (see village J know of only one relevant text and that refers only indirectly to the potters use of lOe donkeys There seem to be no hireage texts for potters comparable to those attested for or4 woodcutters and watercarriers

O DeM 73 Ito details a legal case concerning a donkey in the 20 th year of Ramesses III The 32 text records the resolution of a dispute (del) between the potter Herunefer who was the complainant and the workman Anynakht82 Herunefer hired a donkey from Anynakht The

FrO bkI

donkey proved unsatisfactory and an exchange was agreed upon in the presence of (m-blM a scribe of the mat Amennakhe3 The bad donkey was handed over to him Uwtw Ir swd n) and

blk1 Sh01

he gave him Uwf djt) an (other) she-donkey in its place (11 3-4) The text concludes with the resl taking of an oath on account of it (br pbwys) presumably by Anynakht

As Janssen observes in reference to the woodcutters and watercarriers texts about the hireage spec daYE

of donkeys are comparatively rare and are concentrated in the reigns of Ramesses III and IV Those that survive perhaps refer to rather unusual situations as here The distinctive nature of this

smt intel

text lends support to Janssens proposal that there was a pool of donkeys perhaps state or communally owned rather than belonging to the workmen themselves available for deliveries to

pap) was

the village (see above p 29) here T

sect3 Documenting supply 31 The timing ofexpected deliveries Janssen has determined through analysis of the journal OStraca of the reigns of Ramesses TIT and IV that deliveries of ceramics were expected every ten days84 That this was the practice in the early 19th Dynasty is confirmed by the delivery lists of wood and pottery Where the lists are dated these dates usually fall on days 1085 2086 or 3087 of the month which are the days on which deliveries were also recorded later in the 20 th Dynasty

It is likely that vessels were not expected on any particular day within this time frame and could be delivered in smaller amounts throughout the period like the deliveries by the gardeners and fishermen ss P Greg vso B II 8 documents the receipt of bkw of the potter for year 6 of

that for ( the doCl pred of tl gene mixt term

Siptah on the 19th day of IV lvt This delivery is then recorded in the summary information for IV lvt 10 to 20 A journal ostracon of the reign of Ramesses III records that on II smw 7 the potter entered two blkw one (w) for I smw 30 one for II smw 10 (0 DeM 38 7) The account text O DeM 346 of the mid_20th Dynasty documents the receipt of two quantities of vessels within three days On II prt 20 30 qbt vessels and 110 lbw vessels were received or delivered by the hand of

33l The wen O E IIIp scali mad

82 For Anynakht see Davies Whos Who 74-5 The potter Herunefer is also known from O Cairo 25597 39 (1

83 The role of the scribe of the mat (sv n un) in this text has been discussed by Ben Haring The Scribe of the Mat From Agrarian Administration to Local Justice in Deir el-Medina in the Third Millennium

Jans~ 90 b

AD A Tribute to Jac J Janssen eds R J Demaree and A Egberts Egyptologische Uitgaven 14 (Leiden 91 ibi

2000) 149 For the legal status of this text see A G McDowell Jurisdiction in the Workmens Community 92 O

ofDeir el-Medina Egyptologische Uitgaven 5 (Leiden 1990) 146-7 84 Commodity Prices 485-6

B893n

85 O DeM 1 5 7 10 12 13 17 23 O Gardiner 43 94 Fe

86 O DeM 2 8 15 24 O Or lust Chicago 18878 reCOl

87 O DeM 3 4 9 11 12 14 18 22 O DH 6 7 88 J J Janssen bkw From Work to Product SAK 20 (1993)90 n 52

tragI 95 L

lship

)the se of I for

The the The

M a ) and h the

reage i IV fthis te or ies to

I and n the s are fS on

ould sand 6 of

or IV lotter xtO three ndof

97 kribe znium iden lunity

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 45

the scribe Amenemope (rto 11 1-2) On II prt 23 a further 42 dpr vessels making(9 22 qb vessels and 100 tbw vessels were also entered by the scribe Amenemope (vso n 1-4) This text may record part payments of the delivery expected for II prt 20-30 The data concerning the timing of delivery therefore correspond to the evidence discussed by Janssen for the woodcutters (see above pp 18ff) As in the woodcutter texts if the delivery was completed in full during the 10 day period it was recorded as mI Any deficit or shortfall in delivery was entered as (w)gJ(t) or gJ nlr

32 The terminology ofsupply bJkw From the late 19th or early 20 th Dynasties the deliveries of ceramics were recorded in units of bJlnv in both account and journal ostraca Janssen has discussed the use and meaning of the tenn bkw in the Deir el-Medina material blkw in its absolute sense means work but Janssen has shown that in many cases in these documents the meaning can shift from work to the resultproduct of the work90 Within this usage the bkw of the potter seems to have a more specific meaning Janssen has concluded that it signifies a fixed amount that was due every ten days a quota He cites the example ofO DeM 387 where two b3kw were recorded one for I smw 30 one for II smw 10 91 The detenninatives used in the writing of b3lnv support this interpretation Although in the late 19th and early 20th Dynasty texts bkw was detennined by the papyrus roll92 from the middle to the end of the reign of Ramesses III the vessel detenninative was used93 The change to this detenninative from one with a more abstract meaning signals that here bkw is a work requirement consisting of an amount of ceramics

The usage of bkw in the journals and accounts implies that this amount was fixed a quota that would therefore be quantifiable There are records of the entry of two bkw often to make up for overdue deliveries and occasionally even half bkw94 These references certainly imply that the bIlnv was a predetennined amount that could be doubled or halved when necessary The documenting of deficits in the texts also shows that each delivery was expected to consist of a predetermined amount The Category E text O DeM 12 seems to record such a deficit On line 4 of this delivery list is written deficit namely deficit of vessels (4 qrlJt 4)95 Since qrlt is the generic tenn for vessels the implication is that the expected delivery of ceramics probably a mixture of types and quantities was not made To determine the composition of each bkw in terms of vessel types and numbers is however difficult

33 b3kw in the J(jh Dynasty accounts (text categories B C E) The 19th Dynasty accounts of the deficits of the potters Menna and Nakhy indicate that deliveries were pre-determined as amounts that if not delivered in full were recorded to be made up later O Berlin P 10840 records an accumulation of deficits owed by Menna from year 9 III fJt 1 to III prt 30 making 5 months 53 qbt vessels 575 bw vessels (11 2-3) This account shows the scale of thc deficit that the potter could incur over a period of time if complete deliveries were not made

89 Cernys transcription of the text contains an ellipsis and query at this point (Catalogue VII pI 2) Janssen (pers corron) has suggested that the two dashes in the hieratic facsimile could be read as Jr n 90 hkw From Work to Product 89 91 ibid 89-90 nO DeM 606 rto 611 O Cairo 25591 rto 4-5 and O Cairo 25633 vso 1 P Greg rto B 23 A 11 vso B 8 11-12 93 The journal ostraca from the mid_20th Dynasty consistently use this determinative 94 For an examples entries of two bkw see O DeM 154 rto 16 P Greg rto A II 11-12 Half units are recorded in O DeM 44 rto 20 P Turin 1961 (Pleyte and Rossi pI 99) vso II 5 Anonymous Turin fragment (Cerny MSS 3616) 95 t~~lon

46 POTTERS

O DeM 135 is a testimony to the precision with which such deficits were recorded This undated text enumerates the deficit of two potters Deficit of the potters 2 men 96 29 qbw fle)vessels 5 gy vessels 00 Ibw vessels 9 dp(r) vessels to (r) qbw vessels making 4Y2 Total ves making 33Y2 qbw vessels The final two lines seem to indicate that 9 dpr vessels were equivalent mo in some way to 4Yz qbw vessels97 When added to the 29 qbw vessels in line 2 this gives the total ves of 33Y2 Perhaps the potters were initially required to deliver 9 dpr vessels along with the other and vessels but the decision was made to convert these dpr vessels into their equivalent in qbw dprvessels Here it must be borne in mind that this text records deficit rather than delivery It seems forto reflect the scribes accounting mentality precisely recording the precise value of the deficit

forwhich may have been rounded up or down in reality The meticulous record of deficit does imply sigrfixed vessel deliveries with a specific amount being due every ten days

deliAlthough such texts imply the presence of a quota it is difficult to quantify that quota in terms

posof numbers and types of vessels In this context O DeM 135 provides an additional insight The

asklconversion of one vessel type into its equivalent in another type if it is a concrete conversion

therather than a statement of value implies a certain flexibility within the deliveries Perhaps this document shows the superiors of the crew specifying or making adjustments to the amounts of

34ceramics required every ten days in accordance with the needs of the crew

TheSuch an interpretation could explain the range of vessel types and quantities enumerated in the

19th defiDynasty delivery lists while also perhaps accounting for the precise documentation of It isdeficits These ostraca note deliveries of at least eight different vessel types in varying quantities

and combinations including jn~t98 m~t99 qbwIOO kJ-lr-kJ 101 gJy102 Ibw103 dpr104 and dS I05 and imp

Some of these vessel names are very rare in other documentation The dpr vessel although common in these lists and in 19th Dynasty pottery accounts does not appear to occur later 106 This

Ir

pattern could suggest a reduction in the vessel repertoire in the 20th Dyllasty but the contents of IVr Jourdeliveries are not generally enumerated in the later data potentially concealing some vessel types 29Deliveries of lbw vessels are recorded in the majority of the surviving lists and as will be 15-1illustrated below Ibw vessels alongside qbw vessels remained the core of the potters deliveries (conin the 20th Dynasty It is possible that qbw and bw are classes of ceramics rather than distinct samlvessel types so that the terms may cover a wider range of forms (see section 61) DeIlt othe

96 1- ~~~gt5l~I (I 1) reml 97 Compare O DeM 346 where 42 dpr vessels may be the equivalent of 22 qbt vessels (see section 31) day The flexibility of equivalence between the two types may indicate flexibility in the form and valuation of seen these vessels (see section 41) evid 98 Janssen Commodity Prices434 O DeM 16 153 174 23 5

ther99 Wb II 126 W F Reineke Der Zusammenhang der altagptischen Rohl- und LiingenmaBe MfG 9 (1963)148 O DeM 56 7 6 114 100 Janssen Commodity Prices 412-5 qbw is a feminine word and can also be spelt qbt Valbelle Guvriers 18 O DeM J 7 4 5 7 5 104 O DR 5 4 O Gardiner 435 101 Wb V 93 O DeM 28 3 O DR 6 8 lOi 0 102 Janssen Commodity Prices 426-8 O DeM 5 5 9 6 107 225 O DR 8 3 O Gardiner 436 108 0 10J Janssen Commodity Prices 433-4 O DeM 18 3 4 4 6 6 6 8 6 105 116 136 154 16 5 17 109 0 3 226 O DR 5 7 6 9 7 5 84 O Or lnst Chicago 188785 O Gardiner 43 7 O DeM 288 records 110 0 a lbw-n-k~ vessel (see section 41) III 0 104 This vessel is not included in Janssen Commodity Prices or in the Worterbuch It is written lith the 1110

generic term for vessel qrlt confirming its nature as such O DeM 25 3 3 5 7 6 5 9 5 106 165 113 0 O DR 5 6 O Or lnst Chicago 188784 4prt vessels presumably a different orthography of the same 114 C term occur in hieratic inscriptions from the tomb of Tutankhamun 1 Cerny Hieratic lnscriptionsfrom the Il5 t Tomb of TutCankhamun TutCankhamiins Tomb Series II (Oxford 1965) 6 with references See also G 116 Ir Bouvier BlFAG 101 (2001)90 note g PriCE 105 Wb V 485 Janssen Commodity Prices 472-4 O DeM 64 8 5 135 165 22 4 O DR 5 6 74 non-I 1(lj See the documents cited in n 100 also O DeM 346 vso 3 117 Q~

This qbw otal alent total other qbw

eems ficit mply

erms The rsion this Its of

n the m of ttities dS I05

tough This lts of ypes ill be veries stinct

1 31) ion of

1109

vriers

5 17 ecords

ith the 165

same Jm the

Iso G

74

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 47

The degree to which the composition of deliveries could vary from list to list illustrates the flexiblity of the institution On I 3Jt 10 of year 3 of Sety I 7 jn~t vessels (3 good 2 poor) 37 qbw vessels (deficit of 3) and 58 Ibw vessels (deficit of 2) were delivered l07 On the 20th day of that month dpr vessels were delivered (the rest of the text is lost)108 80 dpr vessels and 50 Ibw vessels were delivered on the last day of I 3Jt109 while on the last day of II Jt 40 qbw vessels and 50 Ibw vessels were delivered l1O On day 10 of III Jt 80 g3y vessels 90 m~t vessels and 40 dpr vessels were delivered lll Not only do several vcssel types occur in each delivery but totals for each vessel type also vary considerably as weI Ibw vessels tend to total between 50 and 60 for each list in which they occur1l2 However many of the attested totals documented are significantly larger between 100 and 300 lbw1l3 These texts may point to there being variable deliveries that resulted from commissions in response to specific needs However this is only one possible interpretation based upon a comparatively small group of texts The question must be asked whether a similar understanding can be gained from the qualitatively different sources of the 20th Dynasty

34 Recording b3kw in the 20th Dynasty The recording of pottery deliveries was less explicit in the 20th Dynasty with deliveries and deficits generally noted as b3kw and (w)4(t) of the potter without further clarifying information It is difficult to determine whether the quantities and contents of the deliveries were as flexible and varying as the 19th Dynasty data suggest Indeed as Janssen has concluded it is virtually impossible to prove what was meant by the termbkw l 114

In the rare cases where journal entries on ostraca of the reigns of Ramesses III and Ramesses N record numbers of vessels this information is difficult to interpret O DeM 154 rto recording journal entries in year 31 of Ramesses III documents the delivery made by the potter on II smw 29 entered by the hand of the potter 2 bkw (plus) 50 lbw vessels for II smw 30 deficit 65 (II 15-16) Janssen alternatively translates this part of the text as [e ]ntered from the potter 2 bkw (consisting of) 50 lbw vessels comparing it with O Berlin P 10654 (unpub) vso 1 where the same amount of 50 vessels is also mentioned I IS There is a number of possible readings of O DeM 154 rto The two b3kw may be deliveries owing from earlier in the month116 while on the other hand the 50 Ibw vessels may be an early partial payment for II smw 30 with 65 vessels remaining outstanding Since we do not have the rest of the journal for II smw and the entry for day 20 records neither delivery nor deficit it is difficult to draw firm conclusions Nonetheless it seems unlikely that the b3kw referred to in the text consisted of 50 lbw vessels The supporting evidence of the late 20th Dynasty ostracon O Berlin P 10654 vso is ambiguous also referring to the production of 50 vessels in the first line the numbers are lost thereafter

II Jt 10 the potter fashioned1l7 50 (vessels) day 20 the potter [fashioned x (vessels)]

107 O DeM 16-8 108 O DeM 2 5 109 O DeM 3 3-4 110 O DeM 45-6 1110 DeM 5 5-7 112 O DeM 18 34 8 6 165 O DH 5 7 6 9 O Or Inst Chicago 188785 113 O DeM 6 6 136 22 6 154 173 O DH 76 ll4 Commodity Prices 488 bkw From Work to Product 89 115 bkw From Work to Product 89 116 In a similar situation O DeM 40 14-5 records by the hand of the potter 3 bkw Janssen Commodity Prices 487-8 concludes that two of the bkw were payments for the first two decades although the non-delivery is nowhere stated while the third delivery was due for the five epagomenal days 117 ~~li~IT1l~~o

II

48 POTTERS

day 30 fashioning [x (vessels)] III 11]t 10 while he (fashioned)118 [x (vessels)] 35 b day 20119

Vhel total 230 qbw vessels [ ] the n specifYing it (wp Sf) ~ 23 jn~11 vessels blkw

In recording the actual work of the potters this text is unique While units of 50 vessels seem to statu be specified any connection with a blkw is not made explicit and can only be inferredYo perio

Janssen also cites the example of O DeM 35 on which a note above line 7 recording entries been for IIprt 19 of year 28 of Ramesses III reads entered by the hand of the potter as one b3kw 100 these qbw vessels 45 lbw vessels Although this text indicates that the b3kw consisted of 100 qbw Th vessels and 45 lbw vessels the phrase m w( b3kw could imply that the vessels enumerated were the e those making up this particular delivery perhaps differing from although equivalent to the recor contents of earlier deliveries and the standard b3kw The higher number of qbw vessels than Ibw epagt vessels which is very unusual when compared with other texts enumerating these two types 5 ep suggests that this entry is exceptional not only in its formulation It may be that this delivery ofth required special enumeration perhaps the potter altered the original order and provided an bee) equivalent number of qbw vessels instead of lbw vessels P

The two uneertain entries of O DeM 154 and O DeM 35 are the only texts in which actual Ram vessel types are enumerated in 20u Dynasty journal ostraca O DeM 35 in particular may suggest reads that the composition of b3kw could be flexible Other surviving records of pottery deliveries from An e the reign of Rarnesses III usually state only whether or not the potter entered his deliveries deliv complete or was in deficit O DeM 143 vso 5 datable to year 24 of Ramesses III does fo11o however enter a deficit of lbw vessels for the five epagomenal days Although the exact figures as 65 are lost the final two lines record an unknown total (dnuf) of qbw vessels and a total of 680 lbw char~ vessels these probably being deficits incurred since IV smw 30 the day the potter first fell behind disru in deliveries as the account records In O DeM 165 which largely documents deficits incurred in prt 1 year 30 III prt and thereafter a note to one side records year 29 entered for the five whih (epagomenal) days 30 lbw vessels his deficit 85 (11 4amiddot5a) vesst

Where vessel numbers are enumerated in these 20th Dynasty texts they vary in some cases notin considerably although the relationships of these numbers with the context of the documents must onw be kept in mind The vessel types are less varied than in the 19th Dynasty sources Mostly qbw and that 1 [bw vessels are enumerated in large quantities which confirms that these vessel types were the here basis of the potters b 3kw The deficit accounts from the reign of Ramesses II (group III) record If only qbw and lbw vesselsl2I in contrast with the variety of vessels represented in the delivery deliv lists The delivery lists of the 19th Dynasty appear to be exceptional in the variety of vessel types large they enumerate They may represent deliveries from other specialized workshops or supplies for vess particular purposes The similarity between the 19th Dynasty delivery lists of pottery and wood on en1r) the one hand and of specialty breads and beer on the other hand may indicate that these inter deliveries were in general more specialized they were perhaps associated with festivals Such an here association is illuminated by a study of one of the vessel types less commonly enumerated in A1 these texts (see section 42) However the regularity of delivery in these lists recorded in tenmiddotday b3kJi blocks is closely comparable with the regular b3kw delivery For the 20th Dynasty it must be potu borne in mind that b3kw which is mostly unqualified in the journal ostraca may cover a range of the ( vessel types sing

liS Q0--1i11 122 G ll9 Cerny noted that the line here was left blank 123 J~

120 The specification of jnJz1 vessels may also suggest that this text refers to a specialized perhaps unique lUF

production series For jnJzt see section 42 me 121 0 DeM 91 O Berlin P 10840 vso O IFAO 387 126 C

em to

ntries 100

l qbw were

) the nbw types livery ed an

actual 19gest from veries does

igures 101bw )ehind red in ~ fivc

cases must wand re thc ccord livery types es for odon thcsc Ichan ted in n-day lst be 1ge of

mique

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 49

35 bikw in the late 20th Dynasty papyrus documents Where pottery deliveries are recorded in the journal papyri the numbers of vessels involved and the name of the potter are often included A further contrast with earlier records is that the tenn bkw is rarely employed The more fonnal status of the papyri may explain such differences This status may also be one reason despite the large amount of documentation surviving from this period deliveries of pottery are only recorded occasionally Those that are recorded may have been special deliveries and hence worthy of note When bkw are recorded as in earlier records these may be variable in size and consist largely ofbw and qbw vessels

The recto ofP Turin 2070133 134 + 3 fragments (KRIVI 426-8) contains journal entries for the epagomenal days of the year 2 of a king later than Ramesses IV 122 The entry for the final day records the deliveries of the potter Right the potter - 29 [qb]w vessels 145 lbw vessels Five epagomenal days 100 [+ 45] Ibwvessels [Left] the potter 29 [qbw] vessels 145lbwvessels 5 epagomenal days 145 (Col II 10-11) The deliveries are enumerated separately for each side of the crew although if the restorations are correct the totals are the same for each side As is to be expected qbw and bw vessels are the only vessel types mentioned

P Turin 1881+ (Pleyte and Rossi pI 1-8 KRIVI 609-19) records entries for years 6-8 of Ramesses IX the potter is only mentioned on three occasions in year 7 For IV lu 29 the entry reads received by the hand of the potter ~Ahawy - qbw vessels 65 bw vessels 65 (vso V 1-2) An entry for 65 handfuls of plants follows in this list and seems to be associated with this delivery An entry on the same line also records 2 khar of k3Y (Ulq~ ~ ) probably roe123 The following line records again by his hand (wlm m-fjrtj) (for) I prt 10 100 [b[w] vessels as well as 65 handfuls of plants and an unknown measure of roe It seems that the potter had also been charged with delivering produce to the village perhaps the organization of deliveries was disrupted in this period Other entries record deliveries received by the hand of scribes 124 In III prt 18 almost three months later ~Ahawy made another delivery of 300 Ibw vessels (vso VI 7-8) while in III smw there were received by the hand of the potter (for) Right and Left 1501bw vessels and 70 qbw vessels (vso VII 1-2) P Turin 1881 + is an unusual text which rather than noting events day by day records only a few days from a few months of each year perhaps days on which events occurred that were more significant in the eyes of the scribe Valbelle observes that the scribe was running out of space on the papyrus increasing the likelihood that the entries he recorded were those he considered important125

If the deliveries recorded in this text were the only ones made for year 7 of Ramesses IX the delivery patterns of the potters may have changed Rather than delivering units every decade large deliveries were made every two to three months This would explain the large totals of vessels supplied However as Janssen cautions scribal inaccuracies mean that the absence of an entry in the journal does not necessarily mean that the delivery was not made126 An alternative interpretation is that the standard deliveries were made every ten days and that those recorded here were supplementary and worthy of special mention

An entry in P Turin 1900+ (KRl VI 619-24) vso 117 may indicate that regular deliveries of blkw continued at least in the early years of Ramesses IX Year 9 II 31Jt 19 records Right the potters b3kw [ ] (wnmy p qd n b3kw [ J) The context of this delivery is similar to those of the earlier 20th Dynasty with supply of fuel and gypsum being recorded as well However the single mention of a potters bkw in this entry in the papyrus may be as unique as those in P

122 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 242 123 Janssen Village Varia 53 124 For example vso 2a vso 5 5 vso 5 10 vso 6 1 125 Ouvriers 63-4 126 Commodity Prices 486

l

50 POTTERS

Turin l88l Journal entries from years 10 and 17 of Ramesses IX support this interpretation P A Turin 2071140 (KRIVI 63715) rto 9 records delivery of vegetables and pottery 2l() qb(w) varia vessels 110 [+ x] [bw vessels for day 30 IV smw year 10 The Turin Necropolis Journal of year vana 17 rto B II 2-3 (Botti and Peet pI 16) is the only record of a pottery delivery in this substantial inclu text covering two full months potter rAhawy 33 qbw vessels 165 [bw vessels This may Dyna indicate that the delivery was an unusual hence noteworthy event especially in relation to (HO references to problems with smdt organization earlier in the text (see section 37) the p

Deliveries of varying quantities of pottery are entered a number of times for different sides of recei the crew in the journal of year 3 of Ramesses X (P Turin 1898 + Botti and Peet pI 50-63 KRI Re VI 687-99) On III prt 18 even though the crew was not working because of the foreigners cornr (Omyw) 30 qb(w) vessels and 30 [+ x] [[bw] vessels were delivered to Right (rto I 11) On the wood last day of IV prt 9 qb(w) and 27 ([)bw vessels were delivered to Left (the entry for Right is comp lost rto II 14) The entry for II smw 19 records crew not working Right 28 qb(w) vessels 300 Janss [b(w) vessels Left 28 qb(w) vessels 15 g1(y) vessels 300 [b(w) vessels (rto III 9-10) The entry amou for g1y vessels is unusual in this text Two days later there was a further delivery for Right alone largel the potter - 30 qb(w) vessels 150 [b(w) vessels (rto III 13-14) In the month of III smw qbw Alt and [bw vessels were delivered on two occasions day 5 and day 30127 On IV smw 1 1 qbw was texts

delivered perhaps to Right while 90 [bw vessels were delivered to Left (rto V 18-9) If each are in delivery of vessels to the village was flexible in size and composition the entries in this journal as a c may also illustrate that deliveries to different sides of the crew could be varied as well quant

The journal text of year 1 of Ramesses XI P Turin 1898+ VSO128 records for I 10t 24 Right excep

from the hand of (the) potter [ ] 18 qb(w) vessels 50 [+x] [bw vessels Left from the hand of 37 In(the) potter [ ]y129 10 [+x] (Hh vessels [r~R~~o] [ J (vso Text A 2-4) Again the Otherdelivery is separately enumerated for the different sides of the crew breaks in the text mean that unprethe composition of the delivery is unknown If the entry on line 4 is a variant orthography of a this b type of vessel (1(1130 it may indicate a specialized delivery because (1(1 vessels are not firingotherwise attested in the pottery deliveries l3I Further deliveries are recorded in this journal again therein a very broken context by the hand ofthe potter [ ] lbw vessels 51 [+ x ] (vso dockets B taken5-6) later 18 qbw vessels and 50 lbw vessels are recorded (vso dockets C 2) This is the latest or adrsurviving record of pottery deliveries to the necropolis workmen in the 20th Dynasty deficit Impac36 Conclusion the meanings ofb1kw

TheThe Turin Necropolis journals seem to support the interpretation of the nature of the b1kw found detailein the earlier documentation Despite the possibility that delivery patterns may have altered or that from t some entries may represent extra deliveries these documents indicate that [bw and qbw vessels earlyformed the core of any quota of pottery delivered to the village occasionally supplemented with irregulother vessel types the pa III It

127 On III sectmw 529 qb(w) vessels and 150 bw vessels were delivered to Right Left received 19 qb(w) month vessels and 150 bw vessels (Botti and Peet pI 57 rto IV 15-9) The papyrus is damaged in the entries for III sectmw 30 but the surviving text indicates that deliveries of over 100 bw vessels were made to Right and both fbw and rqlbw vessels were delivered to Left (Botti and Peet pI 59 rto V 17-19) Unusually this latter entry records bw vessels before qbw 132 For 128 Botti and Peet pI 63 KRI VI 850-1 I follow the reassessment of Jtirgen von Beckerath in my reading 34 see of this text Papyrus Turin 1898+ vso SAK21 (1994)29-33 133 Th( 129 Perhaps the name of the potter CAhawy can be restored here 134 C J 130 Wh V 532 W F Reineke Der Zusammenhang der altagyptischen Hohl- und UingenmaBe MID 9 East e (1963)151 observlt 131 4343 vessels are included in a list of products in O Cairo 25678 vso 17 along with fbw vessels (1 18) discuss Valbelle citing this text considers that 4343 vessels could replace qbw vessels and were perhaps be mad synonymous (in her reference Duvriers 265 n 12 read 25678 for 25673) 135 Con

n p b(w) year ntial may m to

es of KRI

yenlers 11 the ht is 300 ~ntry

lone qbw was each lmal

ight ld of I the that ofa not

gain s B atest

lUnd that sels with

b(w) 8 for tand this

ding

[09

18) haps

DOCUMENTIKG SUPPLY 51

A further correspondence between the papyrus documents and the earlier ostraca is the variation in the numbers of vessels being delivered If these figures do represent regular bkw the variation in vessel totals may reflect responses to the changing needs of the crew perhaps including orders made by the superiors of the crew to the potters The use of bkw in one 20th

Dynasty account ostracon exemplifies the flexible character of commissions O Gardiner 80 4-5 (HO 6114) states after recording the complete deliveries during III smw received as the bkw of the potter entered complete like his custom of every day This text implies that the deliveries received during that month constituted the potters commission which he managed to fulfiL

Records survive of other members of the smdt such as gardeners and woodcutters receiving commands to deliver specific amounts132 Janssen notes the commission received by the woodcutter Saroy in year 29 III fJt 7 to deliver 380 units every 10 days This order can be compared with that of Saroys colleague who received a commission to deliver 500 units 133 As Janssen observes the quotas of the woodcutters often deviated quickly from these specified amounts (see above p 20) Such orders might have been regular normal occurrences that are largely invisible in the written record

Although no known text records such an assignment to the potters to deliver specific amounts texts that record varying quantities of ceramics and texts in which vessels other than qbw and tbw are included suggest that such commissions were madc The bkw may therefore be understood as a commission or expected dclivery of a predetermined unit of ceramics Although theoretically quantifiablc the bkw was flexible so that we cannot determinc what amount was expected except in specific deliveries

37 Implications ofdefiCits Other factors may also have operated to produce differential sizes of deliveries Firing was an unpredictable process with a certain amount of wasters inevitably being produced each time On this basis Christopher Eyre has suggested the one bkw may have been the equivalent of one firing which could vary in composition and in success134 Although this hypothesis is viable there is no direct evidence to support it and it is also possible that the needs of the crew were taken into account in each individual bkw or work requirement Where problems in the workshop or administrative breakdowns affected deliveries these are likely to be reflected in the records as deficits By examining patterns of deficit within the documentation it is possible to observe the impact of external problems in the Theban area on the potters deliveries in the mid 20th Dynasty

The journal ostraca of the reigns of Ramesses III and IV (Group I) again provide the most detailed documentation of delivery and deficit although only very general trends can be deduced from the materiaL Janssens analysis of pottery deliveries at the end of Ramesses Ills reign to early Ramesses IV led to the conclusion that deliveries of commodities were generally very irregular at this time whereas in the preceding years they had been more stable 135 The details of the pattern of deficits can be supplemented by a few account ostraca from the reign of Ramesses III It must be borne in mind that the idiosyncrasies of scribal record keeping mean that some months record no deliveries at all even though deliveries were most probably made

132 For the commissioning of the smdt see J J Janssen The Year of the Strikes BSEG 16 (1992) 44 n 34 see also Janssens section 7 in this volume 133 The Year of the Strikes 44-6 134 C J Eyre Work and the Organization of Work in the New Kingdom in Labor in the Ancient Near East ed M A Powell (New Haven 1987) 193 Janssen bkw From Work to Product 90 n observes that if this were the case the potters would have delivered once per decade The limited evidence discussed in 31 and a review of the delivery dates in the texts included in 33 indicate that deliveries could be made on more than one occasion during the ten-day period 135 Commodity Prices 488

52 POTTERS

The account of O Gardiner 80 (HO 61 4) for year 21 of Ramesses III records deliveries that O were made complete for the entire month of III smw the final line entered complete like his bJrn custom of every day although formulaic may be an indicator of a reputation for efficiency and for t punctuality The records from a few years later appear to tarnish this reputation The account text far 11 O DeM 143 datable to year 24 while recording complete deliveries for III smw 30 and IV smw coml 10 and 20 enters deficits for IV smw 30 the five epagomenal days and the first two decades of I appe 3bt (11 1-7) Reasons for the accumulation of such a substantial deficit beyond internal incre production problems are unknown This text warns us that although the relationship between admi administrative problems at Deir el-Medina and deficit is clear at times less easily identifiable in th factors may also have had an impact By year 27 deliveries appear to have returned to normal the p with no deficits being entered and every delivery recorded as complete (0 DeM 33 vso 8 O TI DeM 34 rto 7 16 vso 11) a deficit is however noted for the epagomenal days of year 28 in O agair DeM 156 vso 4 that

From year 29 deficits are again a consistent feature of the record during the time when labour inc01 troubles began to disrupt the community The first hint of delivery problems may be found in the whet problematic O Strasbourg H 26 If the entries on the recto refer to the potter this text records mad~ complete deliveries throughout I and II smw and probably through the epagomenal days and II there 3bt The verso may refer more explicitly to pottery deliveries with the final line recording IV coul Jbt 10 deficit of the [potter) However the reading of qd is based on a restoration (Cerny Nb in thi 3561) and the status of this text as a pottery account could be questioned There are more certain Th references to delivery from later in year 29 In I prt 30 the potter made deliveries to Right and perio Left details of the content of delivery are not given (0 Turin 57007 vso 4-5) The strike action ambi began in the village only ten days later on II prt 10136 The only further entry recording a pottery Peet delivery is in P Turin 1961 (Pleyte and Rossi pI 99) possibly from the end of year 29 IV prt 30 outsi notes for Right the potter I Y while the potter l is noted for Left (vso II 5 7)137 There are there no further records of pottery deliveries until year 30 although the consistent deficits incurred by reorg the woodcutters during year 29 and into year 30 are evidence of the impact of the strikes (see for II above p 21)138 authc

Deficits are recorded in an account text for III prt 30 and probably IV prt 10 of year 30 but a Peet delivery oftvo b3kw was promptly made to remedy this deficit (0 DeM 165 rto 1-2) O DeM ~Aha 154 rto 15-16 of year 31 records the delivery of two b3kw on II smw 29 probably overdue entric payments for days 10 and 20 A number of fbw vessels are also specified I interpret these as and perhaps an early payment for II smw 30 although they may relate to the two b3kw A deficit of 65 speci is noted Complete deliveries are made in IV lJl but since they are noted specifically they may perha have been considered late one b3kw being entered on day 13 for day 10 and one being entered Th for Right only on day 21 (0 DeM 157 8-9 17) From then into the reign of Ramesses IV the may potters made deliveries late or were making good deficits In II smw 7 of year 32 the debt was diffic paid for I smw 30 and at the same time the b3kw was delivered three days early for II smw 10 (0 or the

19thDeM 38 7 17 23) No sooner had these deliveries been made then the potter was in debt again I for the rest of the month Disruptions to pottery and fuel deliveries (see above p 21) throughout wide] year 30 and into year 31 are symptoms of continued labour problems within the village or of subst general administrative problems in the Theban area 139

mont side I

136 RAD 49 15 P J Frandsen Editing reality the Turin Strike Papyrus in Studies in Egyptology presented to Miriam Lichtheim ed S Israelit-Groll (Jerusalem 1990) 166-99 Risbo 137 Janssen considers that the documentation of half units may point to a scarcity of materials Commodity availa Prices 488 A reference to a half unit may also be found in an anonymous papyrus fragment in Turin 140 Fo (Cerny MSS 3616) which records the potter 2h this probably means 2h bJkw 141 Fo 138 Janssen The Year ofthe Strikes 46-8 BerIir B9 Disruptions in local administration may have directly impacted pottery production if as Colin Hope bkw suggests the state provided clay to these workshops Egyptian Pottery Shire Egyptology 5 (princes been ~

8 that ce his yand It text smw

s of ternal tween fiable Irmal 8 O in O

aboUT in the ~cords

md II ~ IV YNb ertain It and ~ction ottery Jrt 30 re are ed by (see

but a DeM erdue se as of65 may

tered the twas 0(0 19ain ~hout or of

~logy

ity

ffope inces

DOCUMENTlIG SUPPLY 53

O DeM 40 rto 15 from I gUt of year 1 of Ramesses IV records that the potter delivered three bgkw on day 24 probably overdue deliveries for days 10 and 20 (the deficits are not noted) and for the epagomenal days for which the deficit was entered in a note in a separate column on the far left A deficit is also recorded for day 30 (vso 9) From this point on the deliveries tend to be complete although often a few days late140 There are still occasional deficits but the deliveries appear to have been generally more regular than in the final years of Ramesses IILI41 The increasing irregularity of delivery is probably a symptom of the general decay of the administration of the Necropolis at the end of a long reign The more regular deliveries beginning in the first year of Ramesses IV perhaps correspond with a renewed interest in the Necropolis on the part of the successor king who was eager to get work on his tomb underway

These documents provide the only opportunity to trace a pattern of deficit in pottery deliveries against well documented changes and problems in the administration of the village They show that such an equation between the two is possible this may have implications for the more incomplete records of the end of the dynasty It is difficult to determine from the papyrus texts whether deliveries continued on a regular basis in the closing years of the 20th Dynasty or were made in large consignments more infrequently as the surviving evidence seems to suggest Since there were significant civil disturbances in the Theban area throughout this period deliveries could have been affected to the point that they became more unusual events and warranted entry in the journals

The Turin Necropolis journal for year 17 of Ramesses IX provides the best example from this period From II prl on the text includes entries concerning the smdt in general from the ambiguous entry taking the smdt of the Tomb of Left by the scribe of the Tomb Hori (Botti and Peet pI 14 rto B I 8) to the entries a few lines later crew not working while the smdt were outside under the authority (rJ(wyraquo of the two scribes of the Necropolis [ ] crew not working there being no smdt outside (rto B I 12) These entries seem to indicate that there was some reorganization of or problem with the smdt although a record of a wood delivery was entered for II prl 15 The entry for II prt 18 records crew not working while their smdt were under the authority of the two scribes of the Tomb of the Outside without any payments (1) (Botti and Peet pI 15 rto B I 18) On II prt 24 a delivery of fish was made and on day 25 the potter rAhawy delivered a number of vessels (Botti and Peet pI 16 rto B II 1-3) Although these entries are difficult to interpret it seems that the crew was facing both deficits in grain delivery and problems with the smdt In this context the delivery of pottery can perhaps be seen as a special occurrence no text from the end of the 20 th Dynasty explicitly records a potters deficit perhaps indicating that there was no longer an expected pattern to delivery

The interpretations presented here are speculative moreover other factors that left no trace may have had an impact on production The deficits entered for year 25 of Ramesses III are difficult to explain except in terms of unknowable production problems specific to the workshops or the personal circumstances of the potters as are the causes for the deficits recorded in the early 19th Dynasty Such deficits cannot be equated with any known problems in the village or the wider Theban area The accounts of the potters Menna and N akhy in the early 19th Dynasty record substantial deficits especially those incurred by Menna in a year 9 where he is in deficit for five months totalling 53 qbw vessels and 575 fbw vessels Further deficit totals perhaps for the other side of the crew are even larger 94 qbw vessels and 992 lbw vessels (0 Berlin P 10840) The

Risborough 1987) 10 This argument may apply only to high quality ceramics considering the ready availability ofNile silt for the production of most basic vessels 140 For example O DeM 47 rto 3 11 vso 4 141 For example the following texts record deficits in year 1 = I prt 30 (0 DeM 47 rto 11) III prt 30 (0 Berlin P 12641 + 12628 7) II smw 20(7) (0 DeM 161 vso 3) O DeM 44 rto 20 records a delivery of 1y bklv for III smw 29 Janssen considers that since no delivery was recorded for day 20 materials may have been scarce at this time Commodity Prices 488

--54 POTTERS

patterns of deficit incurred by the potters that can be traced in the texts cannot generally be Ana correlated with external administrative problems and decay rese

proc sect4 Equations of word and object an analysis offour pot-types A notable feature of the potter texts from Deir el-Medina is the substantial number of vessels 41 delivered to the village every ten days Although the exact number due in each bkw varied the I ha totals of some deliveries indicate that there was a significant and constant need for ceramics in the thrOl community In the lives of the villagers this pottery was essential It was the principal means to mult store prepare and serve food and to carry out many other activities within the domestic and work refer spheres Janssen observes in Commodity Prices that we have virtually no cvidence for the enun exchange value of ceramics beeause price texts generally refer only to metal or stone vessels 142

used Vessels used for a wide variety of domestic purposes would have had a low value and high class turnover millions of pot sherds were found within the rubbish dumps of the village including the offo Grands PuitS 143 Since their role was so essential it is desirable to learn about the various forms of In thl the vessels - their sizes and range of functions - in order to advance our understanding of the lJl villagers daily lives possi

Holthoerl44 noted that most Mesopotamian names of vessels relate directly to their material their function or their capacity but concluded that the Egyptians derived their vessel names from something other than vessel function This conclusion was largely based on the 1935 lexicographic analysis of Egyptian vessels by Robert du Mesnil du Buisson whose study is the only one that covers a wide range of ceramics including some of the vessel names that occur in the Deir el-Medina potter texts He considered that the qbw vessel was connected to qb fresh cool an appropriate concept for a jar145 He equated the gy vessel with the verb gw to be narrow perhaps suggesting a jar with a narrow neck 146

Edward Brovarski has done preliminary work on some Old Kingdom and First Intermediate Period vessel terms147 and Patricia Paice has studies connections between vessel shapes and their functions as depicted in tomb reliefs 148 The most valuable recent examination of the intersection of lexicography and a ceramic corpus is that of Janet Bourriau and Stephen Quirke on the Middle Kingdom ceramic repertoire from Lahun l49

An approach comparable to that taken at Lahun would be ideal for the material from Deir elshy Fig 1 Medina but a full statistical analysis of the archaeological material in relation to the textual data Urk r that is a prerequisite for determining lexicographic relations is beyond the scope of this study

The VI

Jb-nraquo142 407_8 and n 5 lS enu 143 ibid 488

vessel 144 New Kingdom Pharaonic Sites The Pottery 41 see J Bourriau and S Quirke The Late Middle

terminKingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects in Lahun studies ed S Quirke (Reigate 1998) 60shydeterm1 for a more recent discussion of the basis of classifications

145 Les noms et signes egyptiens designant des vases ou objets simiaires (Paris 1935)30 l46 Noms et signes 72 Janssen Commodity Prices 427 considers that du Mesnil du Buissons suggestions 150 FoUl

and explanations for the gly are unconvincing and concludes that no identification of the gly is apparant P Turi Ricardo A Caminos considered it to be an open bowl or cup since it was used more as a container for Howevl

ISl Jansvegetables and flowers than liquids (CLEM 194-5) corresponding to the use of gy vessels for natron 152 Thelotus leaves and fruit in the Medinet Habu festival lists A Spalinger Medinet Habu and Deir el-Yledina IS3 TheCombined in Deir el-Medina in the Third Millennium AD A Tribute to Jac J Janssen eds R 1 Demaree

and A Egberts Egyptologische Uitgaven 14 (Leiden 2000) 314 Although the shape of the gl) remains these m unknown Janssen has determined a capacity of 20 hin Two Ancient Egyptian Ships Logs Papyrus Leiden detenni 1350 verso and Papyrus Turin 2008 + 2016 (Leiden 1961)88 vessel l47 Lexicographical Studies in Egyptian Pottery Bulletin de Liaison du Groupe International dEtude de determi fa Ceramique Egyptienne 7 (1982) 36-7 154 P GJ 14S The Pottery of Daily Life in Ancient Egypt JSSEA 19 (1989) 50-88 bibliogr 149 The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects 60-83 IS5 Com

lly be

essels d the in the ansto lwork Dr the oels142

1 high ngthe rmsof of the

lterial s from

1935 is the

cur in fresh to be

lediate i their ection fiddle

eir elshyt data study

v1iddle 8) 60shy

~stions

Jaranl ler for latron -edina maree mains Leiden

~de de

EQUA TJONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 55

Analysis of the occurrence of vessel types in the potter texts can be related to the present stage of research into vessel shape and size to produce some further insights both into the potters products and into the documentation for the supply of particular ceramic types

41 The basic pots qbw and [bw I have shown above that [bw and qbw vessels formed the basis of deliveries to the village

19th 20ththroughout the and Dynasties Therefore it seems likely that they were simple multipurpose vessels distinct from each another in shape andor size There is a standard way of referring to them in the records qbw vessels precede [bw vessels and many fewer are usually enumerated This relationship points to a qualitative differentiation between the two ISO Both are used as containers for liquids such as beer and waterl5l I consider that these two terms designate classes of vessels rather than fixed single shapes their names perhaps referring to a wider range of forms Difference in size may account for the differentation in numbers delivered in the texts In the following discussion I assess the evidence for these two classes of vessels

Jb lbw) vessels are included among the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak indicating a possible shape for the vessel152

tlBoo~WJ~O 01It 0P L II I I

Fig 1 ob-nw-k vessels in the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak (Wreszinski Atlas II pI 33 Urk IV 636)

The vessel shown is distinctive being beaker-like and wider at the base than at the neck JS3 The ub-nw-k vessel here is the equivalent of the u-m-Icw of P Harris I 36a 7 A significant number is enumerated in this text as containers tor incense perhaps indicating a smaller cup-like vessel l54 Janssen has considered that the [x]-n-k termination which is fairly common in vessel terminology indicates that the vessels were cups the name of the vessel given in the compound determines the shape155 In the inscription of the High Priest Osorkon the Oblb-n-k is written

150 Four texts which enumerate qbw and fbw vessels show a ratio of 15 O Or Inst Chicago 16698 rto 3 P Turin 2070133 134 + frgs rto 10-11 Giornale of year 17 rto B II 1-3 P Turin 1898 rto III 14 However since these are isolated examples it is uncertain how widely applicable such a ratio was 151 Janssen Commodity Prices 433 Valbelle Ouvriers 265 152 The equivalence between the lb andlbw is confirmed in CLEM 186-7 153 The determinative given for a qby vessel in the offering list ofThutmose III at Elcphantine indicates that these may have been quite close in shape to the IJb-nw-h of the Karnak list The simple elongated beaker determinative is quite distinct from the determinatives given for the other vases in the list including the Ub vessel which is shon with a definite neck (Urk IV 828 4) However the occurrence of different determinatives within a single text does not offer a basis for a classification of vessel forms 154 P Grandet Le Papyrus Harris I (EM 9999) BdE 109 (Cairo 1994) I 272 see vol IT 141 n 576 for a bibliography for lbw l55 Commodity Prices 409

I

56 POTTERS

with a goblet detenninative ls6 The vessels recorded in these texts may be smaller cup versions of thai larger Ibw jars with the wide mouth and lack of defined neck perhaps pointing to a vessel associated with food preparation and service 157 The delivery list O DeM 288 records fb-nw-kJ

cor 1

vessels perhaps as a fuller writing of bw or as a distinct fonn vithin the Ibw class Vessels ves categorized as Ibw may have had a generalized function as cups or containers for both liquid and con solid foods A comparison can be made with the ~nw vessels which are recorded in significant 4W numbers in the papyrus documents from Lahun and are equated by Bourriau and Quirke with the 346 drinking cups known from the site the only vessel fonn which they consider could have been used in such numbers 158 The bkw of the Deir el-Medina potters show that Ibw vessels too were

lbw 50

delivered in large quantities the The lower numbers of qbw vessels in the deliveries may be related to their larger size In Poids o

No 5135 3 the weight of a metal qbw vessel is stated to be 20 deben or 18 kg Valbelle betv concludes from this that the qbw was significantly larger than the Ibw 159 That qbw designates a POttl simple storage jar may be indicated by the name itself If the connection suggested by du Mesnil two du Buisson between qbw vessels and qb cool can be accepted it may suggest that qbw vessels were storage jars perhaps for water and other liquids The connection may also suggest the

sigh one

material of manufacture qbw vessels could have been made from marl clay which cools water Helc through evaporation

As storage jars qbw vessels may have been connected in shape or broad function with the qbwshyIf a have

n-wt canopic jar The coincidence of the name suggests some correspondence The simple canopic jar fonns given by Georges Nagel for Tomb 359 seem similar in shape to vessels found in the cellar of a house in the village160 However Nagels sample is so small that any identification is tentative Janssen cautions that the standard shape of a canopic jar was rarely used as the fonn of bronze or pottery vessels 161 This may be a principle of decorum vessels with a funerary purpose not being equated in fonn with ordinary domestic ceramics The connection between qbw and qbw-n-wt may be simply that they were both in one fonn or another storage jars

Although the qbw may have been proportionally larger than the lbw it is very unlikely that

capa temp capa appn meas

Cc vso cannc into i

either fonn had a fixed capacity at Deir el-Medina W W Struve [V V Struve] offered the only attempt to determine the capacity of the qbw (or qby) vessel based largely on Greek evidence and his research on P Boulaq 18162 Wolfgang HeIcks review of this evidence led him to conclude

dOCUJ

repre betw( vesse restril than 1

156 R A Caminos The Chronicle ofPrince Osorkon Analecta Orientalia 37 (Rome 1958) 129 157 p Cairo 58088 indicates that bw could have had a large size in this case accommodating 3 ds measures See also Janssen Commodity Prices 433 n 170 C Daniel Les noms egyptiens de certains types de vases

proba fixed

In

grecs Studia et Acta Orientalia 5-6 (1967) 383-5 equates the lIb vessel with the Greek 10 olt7tW and the vesse

Mycenaean di-pa He notes that the di-pa depicted on a tablet corresponds in shape with the form of the fib indicated by the determinative used for the word The depictions of the di-pa that Daniel cites are not 163 DG

comparable in form with the Ibw depicted in the Karnak offering list D H F Gray Linear Band evidee Archaeology Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies of the UniverSity of London 6 (1959) pI 7 I andDI would argue that the form of the lbw was very flexible 164 It 1

158 Bourriau and Quirke The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects 74 some 159 Catalogues des poids a inscriptions hieratiques de Deir el-Medineh Nos 5001-5423 DFIFAO 16 165 Da~

(Cairo 1973) 18 166 FOI 160 La ceramique du Nouvel Empire aDeir el Medineh DFIFAO 10 (Cairo 1938)35 cf 122 no 38 42 SpaHn 44 167 Da 161 Commodity Prices 412 sugges 162 Mathematischer Papyrus des staatlichen Museums der SchOnen Kunste in Moskau (Berlin 1930) 55 Ceram withn2 25 1itr

lions of vessel

-nw-k

Vessels llid and ilificant vith the Ie been )0 were

n Poids lalbelle ~ates a Mesnil vessels est the s water

le qbwshysimple

s found lat any rarely vessels s The omlor

~ly that Iteonly lce and melude

~asures

le vases and the the b are not Band pI 7 I

AO 16

3842

gt30) 55

EQliAnONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 57

that the qbw had no fixed capacity Rather it seems that vessels such as the Ibw and qbw could correspond to a range of different ds measures 163

Two texts may point to some perhaps proportional equivalence between qbw vessels and dpr vessels In O DeM 135 the record of the accumulated deficits of two potters includes a conversion from dpr vessels into qbw vessels 9 dpr vessels to (=) qbw vessels making Urn) 4Yz (see section 31) Such a conversion may indicate a size ratio between the vessels O DeM 346 vso 3 records 42 dpr vessels [making Urn)] 22 qbt vessels (see n 89 for the restoration) Ibw vessels may also be equated with dpr vessels in O DeM 202 dpr vessels 30 [as] 15 bw 50 (1 3_4)164 The restoration here is problematic and the hypothesis of any equivalence between the two types must remain tentative

O Berlin P 10654 vso displays a similar complexity in possible equivalences this time between qbw vessels and jnJt vessels This text (discussed in section 33) seems to record the potters production of ceramics on days 10 20 and 30 of II bt and day 10 of IIIilt The final two lines state total 230 of (n) qbw vessels [ ] specifying it (wp st) 23 jnJt vessels At first sight such a text seems to point to a proportional relationship between these vessels a qbw being one tenth of ajnJt Such a ratio is quite possible because jnJt vessels do seem to have been large Heicks calculations from O Gardiner 81 indicate that ajnJt vessel was 2 of a mnt-amphora 165

If a mnt had a liquid capacity of c 20 hin and a hin was 048 litres the capacity of a jnlzt would have been c 53 hin or 2551itres O Berlin P 10654 vso would then show that a qbw vessel had a capacity of c 53 hin or 25 litres whieh is a sensible size for a storage jar 166 Although it is tempting to make such equations from this data this evidence is based on assumptions about the capacity of other vessel types so is tentative HeIck estimated that the ds vessel had a eapacity of approximately 3 litres 167 If so the qbw in P Boulaq 18 would have been double the size ofa ds measure in order to contain the 2 ds (e 6 litres)

Contextual study of the equation between qbw vessels and other types in O Berlin P 10654 vso O DeM 135 and O DeM 346 vso indicates some form of size ratio operated although we cannot easily determine the flexibility of that ratio or how it was used A conversion of one vessel into its equivalent of another type is unusual in a text like O Berlin P 10654 vso which seems to document the actual produetion of vessels even their firing If the last two lines of the text represent the total of ceramics produced in this process then the specification of a relationship between the two vessels types is rather strange Perhaps the original order was for 230 qbw vessels and this was then converted into the equivalent in jn~t vessels Ifjn~t vessels had a more restricted even ritual function the equivalence expressed here may be more abstract or complex than a ratio of capacity The size of vessels delivered may have been standardized to some extent probably based on ease of delivery and manageability within a domestic eontext rather than as fixed measures

In such a context a value relationship might well have operated The jnlzt as a specialized vessel may have had a more established value in relation to which the qbw vessels could be set

163 Das Bier im Alten Agypten (Berlin 1971) 47 See also Anthony Spalingers re-evaluation of the evidence for the capacity of these vessels including discussion of O DeM 135 and 202 Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 314 His conclusions largely correspond with mine 164 It may also be possible to read dpr 30 Urnl 15 lbw 50 which would support the hypothesis of some sort ofequivalence 165 Das Bier 47 16lt5 For a review of evidence concerning the capacity of the mnl including discussion of this text see A Spalinger Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 312-3 167 Das Bier 46 R L Miller (is-vessels Beer Mugs Cirrhosis and Casting Slag GM 115 (1990) 64 suggests that the ds was a drinking vessel perhaps to be equated with depictions given in Nagel Ceramique 199-206 Miller identifies a jar found at Saqqara as a ds vessel noting that it had a capacity of 25 litres roughly corresponding to Heicks estimate

58 POTTERS

In O DeM 135 the scribe may well have calculated the value of the vessels owed down to the half vessel A parallel for this is found in O Turin 57062 vso 4 where 2Yz jnJtt vessels are set

dlagainst five vessel types which precede them (their names are lost) The recording of five vessels compared with half that amount in jnJtt vessels producing the unusual amount of a half vessel tt

2again suggests a value equivalence Since vessels do not appear with fixed values in the price

SJtexts their worth may well have been assessed in relation to other vessel types st b42 A specialized vessel jnJzt DApart from the two vessel types or classes that formed the basis of the deliveries of ceramics to rethe village the potter texts also occasionally enumerate other types jnJtt vessels although well

known from other contexts are rare in the potter texts A few texts that may indicate their ritproduction or delivery by the Deir el-Medina potters illuminate aspects of its function and context

of use The pattern of occurrence of jnJtt vessels indicates a specialized vessel type the shape of which is unknown The jnJtt vessel is most widely documented as a storage container for beer and as Walter F Reineke notes outside the data from Deir el-Medina it was often made of gold or silver J68 That this vessel could be supplied as part of the ceramic requirement of the village seems to be indicated by the delivery lists from the early 19th Dynasty (Category E) Some of these lists record jnJzt vessels although they are not always indisputably connected with the smdt potters

In the Category E delivery lists of wood and ceramics jnJtt vessels occur four times their total Ccamount being low in comparison with the other vessels enumerated in these texts In O DeM 1 6 una total of 7 jnlu vessels are delivered 5 of good quality 2 of poor In O DeM 17 4 only 3 jnJzt aUvessels were delivered (2 good 1 poor) in comparison with 290 lbw recorded in the previous intline and in O DeM 15 3 7 jn~lt vessels were delivered as against 295 Ibw vessels 16 jnJzt povessels are documented in O DeM 23 5 (the text is broken and the reading at the end of the line

uncertain)169 bei ve~Only two texts explicitly includejnJtt vessels in pottery deliveries 0 Qurna 6181 records two

jnJtt vessels among the deficit of 55 qbw and 265 Ibw vessels incurred by the potter Menna O IJry Michaelides 33 rto 3-6 J70 This text records for III Jot 30 matching deliveries from a potter to vex

Right and Left among other deliveries of wood and gypsum the potter 1 jnlp vessels 20 (pJ qd 1 jnJzt 20)171 The stroke read as one after the title p qd could refer to the bkw of the potter not

with jnJtt vessels being an addition to the quota delivered 172 jnJtt vessels were therefore a wit gocomponent of the potters repertoire and this fact may complicate the interpretation of other texts

where they occur173 More generally jnJzt vessels are recorded as being delivered filled with beer I thisand thus are probably not associated with ceramic delivery

174 (

Me(J68 Der Zusammenhang der altagyptischen Hohl- und UingenmaBe MID 9 (1963) 146 175( 169 Kitchen restores 16jnli vessels [by the hand of A]meneminet (KRII 367 8 a-b) but there does not 176 1appear to be space for this formula in the break The rest of this text is similar to the other wood and pottery

177pounddelivery lists See the discussion of parallel texts in section 23 170 Goedicke-Wente pJ 67 However I follow CernYs transcription of the text here (Nb 10830)

178 1

Cau171 Contra Goedicke and Wente who restore IT1l ] on line 3 On line 7 Goedicke and Wente read 27 jnlt 197vessels instead of 20 vessels and the restoration for the [plasterer] (Pi q() given by Cerny 179 1

172 Alternatively it could refer to a single potter although this would be unusual in this context (see section Rek21) Compare the reading of this text with that discussed for O DeM 154 rto 15-6 in section 34 Egy

173 Other entries for this day include specialty breads and ds measures of beer (117-8) while the folloVing somentry for IV Jt 1 records a festival of Hathor (1 9) Although an association with a festival context is Dietpossible the delivery of jnlts as discussed by Spahnger is recorded separately from the breads and ds inameasures and is included among more standard delveries Medinet Habu and Dei elmiddotMedina Combined note310-311 Earl

l to the are set vessels vessel e price

mics to ~h well e their ~ontext

mpe of Ir beer of gold village ome of le smdt

ir total M 16 r 3jn~f

revious 16 jn~t he line

ds two mao O )tter to (pJ qd potter fore a r texts th beer

oes not pottery

27 jn~t

section

llowing rrtext is and ds

lbined

EQUATIONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 59

jn~t vessels of beer occur consistently in a series of six Category E ostraca that seem to document the delivery of commodities associated with festival or temple offerings174 Four of these texts state that the commodities were delivered by an individual in O DeM 20 and O DeM 25 the deliveries are made by a local priest Each of these six texts lists items that include speciality foodstuffs and jn~t vessels of beer rather than the fuel and plain unfilled pottery of standard deliveries II smw 12 by the hand of the local priest (w(b Sf) 175 60 large j nJzt vessels of beer entered 56 deficit 4 120 (bundles of) vegetables ISO s(t cakes and 100 rJzs cakes (0 DeM 20) The only exception in this group is O DeM 26 where 30 large jn~1f vessels are recorded 27 are entered (jw) and there is a deficit on No beer is recorded with these vessels

The recto of O DeM 29 may confirm that lists containing such products are associated with rituals or festivals rather than deliveries of materials to the village 176

total of various (sbn)jnl)tvessels of beer 653 [+x] the record of the [ ] which were given as offerings (snw) [] good bread loaves of [ ] s(t cake [x oipeJ rJzs cakes [ J jnJzt vessels of beer [ J beer [ ]

Connections of this vessel type with the temple or festival sphere nmy explain features of the unique and difficult distribution text O BM 50728 discussed in section 23 The text records the allocation ofjnJzt vessels to individual crew members The 10 + 5 jnJzt vessels seem to be grouped into four different categories perhaps accordin~ to quality of the vessel or its contents and possibly its shape or finish 177 5 doubly good (~reg) jnJzt vessels in the fashion of hbny [vessels] being returned (m hyt) 2 for Baky I for Huy 1 (for) (Omek 1 for Qaha totalS (11 5-6) Six vessels given to individuals in line 7 one for each nmn are stated to be middling good (11fr mshyhry-jb) and line 10 enumerates two vessels that also have a designation perhaps reading not (J I~~ 3)very poor _ 1

If the jnJzt vessels were more specialized beer vessels used in festival or ritual contexts then the note of quality either of contents or of the vessel itself would have been important This concern with quality can also be seen in the delivery lists where the jnJzt vessels are described as either good or poor 178

Particularly difficult to understand in this context are the writings of hbny perhaps referring to this well-known amphora-shaped vessel I19 The five doubly goodjnl)t vessels are designated in

174 O DeM 19 20 21 25 26 27 For further discussion of these texts see Spalinger Deir e1middotMedina and Medinet Habu Combined 311

(1 0

175 l=n (1 1) For another writing of this title see O DeM 25 2 176 The verso of this text records only nswt bjty mnmiddotmrtmiddotrr 177 For the use of red ink in this text see p 19 n 75 above

178 O DeM 1 6 174 For discussion of the meaning of snn 1~ in these contexts see D Valbelle Catalogue des poids ainscriptions hieratiques de Deir eAmiddotfedineh Nos 500l-5423 DFIFAO 16 (Cairo 1977)23 179 Wh II 487 There are depictions of the hbnylhbnt vessel in Urk IV 11308 11352 and in the tomb of Rekhmire N de G Davies The Tomb of Rekh-mi-r~ at Thebes The Metropolitan Museum of Art Egyptian Expedition 11 (New York 1943) I pIs 33 34 In these examples it is shaped as an amphora sometimes without handles and often contains honey E A W Budge An Egyptian Hieroglyphic Dictionary (London 1920)446 gave the capacity of a hbnt ndst as one quarter of a hin F G Hilton-Price in an earlier publication Notes on Some Egyptian Antiquities in My Collection TSBA 9 (1886) 353 noted the same capacity for this vessel Here see also T G H James The Heqanakhte Papers and Other Early Middle Kingdom Documents (New York 1962) 118

60 POTTERS

the fashion of hbny vessels (~[]~IlJ1J 0) (vso 5) This seems to express an equivalence between the two vessel types perhaps representing an addition or finish to the jn~lt vessel that increased its value Du Mesnil du Buisson speculated in his discussion of the hhnl vessel that the word related to hbny ebony t ruJ-Oi) and indicated a blackened colour or lustre to the vesseL I80 hbny also occurs as an annotation above the entries of jnit vessels for particular workmen in lines 8-12 of the recto The entry on line 13 (hhny n [ ]) may indicate that hhny vessels themselves were also delivered to the workmen named in the following lines So far as I know hbny vessels do not occur in other Deir el-Medina textsl8J These notations may also refer to some sort of finishing to the j nit vesseL

The inclusion of more unusual designations for the vessels certainly points to the exceptional nature ofthe delivery in O BM 50728 as does the entry of an amount ((i(w) of bJq oil (8) in line lOon the verso after the specification of 10 further jnlJl vessels for particular workmen (pJ WpWl

n plIO n jnlJt n tJ jst) Janssen observes that this oil was rarely used by the workmen as it was too expensive 182 It is possible that the text refers to the delivery of jnit vessels of bJq oil the references to quality therefore referring to the quality of oil rather than the vessel itself The designation hbny may be associated with this as welL

Complicating this analysis is the proposed large size of jnit vessels (discussed in section 41) which may account to some extent for its more restricted function within the vessel repertoire jnlJt vessels occur only rarely in the Medinet Habu festival calendar indicating that even within the temple their use was specialized ls3 The ealculation of the equivalence in contents of the vessels in O Gardiner 81 indicates that we are dealing with a set capacity for these vessel types in this text 184 If the capacity of a jnit was 53 hin or 255 Htres this would equate to a significant quantity ofbJq oil per person 185

O BM 50728 remains a puzzle Despite thc difficulties in interpretation it seems most likely that it records allocation of vessels possibly filled with oil or beer for festival or cultic purposes The careful documentation of such a distribution may also indicate that the vessels were not to be kept by the men perhaps only being used by them for the event and then returned to the temple A large size may serve to explain their more limited and specialized oecurrence in the data perhaps restricted to the religious sphere rather than playing a role in the domestic life of the villagers

In this instance contextual analysis of texts that seem to relate to ceramic deliveries can alter our understanding of these texts and illuminate the role and function of a vessel type in the community For vessels that were delivered more commonly we can observe the potential for flexibility in the classification systems these would repay further detailed study sectS Conclusion Analysis of the texts concerning pottery delivery leaves a number of questions unanswered and areas unexplored the limited number of sources available and problems inherent in them restrict their potential for interpretation However some insights into the organization and administrative structures of Deir el-Medina are fortheoming from the material Within the meticulous record keeping of the village the key theme seems to be flexibility This flexibility is apparent in the

180 Noms et signes 28 181 Janssen did not include them in his chapter on Vessels in Commodity Prices None of the references for the entry in the Wb II 487 has a Deir e1-Medina provenance 182 Commodity Prices 330 183 On the occurrence of the jnltt in the Medinet Hahn festival lists see A Spalinger Medinet Habn and Deir ei-Medina Combined 311-2 ]84 Heick Das Bier 46 185 Even if the mnt was only 10 hin a jnltt would still be of a substantial size c 11-12 iitres Janssen Commodity Prices 434

N

CONCLUSION 61

number of potters assigned to the crew the size and content of the quota required every 10 days and the timing of deliveries The final section of my study also points to the potential flexibility of form size and function of the pots themselves

Although we can find implications in the potter texts for features of society beyond the village itself such as the specifie interpretation of bkw or the occurrence of vessels in royal festival calendars it must be borne in mind that the real value of the Deir el-Medina material lies in its potential to illuminate the lives of ordinary people in Ramessid Egypt For that purpose we need to attend most closely to the village context

Appendix The potters of Deir el-Medina Names of potters in documents relating to the delivery of ceramics

I

Names of potters in documents concerning matters other than the supply of ceramics

I 1 (Omek i Turin Strike Papyrus RAD 476 I

2 Khonsu bull O Turin 57192 1

3 Herunefer bull O DeM 73 rto 2

4 Paaeminet I O Berlin P 12343 vso 3

5 Bakenmut P Turin 2018 A rto la 5 rto IV 17 vso I 6 B rto II 4 D I rto 14 P BM 10068 vso V l3

6 Wenennefer P BM 10068 vso V 14

alence el that 1at the to the ticular thbny ar as I ) refer

ltional in line middotwpwt it was til the f The

1 41) rtoire within of the pes in ificant

likely poses tto be ~mple data of the

1 alter in the ial for

d and estrict rative ecord in the

rences

)U and

nssen

1 I Menna O IFAO 387 1 O Qurna 618i1 O DeM 91 1 O Berlin P 10840 vso 1

2 bull Nakhy I

O IFAO 3874 O DeM 914

3 I Ptahemheb O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O DeM 343 2 P Greg vso B 8 rto A11

4 Parahotep O DeM 868

5 Hori O DeM 868 O DeM 869

6 Herunefer O Cairo 25597 rto 3

7 Neferher O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O Cairo 25633 vso 2

8 Amennakht O DeM 44 rto 8

9 Dmek P Turin 2081+2095 rto 1

10 ltAhawy P Turin 1881 vso V 1 VI 7 VII 1 () Giornale of year 17 rto B II 2 P Turin 2018 A vso 1 12 B rto II 11 B vso II 17 P BM 10068 vso VI 25 P Turin 2014 rto 27-8 P BM 10054 vso II 9

62 POTTERS

Addendnm

Pierre Grandets Catalogue des ostraca hieratiques non litteraires de Deir el-Medineh IXbecame available just as this chapter went to the press This volume contains a number of important potter texts I have included them in the tables on pages 33-7 and provide a short account of them here

O DeM is the longest and most detailed potter account known to me I will be adressing the issues it raises in a further publication It records deliveries made by the potters Ptahemheb Parahotep Hori and Neferher for the months of I bt to I prt of a year 6 The title p qd occurs only in line I in reference to Ptahemheb but probably also covers the other individuals named Ptahemheb and Neferher are known from other potter accounts discussed in this chapter O DeM 869 also published by Grandet and dated to a year 6 records deliveries made by Hori of qbw and lbw vessels to Right Both Hori and Parahotep are not otherwise attested in the potter texts In O DeM 868 details of delivery are grouped according to individual potters In line 13 Neferher delivers vessels to Left (t rj smM this is the only statement concerning Right or Left in this text That four potters deliver during the same general period emphasizes the potential number of potters involved in delivery which is not generally apparent in many of the potter texts Ptahemheb and Neferher make deliveries on different days in IV bt The vessel numbers vary except for those delivered as the making good of deficits by Ptahemheb which are consistent sums (II 3-4) The vessels delivered include qbw and Ibw vessels as well as gy andjnlt this text therefore provides further evidence thatjnJtt vessels were part of the potters repertoire

Grandet follows Gutgesell in assigning a date in the mid-20th Dynasty to O DeM 868 and 869 19thMy assignment of a late Dynasty date to the other account ostraca of Ptahemheb and

Neferher (0 Cairo 25591 O Cairo 25633 and O DeM 343) is based on the record of Ptahemhebs deliveries in P Greg firmly dated by Janssen to the reign of Siptah186 Gutgesell places Ptahemheb in the 20th Dynasty on the basis of the occurrence of this name in P Turin 2006+ 1961 usually dated to year 29 of Ramesses 111 [87 The Ptahemheb in this text is not a potter and so is a different individual I propose that the late 19th Dynasty date of the other documents should therefore be retained and should also be adopted for O DeM 868 and 869

Further texts relevant to potters in Grandets volume include O DeM 877 in which a list of arrears in water supplies are measured in jnlt vessels O DeM 871-3 are sherds bearing the phrase mJ qd Grandet considers these phrases along with the phrase ml m-rJrt p-Jtm-nlr complete by the hand ofPahemnetjerthe priest on O DeM 870 as delivery marks inscribed on the pots themselves18S

186 Janssen Village Varia 115-6 187 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 252 309-12 188 Catalogue des ostraca IX 49-50

UNT

Marel

sectl Eil Die A Papyr Einwc zusHin Verw Angell besch~

Bei suchur wichtil Andre Vortei Juni 2( nicht-li recherc

Beirr allgem

bull Der MaXI

mieh Aufn Doni Sieh~

J Ja grap dazu

2 Sieht tause Peri Gutg Teil1 el ME Held Janss Histo

6 MeD Valb

g Venn Witnl II Ta

10 Ein P II Gutg 12 Allan 13 Held

Page 7: Woodcutters, Potters and Doorkeepers Service Personnel of the Deir El Medina Workmen

34 POTTERS

10 DeM 165

0 DeM 154

0 DeM 157

0 DeM 159

I ODeM 36

IODeM 37 i i 0 DeM 166

I ODeM 153

i 0 DeM 38

0DeM39

0 Berlin P 12631

0 DeM 40 + 0 Strasbourg H 42

bull 0 OeM 41

0DeM43

0 DeM47

0 Berlin P 12641 + 12628

0 DeM 160 0 Strasbourg H 5

0 DeM 161 -- degStrasbourg H 82

0 DeM44

0 DeM45

0 Gardiner 113 (liO 7311)

0 Cairo 25597

0 DeM 655

0 DeM 656

I Group II

0 DeM 1-19

bull O DeM22

26 ibid 123 27 ibid 36 28 ibid 47-8

yr 3026 D

yr31 W A

yr 31 W I A

yr 31 A

yr 31 I A

yr 31

yr 31 W27

I yr312W

yr 32

yr 321

yr1

yr1

yr1

yr1

yr1

yr1

yr 1W28

A

A

A

A

A

A

A

A

A

A

A

I A

yrlW A

yr 12 A

yr2 A

yr2 A

yr2 G

yr5 A

yr5 AI

E

E

I

I

0D1 I

10Dl

001

1001

I 0 Or

~ I F

[ Grou] i ODe

l~ ~

r~ IoJr---=shy

0 Del

Groul

ODel

0 Cai

10 Cai

10 Del

i O Del

29 Davi O ibid Ramesl 31 ibid 32 For Ostrak

DATING OF TEXTS 35

ODeM23

ODeM28

ODR5

I E

ODR6 i E

ODR7

ODR8

O Or Inst Chicago 18878 (unpubl) I

O Gardiner 43 (HO 26 2)

I o Cairo 25704 yr2

i

Group III

O DeM 91

O Berlin P 10840 yr 9 Sety IIRamesses rr29

I O IFAO 387 (unpubl)

O Qurna 6181

O DeM623

O BM 50728

O DeM202

i Group IV

O DeM606

E

E

E

E

D

B

B

B

C

D

G30

A 32

I

Blbull O Cairo 25591

O Cairo 25633 Bl

O DeM 343 yr6 Cl I

o DeM 868 yr6 C I

29 Davies Whos Who 124 30 ibid 219 n 201 Gutgesell considers the dating of this text very uncertain but inclines towards year 2 of Ramesses II Die Datierung Die Ostraka der 19 Dynastie 47 3] ibid 159 32 For the scribes mentioned in this text see Davies PVhos Who 127 Gutgesell Die Datierung Die Ostraka der 19 Dynastie 91

36 POTTERS

O DeM 869 yr6 B

O DeM 135 B i

P Greg (P UC 34336) yrs 5-7 Siptah A I

o Cairo 25593 D

Group V

O Michaelides 33 (OM pi 67) Ramesses m33 A=

P Turin 1961 Ramesses III34

O DeM 416 Ramesses IIIIIV35 D

Group VI

P Turin 1880 yT 29 Ramesses III

O DeM346 Ramesses IV_y36 C

O Gardiner 145 (unpuhl) yr 1 Ramesses y37 D

P Turin 2044 (unpuhl) yr 1 Ramesses yJ8

P Turin 2081+2095 (unpuhl) mid 20th Dynasty39

O Berlin 10654 (unpubl) late 20th Dynasty40 G

I P Turin 20701133 134 + rto late 20 th Dynasty4J A

I P Turin 2014 (unpuhl) late 20th Dynasty42

P Turin 1881 + yr 7 Ramesses IX

P Turin 1900+shy yrs 4-9 Ramesses IX

P Turin 20711224 [140] yr 10 Ramesses IX43

year yr 17 Ramesses IX

33 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 253 34 ibid 309-12 For the numbering of this papyrus see J J IanssenJorthcoming 35 ibid 369 36 Davies Whos Who 284 contra Gutgesel1 who dates the text to Ramesses II Die Datierung Die Ostraka der 19 Dynastie 159 37 Gutgesell Die Dalierung 20 Dynastie 77-8 38 ibid 256 39 Janssen Commodity Prices 98 Gutgesell Die Datiermg 20 Dynastie 227-32 40 ibid 442 41 ibid 242 42 Janssen and Janssen The Laundrymen of the Theban Necropolis 5 n 30 43 Kitchen RIVI 637-38

O GI

IFl

O IFi

OCa ~ i ODe

sect2 Th 21 Th Accou of the the de interes largel) throug virtual archae ethnoa

The of the identif Dynas1 therefc notes f

44 The ( the late 45 One 1

records that the single ( potters context 46 Rapp pubiqu

g Die

THE ORGANIZATION OF WORK AND DELIVERY 37

P Turin 1898+ yr 3 Ramesses X

P Turin 1888 yr 1 Ramesses XI

i yrs 8-10 Ramesses XI

bull Anonymous Turin fragment

(Cerny MSS 3616)

Group VII

O Gardiner 88 (HO 5511)

O DeM703

O DeM337

bull O IFAO 245 (unpub)

I OlFAO 351

O CaIro 25245

i O DeM 871-3

D i

D

G44

D

G

D

i G

sect2 The organization of work and delivery 21 The evidence for workshops Account texts in particular provide important clues for understanding aspects of the organization of the potters work including the number of potters delivering at anyone time supervision of the deliveries and distribution of the vessels to the workmen However since the scribes were interested primarily in documenting the receipt or deficit of the pottery such information is largely based on inference Although it is possible to identify stages within the delivery process through the documentation evidence for the organization of the pottery workshops themselves is virtually non-existent45 Hypotheses about the workshops can be made from limited archaeological data and by analogy with the evidence for the pottery industries at el-Amarna and ethnoarchaeological research

The written sources are almost devoid of information concerning the location of the workshops of the potters of Deir el-Medina and the archaeological evidence is ambiguous Bernard Bruyere

18 uJidentified what he considered wasters from a potters workshop on the exterior of the Dynasty village at the base of the wall of Thutmose I beneath the 19th Dynasty house SE 1 He therefore assumed that most pottery production occurred within the village itself46 Nicholson notes that most of the private home complexes at el-Amarna had pottery kilns implying domestic

44 The dating of this text is very uncertain but Gutgesell considers it to be from the reign of Ramesses II or the late 19th Dynasty Die Datierung Die Ostraka der 19 Dynastie lOS n 95 45 One text may refer to the work of the potter in making vessels The verso of O Berlin P 10654 (unpubl) records the potter fashioning (qd) vessels on days 1020 and 30 of II 1bt and day 10 of III 1bt It may be that these dates are the days on which the shaping or firing of the ceramics occurred The recording of single days favours the interpretation that the text records firing events However little else about the potters work can be inferred from this text A translation ofthis text is provided in section 33 in another context 46 Rapport sur les fouilles de Deir el Medineh (1934-1935) Troisieme Partie Le village les dfJcharges publiques fa station de repos du col de la Valtee des Rots IFAO (Cairo 1939) 264 341

--

38 POTTERS

production of some simple forms alongside those produced in the kilns of the state-controlled the workshops47 There is no further evidence for such a practice at Deir el-Medina Dominique con Valbelle also assumed that the potters worked close to the village48 but there is no archaeological evidence for workshops in the vicinity 22

Rostislav Holthoers survey of New Kingdom kiln sites does not include any at Deir elshy Thn Medina However he did record a kiln associated with a 19th to 2200 Dynasty habitation to the left time of the road between Deir el-Medina and Medinet Habu This kiln is small being only 11Ocm wide invc and 70cm high and may be considered too small for the considerable production levels of the orga Deir el-Medina potters49 Nicholson has also noted that the kilns identified by Holthoer at elshy char Amarna were in fact ovens associated with different industries5o This casts some doubt over text~

Holthoers identifications It is also uncertain how far el-Amarna is comparable to Deir elshy IS plt Medina expl

Some textual evidence may indicate that the workshops were located some distance from the S( village The service staff of Deir el-Medina was generally regarded as of the outside their (unp deliveries perhaps made to the gatehouse of the necropolis p lJtm n p lJr from a location DeM external to the village itself although this is nowhere stated in a text concerning pottery but t delivery51 A workshop location on the floodplain also seems appropriate in view of the ostra quantities of water required by potteries The town register on the verso ofP BM 10068 dated to the d year 12 probably of Ramesses XI seems to support such a location52 Three potters are included Ar in the list of houses centred on Medinet Habu two of these rAhawy and Bakenmut are known sumn from contemporaneous journal papyri The potter r Ahawy of the tomb is also included among Pash( those receiving grain who belong to every house [within] the enclosure wall of the temple of Ipuy Usermaatre meriamun These houses are not necessarily to be equated with their workshops relatilt

Potteries are generally regarded as unpleasant and anti-social operations requiring their on th location on the outskirts of settlements53 Such an assumption may sometimes be based on actior imposition of modern concepts of pollution Although the pottery workshop at el-Amarna was on delivf the outskirts of the main city area54 there is ethnographic evidence for pottery workshops sited crew within residential areas55 Be that as it may the location of the pottery workshops which supplied Lefts

whetl1 defici work

47 The Firing of Pottery in An Introduction to Ancient Egyptian Pottery eds D Arnold and 1 Bourriau seem (Mainz 1993) 113 Nicholson The Pottery Workshop at Q 484 at Tell e1-Amarna 67 The S1 48 Ouvriers 265

exam~ 49 New Kingdom Pharaonic Sites The Pottery ed T Siive-Soderbergh vol 51 The Scandanavian joint

twomexpedition to sudanese Nubia (Copenhagen Oslo Stockholm 1977)22

as one 50 The Firing of Pottery 112 Evidence of pottery kilns was also found behind the mortuary temple of

side OJAmenhotep son of Hapu A Varille and C Robichon Quatre nouveaux temples Thebains CdE 10 (1935) L It has been suggested that these kilns were a component of the industrial area which operated put the on behalf of the mortuary temples 1 D Bourriau P T Nicholson and P 1 Rose Pottery in Ancient The Egyptian Materials and Technology eds P T Nicholson and I Shaw (Cambridge 2000) 139-40 found 5l See for example Giornale of year 17 of Ramesses IX (Botti and Peet pI 14) rto B I 11middot12 with 1 seem t Cemy A Community of Workmen at Thebes in the Ramesside period BdE 50 (Cairo 1973) 184-5 but see 25591 now Janssen section 8 For discussion of the role of the p IJtm n p IJr see for example R Ventura On (the) p the Location of the Administrative Outpost of the Conununity of Workmen in Western Thebes JEA 73 (1987) 149middot60 52 J J Janssen A New Kingdom Settlement The Verso of Pap BM 10068 AOF 19 (1992) 8-23 56AL 53 PT Nicholson and H L Patterson Pottery Making in Upper Egypt An Ethnoarchaeological Study Worksh World Archaeology 17 (1985) 226 For a negative description of the potters trade in a literary text 1983) transmitted within Deir el-Medina see W Heick Die Lehre des Dw-M KAT (Wiesbaden 1970)53-58 57 This sect IX of this t 54 The pottery workshop at Q 484 at Tell el-Amarna 61 58 Hene 55 Nessim Henry Henein Poterie et potiers d Al-Qasr oasis de Dakhla BdE 116 (Cairo 1997) 124Fo

trolled Imque ogical

eir elshyhe left tlwide of the at el-

It over eir e1shy

)m the their tcation )ottery of the ated to eluded known among Iple of IpS ~ their jed on vas on s sited pplied

ourriau

iI1 joint

3ple of dE 10 )erated Indent

with J but see ra On rEA 73

Study ry text 53-58

THE ORGANIZATION OF WORK AND DELIVERY 39

the village and their internal organization remains a mystery Only when the potters come into contact with the village through delivery do they become more visible in the record

22 How many potters Throughout the 19th and 20th Dynasties the numbers of potters delivering to the village at anyone time seems to have remained largely stable Potteries are understood to be substantial operations involving probably a master potter and a number of assistants56 Evidence for the wider organization of the workshops on this level as well as any adaptations made in response to changes in the size of the village is not apparent in the data (see above pp 12-15) Where the texts do enumerate numbers of potters we can conclude that two were responsible for delivery it is possible that one potter was assigned to each side of the crew but the texts are not generally explicit concerning this level of the organization

Some evidence for potter numbers is found in the 19th Dynasty account texts O IFAO 387 (unpub) separately records the deficits of two potters that ofMerma preceding that ofNakhy O OeM 91 records a deficit accumulated by Menna in lines 1-3 In line 4 Nakhys name is written but the rest of the line was left blank or erased Cerny noted that three lines on the verso of this ostracon had been erased perhaps indicating that the account was originally intended to record the deliveries of both men57

Another account in this group O Berlin P 10840 is more difficult to interpret The recto summarizes Mennas total deficit for 5 months stating that he is under the authority of the scribe Pashed (r-lJt sf P3-sd) On the verso are three lines of text the first giving the name of a scribe Ipuy Lines 2 and 3 record very high totals of vessels (94 qbw vessels and 992lbw vessels) The relationship between the text on the recto and that on the verso is unclear the numbers of vessels on the verso are almost double the amount of those on the recto Other sources recording the actions of Pashed and Ipuy indicate that they were smdt-scribes responsible for the supervision of deliveries Their separate appearance in this text may indicate that deficits for each side of the crew were enumerated seperately because smdt-scribes seem to have been assigned to Right and Left58 It is not clear whether Menna was responsible to the different sides for both deficits or whether the verso deficits belong to a second potter perhaps Nakhy If the latter is the case the deficits of O DeM 91 and O IF AO 387 may also reflect the division into Right and Left The work organization and administration of the crew was structured by this division so it would seem logical that the work and deliveries of the potters should be organized on this basis as well The situation is often not made explicit and these texts can be interpreted in various ways For example an undated and anonymous account text O OeM 135 records deficit of the potters two men (4t n p3 qd s 2) (1 1) The totals of vessels that follow are not divided into two groups as one might expect It is therefore not clear whether the two men were required to deliver to one side of the crew to the viIIage as a single unit or whether for the sake of expediency the scribe put the totals for each side together

The only clear statements concerning a division of the potters deliveries to Right and Left are found in the account ostraca and the journal papyrus from the late 19th Dynasty These texts also seem to confirm that two potters usually delivered to the village at anyone time In O Cairo 25591 rto 4-5 is recorded receipt of the bkw of (the) potter Ptah[emheb] receipt of the bkw of (the) potter Nefer[her] The text breaks off at the end of these lines so it cannot be ascertained

56 A L Kelley Some Reflections on Pottery and Society in Ancient Egypt in Papers of the Pottery Workshop Third International Congress of Egyptology Toronto Sept 1982 ed A L Kelley (Toronto 1983)30 57 This idea is recorded as a note in Cerny Nb 104l39 No mention of the verso is made in the publication of this text Catalogue des ostraca I pI 54 58 Hence my tentative assignment of this text and O DeM 91 to Category B see also Davies Whos Who 124 For discussion of the role of muil-scribes see section 23 with references

--

v

40 POTTERS

whether these deliveries were made to different sides of the crew The preceding entries concerning units of fuel were separately enumerated for each side Right preceding Left (rto 1-2) tI Perhaps the pottery delivery followed this pattern

Two further texts O Cairo 25633 and O DeM 343 are more explicit O Cairo 25633 vso 1-2 tI records receipt of the bkw of (the) potter Neferher of Left (ssp bkw qd nfr-~r n smM O Il DeM 343 1-2 in contrast records Year 6 I smw 1 receipt by the hand of (the) potter ( Ptahemheb of Right (qd pt~-m-~b n wnmy) Ptahemheb continued to deliver to Right into the B reign of Siptah at the end of the 19th Dynasty as recorded in P Greg rto A 11 potter Ptahemheb f~ of Right to the scribe Pentaweret - 2 bkw59 Other entries in this text (vso B 11-13) also v separately enumerate deliveries of bkw for each side the entry on vso B 8 also recording the Ii name Ptah[ emheb] 60 From these texts we can posit that in the late 19th Dynasty the potters el Ptahemheb and Neferher were probably required to deliver to the right and left sides of the crew re respectively as successors of Menna and Nakhy the only other pair of potters named in the 19tb

Ie Dynasty documentation

In the journal ostraca from the reign of Ramesses II which record deliveries to Right the use of 2~ the singular in the standard entry marking pottery delivery entered by the hand of the potter Uw th m-Ijrt p qd)61 and variants seems to record the activities of only one potter However p qd is a P formulaic way of referring to potters and it is possible that the title may conceal varying numbers th of men pc

The lists of smdt representing Right and Left included on the verso of the Turin Strike Papyrus (RAD 45-7) do not clarify the situation for the mid_20th Dynasty The entry after those who produce pots (nty qd) in the first list (vso 1 19) is lost although there is space for only one name The second list also ineludes only one potter ~Omek (vso 4 11) and the list ends here62 It is possible to interpret these lists as indicating the presence of only one potter for each side of the crew The speech of the door-keeper Khaemwaset entered later in this text where he promises to increase the numbers of potters to 4 men (on) Right and 4 (on) Left total 8 men (vso 2 16) can perhaps be interpreted as pure rhetoric (see above p 13) There is little further evidence for 2 numbers of potters in the journals of year 29 and later but no such increase seems to have As occurred ad

In the papyrus journals from the late 20th Dynasty deliveries of the potters bkw are separately OCI enumerated for each side63 The entries in these texts indicate some variation in numbers of ill potters although we still seem to be dealing with only one or two men In P Turin 2044 vel (unpubl) from year 1 of Ramesses V an entry records Left the two potters [deficit] (sm~ p im qd 2 [4]) (rto I 5) Thus at times two potters may have been expected to deliver to one side

The only potters name recorded in the later papyrus journals is that of ~Ahawy In the Journal De of Year 7 of Ramesses IX (P Turin 1881 Pleyte and Rossi pI 1-8 KRI VI 609-19) pottery SCI deliveries are made by ~Ahawy but there is no indication whether these were made to Right or Ra Left (vso col V 1-3 col VI 7-8) In verso col VII 1-2 the entry for a lost day in III smw the records received by the hand of the potter [ ] Right and Left vessels Ibw-vessels 150 qb(w)shy en1

SCt

Dy 59 Janssen Village Varia 117 Pel 60 ibid 122 61 For this phrase see section 23 62 The potter Omek also occurs in P Turin 2081 +2095 rto 1 (unpubl) from the mid 20th Dynasty The text records a delivery but the details are lost 63 For example P Turin 2070133 134 + 3 frgs rto II 10-11 (KRJ VI 426-8 entered as Cat 2070154) P Turin 1881 (Pleyte and Rossi pI 1-8) vso VII 1-2 P Turin 1900 (KRI VI 619-24) vso II 7 Turin Necropolis Journal Year 3 Ramesses X (P Turin 1898 Botti and Peet pI 50-63 KRIVI 687-99) rto III 9-1013-14 Turin ~ecropolis Journal Year I Ramesses XI (P Turin 1888 Botti and Peet pl 63 KRJVI 850-1) vso dockets A 2-4

mtries 1-2)

101-2 I) O potter Ito the milieb ) also ng the )otters crew le 19th

use of er Uw ldis a rnbers

Strike those lyone

62 Itre of the ises to

~ 16) ce for have

rately ers of 2044

llip3 je

mmal ottery ~ht or smw

b(w)shy

e text

4) P Turin 0 III IVI

INTERPRETING RECEIPT AND DELIVERY 41

vessels 70 It seems likely that (Ahawys name is to be restored here This last entry may indicate that IAha) could be responsible for deliveries to both Right and Left

In P Turin 2018 (KRI VI 851-63) listing payments of grain to the crew and the smdt dating to the end of the 20th Dynasty IAhawy is included in the list of smdt for Left (A vso 1 10-12 B rto II 9-11 B vso II 17) In the list of smdt for Right is recorded the name of the potter Bakenmut (A rto IV 15-17 A vso I 2-6 B rto II 2-4) In one entry in this text he is recorded as potter Bakenmut son of r Ahawy (A rto la 3-5) It is very likely that potting was a skill passed from father to son and here we see a family of craftsmen responsible for delivery of ceramics to the village In contrast with the evidence for the woodcutters (see above p 15) there seems to be little indication of a change in numbers of potters to reflect any decrease in the size of the crew except for the Journal of Year 7 Perhaps IAhawy was assisted in his delivery by his son the responsibility for supply at this time falling to a single family who could be noted in greater or lesser detail in the record64

The potter rAhawy is also entered in a list of potters (m qdw) in P Turin 2014 (UTlpubl) rto 27_865 The text is not dated but his name places it in the late 20th Dynasty As Janssen observes the names of the laundrymen included in the list in this papyrus are different from those listed in P Turin 2018 perhaps indicating some distance in time between the two texts66 The writing of the plural in the title to the list (m qdw) is formulaic and need not indieate that more than one potter is meant

The number of potters delivering to the village at anyone time seems generally to have been stable at two men Some flexibility may be detected in the papyrus documents of the late 20th

Dynasty although the numbers do not seem to vary beyond one or two The potential for flexibility in the numbers of smdt has been noted by Janssen for both the woodcutters and the fishermen (see above p 15) It is possible that the fonnulae used for recording ceramic deliveries in earlier texts may conceal variations in their numbers

23 Interpreting receipt and distribution As Davies has shown in his study of the family histories in the village the smdt were administered by their Oill scribes67 Possibly the earliest explicit attestation of smdt-scribes occurs in a pottery account On the recto of O Berlin P 10840 the potter Menna is said to be under the authority (r-) of the scribe Pashed (I 1) Pashed and the scribe mentioned on the verso of the ostracon (1 1) Ipuy are knovro from other contemporaneous texts to have been involved in smdt-deliveries and the deliveries ofproduce such as dates and loaves to the village68

Scribes also occur with less explicit statements of authority in two other pottery accounts In O OeM 346 quantities of vessels were delivered on II prt 20 and 23 by the hand of (m-4rt) the scribe Amenemope Davies records two smdt-scribes named Amenemope one from the reign of Ramesses II and one from Ramesses IV_V69 I am inclined to assign this text the earlier date on the basis of its similarity to O OeM 623 On the verso of O OeM 623 a number of vessels are entered for I smw 1 On the recto a quantity of wood is entered by the hand Uw m-4rt) of the scribe Pentaweret for the same date Two smdt-scribes named Pentawcret held office in the 19tb

Dynasty one late in the reign of Ramesses II and one at the very end of the dynasty7o The Pentaweret of the late 19tb Dynasty is recorded as receiving 2 b3kw from the potter Ptahemheb (P

64 Compare the family firms of fishermen Janssen Village Varia 40 65 The line numbers given here follow CernYs provisional transcription (171541-6 171725-9) 66 Janssen and Janssen The Laundrymen of the Theban Necropolis 5 67 Whos Who 123-42 68 ibid 124 Davies doubts the equation Cerny made between this Pashed and the like-named draughtsman (Community206) 69 Whos Who 283-4 70 ibid 125-6283

--

42 POTTERS

Greg rto A II) The phrase jw tn-4rt can be used of both potters and scribes In the case of the

scribes it is likely they were involved in receiving and recording the ceramics rathcr than men

physical transportation and delivery The interpretation of tn-4rt is crucial here Although I T

translate the preposition literally it can be understood more flexibly as under the responsibility of which could express a range of levels of responsibility for supply from physical delivery to

seen for (

recording receipt7l

theslWhen pots are delivered or received by the hand of someone who is not given the title

indi(potter or otherwise connected with the stndt the status of the delivery is less clear Valbelle

to innotes the distinction between ceramics brought by the potters and vessels filled with beer and oother commodities provided by institutions72 Usually the content of the latter vessels is given 73

andHowever in some cases the entry is uncertain particularly with the delivery ofjnlt vessels In O

worDeM 23 5 16 jnll vessels are delivered by the hand of Amenemope while in O DeM 26 2-3 the a 30 large jnlt vessels are recorded by the hand of Nebnefer entered 27 deficit 3 Neither of

laquo~(ythese men is given any title and it is possible that they are ordinary workmen 74

(ves~The problems associated with interpreting the deliveries of jnlzt vessels can be best illustrated grou

by O Cairo 25704 which records the delivery ofjnll vessels in year 2 of Sety I no month or day probis given Although Davies connects this delivery with the known smdt-scribe Tjay or the member distn of the smdl Tjiro75 the status of this text remains uncertain Line 2 records the one who brought alloe very largejn~t vessels returned to Tj[ J (nty rdj jnlt (5t sp sn m-hyt mJ 0[ ]) while line 3 lines has the one who brought small () jnlt vessels assigned to [ J (nty rdj jnlt lrj m-Is (5 m-( twtw [ ))76 The non-standard means of entering the delivery nty rdj may indicate that this text 451 d records a more specialized range of vessels not necessarily to be associated vith the smdt-potters O jnlt vessels have a restricted range of occurrence in the Deir el-Medina documentation and are perhsometimes associated with festival deliveries (see the discussion of O BM 50728 below and desigsection 42) Therefore these vessels may not belong with the unfilled ceramics delivered by the desigsmdt-potters text I

There is little evidence in the texts that potters were assisted in the delivery of their wares by there other members of the smdt as is the case with the woodcutters (see above pp 12ff) Entries in the smdt journal OStraca record deliveries by the hand of the potter (m-4rt P5 qd)77 or entered by the In hand of the potter (jw m-4rt P5 qd)78 This may indicate delivery by the potters themselves but meml the use of such formulaic phraseology in recording delivery may conceal a number of possible inclUi alternatives for this aspect of supply Considering the quantities involved and the probable size of (mrw

is no perha

71 For discussion sec P Tallet Deux pretres-sem tMbains de la XXe dynastie BIFAO 99 (1999) 417 An SOlalternative translation of the phrase with similar implications would be arrived by the hand of

proba72 Ouvriers 265 For the representation of such tilled vessels in the ceramic repertoire from Deir el-Medina

delivcsee for example L Bavay S Marchand and P Tallet Les jarres inscrites du Nouvel Empire provenant de Deir aI-Medina CaMers de la Ceramique Egyptienne 6 (2000) 77-86 with references of the 73 For example all deliveries of wine to the village were made in mnt-amphorae Janssen Commodity Prices 350 mnt vessels are only once recorded as part of a potters deliveries In O Or Inst Chicago

79 Tw16998 (unpubL) 30 mnt vessels are entered alongside 30 qbw vessels and 150 Ibw vessels (1 3) The entry

Amenof a wood delivery in line 2 may indicate that this text records deliveries by the smdt For the elite status periodof the mnt see Bourriau Nicholson and Rice Pottery l37 potter

74 O DeM 202 records quantities of dpr and lbw vessels entered by the hand of Wepwawetmose potterAlthough the status of this text can be questioned lbw vessels are a more standard part of the smdt-potters cornprepertoire 80 In 1

75 Whos Who 106 with n 302 referri

76 For the readings of m-hyt mJ and rrt-s mJ see D Valbelle Remarques sur les textes neo-egyptiens meaninon-Iitteraires (sect 6-10) BIFAO 77 (1977) 129-13 L 81 For

77 For example O DeM 159 10 O DeM 39 rto 4 of hig

78 For example O DeM 35 addition above line 7 O DeM 154 rto 15-6 O DeM 38 7 O DeM 47 vso 4 Ramel

e of than

19h I bility ry to

title lbelle rand fenn

InO 2-3 ler of

trated lrday mlber ought line 3 mJ

s text )tters

Id are If and )y the

res by in the )y the es but ISsible ize of

17 An

l1edina venant

modity 1llcago e entry status

trnose )otters

yptiens

vso 4

INTERPRETING RECEIPT AND DELIVERY 43

the vessels the delivery could have involved several trips andor the use of assistants who are not mentioned because they had no responsibility

The distribution of the ceramics among the community is only rarely attested O DeM 337 seems to record numbers of pots owed to particular workmen III ot 10 deficit of 3lbw vessels for (n) Amenemope deficit of I ds vessel 1 dpy vessel and 3 lbw vessels for (n) Nakhy Both these names are common and it is impossible to date the text on this basis79 This text may indicate that not only were records made of the potters debts to the crew in general deficits owed to individual crew members could be documented as well

O BM 50728 dated to year 2 probably of Ramesses II also seems to relate to the processing and distribution of a particular type of ceramic recording vessels delivered to individual workmen as well as deficits owed to them The first five lines of the recto set out the purpose of the account Year 2 [ ] the record of the jn~t vessels for Left (p SOJW m n jn~t n smM - a total (~~~w) of 10 + 5 jn~t vessels Specification (wp s(traquo) for the crew concerning the 10 + 5 (vessels) 80 The numbers of vessels given to each member of the crew are then detailed The first group of five vessels is clearly allocated to four named workmen one for each man Baki probably the foreman of the crew81 received two corresponding to the hierarchal systems of distribution known from accounts of rations and other provisions Lines 7-10 continue with the allocation of different vessel types to named individuals The end of the recto is very broken but lines 11 and 12 seem to have recorded vessels owed to Amenmose (4t n jmn-msw) Pa-[ ] and twtw() and in this the text provides a parallel for O DeM 337 In O BM 50728 rto 11-12 the 41 determinative was crossed out possibly indicating that the debt was paid

O BM 50728 includes some unusual qualifications for the vessels including terms related perhaps to quality (very good jnJt njr nJr middling good jn~t nJr m-~ry-jb) and the designation of certain vessels as being in the fashion of hbny (vessels) (m qd hbny) These designations and the total (~J~w) ofbq oil given in the last line of the recto may indicate that the text records the delivery of filled jnJt vessels for a specific perhaps festival or ritual context I therefore doubt whether the text is concerned with the distribution of ceramics delivered by the smdt potters (see 42 for further discussion of this text)

In contrast O Cairo 25597 dated to year 2 of Ramesses IV records items distributed to members of the smdt The distribution list begins on line 2 with specification (wp-st) and includes a coppersmith a water-carrier as well as the potter Herunefer who received 5 bundles (mrw or ors) the content of these bundles is not stated Although the context for this distribution is not clear this is the only text known to me in which a potter seems to receive a payment perhaps in exchange for work

Some aspects of organization of work such as distribution of pots among the villagers probably did not require the level of administration and documentation needed for the record of delivery Details concerning the processing of delivery remain unclear such as the precise nature of the receipt and distribution of the products However the texts do allow the stages of delivery

79 Two workmen named Nakhy are known from the late 19th Dynasty Janssen Commodity Prices 86 Amenemope is a common name in all periods ibid 42 Although a potter Nakhy is known from this period I doubt whether this text should be understood as referring to the deficits of untitled but named potters instead I read the n as a preposition rather than the indirect genitive It would be very unusual for a potter to be untitled and the text does not follow the standard pattern for potter accounts recording deficits compare O DeM 91 O IFAO 387 O DeM 135 O Gardiner 88 vso 80 In these lines the number 10 is written in black ink while 5 is written in red Some of the numbers referring to allocations to individual workmen in the following lines of the text are also written in red The meaning of the use of red ink in the text requires further investigation 81 For Baki and his family see Davies Whos Who 2-12 If the provision of an extra vessel is an indicator of higher status this text would provide evidence that Baki continued in office into the early years of Ramesses II

I

--44 POTTERS

to be traced illuminating aspects of the organization of the potters work and their relationship the with the community ofDeir el-Medina veSt

may 24 Donkey hire by potters timi Although it can be assumed that donkeys were necessary for the delivery of ceramics to the (see village J know of only one relevant text and that refers only indirectly to the potters use of lOe donkeys There seem to be no hireage texts for potters comparable to those attested for or4 woodcutters and watercarriers

O DeM 73 Ito details a legal case concerning a donkey in the 20 th year of Ramesses III The 32 text records the resolution of a dispute (del) between the potter Herunefer who was the complainant and the workman Anynakht82 Herunefer hired a donkey from Anynakht The

FrO bkI

donkey proved unsatisfactory and an exchange was agreed upon in the presence of (m-blM a scribe of the mat Amennakhe3 The bad donkey was handed over to him Uwtw Ir swd n) and

blk1 Sh01

he gave him Uwf djt) an (other) she-donkey in its place (11 3-4) The text concludes with the resl taking of an oath on account of it (br pbwys) presumably by Anynakht

As Janssen observes in reference to the woodcutters and watercarriers texts about the hireage spec daYE

of donkeys are comparatively rare and are concentrated in the reigns of Ramesses III and IV Those that survive perhaps refer to rather unusual situations as here The distinctive nature of this

smt intel

text lends support to Janssens proposal that there was a pool of donkeys perhaps state or communally owned rather than belonging to the workmen themselves available for deliveries to

pap) was

the village (see above p 29) here T

sect3 Documenting supply 31 The timing ofexpected deliveries Janssen has determined through analysis of the journal OStraca of the reigns of Ramesses TIT and IV that deliveries of ceramics were expected every ten days84 That this was the practice in the early 19th Dynasty is confirmed by the delivery lists of wood and pottery Where the lists are dated these dates usually fall on days 1085 2086 or 3087 of the month which are the days on which deliveries were also recorded later in the 20 th Dynasty

It is likely that vessels were not expected on any particular day within this time frame and could be delivered in smaller amounts throughout the period like the deliveries by the gardeners and fishermen ss P Greg vso B II 8 documents the receipt of bkw of the potter for year 6 of

that for ( the doCl pred of tl gene mixt term

Siptah on the 19th day of IV lvt This delivery is then recorded in the summary information for IV lvt 10 to 20 A journal ostracon of the reign of Ramesses III records that on II smw 7 the potter entered two blkw one (w) for I smw 30 one for II smw 10 (0 DeM 38 7) The account text O DeM 346 of the mid_20th Dynasty documents the receipt of two quantities of vessels within three days On II prt 20 30 qbt vessels and 110 lbw vessels were received or delivered by the hand of

33l The wen O E IIIp scali mad

82 For Anynakht see Davies Whos Who 74-5 The potter Herunefer is also known from O Cairo 25597 39 (1

83 The role of the scribe of the mat (sv n un) in this text has been discussed by Ben Haring The Scribe of the Mat From Agrarian Administration to Local Justice in Deir el-Medina in the Third Millennium

Jans~ 90 b

AD A Tribute to Jac J Janssen eds R J Demaree and A Egberts Egyptologische Uitgaven 14 (Leiden 91 ibi

2000) 149 For the legal status of this text see A G McDowell Jurisdiction in the Workmens Community 92 O

ofDeir el-Medina Egyptologische Uitgaven 5 (Leiden 1990) 146-7 84 Commodity Prices 485-6

B893n

85 O DeM 1 5 7 10 12 13 17 23 O Gardiner 43 94 Fe

86 O DeM 2 8 15 24 O Or lust Chicago 18878 reCOl

87 O DeM 3 4 9 11 12 14 18 22 O DH 6 7 88 J J Janssen bkw From Work to Product SAK 20 (1993)90 n 52

tragI 95 L

lship

)the se of I for

The the The

M a ) and h the

reage i IV fthis te or ies to

I and n the s are fS on

ould sand 6 of

or IV lotter xtO three ndof

97 kribe znium iden lunity

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 45

the scribe Amenemope (rto 11 1-2) On II prt 23 a further 42 dpr vessels making(9 22 qb vessels and 100 tbw vessels were also entered by the scribe Amenemope (vso n 1-4) This text may record part payments of the delivery expected for II prt 20-30 The data concerning the timing of delivery therefore correspond to the evidence discussed by Janssen for the woodcutters (see above pp 18ff) As in the woodcutter texts if the delivery was completed in full during the 10 day period it was recorded as mI Any deficit or shortfall in delivery was entered as (w)gJ(t) or gJ nlr

32 The terminology ofsupply bJkw From the late 19th or early 20 th Dynasties the deliveries of ceramics were recorded in units of bJlnv in both account and journal ostraca Janssen has discussed the use and meaning of the tenn bkw in the Deir el-Medina material blkw in its absolute sense means work but Janssen has shown that in many cases in these documents the meaning can shift from work to the resultproduct of the work90 Within this usage the bkw of the potter seems to have a more specific meaning Janssen has concluded that it signifies a fixed amount that was due every ten days a quota He cites the example ofO DeM 387 where two b3kw were recorded one for I smw 30 one for II smw 10 91 The detenninatives used in the writing of b3lnv support this interpretation Although in the late 19th and early 20th Dynasty texts bkw was detennined by the papyrus roll92 from the middle to the end of the reign of Ramesses III the vessel detenninative was used93 The change to this detenninative from one with a more abstract meaning signals that here bkw is a work requirement consisting of an amount of ceramics

The usage of bkw in the journals and accounts implies that this amount was fixed a quota that would therefore be quantifiable There are records of the entry of two bkw often to make up for overdue deliveries and occasionally even half bkw94 These references certainly imply that the bIlnv was a predetennined amount that could be doubled or halved when necessary The documenting of deficits in the texts also shows that each delivery was expected to consist of a predetermined amount The Category E text O DeM 12 seems to record such a deficit On line 4 of this delivery list is written deficit namely deficit of vessels (4 qrlJt 4)95 Since qrlt is the generic tenn for vessels the implication is that the expected delivery of ceramics probably a mixture of types and quantities was not made To determine the composition of each bkw in terms of vessel types and numbers is however difficult

33 b3kw in the J(jh Dynasty accounts (text categories B C E) The 19th Dynasty accounts of the deficits of the potters Menna and Nakhy indicate that deliveries were pre-determined as amounts that if not delivered in full were recorded to be made up later O Berlin P 10840 records an accumulation of deficits owed by Menna from year 9 III fJt 1 to III prt 30 making 5 months 53 qbt vessels 575 bw vessels (11 2-3) This account shows the scale of thc deficit that the potter could incur over a period of time if complete deliveries were not made

89 Cernys transcription of the text contains an ellipsis and query at this point (Catalogue VII pI 2) Janssen (pers corron) has suggested that the two dashes in the hieratic facsimile could be read as Jr n 90 hkw From Work to Product 89 91 ibid 89-90 nO DeM 606 rto 611 O Cairo 25591 rto 4-5 and O Cairo 25633 vso 1 P Greg rto B 23 A 11 vso B 8 11-12 93 The journal ostraca from the mid_20th Dynasty consistently use this determinative 94 For an examples entries of two bkw see O DeM 154 rto 16 P Greg rto A II 11-12 Half units are recorded in O DeM 44 rto 20 P Turin 1961 (Pleyte and Rossi pI 99) vso II 5 Anonymous Turin fragment (Cerny MSS 3616) 95 t~~lon

46 POTTERS

O DeM 135 is a testimony to the precision with which such deficits were recorded This undated text enumerates the deficit of two potters Deficit of the potters 2 men 96 29 qbw fle)vessels 5 gy vessels 00 Ibw vessels 9 dp(r) vessels to (r) qbw vessels making 4Y2 Total ves making 33Y2 qbw vessels The final two lines seem to indicate that 9 dpr vessels were equivalent mo in some way to 4Yz qbw vessels97 When added to the 29 qbw vessels in line 2 this gives the total ves of 33Y2 Perhaps the potters were initially required to deliver 9 dpr vessels along with the other and vessels but the decision was made to convert these dpr vessels into their equivalent in qbw dprvessels Here it must be borne in mind that this text records deficit rather than delivery It seems forto reflect the scribes accounting mentality precisely recording the precise value of the deficit

forwhich may have been rounded up or down in reality The meticulous record of deficit does imply sigrfixed vessel deliveries with a specific amount being due every ten days

deliAlthough such texts imply the presence of a quota it is difficult to quantify that quota in terms

posof numbers and types of vessels In this context O DeM 135 provides an additional insight The

asklconversion of one vessel type into its equivalent in another type if it is a concrete conversion

therather than a statement of value implies a certain flexibility within the deliveries Perhaps this document shows the superiors of the crew specifying or making adjustments to the amounts of

34ceramics required every ten days in accordance with the needs of the crew

TheSuch an interpretation could explain the range of vessel types and quantities enumerated in the

19th defiDynasty delivery lists while also perhaps accounting for the precise documentation of It isdeficits These ostraca note deliveries of at least eight different vessel types in varying quantities

and combinations including jn~t98 m~t99 qbwIOO kJ-lr-kJ 101 gJy102 Ibw103 dpr104 and dS I05 and imp

Some of these vessel names are very rare in other documentation The dpr vessel although common in these lists and in 19th Dynasty pottery accounts does not appear to occur later 106 This

Ir

pattern could suggest a reduction in the vessel repertoire in the 20th Dyllasty but the contents of IVr Jourdeliveries are not generally enumerated in the later data potentially concealing some vessel types 29Deliveries of lbw vessels are recorded in the majority of the surviving lists and as will be 15-1illustrated below Ibw vessels alongside qbw vessels remained the core of the potters deliveries (conin the 20th Dynasty It is possible that qbw and bw are classes of ceramics rather than distinct samlvessel types so that the terms may cover a wider range of forms (see section 61) DeIlt othe

96 1- ~~~gt5l~I (I 1) reml 97 Compare O DeM 346 where 42 dpr vessels may be the equivalent of 22 qbt vessels (see section 31) day The flexibility of equivalence between the two types may indicate flexibility in the form and valuation of seen these vessels (see section 41) evid 98 Janssen Commodity Prices434 O DeM 16 153 174 23 5

ther99 Wb II 126 W F Reineke Der Zusammenhang der altagptischen Rohl- und LiingenmaBe MfG 9 (1963)148 O DeM 56 7 6 114 100 Janssen Commodity Prices 412-5 qbw is a feminine word and can also be spelt qbt Valbelle Guvriers 18 O DeM J 7 4 5 7 5 104 O DR 5 4 O Gardiner 435 101 Wb V 93 O DeM 28 3 O DR 6 8 lOi 0 102 Janssen Commodity Prices 426-8 O DeM 5 5 9 6 107 225 O DR 8 3 O Gardiner 436 108 0 10J Janssen Commodity Prices 433-4 O DeM 18 3 4 4 6 6 6 8 6 105 116 136 154 16 5 17 109 0 3 226 O DR 5 7 6 9 7 5 84 O Or lnst Chicago 188785 O Gardiner 43 7 O DeM 288 records 110 0 a lbw-n-k~ vessel (see section 41) III 0 104 This vessel is not included in Janssen Commodity Prices or in the Worterbuch It is written lith the 1110

generic term for vessel qrlt confirming its nature as such O DeM 25 3 3 5 7 6 5 9 5 106 165 113 0 O DR 5 6 O Or lnst Chicago 188784 4prt vessels presumably a different orthography of the same 114 C term occur in hieratic inscriptions from the tomb of Tutankhamun 1 Cerny Hieratic lnscriptionsfrom the Il5 t Tomb of TutCankhamun TutCankhamiins Tomb Series II (Oxford 1965) 6 with references See also G 116 Ir Bouvier BlFAG 101 (2001)90 note g PriCE 105 Wb V 485 Janssen Commodity Prices 472-4 O DeM 64 8 5 135 165 22 4 O DR 5 6 74 non-I 1(lj See the documents cited in n 100 also O DeM 346 vso 3 117 Q~

This qbw otal alent total other qbw

eems ficit mply

erms The rsion this Its of

n the m of ttities dS I05

tough This lts of ypes ill be veries stinct

1 31) ion of

1109

vriers

5 17 ecords

ith the 165

same Jm the

Iso G

74

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 47

The degree to which the composition of deliveries could vary from list to list illustrates the flexiblity of the institution On I 3Jt 10 of year 3 of Sety I 7 jn~t vessels (3 good 2 poor) 37 qbw vessels (deficit of 3) and 58 Ibw vessels (deficit of 2) were delivered l07 On the 20th day of that month dpr vessels were delivered (the rest of the text is lost)108 80 dpr vessels and 50 Ibw vessels were delivered on the last day of I 3Jt109 while on the last day of II Jt 40 qbw vessels and 50 Ibw vessels were delivered l1O On day 10 of III Jt 80 g3y vessels 90 m~t vessels and 40 dpr vessels were delivered lll Not only do several vcssel types occur in each delivery but totals for each vessel type also vary considerably as weI Ibw vessels tend to total between 50 and 60 for each list in which they occur1l2 However many of the attested totals documented are significantly larger between 100 and 300 lbw1l3 These texts may point to there being variable deliveries that resulted from commissions in response to specific needs However this is only one possible interpretation based upon a comparatively small group of texts The question must be asked whether a similar understanding can be gained from the qualitatively different sources of the 20th Dynasty

34 Recording b3kw in the 20th Dynasty The recording of pottery deliveries was less explicit in the 20th Dynasty with deliveries and deficits generally noted as b3kw and (w)4(t) of the potter without further clarifying information It is difficult to determine whether the quantities and contents of the deliveries were as flexible and varying as the 19th Dynasty data suggest Indeed as Janssen has concluded it is virtually impossible to prove what was meant by the termbkw l 114

In the rare cases where journal entries on ostraca of the reigns of Ramesses III and Ramesses N record numbers of vessels this information is difficult to interpret O DeM 154 rto recording journal entries in year 31 of Ramesses III documents the delivery made by the potter on II smw 29 entered by the hand of the potter 2 bkw (plus) 50 lbw vessels for II smw 30 deficit 65 (II 15-16) Janssen alternatively translates this part of the text as [e ]ntered from the potter 2 bkw (consisting of) 50 lbw vessels comparing it with O Berlin P 10654 (unpub) vso 1 where the same amount of 50 vessels is also mentioned I IS There is a number of possible readings of O DeM 154 rto The two b3kw may be deliveries owing from earlier in the month116 while on the other hand the 50 Ibw vessels may be an early partial payment for II smw 30 with 65 vessels remaining outstanding Since we do not have the rest of the journal for II smw and the entry for day 20 records neither delivery nor deficit it is difficult to draw firm conclusions Nonetheless it seems unlikely that the b3kw referred to in the text consisted of 50 lbw vessels The supporting evidence of the late 20th Dynasty ostracon O Berlin P 10654 vso is ambiguous also referring to the production of 50 vessels in the first line the numbers are lost thereafter

II Jt 10 the potter fashioned1l7 50 (vessels) day 20 the potter [fashioned x (vessels)]

107 O DeM 16-8 108 O DeM 2 5 109 O DeM 3 3-4 110 O DeM 45-6 1110 DeM 5 5-7 112 O DeM 18 34 8 6 165 O DH 5 7 6 9 O Or Inst Chicago 188785 113 O DeM 6 6 136 22 6 154 173 O DH 76 ll4 Commodity Prices 488 bkw From Work to Product 89 115 bkw From Work to Product 89 116 In a similar situation O DeM 40 14-5 records by the hand of the potter 3 bkw Janssen Commodity Prices 487-8 concludes that two of the bkw were payments for the first two decades although the non-delivery is nowhere stated while the third delivery was due for the five epagomenal days 117 ~~li~IT1l~~o

II

48 POTTERS

day 30 fashioning [x (vessels)] III 11]t 10 while he (fashioned)118 [x (vessels)] 35 b day 20119

Vhel total 230 qbw vessels [ ] the n specifYing it (wp Sf) ~ 23 jn~11 vessels blkw

In recording the actual work of the potters this text is unique While units of 50 vessels seem to statu be specified any connection with a blkw is not made explicit and can only be inferredYo perio

Janssen also cites the example of O DeM 35 on which a note above line 7 recording entries been for IIprt 19 of year 28 of Ramesses III reads entered by the hand of the potter as one b3kw 100 these qbw vessels 45 lbw vessels Although this text indicates that the b3kw consisted of 100 qbw Th vessels and 45 lbw vessels the phrase m w( b3kw could imply that the vessels enumerated were the e those making up this particular delivery perhaps differing from although equivalent to the recor contents of earlier deliveries and the standard b3kw The higher number of qbw vessels than Ibw epagt vessels which is very unusual when compared with other texts enumerating these two types 5 ep suggests that this entry is exceptional not only in its formulation It may be that this delivery ofth required special enumeration perhaps the potter altered the original order and provided an bee) equivalent number of qbw vessels instead of lbw vessels P

The two uneertain entries of O DeM 154 and O DeM 35 are the only texts in which actual Ram vessel types are enumerated in 20u Dynasty journal ostraca O DeM 35 in particular may suggest reads that the composition of b3kw could be flexible Other surviving records of pottery deliveries from An e the reign of Rarnesses III usually state only whether or not the potter entered his deliveries deliv complete or was in deficit O DeM 143 vso 5 datable to year 24 of Ramesses III does fo11o however enter a deficit of lbw vessels for the five epagomenal days Although the exact figures as 65 are lost the final two lines record an unknown total (dnuf) of qbw vessels and a total of 680 lbw char~ vessels these probably being deficits incurred since IV smw 30 the day the potter first fell behind disru in deliveries as the account records In O DeM 165 which largely documents deficits incurred in prt 1 year 30 III prt and thereafter a note to one side records year 29 entered for the five whih (epagomenal) days 30 lbw vessels his deficit 85 (11 4amiddot5a) vesst

Where vessel numbers are enumerated in these 20th Dynasty texts they vary in some cases notin considerably although the relationships of these numbers with the context of the documents must onw be kept in mind The vessel types are less varied than in the 19th Dynasty sources Mostly qbw and that 1 [bw vessels are enumerated in large quantities which confirms that these vessel types were the here basis of the potters b 3kw The deficit accounts from the reign of Ramesses II (group III) record If only qbw and lbw vesselsl2I in contrast with the variety of vessels represented in the delivery deliv lists The delivery lists of the 19th Dynasty appear to be exceptional in the variety of vessel types large they enumerate They may represent deliveries from other specialized workshops or supplies for vess particular purposes The similarity between the 19th Dynasty delivery lists of pottery and wood on en1r) the one hand and of specialty breads and beer on the other hand may indicate that these inter deliveries were in general more specialized they were perhaps associated with festivals Such an here association is illuminated by a study of one of the vessel types less commonly enumerated in A1 these texts (see section 42) However the regularity of delivery in these lists recorded in tenmiddotday b3kJi blocks is closely comparable with the regular b3kw delivery For the 20th Dynasty it must be potu borne in mind that b3kw which is mostly unqualified in the journal ostraca may cover a range of the ( vessel types sing

liS Q0--1i11 122 G ll9 Cerny noted that the line here was left blank 123 J~

120 The specification of jnJz1 vessels may also suggest that this text refers to a specialized perhaps unique lUF

production series For jnJzt see section 42 me 121 0 DeM 91 O Berlin P 10840 vso O IFAO 387 126 C

em to

ntries 100

l qbw were

) the nbw types livery ed an

actual 19gest from veries does

igures 101bw )ehind red in ~ fivc

cases must wand re thc ccord livery types es for odon thcsc Ichan ted in n-day lst be 1ge of

mique

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 49

35 bikw in the late 20th Dynasty papyrus documents Where pottery deliveries are recorded in the journal papyri the numbers of vessels involved and the name of the potter are often included A further contrast with earlier records is that the tenn bkw is rarely employed The more fonnal status of the papyri may explain such differences This status may also be one reason despite the large amount of documentation surviving from this period deliveries of pottery are only recorded occasionally Those that are recorded may have been special deliveries and hence worthy of note When bkw are recorded as in earlier records these may be variable in size and consist largely ofbw and qbw vessels

The recto ofP Turin 2070133 134 + 3 fragments (KRIVI 426-8) contains journal entries for the epagomenal days of the year 2 of a king later than Ramesses IV 122 The entry for the final day records the deliveries of the potter Right the potter - 29 [qb]w vessels 145 lbw vessels Five epagomenal days 100 [+ 45] Ibwvessels [Left] the potter 29 [qbw] vessels 145lbwvessels 5 epagomenal days 145 (Col II 10-11) The deliveries are enumerated separately for each side of the crew although if the restorations are correct the totals are the same for each side As is to be expected qbw and bw vessels are the only vessel types mentioned

P Turin 1881+ (Pleyte and Rossi pI 1-8 KRIVI 609-19) records entries for years 6-8 of Ramesses IX the potter is only mentioned on three occasions in year 7 For IV lu 29 the entry reads received by the hand of the potter ~Ahawy - qbw vessels 65 bw vessels 65 (vso V 1-2) An entry for 65 handfuls of plants follows in this list and seems to be associated with this delivery An entry on the same line also records 2 khar of k3Y (Ulq~ ~ ) probably roe123 The following line records again by his hand (wlm m-fjrtj) (for) I prt 10 100 [b[w] vessels as well as 65 handfuls of plants and an unknown measure of roe It seems that the potter had also been charged with delivering produce to the village perhaps the organization of deliveries was disrupted in this period Other entries record deliveries received by the hand of scribes 124 In III prt 18 almost three months later ~Ahawy made another delivery of 300 Ibw vessels (vso VI 7-8) while in III smw there were received by the hand of the potter (for) Right and Left 1501bw vessels and 70 qbw vessels (vso VII 1-2) P Turin 1881 + is an unusual text which rather than noting events day by day records only a few days from a few months of each year perhaps days on which events occurred that were more significant in the eyes of the scribe Valbelle observes that the scribe was running out of space on the papyrus increasing the likelihood that the entries he recorded were those he considered important125

If the deliveries recorded in this text were the only ones made for year 7 of Ramesses IX the delivery patterns of the potters may have changed Rather than delivering units every decade large deliveries were made every two to three months This would explain the large totals of vessels supplied However as Janssen cautions scribal inaccuracies mean that the absence of an entry in the journal does not necessarily mean that the delivery was not made126 An alternative interpretation is that the standard deliveries were made every ten days and that those recorded here were supplementary and worthy of special mention

An entry in P Turin 1900+ (KRl VI 619-24) vso 117 may indicate that regular deliveries of blkw continued at least in the early years of Ramesses IX Year 9 II 31Jt 19 records Right the potters b3kw [ ] (wnmy p qd n b3kw [ J) The context of this delivery is similar to those of the earlier 20th Dynasty with supply of fuel and gypsum being recorded as well However the single mention of a potters bkw in this entry in the papyrus may be as unique as those in P

122 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 242 123 Janssen Village Varia 53 124 For example vso 2a vso 5 5 vso 5 10 vso 6 1 125 Ouvriers 63-4 126 Commodity Prices 486

l

50 POTTERS

Turin l88l Journal entries from years 10 and 17 of Ramesses IX support this interpretation P A Turin 2071140 (KRIVI 63715) rto 9 records delivery of vegetables and pottery 2l() qb(w) varia vessels 110 [+ x] [bw vessels for day 30 IV smw year 10 The Turin Necropolis Journal of year vana 17 rto B II 2-3 (Botti and Peet pI 16) is the only record of a pottery delivery in this substantial inclu text covering two full months potter rAhawy 33 qbw vessels 165 [bw vessels This may Dyna indicate that the delivery was an unusual hence noteworthy event especially in relation to (HO references to problems with smdt organization earlier in the text (see section 37) the p

Deliveries of varying quantities of pottery are entered a number of times for different sides of recei the crew in the journal of year 3 of Ramesses X (P Turin 1898 + Botti and Peet pI 50-63 KRI Re VI 687-99) On III prt 18 even though the crew was not working because of the foreigners cornr (Omyw) 30 qb(w) vessels and 30 [+ x] [[bw] vessels were delivered to Right (rto I 11) On the wood last day of IV prt 9 qb(w) and 27 ([)bw vessels were delivered to Left (the entry for Right is comp lost rto II 14) The entry for II smw 19 records crew not working Right 28 qb(w) vessels 300 Janss [b(w) vessels Left 28 qb(w) vessels 15 g1(y) vessels 300 [b(w) vessels (rto III 9-10) The entry amou for g1y vessels is unusual in this text Two days later there was a further delivery for Right alone largel the potter - 30 qb(w) vessels 150 [b(w) vessels (rto III 13-14) In the month of III smw qbw Alt and [bw vessels were delivered on two occasions day 5 and day 30127 On IV smw 1 1 qbw was texts

delivered perhaps to Right while 90 [bw vessels were delivered to Left (rto V 18-9) If each are in delivery of vessels to the village was flexible in size and composition the entries in this journal as a c may also illustrate that deliveries to different sides of the crew could be varied as well quant

The journal text of year 1 of Ramesses XI P Turin 1898+ VSO128 records for I 10t 24 Right excep

from the hand of (the) potter [ ] 18 qb(w) vessels 50 [+x] [bw vessels Left from the hand of 37 In(the) potter [ ]y129 10 [+x] (Hh vessels [r~R~~o] [ J (vso Text A 2-4) Again the Otherdelivery is separately enumerated for the different sides of the crew breaks in the text mean that unprethe composition of the delivery is unknown If the entry on line 4 is a variant orthography of a this b type of vessel (1(1130 it may indicate a specialized delivery because (1(1 vessels are not firingotherwise attested in the pottery deliveries l3I Further deliveries are recorded in this journal again therein a very broken context by the hand ofthe potter [ ] lbw vessels 51 [+ x ] (vso dockets B taken5-6) later 18 qbw vessels and 50 lbw vessels are recorded (vso dockets C 2) This is the latest or adrsurviving record of pottery deliveries to the necropolis workmen in the 20th Dynasty deficit Impac36 Conclusion the meanings ofb1kw

TheThe Turin Necropolis journals seem to support the interpretation of the nature of the b1kw found detailein the earlier documentation Despite the possibility that delivery patterns may have altered or that from t some entries may represent extra deliveries these documents indicate that [bw and qbw vessels earlyformed the core of any quota of pottery delivered to the village occasionally supplemented with irregulother vessel types the pa III It

127 On III sectmw 529 qb(w) vessels and 150 bw vessels were delivered to Right Left received 19 qb(w) month vessels and 150 bw vessels (Botti and Peet pI 57 rto IV 15-9) The papyrus is damaged in the entries for III sectmw 30 but the surviving text indicates that deliveries of over 100 bw vessels were made to Right and both fbw and rqlbw vessels were delivered to Left (Botti and Peet pI 59 rto V 17-19) Unusually this latter entry records bw vessels before qbw 132 For 128 Botti and Peet pI 63 KRI VI 850-1 I follow the reassessment of Jtirgen von Beckerath in my reading 34 see of this text Papyrus Turin 1898+ vso SAK21 (1994)29-33 133 Th( 129 Perhaps the name of the potter CAhawy can be restored here 134 C J 130 Wh V 532 W F Reineke Der Zusammenhang der altagyptischen Hohl- und UingenmaBe MID 9 East e (1963)151 observlt 131 4343 vessels are included in a list of products in O Cairo 25678 vso 17 along with fbw vessels (1 18) discuss Valbelle citing this text considers that 4343 vessels could replace qbw vessels and were perhaps be mad synonymous (in her reference Duvriers 265 n 12 read 25678 for 25673) 135 Con

n p b(w) year ntial may m to

es of KRI

yenlers 11 the ht is 300 ~ntry

lone qbw was each lmal

ight ld of I the that ofa not

gain s B atest

lUnd that sels with

b(w) 8 for tand this

ding

[09

18) haps

DOCUMENTIKG SUPPLY 51

A further correspondence between the papyrus documents and the earlier ostraca is the variation in the numbers of vessels being delivered If these figures do represent regular bkw the variation in vessel totals may reflect responses to the changing needs of the crew perhaps including orders made by the superiors of the crew to the potters The use of bkw in one 20th

Dynasty account ostracon exemplifies the flexible character of commissions O Gardiner 80 4-5 (HO 6114) states after recording the complete deliveries during III smw received as the bkw of the potter entered complete like his custom of every day This text implies that the deliveries received during that month constituted the potters commission which he managed to fulfiL

Records survive of other members of the smdt such as gardeners and woodcutters receiving commands to deliver specific amounts132 Janssen notes the commission received by the woodcutter Saroy in year 29 III fJt 7 to deliver 380 units every 10 days This order can be compared with that of Saroys colleague who received a commission to deliver 500 units 133 As Janssen observes the quotas of the woodcutters often deviated quickly from these specified amounts (see above p 20) Such orders might have been regular normal occurrences that are largely invisible in the written record

Although no known text records such an assignment to the potters to deliver specific amounts texts that record varying quantities of ceramics and texts in which vessels other than qbw and tbw are included suggest that such commissions were madc The bkw may therefore be understood as a commission or expected dclivery of a predetermined unit of ceramics Although theoretically quantifiablc the bkw was flexible so that we cannot determinc what amount was expected except in specific deliveries

37 Implications ofdefiCits Other factors may also have operated to produce differential sizes of deliveries Firing was an unpredictable process with a certain amount of wasters inevitably being produced each time On this basis Christopher Eyre has suggested the one bkw may have been the equivalent of one firing which could vary in composition and in success134 Although this hypothesis is viable there is no direct evidence to support it and it is also possible that the needs of the crew were taken into account in each individual bkw or work requirement Where problems in the workshop or administrative breakdowns affected deliveries these are likely to be reflected in the records as deficits By examining patterns of deficit within the documentation it is possible to observe the impact of external problems in the Theban area on the potters deliveries in the mid 20th Dynasty

The journal ostraca of the reigns of Ramesses III and IV (Group I) again provide the most detailed documentation of delivery and deficit although only very general trends can be deduced from the materiaL Janssens analysis of pottery deliveries at the end of Ramesses Ills reign to early Ramesses IV led to the conclusion that deliveries of commodities were generally very irregular at this time whereas in the preceding years they had been more stable 135 The details of the pattern of deficits can be supplemented by a few account ostraca from the reign of Ramesses III It must be borne in mind that the idiosyncrasies of scribal record keeping mean that some months record no deliveries at all even though deliveries were most probably made

132 For the commissioning of the smdt see J J Janssen The Year of the Strikes BSEG 16 (1992) 44 n 34 see also Janssens section 7 in this volume 133 The Year of the Strikes 44-6 134 C J Eyre Work and the Organization of Work in the New Kingdom in Labor in the Ancient Near East ed M A Powell (New Haven 1987) 193 Janssen bkw From Work to Product 90 n observes that if this were the case the potters would have delivered once per decade The limited evidence discussed in 31 and a review of the delivery dates in the texts included in 33 indicate that deliveries could be made on more than one occasion during the ten-day period 135 Commodity Prices 488

52 POTTERS

The account of O Gardiner 80 (HO 61 4) for year 21 of Ramesses III records deliveries that O were made complete for the entire month of III smw the final line entered complete like his bJrn custom of every day although formulaic may be an indicator of a reputation for efficiency and for t punctuality The records from a few years later appear to tarnish this reputation The account text far 11 O DeM 143 datable to year 24 while recording complete deliveries for III smw 30 and IV smw coml 10 and 20 enters deficits for IV smw 30 the five epagomenal days and the first two decades of I appe 3bt (11 1-7) Reasons for the accumulation of such a substantial deficit beyond internal incre production problems are unknown This text warns us that although the relationship between admi administrative problems at Deir el-Medina and deficit is clear at times less easily identifiable in th factors may also have had an impact By year 27 deliveries appear to have returned to normal the p with no deficits being entered and every delivery recorded as complete (0 DeM 33 vso 8 O TI DeM 34 rto 7 16 vso 11) a deficit is however noted for the epagomenal days of year 28 in O agair DeM 156 vso 4 that

From year 29 deficits are again a consistent feature of the record during the time when labour inc01 troubles began to disrupt the community The first hint of delivery problems may be found in the whet problematic O Strasbourg H 26 If the entries on the recto refer to the potter this text records mad~ complete deliveries throughout I and II smw and probably through the epagomenal days and II there 3bt The verso may refer more explicitly to pottery deliveries with the final line recording IV coul Jbt 10 deficit of the [potter) However the reading of qd is based on a restoration (Cerny Nb in thi 3561) and the status of this text as a pottery account could be questioned There are more certain Th references to delivery from later in year 29 In I prt 30 the potter made deliveries to Right and perio Left details of the content of delivery are not given (0 Turin 57007 vso 4-5) The strike action ambi began in the village only ten days later on II prt 10136 The only further entry recording a pottery Peet delivery is in P Turin 1961 (Pleyte and Rossi pI 99) possibly from the end of year 29 IV prt 30 outsi notes for Right the potter I Y while the potter l is noted for Left (vso II 5 7)137 There are there no further records of pottery deliveries until year 30 although the consistent deficits incurred by reorg the woodcutters during year 29 and into year 30 are evidence of the impact of the strikes (see for II above p 21)138 authc

Deficits are recorded in an account text for III prt 30 and probably IV prt 10 of year 30 but a Peet delivery oftvo b3kw was promptly made to remedy this deficit (0 DeM 165 rto 1-2) O DeM ~Aha 154 rto 15-16 of year 31 records the delivery of two b3kw on II smw 29 probably overdue entric payments for days 10 and 20 A number of fbw vessels are also specified I interpret these as and perhaps an early payment for II smw 30 although they may relate to the two b3kw A deficit of 65 speci is noted Complete deliveries are made in IV lJl but since they are noted specifically they may perha have been considered late one b3kw being entered on day 13 for day 10 and one being entered Th for Right only on day 21 (0 DeM 157 8-9 17) From then into the reign of Ramesses IV the may potters made deliveries late or were making good deficits In II smw 7 of year 32 the debt was diffic paid for I smw 30 and at the same time the b3kw was delivered three days early for II smw 10 (0 or the

19thDeM 38 7 17 23) No sooner had these deliveries been made then the potter was in debt again I for the rest of the month Disruptions to pottery and fuel deliveries (see above p 21) throughout wide] year 30 and into year 31 are symptoms of continued labour problems within the village or of subst general administrative problems in the Theban area 139

mont side I

136 RAD 49 15 P J Frandsen Editing reality the Turin Strike Papyrus in Studies in Egyptology presented to Miriam Lichtheim ed S Israelit-Groll (Jerusalem 1990) 166-99 Risbo 137 Janssen considers that the documentation of half units may point to a scarcity of materials Commodity availa Prices 488 A reference to a half unit may also be found in an anonymous papyrus fragment in Turin 140 Fo (Cerny MSS 3616) which records the potter 2h this probably means 2h bJkw 141 Fo 138 Janssen The Year ofthe Strikes 46-8 BerIir B9 Disruptions in local administration may have directly impacted pottery production if as Colin Hope bkw suggests the state provided clay to these workshops Egyptian Pottery Shire Egyptology 5 (princes been ~

8 that ce his yand It text smw

s of ternal tween fiable Irmal 8 O in O

aboUT in the ~cords

md II ~ IV YNb ertain It and ~ction ottery Jrt 30 re are ed by (see

but a DeM erdue se as of65 may

tered the twas 0(0 19ain ~hout or of

~logy

ity

ffope inces

DOCUMENTlIG SUPPLY 53

O DeM 40 rto 15 from I gUt of year 1 of Ramesses IV records that the potter delivered three bgkw on day 24 probably overdue deliveries for days 10 and 20 (the deficits are not noted) and for the epagomenal days for which the deficit was entered in a note in a separate column on the far left A deficit is also recorded for day 30 (vso 9) From this point on the deliveries tend to be complete although often a few days late140 There are still occasional deficits but the deliveries appear to have been generally more regular than in the final years of Ramesses IILI41 The increasing irregularity of delivery is probably a symptom of the general decay of the administration of the Necropolis at the end of a long reign The more regular deliveries beginning in the first year of Ramesses IV perhaps correspond with a renewed interest in the Necropolis on the part of the successor king who was eager to get work on his tomb underway

These documents provide the only opportunity to trace a pattern of deficit in pottery deliveries against well documented changes and problems in the administration of the village They show that such an equation between the two is possible this may have implications for the more incomplete records of the end of the dynasty It is difficult to determine from the papyrus texts whether deliveries continued on a regular basis in the closing years of the 20th Dynasty or were made in large consignments more infrequently as the surviving evidence seems to suggest Since there were significant civil disturbances in the Theban area throughout this period deliveries could have been affected to the point that they became more unusual events and warranted entry in the journals

The Turin Necropolis journal for year 17 of Ramesses IX provides the best example from this period From II prl on the text includes entries concerning the smdt in general from the ambiguous entry taking the smdt of the Tomb of Left by the scribe of the Tomb Hori (Botti and Peet pI 14 rto B I 8) to the entries a few lines later crew not working while the smdt were outside under the authority (rJ(wyraquo of the two scribes of the Necropolis [ ] crew not working there being no smdt outside (rto B I 12) These entries seem to indicate that there was some reorganization of or problem with the smdt although a record of a wood delivery was entered for II prl 15 The entry for II prt 18 records crew not working while their smdt were under the authority of the two scribes of the Tomb of the Outside without any payments (1) (Botti and Peet pI 15 rto B I 18) On II prt 24 a delivery of fish was made and on day 25 the potter rAhawy delivered a number of vessels (Botti and Peet pI 16 rto B II 1-3) Although these entries are difficult to interpret it seems that the crew was facing both deficits in grain delivery and problems with the smdt In this context the delivery of pottery can perhaps be seen as a special occurrence no text from the end of the 20 th Dynasty explicitly records a potters deficit perhaps indicating that there was no longer an expected pattern to delivery

The interpretations presented here are speculative moreover other factors that left no trace may have had an impact on production The deficits entered for year 25 of Ramesses III are difficult to explain except in terms of unknowable production problems specific to the workshops or the personal circumstances of the potters as are the causes for the deficits recorded in the early 19th Dynasty Such deficits cannot be equated with any known problems in the village or the wider Theban area The accounts of the potters Menna and N akhy in the early 19th Dynasty record substantial deficits especially those incurred by Menna in a year 9 where he is in deficit for five months totalling 53 qbw vessels and 575 fbw vessels Further deficit totals perhaps for the other side of the crew are even larger 94 qbw vessels and 992 lbw vessels (0 Berlin P 10840) The

Risborough 1987) 10 This argument may apply only to high quality ceramics considering the ready availability ofNile silt for the production of most basic vessels 140 For example O DeM 47 rto 3 11 vso 4 141 For example the following texts record deficits in year 1 = I prt 30 (0 DeM 47 rto 11) III prt 30 (0 Berlin P 12641 + 12628 7) II smw 20(7) (0 DeM 161 vso 3) O DeM 44 rto 20 records a delivery of 1y bklv for III smw 29 Janssen considers that since no delivery was recorded for day 20 materials may have been scarce at this time Commodity Prices 488

--54 POTTERS

patterns of deficit incurred by the potters that can be traced in the texts cannot generally be Ana correlated with external administrative problems and decay rese

proc sect4 Equations of word and object an analysis offour pot-types A notable feature of the potter texts from Deir el-Medina is the substantial number of vessels 41 delivered to the village every ten days Although the exact number due in each bkw varied the I ha totals of some deliveries indicate that there was a significant and constant need for ceramics in the thrOl community In the lives of the villagers this pottery was essential It was the principal means to mult store prepare and serve food and to carry out many other activities within the domestic and work refer spheres Janssen observes in Commodity Prices that we have virtually no cvidence for the enun exchange value of ceramics beeause price texts generally refer only to metal or stone vessels 142

used Vessels used for a wide variety of domestic purposes would have had a low value and high class turnover millions of pot sherds were found within the rubbish dumps of the village including the offo Grands PuitS 143 Since their role was so essential it is desirable to learn about the various forms of In thl the vessels - their sizes and range of functions - in order to advance our understanding of the lJl villagers daily lives possi

Holthoerl44 noted that most Mesopotamian names of vessels relate directly to their material their function or their capacity but concluded that the Egyptians derived their vessel names from something other than vessel function This conclusion was largely based on the 1935 lexicographic analysis of Egyptian vessels by Robert du Mesnil du Buisson whose study is the only one that covers a wide range of ceramics including some of the vessel names that occur in the Deir el-Medina potter texts He considered that the qbw vessel was connected to qb fresh cool an appropriate concept for a jar145 He equated the gy vessel with the verb gw to be narrow perhaps suggesting a jar with a narrow neck 146

Edward Brovarski has done preliminary work on some Old Kingdom and First Intermediate Period vessel terms147 and Patricia Paice has studies connections between vessel shapes and their functions as depicted in tomb reliefs 148 The most valuable recent examination of the intersection of lexicography and a ceramic corpus is that of Janet Bourriau and Stephen Quirke on the Middle Kingdom ceramic repertoire from Lahun l49

An approach comparable to that taken at Lahun would be ideal for the material from Deir elshy Fig 1 Medina but a full statistical analysis of the archaeological material in relation to the textual data Urk r that is a prerequisite for determining lexicographic relations is beyond the scope of this study

The VI

Jb-nraquo142 407_8 and n 5 lS enu 143 ibid 488

vessel 144 New Kingdom Pharaonic Sites The Pottery 41 see J Bourriau and S Quirke The Late Middle

terminKingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects in Lahun studies ed S Quirke (Reigate 1998) 60shydeterm1 for a more recent discussion of the basis of classifications

145 Les noms et signes egyptiens designant des vases ou objets simiaires (Paris 1935)30 l46 Noms et signes 72 Janssen Commodity Prices 427 considers that du Mesnil du Buissons suggestions 150 FoUl

and explanations for the gly are unconvincing and concludes that no identification of the gly is apparant P Turi Ricardo A Caminos considered it to be an open bowl or cup since it was used more as a container for Howevl

ISl Jansvegetables and flowers than liquids (CLEM 194-5) corresponding to the use of gy vessels for natron 152 Thelotus leaves and fruit in the Medinet Habu festival lists A Spalinger Medinet Habu and Deir el-Yledina IS3 TheCombined in Deir el-Medina in the Third Millennium AD A Tribute to Jac J Janssen eds R 1 Demaree

and A Egberts Egyptologische Uitgaven 14 (Leiden 2000) 314 Although the shape of the gl) remains these m unknown Janssen has determined a capacity of 20 hin Two Ancient Egyptian Ships Logs Papyrus Leiden detenni 1350 verso and Papyrus Turin 2008 + 2016 (Leiden 1961)88 vessel l47 Lexicographical Studies in Egyptian Pottery Bulletin de Liaison du Groupe International dEtude de determi fa Ceramique Egyptienne 7 (1982) 36-7 154 P GJ 14S The Pottery of Daily Life in Ancient Egypt JSSEA 19 (1989) 50-88 bibliogr 149 The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects 60-83 IS5 Com

lly be

essels d the in the ansto lwork Dr the oels142

1 high ngthe rmsof of the

lterial s from

1935 is the

cur in fresh to be

lediate i their ection fiddle

eir elshyt data study

v1iddle 8) 60shy

~stions

Jaranl ler for latron -edina maree mains Leiden

~de de

EQUA TJONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 55

Analysis of the occurrence of vessel types in the potter texts can be related to the present stage of research into vessel shape and size to produce some further insights both into the potters products and into the documentation for the supply of particular ceramic types

41 The basic pots qbw and [bw I have shown above that [bw and qbw vessels formed the basis of deliveries to the village

19th 20ththroughout the and Dynasties Therefore it seems likely that they were simple multipurpose vessels distinct from each another in shape andor size There is a standard way of referring to them in the records qbw vessels precede [bw vessels and many fewer are usually enumerated This relationship points to a qualitative differentiation between the two ISO Both are used as containers for liquids such as beer and waterl5l I consider that these two terms designate classes of vessels rather than fixed single shapes their names perhaps referring to a wider range of forms Difference in size may account for the differentation in numbers delivered in the texts In the following discussion I assess the evidence for these two classes of vessels

Jb lbw) vessels are included among the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak indicating a possible shape for the vessel152

tlBoo~WJ~O 01It 0P L II I I

Fig 1 ob-nw-k vessels in the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak (Wreszinski Atlas II pI 33 Urk IV 636)

The vessel shown is distinctive being beaker-like and wider at the base than at the neck JS3 The ub-nw-k vessel here is the equivalent of the u-m-Icw of P Harris I 36a 7 A significant number is enumerated in this text as containers tor incense perhaps indicating a smaller cup-like vessel l54 Janssen has considered that the [x]-n-k termination which is fairly common in vessel terminology indicates that the vessels were cups the name of the vessel given in the compound determines the shape155 In the inscription of the High Priest Osorkon the Oblb-n-k is written

150 Four texts which enumerate qbw and fbw vessels show a ratio of 15 O Or Inst Chicago 16698 rto 3 P Turin 2070133 134 + frgs rto 10-11 Giornale of year 17 rto B II 1-3 P Turin 1898 rto III 14 However since these are isolated examples it is uncertain how widely applicable such a ratio was 151 Janssen Commodity Prices 433 Valbelle Ouvriers 265 152 The equivalence between the lb andlbw is confirmed in CLEM 186-7 153 The determinative given for a qby vessel in the offering list ofThutmose III at Elcphantine indicates that these may have been quite close in shape to the IJb-nw-h of the Karnak list The simple elongated beaker determinative is quite distinct from the determinatives given for the other vases in the list including the Ub vessel which is shon with a definite neck (Urk IV 828 4) However the occurrence of different determinatives within a single text does not offer a basis for a classification of vessel forms 154 P Grandet Le Papyrus Harris I (EM 9999) BdE 109 (Cairo 1994) I 272 see vol IT 141 n 576 for a bibliography for lbw l55 Commodity Prices 409

I

56 POTTERS

with a goblet detenninative ls6 The vessels recorded in these texts may be smaller cup versions of thai larger Ibw jars with the wide mouth and lack of defined neck perhaps pointing to a vessel associated with food preparation and service 157 The delivery list O DeM 288 records fb-nw-kJ

cor 1

vessels perhaps as a fuller writing of bw or as a distinct fonn vithin the Ibw class Vessels ves categorized as Ibw may have had a generalized function as cups or containers for both liquid and con solid foods A comparison can be made with the ~nw vessels which are recorded in significant 4W numbers in the papyrus documents from Lahun and are equated by Bourriau and Quirke with the 346 drinking cups known from the site the only vessel fonn which they consider could have been used in such numbers 158 The bkw of the Deir el-Medina potters show that Ibw vessels too were

lbw 50

delivered in large quantities the The lower numbers of qbw vessels in the deliveries may be related to their larger size In Poids o

No 5135 3 the weight of a metal qbw vessel is stated to be 20 deben or 18 kg Valbelle betv concludes from this that the qbw was significantly larger than the Ibw 159 That qbw designates a POttl simple storage jar may be indicated by the name itself If the connection suggested by du Mesnil two du Buisson between qbw vessels and qb cool can be accepted it may suggest that qbw vessels were storage jars perhaps for water and other liquids The connection may also suggest the

sigh one

material of manufacture qbw vessels could have been made from marl clay which cools water Helc through evaporation

As storage jars qbw vessels may have been connected in shape or broad function with the qbwshyIf a have

n-wt canopic jar The coincidence of the name suggests some correspondence The simple canopic jar fonns given by Georges Nagel for Tomb 359 seem similar in shape to vessels found in the cellar of a house in the village160 However Nagels sample is so small that any identification is tentative Janssen cautions that the standard shape of a canopic jar was rarely used as the fonn of bronze or pottery vessels 161 This may be a principle of decorum vessels with a funerary purpose not being equated in fonn with ordinary domestic ceramics The connection between qbw and qbw-n-wt may be simply that they were both in one fonn or another storage jars

Although the qbw may have been proportionally larger than the lbw it is very unlikely that

capa temp capa appn meas

Cc vso cannc into i

either fonn had a fixed capacity at Deir el-Medina W W Struve [V V Struve] offered the only attempt to determine the capacity of the qbw (or qby) vessel based largely on Greek evidence and his research on P Boulaq 18162 Wolfgang HeIcks review of this evidence led him to conclude

dOCUJ

repre betw( vesse restril than 1

156 R A Caminos The Chronicle ofPrince Osorkon Analecta Orientalia 37 (Rome 1958) 129 157 p Cairo 58088 indicates that bw could have had a large size in this case accommodating 3 ds measures See also Janssen Commodity Prices 433 n 170 C Daniel Les noms egyptiens de certains types de vases

proba fixed

In

grecs Studia et Acta Orientalia 5-6 (1967) 383-5 equates the lIb vessel with the Greek 10 olt7tW and the vesse

Mycenaean di-pa He notes that the di-pa depicted on a tablet corresponds in shape with the form of the fib indicated by the determinative used for the word The depictions of the di-pa that Daniel cites are not 163 DG

comparable in form with the Ibw depicted in the Karnak offering list D H F Gray Linear Band evidee Archaeology Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies of the UniverSity of London 6 (1959) pI 7 I andDI would argue that the form of the lbw was very flexible 164 It 1

158 Bourriau and Quirke The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects 74 some 159 Catalogues des poids a inscriptions hieratiques de Deir el-Medineh Nos 5001-5423 DFIFAO 16 165 Da~

(Cairo 1973) 18 166 FOI 160 La ceramique du Nouvel Empire aDeir el Medineh DFIFAO 10 (Cairo 1938)35 cf 122 no 38 42 SpaHn 44 167 Da 161 Commodity Prices 412 sugges 162 Mathematischer Papyrus des staatlichen Museums der SchOnen Kunste in Moskau (Berlin 1930) 55 Ceram withn2 25 1itr

lions of vessel

-nw-k

Vessels llid and ilificant vith the Ie been )0 were

n Poids lalbelle ~ates a Mesnil vessels est the s water

le qbwshysimple

s found lat any rarely vessels s The omlor

~ly that Iteonly lce and melude

~asures

le vases and the the b are not Band pI 7 I

AO 16

3842

gt30) 55

EQliAnONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 57

that the qbw had no fixed capacity Rather it seems that vessels such as the Ibw and qbw could correspond to a range of different ds measures 163

Two texts may point to some perhaps proportional equivalence between qbw vessels and dpr vessels In O DeM 135 the record of the accumulated deficits of two potters includes a conversion from dpr vessels into qbw vessels 9 dpr vessels to (=) qbw vessels making Urn) 4Yz (see section 31) Such a conversion may indicate a size ratio between the vessels O DeM 346 vso 3 records 42 dpr vessels [making Urn)] 22 qbt vessels (see n 89 for the restoration) Ibw vessels may also be equated with dpr vessels in O DeM 202 dpr vessels 30 [as] 15 bw 50 (1 3_4)164 The restoration here is problematic and the hypothesis of any equivalence between the two types must remain tentative

O Berlin P 10654 vso displays a similar complexity in possible equivalences this time between qbw vessels and jnJt vessels This text (discussed in section 33) seems to record the potters production of ceramics on days 10 20 and 30 of II bt and day 10 of IIIilt The final two lines state total 230 of (n) qbw vessels [ ] specifying it (wp st) 23 jnJt vessels At first sight such a text seems to point to a proportional relationship between these vessels a qbw being one tenth of ajnJt Such a ratio is quite possible because jnJt vessels do seem to have been large Heicks calculations from O Gardiner 81 indicate that ajnJt vessel was 2 of a mnt-amphora 165

If a mnt had a liquid capacity of c 20 hin and a hin was 048 litres the capacity of a jnlzt would have been c 53 hin or 2551itres O Berlin P 10654 vso would then show that a qbw vessel had a capacity of c 53 hin or 25 litres whieh is a sensible size for a storage jar 166 Although it is tempting to make such equations from this data this evidence is based on assumptions about the capacity of other vessel types so is tentative HeIck estimated that the ds vessel had a eapacity of approximately 3 litres 167 If so the qbw in P Boulaq 18 would have been double the size ofa ds measure in order to contain the 2 ds (e 6 litres)

Contextual study of the equation between qbw vessels and other types in O Berlin P 10654 vso O DeM 135 and O DeM 346 vso indicates some form of size ratio operated although we cannot easily determine the flexibility of that ratio or how it was used A conversion of one vessel into its equivalent of another type is unusual in a text like O Berlin P 10654 vso which seems to document the actual produetion of vessels even their firing If the last two lines of the text represent the total of ceramics produced in this process then the specification of a relationship between the two vessels types is rather strange Perhaps the original order was for 230 qbw vessels and this was then converted into the equivalent in jn~t vessels Ifjn~t vessels had a more restricted even ritual function the equivalence expressed here may be more abstract or complex than a ratio of capacity The size of vessels delivered may have been standardized to some extent probably based on ease of delivery and manageability within a domestic eontext rather than as fixed measures

In such a context a value relationship might well have operated The jnlzt as a specialized vessel may have had a more established value in relation to which the qbw vessels could be set

163 Das Bier im Alten Agypten (Berlin 1971) 47 See also Anthony Spalingers re-evaluation of the evidence for the capacity of these vessels including discussion of O DeM 135 and 202 Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 314 His conclusions largely correspond with mine 164 It may also be possible to read dpr 30 Urnl 15 lbw 50 which would support the hypothesis of some sort ofequivalence 165 Das Bier 47 16lt5 For a review of evidence concerning the capacity of the mnl including discussion of this text see A Spalinger Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 312-3 167 Das Bier 46 R L Miller (is-vessels Beer Mugs Cirrhosis and Casting Slag GM 115 (1990) 64 suggests that the ds was a drinking vessel perhaps to be equated with depictions given in Nagel Ceramique 199-206 Miller identifies a jar found at Saqqara as a ds vessel noting that it had a capacity of 25 litres roughly corresponding to Heicks estimate

58 POTTERS

In O DeM 135 the scribe may well have calculated the value of the vessels owed down to the half vessel A parallel for this is found in O Turin 57062 vso 4 where 2Yz jnJtt vessels are set

dlagainst five vessel types which precede them (their names are lost) The recording of five vessels compared with half that amount in jnJtt vessels producing the unusual amount of a half vessel tt

2again suggests a value equivalence Since vessels do not appear with fixed values in the price

SJtexts their worth may well have been assessed in relation to other vessel types st b42 A specialized vessel jnJzt DApart from the two vessel types or classes that formed the basis of the deliveries of ceramics to rethe village the potter texts also occasionally enumerate other types jnJtt vessels although well

known from other contexts are rare in the potter texts A few texts that may indicate their ritproduction or delivery by the Deir el-Medina potters illuminate aspects of its function and context

of use The pattern of occurrence of jnJtt vessels indicates a specialized vessel type the shape of which is unknown The jnJtt vessel is most widely documented as a storage container for beer and as Walter F Reineke notes outside the data from Deir el-Medina it was often made of gold or silver J68 That this vessel could be supplied as part of the ceramic requirement of the village seems to be indicated by the delivery lists from the early 19th Dynasty (Category E) Some of these lists record jnJzt vessels although they are not always indisputably connected with the smdt potters

In the Category E delivery lists of wood and ceramics jnJtt vessels occur four times their total Ccamount being low in comparison with the other vessels enumerated in these texts In O DeM 1 6 una total of 7 jnlu vessels are delivered 5 of good quality 2 of poor In O DeM 17 4 only 3 jnJzt aUvessels were delivered (2 good 1 poor) in comparison with 290 lbw recorded in the previous intline and in O DeM 15 3 7 jn~lt vessels were delivered as against 295 Ibw vessels 16 jnJzt povessels are documented in O DeM 23 5 (the text is broken and the reading at the end of the line

uncertain)169 bei ve~Only two texts explicitly includejnJtt vessels in pottery deliveries 0 Qurna 6181 records two

jnJtt vessels among the deficit of 55 qbw and 265 Ibw vessels incurred by the potter Menna O IJry Michaelides 33 rto 3-6 J70 This text records for III Jot 30 matching deliveries from a potter to vex

Right and Left among other deliveries of wood and gypsum the potter 1 jnlp vessels 20 (pJ qd 1 jnJzt 20)171 The stroke read as one after the title p qd could refer to the bkw of the potter not

with jnJtt vessels being an addition to the quota delivered 172 jnJtt vessels were therefore a wit gocomponent of the potters repertoire and this fact may complicate the interpretation of other texts

where they occur173 More generally jnJzt vessels are recorded as being delivered filled with beer I thisand thus are probably not associated with ceramic delivery

174 (

Me(J68 Der Zusammenhang der altagyptischen Hohl- und UingenmaBe MID 9 (1963) 146 175( 169 Kitchen restores 16jnli vessels [by the hand of A]meneminet (KRII 367 8 a-b) but there does not 176 1appear to be space for this formula in the break The rest of this text is similar to the other wood and pottery

177pounddelivery lists See the discussion of parallel texts in section 23 170 Goedicke-Wente pJ 67 However I follow CernYs transcription of the text here (Nb 10830)

178 1

Cau171 Contra Goedicke and Wente who restore IT1l ] on line 3 On line 7 Goedicke and Wente read 27 jnlt 197vessels instead of 20 vessels and the restoration for the [plasterer] (Pi q() given by Cerny 179 1

172 Alternatively it could refer to a single potter although this would be unusual in this context (see section Rek21) Compare the reading of this text with that discussed for O DeM 154 rto 15-6 in section 34 Egy

173 Other entries for this day include specialty breads and ds measures of beer (117-8) while the folloVing somentry for IV Jt 1 records a festival of Hathor (1 9) Although an association with a festival context is Dietpossible the delivery of jnlts as discussed by Spahnger is recorded separately from the breads and ds inameasures and is included among more standard delveries Medinet Habu and Dei elmiddotMedina Combined note310-311 Earl

l to the are set vessels vessel e price

mics to ~h well e their ~ontext

mpe of Ir beer of gold village ome of le smdt

ir total M 16 r 3jn~f

revious 16 jn~t he line

ds two mao O )tter to (pJ qd potter fore a r texts th beer

oes not pottery

27 jn~t

section

llowing rrtext is and ds

lbined

EQUATIONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 59

jn~t vessels of beer occur consistently in a series of six Category E ostraca that seem to document the delivery of commodities associated with festival or temple offerings174 Four of these texts state that the commodities were delivered by an individual in O DeM 20 and O DeM 25 the deliveries are made by a local priest Each of these six texts lists items that include speciality foodstuffs and jn~t vessels of beer rather than the fuel and plain unfilled pottery of standard deliveries II smw 12 by the hand of the local priest (w(b Sf) 175 60 large j nJzt vessels of beer entered 56 deficit 4 120 (bundles of) vegetables ISO s(t cakes and 100 rJzs cakes (0 DeM 20) The only exception in this group is O DeM 26 where 30 large jn~1f vessels are recorded 27 are entered (jw) and there is a deficit on No beer is recorded with these vessels

The recto of O DeM 29 may confirm that lists containing such products are associated with rituals or festivals rather than deliveries of materials to the village 176

total of various (sbn)jnl)tvessels of beer 653 [+x] the record of the [ ] which were given as offerings (snw) [] good bread loaves of [ ] s(t cake [x oipeJ rJzs cakes [ J jnJzt vessels of beer [ J beer [ ]

Connections of this vessel type with the temple or festival sphere nmy explain features of the unique and difficult distribution text O BM 50728 discussed in section 23 The text records the allocation ofjnJzt vessels to individual crew members The 10 + 5 jnJzt vessels seem to be grouped into four different categories perhaps accordin~ to quality of the vessel or its contents and possibly its shape or finish 177 5 doubly good (~reg) jnJzt vessels in the fashion of hbny [vessels] being returned (m hyt) 2 for Baky I for Huy 1 (for) (Omek 1 for Qaha totalS (11 5-6) Six vessels given to individuals in line 7 one for each nmn are stated to be middling good (11fr mshyhry-jb) and line 10 enumerates two vessels that also have a designation perhaps reading not (J I~~ 3)very poor _ 1

If the jnJzt vessels were more specialized beer vessels used in festival or ritual contexts then the note of quality either of contents or of the vessel itself would have been important This concern with quality can also be seen in the delivery lists where the jnJzt vessels are described as either good or poor 178

Particularly difficult to understand in this context are the writings of hbny perhaps referring to this well-known amphora-shaped vessel I19 The five doubly goodjnl)t vessels are designated in

174 O DeM 19 20 21 25 26 27 For further discussion of these texts see Spalinger Deir e1middotMedina and Medinet Habu Combined 311

(1 0

175 l=n (1 1) For another writing of this title see O DeM 25 2 176 The verso of this text records only nswt bjty mnmiddotmrtmiddotrr 177 For the use of red ink in this text see p 19 n 75 above

178 O DeM 1 6 174 For discussion of the meaning of snn 1~ in these contexts see D Valbelle Catalogue des poids ainscriptions hieratiques de Deir eAmiddotfedineh Nos 500l-5423 DFIFAO 16 (Cairo 1977)23 179 Wh II 487 There are depictions of the hbnylhbnt vessel in Urk IV 11308 11352 and in the tomb of Rekhmire N de G Davies The Tomb of Rekh-mi-r~ at Thebes The Metropolitan Museum of Art Egyptian Expedition 11 (New York 1943) I pIs 33 34 In these examples it is shaped as an amphora sometimes without handles and often contains honey E A W Budge An Egyptian Hieroglyphic Dictionary (London 1920)446 gave the capacity of a hbnt ndst as one quarter of a hin F G Hilton-Price in an earlier publication Notes on Some Egyptian Antiquities in My Collection TSBA 9 (1886) 353 noted the same capacity for this vessel Here see also T G H James The Heqanakhte Papers and Other Early Middle Kingdom Documents (New York 1962) 118

60 POTTERS

the fashion of hbny vessels (~[]~IlJ1J 0) (vso 5) This seems to express an equivalence between the two vessel types perhaps representing an addition or finish to the jn~lt vessel that increased its value Du Mesnil du Buisson speculated in his discussion of the hhnl vessel that the word related to hbny ebony t ruJ-Oi) and indicated a blackened colour or lustre to the vesseL I80 hbny also occurs as an annotation above the entries of jnit vessels for particular workmen in lines 8-12 of the recto The entry on line 13 (hhny n [ ]) may indicate that hhny vessels themselves were also delivered to the workmen named in the following lines So far as I know hbny vessels do not occur in other Deir el-Medina textsl8J These notations may also refer to some sort of finishing to the j nit vesseL

The inclusion of more unusual designations for the vessels certainly points to the exceptional nature ofthe delivery in O BM 50728 as does the entry of an amount ((i(w) of bJq oil (8) in line lOon the verso after the specification of 10 further jnlJl vessels for particular workmen (pJ WpWl

n plIO n jnlJt n tJ jst) Janssen observes that this oil was rarely used by the workmen as it was too expensive 182 It is possible that the text refers to the delivery of jnit vessels of bJq oil the references to quality therefore referring to the quality of oil rather than the vessel itself The designation hbny may be associated with this as welL

Complicating this analysis is the proposed large size of jnit vessels (discussed in section 41) which may account to some extent for its more restricted function within the vessel repertoire jnlJt vessels occur only rarely in the Medinet Habu festival calendar indicating that even within the temple their use was specialized ls3 The ealculation of the equivalence in contents of the vessels in O Gardiner 81 indicates that we are dealing with a set capacity for these vessel types in this text 184 If the capacity of a jnit was 53 hin or 255 Htres this would equate to a significant quantity ofbJq oil per person 185

O BM 50728 remains a puzzle Despite thc difficulties in interpretation it seems most likely that it records allocation of vessels possibly filled with oil or beer for festival or cultic purposes The careful documentation of such a distribution may also indicate that the vessels were not to be kept by the men perhaps only being used by them for the event and then returned to the temple A large size may serve to explain their more limited and specialized oecurrence in the data perhaps restricted to the religious sphere rather than playing a role in the domestic life of the villagers

In this instance contextual analysis of texts that seem to relate to ceramic deliveries can alter our understanding of these texts and illuminate the role and function of a vessel type in the community For vessels that were delivered more commonly we can observe the potential for flexibility in the classification systems these would repay further detailed study sectS Conclusion Analysis of the texts concerning pottery delivery leaves a number of questions unanswered and areas unexplored the limited number of sources available and problems inherent in them restrict their potential for interpretation However some insights into the organization and administrative structures of Deir el-Medina are fortheoming from the material Within the meticulous record keeping of the village the key theme seems to be flexibility This flexibility is apparent in the

180 Noms et signes 28 181 Janssen did not include them in his chapter on Vessels in Commodity Prices None of the references for the entry in the Wb II 487 has a Deir e1-Medina provenance 182 Commodity Prices 330 183 On the occurrence of the jnltt in the Medinet Hahn festival lists see A Spalinger Medinet Habn and Deir ei-Medina Combined 311-2 ]84 Heick Das Bier 46 185 Even if the mnt was only 10 hin a jnltt would still be of a substantial size c 11-12 iitres Janssen Commodity Prices 434

N

CONCLUSION 61

number of potters assigned to the crew the size and content of the quota required every 10 days and the timing of deliveries The final section of my study also points to the potential flexibility of form size and function of the pots themselves

Although we can find implications in the potter texts for features of society beyond the village itself such as the specifie interpretation of bkw or the occurrence of vessels in royal festival calendars it must be borne in mind that the real value of the Deir el-Medina material lies in its potential to illuminate the lives of ordinary people in Ramessid Egypt For that purpose we need to attend most closely to the village context

Appendix The potters of Deir el-Medina Names of potters in documents relating to the delivery of ceramics

I

Names of potters in documents concerning matters other than the supply of ceramics

I 1 (Omek i Turin Strike Papyrus RAD 476 I

2 Khonsu bull O Turin 57192 1

3 Herunefer bull O DeM 73 rto 2

4 Paaeminet I O Berlin P 12343 vso 3

5 Bakenmut P Turin 2018 A rto la 5 rto IV 17 vso I 6 B rto II 4 D I rto 14 P BM 10068 vso V l3

6 Wenennefer P BM 10068 vso V 14

alence el that 1at the to the ticular thbny ar as I ) refer

ltional in line middotwpwt it was til the f The

1 41) rtoire within of the pes in ificant

likely poses tto be ~mple data of the

1 alter in the ial for

d and estrict rative ecord in the

rences

)U and

nssen

1 I Menna O IFAO 387 1 O Qurna 618i1 O DeM 91 1 O Berlin P 10840 vso 1

2 bull Nakhy I

O IFAO 3874 O DeM 914

3 I Ptahemheb O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O DeM 343 2 P Greg vso B 8 rto A11

4 Parahotep O DeM 868

5 Hori O DeM 868 O DeM 869

6 Herunefer O Cairo 25597 rto 3

7 Neferher O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O Cairo 25633 vso 2

8 Amennakht O DeM 44 rto 8

9 Dmek P Turin 2081+2095 rto 1

10 ltAhawy P Turin 1881 vso V 1 VI 7 VII 1 () Giornale of year 17 rto B II 2 P Turin 2018 A vso 1 12 B rto II 11 B vso II 17 P BM 10068 vso VI 25 P Turin 2014 rto 27-8 P BM 10054 vso II 9

62 POTTERS

Addendnm

Pierre Grandets Catalogue des ostraca hieratiques non litteraires de Deir el-Medineh IXbecame available just as this chapter went to the press This volume contains a number of important potter texts I have included them in the tables on pages 33-7 and provide a short account of them here

O DeM is the longest and most detailed potter account known to me I will be adressing the issues it raises in a further publication It records deliveries made by the potters Ptahemheb Parahotep Hori and Neferher for the months of I bt to I prt of a year 6 The title p qd occurs only in line I in reference to Ptahemheb but probably also covers the other individuals named Ptahemheb and Neferher are known from other potter accounts discussed in this chapter O DeM 869 also published by Grandet and dated to a year 6 records deliveries made by Hori of qbw and lbw vessels to Right Both Hori and Parahotep are not otherwise attested in the potter texts In O DeM 868 details of delivery are grouped according to individual potters In line 13 Neferher delivers vessels to Left (t rj smM this is the only statement concerning Right or Left in this text That four potters deliver during the same general period emphasizes the potential number of potters involved in delivery which is not generally apparent in many of the potter texts Ptahemheb and Neferher make deliveries on different days in IV bt The vessel numbers vary except for those delivered as the making good of deficits by Ptahemheb which are consistent sums (II 3-4) The vessels delivered include qbw and Ibw vessels as well as gy andjnlt this text therefore provides further evidence thatjnJtt vessels were part of the potters repertoire

Grandet follows Gutgesell in assigning a date in the mid-20th Dynasty to O DeM 868 and 869 19thMy assignment of a late Dynasty date to the other account ostraca of Ptahemheb and

Neferher (0 Cairo 25591 O Cairo 25633 and O DeM 343) is based on the record of Ptahemhebs deliveries in P Greg firmly dated by Janssen to the reign of Siptah186 Gutgesell places Ptahemheb in the 20th Dynasty on the basis of the occurrence of this name in P Turin 2006+ 1961 usually dated to year 29 of Ramesses 111 [87 The Ptahemheb in this text is not a potter and so is a different individual I propose that the late 19th Dynasty date of the other documents should therefore be retained and should also be adopted for O DeM 868 and 869

Further texts relevant to potters in Grandets volume include O DeM 877 in which a list of arrears in water supplies are measured in jnlt vessels O DeM 871-3 are sherds bearing the phrase mJ qd Grandet considers these phrases along with the phrase ml m-rJrt p-Jtm-nlr complete by the hand ofPahemnetjerthe priest on O DeM 870 as delivery marks inscribed on the pots themselves18S

186 Janssen Village Varia 115-6 187 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 252 309-12 188 Catalogue des ostraca IX 49-50

UNT

Marel

sectl Eil Die A Papyr Einwc zusHin Verw Angell besch~

Bei suchur wichtil Andre Vortei Juni 2( nicht-li recherc

Beirr allgem

bull Der MaXI

mieh Aufn Doni Sieh~

J Ja grap dazu

2 Sieht tause Peri Gutg Teil1 el ME Held Janss Histo

6 MeD Valb

g Venn Witnl II Ta

10 Ein P II Gutg 12 Allan 13 Held

Page 8: Woodcutters, Potters and Doorkeepers Service Personnel of the Deir El Medina Workmen

DATING OF TEXTS 35

ODeM23

ODeM28

ODR5

I E

ODR6 i E

ODR7

ODR8

O Or Inst Chicago 18878 (unpubl) I

O Gardiner 43 (HO 26 2)

I o Cairo 25704 yr2

i

Group III

O DeM 91

O Berlin P 10840 yr 9 Sety IIRamesses rr29

I O IFAO 387 (unpubl)

O Qurna 6181

O DeM623

O BM 50728

O DeM202

i Group IV

O DeM606

E

E

E

E

D

B

B

B

C

D

G30

A 32

I

Blbull O Cairo 25591

O Cairo 25633 Bl

O DeM 343 yr6 Cl I

o DeM 868 yr6 C I

29 Davies Whos Who 124 30 ibid 219 n 201 Gutgesell considers the dating of this text very uncertain but inclines towards year 2 of Ramesses II Die Datierung Die Ostraka der 19 Dynastie 47 3] ibid 159 32 For the scribes mentioned in this text see Davies PVhos Who 127 Gutgesell Die Datierung Die Ostraka der 19 Dynastie 91

36 POTTERS

O DeM 869 yr6 B

O DeM 135 B i

P Greg (P UC 34336) yrs 5-7 Siptah A I

o Cairo 25593 D

Group V

O Michaelides 33 (OM pi 67) Ramesses m33 A=

P Turin 1961 Ramesses III34

O DeM 416 Ramesses IIIIIV35 D

Group VI

P Turin 1880 yT 29 Ramesses III

O DeM346 Ramesses IV_y36 C

O Gardiner 145 (unpuhl) yr 1 Ramesses y37 D

P Turin 2044 (unpuhl) yr 1 Ramesses yJ8

P Turin 2081+2095 (unpuhl) mid 20th Dynasty39

O Berlin 10654 (unpubl) late 20th Dynasty40 G

I P Turin 20701133 134 + rto late 20 th Dynasty4J A

I P Turin 2014 (unpuhl) late 20th Dynasty42

P Turin 1881 + yr 7 Ramesses IX

P Turin 1900+shy yrs 4-9 Ramesses IX

P Turin 20711224 [140] yr 10 Ramesses IX43

year yr 17 Ramesses IX

33 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 253 34 ibid 309-12 For the numbering of this papyrus see J J IanssenJorthcoming 35 ibid 369 36 Davies Whos Who 284 contra Gutgesel1 who dates the text to Ramesses II Die Datierung Die Ostraka der 19 Dynastie 159 37 Gutgesell Die Dalierung 20 Dynastie 77-8 38 ibid 256 39 Janssen Commodity Prices 98 Gutgesell Die Datiermg 20 Dynastie 227-32 40 ibid 442 41 ibid 242 42 Janssen and Janssen The Laundrymen of the Theban Necropolis 5 n 30 43 Kitchen RIVI 637-38

O GI

IFl

O IFi

OCa ~ i ODe

sect2 Th 21 Th Accou of the the de interes largel) throug virtual archae ethnoa

The of the identif Dynas1 therefc notes f

44 The ( the late 45 One 1

records that the single ( potters context 46 Rapp pubiqu

g Die

THE ORGANIZATION OF WORK AND DELIVERY 37

P Turin 1898+ yr 3 Ramesses X

P Turin 1888 yr 1 Ramesses XI

i yrs 8-10 Ramesses XI

bull Anonymous Turin fragment

(Cerny MSS 3616)

Group VII

O Gardiner 88 (HO 5511)

O DeM703

O DeM337

bull O IFAO 245 (unpub)

I OlFAO 351

O CaIro 25245

i O DeM 871-3

D i

D

G44

D

G

D

i G

sect2 The organization of work and delivery 21 The evidence for workshops Account texts in particular provide important clues for understanding aspects of the organization of the potters work including the number of potters delivering at anyone time supervision of the deliveries and distribution of the vessels to the workmen However since the scribes were interested primarily in documenting the receipt or deficit of the pottery such information is largely based on inference Although it is possible to identify stages within the delivery process through the documentation evidence for the organization of the pottery workshops themselves is virtually non-existent45 Hypotheses about the workshops can be made from limited archaeological data and by analogy with the evidence for the pottery industries at el-Amarna and ethnoarchaeological research

The written sources are almost devoid of information concerning the location of the workshops of the potters of Deir el-Medina and the archaeological evidence is ambiguous Bernard Bruyere

18 uJidentified what he considered wasters from a potters workshop on the exterior of the Dynasty village at the base of the wall of Thutmose I beneath the 19th Dynasty house SE 1 He therefore assumed that most pottery production occurred within the village itself46 Nicholson notes that most of the private home complexes at el-Amarna had pottery kilns implying domestic

44 The dating of this text is very uncertain but Gutgesell considers it to be from the reign of Ramesses II or the late 19th Dynasty Die Datierung Die Ostraka der 19 Dynastie lOS n 95 45 One text may refer to the work of the potter in making vessels The verso of O Berlin P 10654 (unpubl) records the potter fashioning (qd) vessels on days 1020 and 30 of II 1bt and day 10 of III 1bt It may be that these dates are the days on which the shaping or firing of the ceramics occurred The recording of single days favours the interpretation that the text records firing events However little else about the potters work can be inferred from this text A translation ofthis text is provided in section 33 in another context 46 Rapport sur les fouilles de Deir el Medineh (1934-1935) Troisieme Partie Le village les dfJcharges publiques fa station de repos du col de la Valtee des Rots IFAO (Cairo 1939) 264 341

--

38 POTTERS

production of some simple forms alongside those produced in the kilns of the state-controlled the workshops47 There is no further evidence for such a practice at Deir el-Medina Dominique con Valbelle also assumed that the potters worked close to the village48 but there is no archaeological evidence for workshops in the vicinity 22

Rostislav Holthoers survey of New Kingdom kiln sites does not include any at Deir elshy Thn Medina However he did record a kiln associated with a 19th to 2200 Dynasty habitation to the left time of the road between Deir el-Medina and Medinet Habu This kiln is small being only 11Ocm wide invc and 70cm high and may be considered too small for the considerable production levels of the orga Deir el-Medina potters49 Nicholson has also noted that the kilns identified by Holthoer at elshy char Amarna were in fact ovens associated with different industries5o This casts some doubt over text~

Holthoers identifications It is also uncertain how far el-Amarna is comparable to Deir elshy IS plt Medina expl

Some textual evidence may indicate that the workshops were located some distance from the S( village The service staff of Deir el-Medina was generally regarded as of the outside their (unp deliveries perhaps made to the gatehouse of the necropolis p lJtm n p lJr from a location DeM external to the village itself although this is nowhere stated in a text concerning pottery but t delivery51 A workshop location on the floodplain also seems appropriate in view of the ostra quantities of water required by potteries The town register on the verso ofP BM 10068 dated to the d year 12 probably of Ramesses XI seems to support such a location52 Three potters are included Ar in the list of houses centred on Medinet Habu two of these rAhawy and Bakenmut are known sumn from contemporaneous journal papyri The potter r Ahawy of the tomb is also included among Pash( those receiving grain who belong to every house [within] the enclosure wall of the temple of Ipuy Usermaatre meriamun These houses are not necessarily to be equated with their workshops relatilt

Potteries are generally regarded as unpleasant and anti-social operations requiring their on th location on the outskirts of settlements53 Such an assumption may sometimes be based on actior imposition of modern concepts of pollution Although the pottery workshop at el-Amarna was on delivf the outskirts of the main city area54 there is ethnographic evidence for pottery workshops sited crew within residential areas55 Be that as it may the location of the pottery workshops which supplied Lefts

whetl1 defici work

47 The Firing of Pottery in An Introduction to Ancient Egyptian Pottery eds D Arnold and 1 Bourriau seem (Mainz 1993) 113 Nicholson The Pottery Workshop at Q 484 at Tell e1-Amarna 67 The S1 48 Ouvriers 265

exam~ 49 New Kingdom Pharaonic Sites The Pottery ed T Siive-Soderbergh vol 51 The Scandanavian joint

twomexpedition to sudanese Nubia (Copenhagen Oslo Stockholm 1977)22

as one 50 The Firing of Pottery 112 Evidence of pottery kilns was also found behind the mortuary temple of

side OJAmenhotep son of Hapu A Varille and C Robichon Quatre nouveaux temples Thebains CdE 10 (1935) L It has been suggested that these kilns were a component of the industrial area which operated put the on behalf of the mortuary temples 1 D Bourriau P T Nicholson and P 1 Rose Pottery in Ancient The Egyptian Materials and Technology eds P T Nicholson and I Shaw (Cambridge 2000) 139-40 found 5l See for example Giornale of year 17 of Ramesses IX (Botti and Peet pI 14) rto B I 11middot12 with 1 seem t Cemy A Community of Workmen at Thebes in the Ramesside period BdE 50 (Cairo 1973) 184-5 but see 25591 now Janssen section 8 For discussion of the role of the p IJtm n p IJr see for example R Ventura On (the) p the Location of the Administrative Outpost of the Conununity of Workmen in Western Thebes JEA 73 (1987) 149middot60 52 J J Janssen A New Kingdom Settlement The Verso of Pap BM 10068 AOF 19 (1992) 8-23 56AL 53 PT Nicholson and H L Patterson Pottery Making in Upper Egypt An Ethnoarchaeological Study Worksh World Archaeology 17 (1985) 226 For a negative description of the potters trade in a literary text 1983) transmitted within Deir el-Medina see W Heick Die Lehre des Dw-M KAT (Wiesbaden 1970)53-58 57 This sect IX of this t 54 The pottery workshop at Q 484 at Tell el-Amarna 61 58 Hene 55 Nessim Henry Henein Poterie et potiers d Al-Qasr oasis de Dakhla BdE 116 (Cairo 1997) 124Fo

trolled Imque ogical

eir elshyhe left tlwide of the at el-

It over eir e1shy

)m the their tcation )ottery of the ated to eluded known among Iple of IpS ~ their jed on vas on s sited pplied

ourriau

iI1 joint

3ple of dE 10 )erated Indent

with J but see ra On rEA 73

Study ry text 53-58

THE ORGANIZATION OF WORK AND DELIVERY 39

the village and their internal organization remains a mystery Only when the potters come into contact with the village through delivery do they become more visible in the record

22 How many potters Throughout the 19th and 20th Dynasties the numbers of potters delivering to the village at anyone time seems to have remained largely stable Potteries are understood to be substantial operations involving probably a master potter and a number of assistants56 Evidence for the wider organization of the workshops on this level as well as any adaptations made in response to changes in the size of the village is not apparent in the data (see above pp 12-15) Where the texts do enumerate numbers of potters we can conclude that two were responsible for delivery it is possible that one potter was assigned to each side of the crew but the texts are not generally explicit concerning this level of the organization

Some evidence for potter numbers is found in the 19th Dynasty account texts O IFAO 387 (unpub) separately records the deficits of two potters that ofMerma preceding that ofNakhy O OeM 91 records a deficit accumulated by Menna in lines 1-3 In line 4 Nakhys name is written but the rest of the line was left blank or erased Cerny noted that three lines on the verso of this ostracon had been erased perhaps indicating that the account was originally intended to record the deliveries of both men57

Another account in this group O Berlin P 10840 is more difficult to interpret The recto summarizes Mennas total deficit for 5 months stating that he is under the authority of the scribe Pashed (r-lJt sf P3-sd) On the verso are three lines of text the first giving the name of a scribe Ipuy Lines 2 and 3 record very high totals of vessels (94 qbw vessels and 992lbw vessels) The relationship between the text on the recto and that on the verso is unclear the numbers of vessels on the verso are almost double the amount of those on the recto Other sources recording the actions of Pashed and Ipuy indicate that they were smdt-scribes responsible for the supervision of deliveries Their separate appearance in this text may indicate that deficits for each side of the crew were enumerated seperately because smdt-scribes seem to have been assigned to Right and Left58 It is not clear whether Menna was responsible to the different sides for both deficits or whether the verso deficits belong to a second potter perhaps Nakhy If the latter is the case the deficits of O DeM 91 and O IF AO 387 may also reflect the division into Right and Left The work organization and administration of the crew was structured by this division so it would seem logical that the work and deliveries of the potters should be organized on this basis as well The situation is often not made explicit and these texts can be interpreted in various ways For example an undated and anonymous account text O OeM 135 records deficit of the potters two men (4t n p3 qd s 2) (1 1) The totals of vessels that follow are not divided into two groups as one might expect It is therefore not clear whether the two men were required to deliver to one side of the crew to the viIIage as a single unit or whether for the sake of expediency the scribe put the totals for each side together

The only clear statements concerning a division of the potters deliveries to Right and Left are found in the account ostraca and the journal papyrus from the late 19th Dynasty These texts also seem to confirm that two potters usually delivered to the village at anyone time In O Cairo 25591 rto 4-5 is recorded receipt of the bkw of (the) potter Ptah[emheb] receipt of the bkw of (the) potter Nefer[her] The text breaks off at the end of these lines so it cannot be ascertained

56 A L Kelley Some Reflections on Pottery and Society in Ancient Egypt in Papers of the Pottery Workshop Third International Congress of Egyptology Toronto Sept 1982 ed A L Kelley (Toronto 1983)30 57 This idea is recorded as a note in Cerny Nb 104l39 No mention of the verso is made in the publication of this text Catalogue des ostraca I pI 54 58 Hence my tentative assignment of this text and O DeM 91 to Category B see also Davies Whos Who 124 For discussion of the role of muil-scribes see section 23 with references

--

v

40 POTTERS

whether these deliveries were made to different sides of the crew The preceding entries concerning units of fuel were separately enumerated for each side Right preceding Left (rto 1-2) tI Perhaps the pottery delivery followed this pattern

Two further texts O Cairo 25633 and O DeM 343 are more explicit O Cairo 25633 vso 1-2 tI records receipt of the bkw of (the) potter Neferher of Left (ssp bkw qd nfr-~r n smM O Il DeM 343 1-2 in contrast records Year 6 I smw 1 receipt by the hand of (the) potter ( Ptahemheb of Right (qd pt~-m-~b n wnmy) Ptahemheb continued to deliver to Right into the B reign of Siptah at the end of the 19th Dynasty as recorded in P Greg rto A 11 potter Ptahemheb f~ of Right to the scribe Pentaweret - 2 bkw59 Other entries in this text (vso B 11-13) also v separately enumerate deliveries of bkw for each side the entry on vso B 8 also recording the Ii name Ptah[ emheb] 60 From these texts we can posit that in the late 19th Dynasty the potters el Ptahemheb and Neferher were probably required to deliver to the right and left sides of the crew re respectively as successors of Menna and Nakhy the only other pair of potters named in the 19tb

Ie Dynasty documentation

In the journal ostraca from the reign of Ramesses II which record deliveries to Right the use of 2~ the singular in the standard entry marking pottery delivery entered by the hand of the potter Uw th m-Ijrt p qd)61 and variants seems to record the activities of only one potter However p qd is a P formulaic way of referring to potters and it is possible that the title may conceal varying numbers th of men pc

The lists of smdt representing Right and Left included on the verso of the Turin Strike Papyrus (RAD 45-7) do not clarify the situation for the mid_20th Dynasty The entry after those who produce pots (nty qd) in the first list (vso 1 19) is lost although there is space for only one name The second list also ineludes only one potter ~Omek (vso 4 11) and the list ends here62 It is possible to interpret these lists as indicating the presence of only one potter for each side of the crew The speech of the door-keeper Khaemwaset entered later in this text where he promises to increase the numbers of potters to 4 men (on) Right and 4 (on) Left total 8 men (vso 2 16) can perhaps be interpreted as pure rhetoric (see above p 13) There is little further evidence for 2 numbers of potters in the journals of year 29 and later but no such increase seems to have As occurred ad

In the papyrus journals from the late 20th Dynasty deliveries of the potters bkw are separately OCI enumerated for each side63 The entries in these texts indicate some variation in numbers of ill potters although we still seem to be dealing with only one or two men In P Turin 2044 vel (unpubl) from year 1 of Ramesses V an entry records Left the two potters [deficit] (sm~ p im qd 2 [4]) (rto I 5) Thus at times two potters may have been expected to deliver to one side

The only potters name recorded in the later papyrus journals is that of ~Ahawy In the Journal De of Year 7 of Ramesses IX (P Turin 1881 Pleyte and Rossi pI 1-8 KRI VI 609-19) pottery SCI deliveries are made by ~Ahawy but there is no indication whether these were made to Right or Ra Left (vso col V 1-3 col VI 7-8) In verso col VII 1-2 the entry for a lost day in III smw the records received by the hand of the potter [ ] Right and Left vessels Ibw-vessels 150 qb(w)shy en1

SCt

Dy 59 Janssen Village Varia 117 Pel 60 ibid 122 61 For this phrase see section 23 62 The potter Omek also occurs in P Turin 2081 +2095 rto 1 (unpubl) from the mid 20th Dynasty The text records a delivery but the details are lost 63 For example P Turin 2070133 134 + 3 frgs rto II 10-11 (KRJ VI 426-8 entered as Cat 2070154) P Turin 1881 (Pleyte and Rossi pI 1-8) vso VII 1-2 P Turin 1900 (KRI VI 619-24) vso II 7 Turin Necropolis Journal Year 3 Ramesses X (P Turin 1898 Botti and Peet pI 50-63 KRIVI 687-99) rto III 9-1013-14 Turin ~ecropolis Journal Year I Ramesses XI (P Turin 1888 Botti and Peet pl 63 KRJVI 850-1) vso dockets A 2-4

mtries 1-2)

101-2 I) O potter Ito the milieb ) also ng the )otters crew le 19th

use of er Uw ldis a rnbers

Strike those lyone

62 Itre of the ises to

~ 16) ce for have

rately ers of 2044

llip3 je

mmal ottery ~ht or smw

b(w)shy

e text

4) P Turin 0 III IVI

INTERPRETING RECEIPT AND DELIVERY 41

vessels 70 It seems likely that (Ahawys name is to be restored here This last entry may indicate that IAha) could be responsible for deliveries to both Right and Left

In P Turin 2018 (KRI VI 851-63) listing payments of grain to the crew and the smdt dating to the end of the 20th Dynasty IAhawy is included in the list of smdt for Left (A vso 1 10-12 B rto II 9-11 B vso II 17) In the list of smdt for Right is recorded the name of the potter Bakenmut (A rto IV 15-17 A vso I 2-6 B rto II 2-4) In one entry in this text he is recorded as potter Bakenmut son of r Ahawy (A rto la 3-5) It is very likely that potting was a skill passed from father to son and here we see a family of craftsmen responsible for delivery of ceramics to the village In contrast with the evidence for the woodcutters (see above p 15) there seems to be little indication of a change in numbers of potters to reflect any decrease in the size of the crew except for the Journal of Year 7 Perhaps IAhawy was assisted in his delivery by his son the responsibility for supply at this time falling to a single family who could be noted in greater or lesser detail in the record64

The potter rAhawy is also entered in a list of potters (m qdw) in P Turin 2014 (UTlpubl) rto 27_865 The text is not dated but his name places it in the late 20th Dynasty As Janssen observes the names of the laundrymen included in the list in this papyrus are different from those listed in P Turin 2018 perhaps indicating some distance in time between the two texts66 The writing of the plural in the title to the list (m qdw) is formulaic and need not indieate that more than one potter is meant

The number of potters delivering to the village at anyone time seems generally to have been stable at two men Some flexibility may be detected in the papyrus documents of the late 20th

Dynasty although the numbers do not seem to vary beyond one or two The potential for flexibility in the numbers of smdt has been noted by Janssen for both the woodcutters and the fishermen (see above p 15) It is possible that the fonnulae used for recording ceramic deliveries in earlier texts may conceal variations in their numbers

23 Interpreting receipt and distribution As Davies has shown in his study of the family histories in the village the smdt were administered by their Oill scribes67 Possibly the earliest explicit attestation of smdt-scribes occurs in a pottery account On the recto of O Berlin P 10840 the potter Menna is said to be under the authority (r-) of the scribe Pashed (I 1) Pashed and the scribe mentioned on the verso of the ostracon (1 1) Ipuy are knovro from other contemporaneous texts to have been involved in smdt-deliveries and the deliveries ofproduce such as dates and loaves to the village68

Scribes also occur with less explicit statements of authority in two other pottery accounts In O OeM 346 quantities of vessels were delivered on II prt 20 and 23 by the hand of (m-4rt) the scribe Amenemope Davies records two smdt-scribes named Amenemope one from the reign of Ramesses II and one from Ramesses IV_V69 I am inclined to assign this text the earlier date on the basis of its similarity to O OeM 623 On the verso of O OeM 623 a number of vessels are entered for I smw 1 On the recto a quantity of wood is entered by the hand Uw m-4rt) of the scribe Pentaweret for the same date Two smdt-scribes named Pentawcret held office in the 19tb

Dynasty one late in the reign of Ramesses II and one at the very end of the dynasty7o The Pentaweret of the late 19tb Dynasty is recorded as receiving 2 b3kw from the potter Ptahemheb (P

64 Compare the family firms of fishermen Janssen Village Varia 40 65 The line numbers given here follow CernYs provisional transcription (171541-6 171725-9) 66 Janssen and Janssen The Laundrymen of the Theban Necropolis 5 67 Whos Who 123-42 68 ibid 124 Davies doubts the equation Cerny made between this Pashed and the like-named draughtsman (Community206) 69 Whos Who 283-4 70 ibid 125-6283

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42 POTTERS

Greg rto A II) The phrase jw tn-4rt can be used of both potters and scribes In the case of the

scribes it is likely they were involved in receiving and recording the ceramics rathcr than men

physical transportation and delivery The interpretation of tn-4rt is crucial here Although I T

translate the preposition literally it can be understood more flexibly as under the responsibility of which could express a range of levels of responsibility for supply from physical delivery to

seen for (

recording receipt7l

theslWhen pots are delivered or received by the hand of someone who is not given the title

indi(potter or otherwise connected with the stndt the status of the delivery is less clear Valbelle

to innotes the distinction between ceramics brought by the potters and vessels filled with beer and oother commodities provided by institutions72 Usually the content of the latter vessels is given 73

andHowever in some cases the entry is uncertain particularly with the delivery ofjnlt vessels In O

worDeM 23 5 16 jnll vessels are delivered by the hand of Amenemope while in O DeM 26 2-3 the a 30 large jnlt vessels are recorded by the hand of Nebnefer entered 27 deficit 3 Neither of

laquo~(ythese men is given any title and it is possible that they are ordinary workmen 74

(ves~The problems associated with interpreting the deliveries of jnlzt vessels can be best illustrated grou

by O Cairo 25704 which records the delivery ofjnll vessels in year 2 of Sety I no month or day probis given Although Davies connects this delivery with the known smdt-scribe Tjay or the member distn of the smdl Tjiro75 the status of this text remains uncertain Line 2 records the one who brought alloe very largejn~t vessels returned to Tj[ J (nty rdj jnlt (5t sp sn m-hyt mJ 0[ ]) while line 3 lines has the one who brought small () jnlt vessels assigned to [ J (nty rdj jnlt lrj m-Is (5 m-( twtw [ ))76 The non-standard means of entering the delivery nty rdj may indicate that this text 451 d records a more specialized range of vessels not necessarily to be associated vith the smdt-potters O jnlt vessels have a restricted range of occurrence in the Deir el-Medina documentation and are perhsometimes associated with festival deliveries (see the discussion of O BM 50728 below and desigsection 42) Therefore these vessels may not belong with the unfilled ceramics delivered by the desigsmdt-potters text I

There is little evidence in the texts that potters were assisted in the delivery of their wares by there other members of the smdt as is the case with the woodcutters (see above pp 12ff) Entries in the smdt journal OStraca record deliveries by the hand of the potter (m-4rt P5 qd)77 or entered by the In hand of the potter (jw m-4rt P5 qd)78 This may indicate delivery by the potters themselves but meml the use of such formulaic phraseology in recording delivery may conceal a number of possible inclUi alternatives for this aspect of supply Considering the quantities involved and the probable size of (mrw

is no perha

71 For discussion sec P Tallet Deux pretres-sem tMbains de la XXe dynastie BIFAO 99 (1999) 417 An SOlalternative translation of the phrase with similar implications would be arrived by the hand of

proba72 Ouvriers 265 For the representation of such tilled vessels in the ceramic repertoire from Deir el-Medina

delivcsee for example L Bavay S Marchand and P Tallet Les jarres inscrites du Nouvel Empire provenant de Deir aI-Medina CaMers de la Ceramique Egyptienne 6 (2000) 77-86 with references of the 73 For example all deliveries of wine to the village were made in mnt-amphorae Janssen Commodity Prices 350 mnt vessels are only once recorded as part of a potters deliveries In O Or Inst Chicago

79 Tw16998 (unpubL) 30 mnt vessels are entered alongside 30 qbw vessels and 150 Ibw vessels (1 3) The entry

Amenof a wood delivery in line 2 may indicate that this text records deliveries by the smdt For the elite status periodof the mnt see Bourriau Nicholson and Rice Pottery l37 potter

74 O DeM 202 records quantities of dpr and lbw vessels entered by the hand of Wepwawetmose potterAlthough the status of this text can be questioned lbw vessels are a more standard part of the smdt-potters cornprepertoire 80 In 1

75 Whos Who 106 with n 302 referri

76 For the readings of m-hyt mJ and rrt-s mJ see D Valbelle Remarques sur les textes neo-egyptiens meaninon-Iitteraires (sect 6-10) BIFAO 77 (1977) 129-13 L 81 For

77 For example O DeM 159 10 O DeM 39 rto 4 of hig

78 For example O DeM 35 addition above line 7 O DeM 154 rto 15-6 O DeM 38 7 O DeM 47 vso 4 Ramel

e of than

19h I bility ry to

title lbelle rand fenn

InO 2-3 ler of

trated lrday mlber ought line 3 mJ

s text )tters

Id are If and )y the

res by in the )y the es but ISsible ize of

17 An

l1edina venant

modity 1llcago e entry status

trnose )otters

yptiens

vso 4

INTERPRETING RECEIPT AND DELIVERY 43

the vessels the delivery could have involved several trips andor the use of assistants who are not mentioned because they had no responsibility

The distribution of the ceramics among the community is only rarely attested O DeM 337 seems to record numbers of pots owed to particular workmen III ot 10 deficit of 3lbw vessels for (n) Amenemope deficit of I ds vessel 1 dpy vessel and 3 lbw vessels for (n) Nakhy Both these names are common and it is impossible to date the text on this basis79 This text may indicate that not only were records made of the potters debts to the crew in general deficits owed to individual crew members could be documented as well

O BM 50728 dated to year 2 probably of Ramesses II also seems to relate to the processing and distribution of a particular type of ceramic recording vessels delivered to individual workmen as well as deficits owed to them The first five lines of the recto set out the purpose of the account Year 2 [ ] the record of the jn~t vessels for Left (p SOJW m n jn~t n smM - a total (~~~w) of 10 + 5 jn~t vessels Specification (wp s(traquo) for the crew concerning the 10 + 5 (vessels) 80 The numbers of vessels given to each member of the crew are then detailed The first group of five vessels is clearly allocated to four named workmen one for each man Baki probably the foreman of the crew81 received two corresponding to the hierarchal systems of distribution known from accounts of rations and other provisions Lines 7-10 continue with the allocation of different vessel types to named individuals The end of the recto is very broken but lines 11 and 12 seem to have recorded vessels owed to Amenmose (4t n jmn-msw) Pa-[ ] and twtw() and in this the text provides a parallel for O DeM 337 In O BM 50728 rto 11-12 the 41 determinative was crossed out possibly indicating that the debt was paid

O BM 50728 includes some unusual qualifications for the vessels including terms related perhaps to quality (very good jnJt njr nJr middling good jn~t nJr m-~ry-jb) and the designation of certain vessels as being in the fashion of hbny (vessels) (m qd hbny) These designations and the total (~J~w) ofbq oil given in the last line of the recto may indicate that the text records the delivery of filled jnJt vessels for a specific perhaps festival or ritual context I therefore doubt whether the text is concerned with the distribution of ceramics delivered by the smdt potters (see 42 for further discussion of this text)

In contrast O Cairo 25597 dated to year 2 of Ramesses IV records items distributed to members of the smdt The distribution list begins on line 2 with specification (wp-st) and includes a coppersmith a water-carrier as well as the potter Herunefer who received 5 bundles (mrw or ors) the content of these bundles is not stated Although the context for this distribution is not clear this is the only text known to me in which a potter seems to receive a payment perhaps in exchange for work

Some aspects of organization of work such as distribution of pots among the villagers probably did not require the level of administration and documentation needed for the record of delivery Details concerning the processing of delivery remain unclear such as the precise nature of the receipt and distribution of the products However the texts do allow the stages of delivery

79 Two workmen named Nakhy are known from the late 19th Dynasty Janssen Commodity Prices 86 Amenemope is a common name in all periods ibid 42 Although a potter Nakhy is known from this period I doubt whether this text should be understood as referring to the deficits of untitled but named potters instead I read the n as a preposition rather than the indirect genitive It would be very unusual for a potter to be untitled and the text does not follow the standard pattern for potter accounts recording deficits compare O DeM 91 O IFAO 387 O DeM 135 O Gardiner 88 vso 80 In these lines the number 10 is written in black ink while 5 is written in red Some of the numbers referring to allocations to individual workmen in the following lines of the text are also written in red The meaning of the use of red ink in the text requires further investigation 81 For Baki and his family see Davies Whos Who 2-12 If the provision of an extra vessel is an indicator of higher status this text would provide evidence that Baki continued in office into the early years of Ramesses II

I

--44 POTTERS

to be traced illuminating aspects of the organization of the potters work and their relationship the with the community ofDeir el-Medina veSt

may 24 Donkey hire by potters timi Although it can be assumed that donkeys were necessary for the delivery of ceramics to the (see village J know of only one relevant text and that refers only indirectly to the potters use of lOe donkeys There seem to be no hireage texts for potters comparable to those attested for or4 woodcutters and watercarriers

O DeM 73 Ito details a legal case concerning a donkey in the 20 th year of Ramesses III The 32 text records the resolution of a dispute (del) between the potter Herunefer who was the complainant and the workman Anynakht82 Herunefer hired a donkey from Anynakht The

FrO bkI

donkey proved unsatisfactory and an exchange was agreed upon in the presence of (m-blM a scribe of the mat Amennakhe3 The bad donkey was handed over to him Uwtw Ir swd n) and

blk1 Sh01

he gave him Uwf djt) an (other) she-donkey in its place (11 3-4) The text concludes with the resl taking of an oath on account of it (br pbwys) presumably by Anynakht

As Janssen observes in reference to the woodcutters and watercarriers texts about the hireage spec daYE

of donkeys are comparatively rare and are concentrated in the reigns of Ramesses III and IV Those that survive perhaps refer to rather unusual situations as here The distinctive nature of this

smt intel

text lends support to Janssens proposal that there was a pool of donkeys perhaps state or communally owned rather than belonging to the workmen themselves available for deliveries to

pap) was

the village (see above p 29) here T

sect3 Documenting supply 31 The timing ofexpected deliveries Janssen has determined through analysis of the journal OStraca of the reigns of Ramesses TIT and IV that deliveries of ceramics were expected every ten days84 That this was the practice in the early 19th Dynasty is confirmed by the delivery lists of wood and pottery Where the lists are dated these dates usually fall on days 1085 2086 or 3087 of the month which are the days on which deliveries were also recorded later in the 20 th Dynasty

It is likely that vessels were not expected on any particular day within this time frame and could be delivered in smaller amounts throughout the period like the deliveries by the gardeners and fishermen ss P Greg vso B II 8 documents the receipt of bkw of the potter for year 6 of

that for ( the doCl pred of tl gene mixt term

Siptah on the 19th day of IV lvt This delivery is then recorded in the summary information for IV lvt 10 to 20 A journal ostracon of the reign of Ramesses III records that on II smw 7 the potter entered two blkw one (w) for I smw 30 one for II smw 10 (0 DeM 38 7) The account text O DeM 346 of the mid_20th Dynasty documents the receipt of two quantities of vessels within three days On II prt 20 30 qbt vessels and 110 lbw vessels were received or delivered by the hand of

33l The wen O E IIIp scali mad

82 For Anynakht see Davies Whos Who 74-5 The potter Herunefer is also known from O Cairo 25597 39 (1

83 The role of the scribe of the mat (sv n un) in this text has been discussed by Ben Haring The Scribe of the Mat From Agrarian Administration to Local Justice in Deir el-Medina in the Third Millennium

Jans~ 90 b

AD A Tribute to Jac J Janssen eds R J Demaree and A Egberts Egyptologische Uitgaven 14 (Leiden 91 ibi

2000) 149 For the legal status of this text see A G McDowell Jurisdiction in the Workmens Community 92 O

ofDeir el-Medina Egyptologische Uitgaven 5 (Leiden 1990) 146-7 84 Commodity Prices 485-6

B893n

85 O DeM 1 5 7 10 12 13 17 23 O Gardiner 43 94 Fe

86 O DeM 2 8 15 24 O Or lust Chicago 18878 reCOl

87 O DeM 3 4 9 11 12 14 18 22 O DH 6 7 88 J J Janssen bkw From Work to Product SAK 20 (1993)90 n 52

tragI 95 L

lship

)the se of I for

The the The

M a ) and h the

reage i IV fthis te or ies to

I and n the s are fS on

ould sand 6 of

or IV lotter xtO three ndof

97 kribe znium iden lunity

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 45

the scribe Amenemope (rto 11 1-2) On II prt 23 a further 42 dpr vessels making(9 22 qb vessels and 100 tbw vessels were also entered by the scribe Amenemope (vso n 1-4) This text may record part payments of the delivery expected for II prt 20-30 The data concerning the timing of delivery therefore correspond to the evidence discussed by Janssen for the woodcutters (see above pp 18ff) As in the woodcutter texts if the delivery was completed in full during the 10 day period it was recorded as mI Any deficit or shortfall in delivery was entered as (w)gJ(t) or gJ nlr

32 The terminology ofsupply bJkw From the late 19th or early 20 th Dynasties the deliveries of ceramics were recorded in units of bJlnv in both account and journal ostraca Janssen has discussed the use and meaning of the tenn bkw in the Deir el-Medina material blkw in its absolute sense means work but Janssen has shown that in many cases in these documents the meaning can shift from work to the resultproduct of the work90 Within this usage the bkw of the potter seems to have a more specific meaning Janssen has concluded that it signifies a fixed amount that was due every ten days a quota He cites the example ofO DeM 387 where two b3kw were recorded one for I smw 30 one for II smw 10 91 The detenninatives used in the writing of b3lnv support this interpretation Although in the late 19th and early 20th Dynasty texts bkw was detennined by the papyrus roll92 from the middle to the end of the reign of Ramesses III the vessel detenninative was used93 The change to this detenninative from one with a more abstract meaning signals that here bkw is a work requirement consisting of an amount of ceramics

The usage of bkw in the journals and accounts implies that this amount was fixed a quota that would therefore be quantifiable There are records of the entry of two bkw often to make up for overdue deliveries and occasionally even half bkw94 These references certainly imply that the bIlnv was a predetennined amount that could be doubled or halved when necessary The documenting of deficits in the texts also shows that each delivery was expected to consist of a predetermined amount The Category E text O DeM 12 seems to record such a deficit On line 4 of this delivery list is written deficit namely deficit of vessels (4 qrlJt 4)95 Since qrlt is the generic tenn for vessels the implication is that the expected delivery of ceramics probably a mixture of types and quantities was not made To determine the composition of each bkw in terms of vessel types and numbers is however difficult

33 b3kw in the J(jh Dynasty accounts (text categories B C E) The 19th Dynasty accounts of the deficits of the potters Menna and Nakhy indicate that deliveries were pre-determined as amounts that if not delivered in full were recorded to be made up later O Berlin P 10840 records an accumulation of deficits owed by Menna from year 9 III fJt 1 to III prt 30 making 5 months 53 qbt vessels 575 bw vessels (11 2-3) This account shows the scale of thc deficit that the potter could incur over a period of time if complete deliveries were not made

89 Cernys transcription of the text contains an ellipsis and query at this point (Catalogue VII pI 2) Janssen (pers corron) has suggested that the two dashes in the hieratic facsimile could be read as Jr n 90 hkw From Work to Product 89 91 ibid 89-90 nO DeM 606 rto 611 O Cairo 25591 rto 4-5 and O Cairo 25633 vso 1 P Greg rto B 23 A 11 vso B 8 11-12 93 The journal ostraca from the mid_20th Dynasty consistently use this determinative 94 For an examples entries of two bkw see O DeM 154 rto 16 P Greg rto A II 11-12 Half units are recorded in O DeM 44 rto 20 P Turin 1961 (Pleyte and Rossi pI 99) vso II 5 Anonymous Turin fragment (Cerny MSS 3616) 95 t~~lon

46 POTTERS

O DeM 135 is a testimony to the precision with which such deficits were recorded This undated text enumerates the deficit of two potters Deficit of the potters 2 men 96 29 qbw fle)vessels 5 gy vessels 00 Ibw vessels 9 dp(r) vessels to (r) qbw vessels making 4Y2 Total ves making 33Y2 qbw vessels The final two lines seem to indicate that 9 dpr vessels were equivalent mo in some way to 4Yz qbw vessels97 When added to the 29 qbw vessels in line 2 this gives the total ves of 33Y2 Perhaps the potters were initially required to deliver 9 dpr vessels along with the other and vessels but the decision was made to convert these dpr vessels into their equivalent in qbw dprvessels Here it must be borne in mind that this text records deficit rather than delivery It seems forto reflect the scribes accounting mentality precisely recording the precise value of the deficit

forwhich may have been rounded up or down in reality The meticulous record of deficit does imply sigrfixed vessel deliveries with a specific amount being due every ten days

deliAlthough such texts imply the presence of a quota it is difficult to quantify that quota in terms

posof numbers and types of vessels In this context O DeM 135 provides an additional insight The

asklconversion of one vessel type into its equivalent in another type if it is a concrete conversion

therather than a statement of value implies a certain flexibility within the deliveries Perhaps this document shows the superiors of the crew specifying or making adjustments to the amounts of

34ceramics required every ten days in accordance with the needs of the crew

TheSuch an interpretation could explain the range of vessel types and quantities enumerated in the

19th defiDynasty delivery lists while also perhaps accounting for the precise documentation of It isdeficits These ostraca note deliveries of at least eight different vessel types in varying quantities

and combinations including jn~t98 m~t99 qbwIOO kJ-lr-kJ 101 gJy102 Ibw103 dpr104 and dS I05 and imp

Some of these vessel names are very rare in other documentation The dpr vessel although common in these lists and in 19th Dynasty pottery accounts does not appear to occur later 106 This

Ir

pattern could suggest a reduction in the vessel repertoire in the 20th Dyllasty but the contents of IVr Jourdeliveries are not generally enumerated in the later data potentially concealing some vessel types 29Deliveries of lbw vessels are recorded in the majority of the surviving lists and as will be 15-1illustrated below Ibw vessels alongside qbw vessels remained the core of the potters deliveries (conin the 20th Dynasty It is possible that qbw and bw are classes of ceramics rather than distinct samlvessel types so that the terms may cover a wider range of forms (see section 61) DeIlt othe

96 1- ~~~gt5l~I (I 1) reml 97 Compare O DeM 346 where 42 dpr vessels may be the equivalent of 22 qbt vessels (see section 31) day The flexibility of equivalence between the two types may indicate flexibility in the form and valuation of seen these vessels (see section 41) evid 98 Janssen Commodity Prices434 O DeM 16 153 174 23 5

ther99 Wb II 126 W F Reineke Der Zusammenhang der altagptischen Rohl- und LiingenmaBe MfG 9 (1963)148 O DeM 56 7 6 114 100 Janssen Commodity Prices 412-5 qbw is a feminine word and can also be spelt qbt Valbelle Guvriers 18 O DeM J 7 4 5 7 5 104 O DR 5 4 O Gardiner 435 101 Wb V 93 O DeM 28 3 O DR 6 8 lOi 0 102 Janssen Commodity Prices 426-8 O DeM 5 5 9 6 107 225 O DR 8 3 O Gardiner 436 108 0 10J Janssen Commodity Prices 433-4 O DeM 18 3 4 4 6 6 6 8 6 105 116 136 154 16 5 17 109 0 3 226 O DR 5 7 6 9 7 5 84 O Or lnst Chicago 188785 O Gardiner 43 7 O DeM 288 records 110 0 a lbw-n-k~ vessel (see section 41) III 0 104 This vessel is not included in Janssen Commodity Prices or in the Worterbuch It is written lith the 1110

generic term for vessel qrlt confirming its nature as such O DeM 25 3 3 5 7 6 5 9 5 106 165 113 0 O DR 5 6 O Or lnst Chicago 188784 4prt vessels presumably a different orthography of the same 114 C term occur in hieratic inscriptions from the tomb of Tutankhamun 1 Cerny Hieratic lnscriptionsfrom the Il5 t Tomb of TutCankhamun TutCankhamiins Tomb Series II (Oxford 1965) 6 with references See also G 116 Ir Bouvier BlFAG 101 (2001)90 note g PriCE 105 Wb V 485 Janssen Commodity Prices 472-4 O DeM 64 8 5 135 165 22 4 O DR 5 6 74 non-I 1(lj See the documents cited in n 100 also O DeM 346 vso 3 117 Q~

This qbw otal alent total other qbw

eems ficit mply

erms The rsion this Its of

n the m of ttities dS I05

tough This lts of ypes ill be veries stinct

1 31) ion of

1109

vriers

5 17 ecords

ith the 165

same Jm the

Iso G

74

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 47

The degree to which the composition of deliveries could vary from list to list illustrates the flexiblity of the institution On I 3Jt 10 of year 3 of Sety I 7 jn~t vessels (3 good 2 poor) 37 qbw vessels (deficit of 3) and 58 Ibw vessels (deficit of 2) were delivered l07 On the 20th day of that month dpr vessels were delivered (the rest of the text is lost)108 80 dpr vessels and 50 Ibw vessels were delivered on the last day of I 3Jt109 while on the last day of II Jt 40 qbw vessels and 50 Ibw vessels were delivered l1O On day 10 of III Jt 80 g3y vessels 90 m~t vessels and 40 dpr vessels were delivered lll Not only do several vcssel types occur in each delivery but totals for each vessel type also vary considerably as weI Ibw vessels tend to total between 50 and 60 for each list in which they occur1l2 However many of the attested totals documented are significantly larger between 100 and 300 lbw1l3 These texts may point to there being variable deliveries that resulted from commissions in response to specific needs However this is only one possible interpretation based upon a comparatively small group of texts The question must be asked whether a similar understanding can be gained from the qualitatively different sources of the 20th Dynasty

34 Recording b3kw in the 20th Dynasty The recording of pottery deliveries was less explicit in the 20th Dynasty with deliveries and deficits generally noted as b3kw and (w)4(t) of the potter without further clarifying information It is difficult to determine whether the quantities and contents of the deliveries were as flexible and varying as the 19th Dynasty data suggest Indeed as Janssen has concluded it is virtually impossible to prove what was meant by the termbkw l 114

In the rare cases where journal entries on ostraca of the reigns of Ramesses III and Ramesses N record numbers of vessels this information is difficult to interpret O DeM 154 rto recording journal entries in year 31 of Ramesses III documents the delivery made by the potter on II smw 29 entered by the hand of the potter 2 bkw (plus) 50 lbw vessels for II smw 30 deficit 65 (II 15-16) Janssen alternatively translates this part of the text as [e ]ntered from the potter 2 bkw (consisting of) 50 lbw vessels comparing it with O Berlin P 10654 (unpub) vso 1 where the same amount of 50 vessels is also mentioned I IS There is a number of possible readings of O DeM 154 rto The two b3kw may be deliveries owing from earlier in the month116 while on the other hand the 50 Ibw vessels may be an early partial payment for II smw 30 with 65 vessels remaining outstanding Since we do not have the rest of the journal for II smw and the entry for day 20 records neither delivery nor deficit it is difficult to draw firm conclusions Nonetheless it seems unlikely that the b3kw referred to in the text consisted of 50 lbw vessels The supporting evidence of the late 20th Dynasty ostracon O Berlin P 10654 vso is ambiguous also referring to the production of 50 vessels in the first line the numbers are lost thereafter

II Jt 10 the potter fashioned1l7 50 (vessels) day 20 the potter [fashioned x (vessels)]

107 O DeM 16-8 108 O DeM 2 5 109 O DeM 3 3-4 110 O DeM 45-6 1110 DeM 5 5-7 112 O DeM 18 34 8 6 165 O DH 5 7 6 9 O Or Inst Chicago 188785 113 O DeM 6 6 136 22 6 154 173 O DH 76 ll4 Commodity Prices 488 bkw From Work to Product 89 115 bkw From Work to Product 89 116 In a similar situation O DeM 40 14-5 records by the hand of the potter 3 bkw Janssen Commodity Prices 487-8 concludes that two of the bkw were payments for the first two decades although the non-delivery is nowhere stated while the third delivery was due for the five epagomenal days 117 ~~li~IT1l~~o

II

48 POTTERS

day 30 fashioning [x (vessels)] III 11]t 10 while he (fashioned)118 [x (vessels)] 35 b day 20119

Vhel total 230 qbw vessels [ ] the n specifYing it (wp Sf) ~ 23 jn~11 vessels blkw

In recording the actual work of the potters this text is unique While units of 50 vessels seem to statu be specified any connection with a blkw is not made explicit and can only be inferredYo perio

Janssen also cites the example of O DeM 35 on which a note above line 7 recording entries been for IIprt 19 of year 28 of Ramesses III reads entered by the hand of the potter as one b3kw 100 these qbw vessels 45 lbw vessels Although this text indicates that the b3kw consisted of 100 qbw Th vessels and 45 lbw vessels the phrase m w( b3kw could imply that the vessels enumerated were the e those making up this particular delivery perhaps differing from although equivalent to the recor contents of earlier deliveries and the standard b3kw The higher number of qbw vessels than Ibw epagt vessels which is very unusual when compared with other texts enumerating these two types 5 ep suggests that this entry is exceptional not only in its formulation It may be that this delivery ofth required special enumeration perhaps the potter altered the original order and provided an bee) equivalent number of qbw vessels instead of lbw vessels P

The two uneertain entries of O DeM 154 and O DeM 35 are the only texts in which actual Ram vessel types are enumerated in 20u Dynasty journal ostraca O DeM 35 in particular may suggest reads that the composition of b3kw could be flexible Other surviving records of pottery deliveries from An e the reign of Rarnesses III usually state only whether or not the potter entered his deliveries deliv complete or was in deficit O DeM 143 vso 5 datable to year 24 of Ramesses III does fo11o however enter a deficit of lbw vessels for the five epagomenal days Although the exact figures as 65 are lost the final two lines record an unknown total (dnuf) of qbw vessels and a total of 680 lbw char~ vessels these probably being deficits incurred since IV smw 30 the day the potter first fell behind disru in deliveries as the account records In O DeM 165 which largely documents deficits incurred in prt 1 year 30 III prt and thereafter a note to one side records year 29 entered for the five whih (epagomenal) days 30 lbw vessels his deficit 85 (11 4amiddot5a) vesst

Where vessel numbers are enumerated in these 20th Dynasty texts they vary in some cases notin considerably although the relationships of these numbers with the context of the documents must onw be kept in mind The vessel types are less varied than in the 19th Dynasty sources Mostly qbw and that 1 [bw vessels are enumerated in large quantities which confirms that these vessel types were the here basis of the potters b 3kw The deficit accounts from the reign of Ramesses II (group III) record If only qbw and lbw vesselsl2I in contrast with the variety of vessels represented in the delivery deliv lists The delivery lists of the 19th Dynasty appear to be exceptional in the variety of vessel types large they enumerate They may represent deliveries from other specialized workshops or supplies for vess particular purposes The similarity between the 19th Dynasty delivery lists of pottery and wood on en1r) the one hand and of specialty breads and beer on the other hand may indicate that these inter deliveries were in general more specialized they were perhaps associated with festivals Such an here association is illuminated by a study of one of the vessel types less commonly enumerated in A1 these texts (see section 42) However the regularity of delivery in these lists recorded in tenmiddotday b3kJi blocks is closely comparable with the regular b3kw delivery For the 20th Dynasty it must be potu borne in mind that b3kw which is mostly unqualified in the journal ostraca may cover a range of the ( vessel types sing

liS Q0--1i11 122 G ll9 Cerny noted that the line here was left blank 123 J~

120 The specification of jnJz1 vessels may also suggest that this text refers to a specialized perhaps unique lUF

production series For jnJzt see section 42 me 121 0 DeM 91 O Berlin P 10840 vso O IFAO 387 126 C

em to

ntries 100

l qbw were

) the nbw types livery ed an

actual 19gest from veries does

igures 101bw )ehind red in ~ fivc

cases must wand re thc ccord livery types es for odon thcsc Ichan ted in n-day lst be 1ge of

mique

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 49

35 bikw in the late 20th Dynasty papyrus documents Where pottery deliveries are recorded in the journal papyri the numbers of vessels involved and the name of the potter are often included A further contrast with earlier records is that the tenn bkw is rarely employed The more fonnal status of the papyri may explain such differences This status may also be one reason despite the large amount of documentation surviving from this period deliveries of pottery are only recorded occasionally Those that are recorded may have been special deliveries and hence worthy of note When bkw are recorded as in earlier records these may be variable in size and consist largely ofbw and qbw vessels

The recto ofP Turin 2070133 134 + 3 fragments (KRIVI 426-8) contains journal entries for the epagomenal days of the year 2 of a king later than Ramesses IV 122 The entry for the final day records the deliveries of the potter Right the potter - 29 [qb]w vessels 145 lbw vessels Five epagomenal days 100 [+ 45] Ibwvessels [Left] the potter 29 [qbw] vessels 145lbwvessels 5 epagomenal days 145 (Col II 10-11) The deliveries are enumerated separately for each side of the crew although if the restorations are correct the totals are the same for each side As is to be expected qbw and bw vessels are the only vessel types mentioned

P Turin 1881+ (Pleyte and Rossi pI 1-8 KRIVI 609-19) records entries for years 6-8 of Ramesses IX the potter is only mentioned on three occasions in year 7 For IV lu 29 the entry reads received by the hand of the potter ~Ahawy - qbw vessels 65 bw vessels 65 (vso V 1-2) An entry for 65 handfuls of plants follows in this list and seems to be associated with this delivery An entry on the same line also records 2 khar of k3Y (Ulq~ ~ ) probably roe123 The following line records again by his hand (wlm m-fjrtj) (for) I prt 10 100 [b[w] vessels as well as 65 handfuls of plants and an unknown measure of roe It seems that the potter had also been charged with delivering produce to the village perhaps the organization of deliveries was disrupted in this period Other entries record deliveries received by the hand of scribes 124 In III prt 18 almost three months later ~Ahawy made another delivery of 300 Ibw vessels (vso VI 7-8) while in III smw there were received by the hand of the potter (for) Right and Left 1501bw vessels and 70 qbw vessels (vso VII 1-2) P Turin 1881 + is an unusual text which rather than noting events day by day records only a few days from a few months of each year perhaps days on which events occurred that were more significant in the eyes of the scribe Valbelle observes that the scribe was running out of space on the papyrus increasing the likelihood that the entries he recorded were those he considered important125

If the deliveries recorded in this text were the only ones made for year 7 of Ramesses IX the delivery patterns of the potters may have changed Rather than delivering units every decade large deliveries were made every two to three months This would explain the large totals of vessels supplied However as Janssen cautions scribal inaccuracies mean that the absence of an entry in the journal does not necessarily mean that the delivery was not made126 An alternative interpretation is that the standard deliveries were made every ten days and that those recorded here were supplementary and worthy of special mention

An entry in P Turin 1900+ (KRl VI 619-24) vso 117 may indicate that regular deliveries of blkw continued at least in the early years of Ramesses IX Year 9 II 31Jt 19 records Right the potters b3kw [ ] (wnmy p qd n b3kw [ J) The context of this delivery is similar to those of the earlier 20th Dynasty with supply of fuel and gypsum being recorded as well However the single mention of a potters bkw in this entry in the papyrus may be as unique as those in P

122 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 242 123 Janssen Village Varia 53 124 For example vso 2a vso 5 5 vso 5 10 vso 6 1 125 Ouvriers 63-4 126 Commodity Prices 486

l

50 POTTERS

Turin l88l Journal entries from years 10 and 17 of Ramesses IX support this interpretation P A Turin 2071140 (KRIVI 63715) rto 9 records delivery of vegetables and pottery 2l() qb(w) varia vessels 110 [+ x] [bw vessels for day 30 IV smw year 10 The Turin Necropolis Journal of year vana 17 rto B II 2-3 (Botti and Peet pI 16) is the only record of a pottery delivery in this substantial inclu text covering two full months potter rAhawy 33 qbw vessels 165 [bw vessels This may Dyna indicate that the delivery was an unusual hence noteworthy event especially in relation to (HO references to problems with smdt organization earlier in the text (see section 37) the p

Deliveries of varying quantities of pottery are entered a number of times for different sides of recei the crew in the journal of year 3 of Ramesses X (P Turin 1898 + Botti and Peet pI 50-63 KRI Re VI 687-99) On III prt 18 even though the crew was not working because of the foreigners cornr (Omyw) 30 qb(w) vessels and 30 [+ x] [[bw] vessels were delivered to Right (rto I 11) On the wood last day of IV prt 9 qb(w) and 27 ([)bw vessels were delivered to Left (the entry for Right is comp lost rto II 14) The entry for II smw 19 records crew not working Right 28 qb(w) vessels 300 Janss [b(w) vessels Left 28 qb(w) vessels 15 g1(y) vessels 300 [b(w) vessels (rto III 9-10) The entry amou for g1y vessels is unusual in this text Two days later there was a further delivery for Right alone largel the potter - 30 qb(w) vessels 150 [b(w) vessels (rto III 13-14) In the month of III smw qbw Alt and [bw vessels were delivered on two occasions day 5 and day 30127 On IV smw 1 1 qbw was texts

delivered perhaps to Right while 90 [bw vessels were delivered to Left (rto V 18-9) If each are in delivery of vessels to the village was flexible in size and composition the entries in this journal as a c may also illustrate that deliveries to different sides of the crew could be varied as well quant

The journal text of year 1 of Ramesses XI P Turin 1898+ VSO128 records for I 10t 24 Right excep

from the hand of (the) potter [ ] 18 qb(w) vessels 50 [+x] [bw vessels Left from the hand of 37 In(the) potter [ ]y129 10 [+x] (Hh vessels [r~R~~o] [ J (vso Text A 2-4) Again the Otherdelivery is separately enumerated for the different sides of the crew breaks in the text mean that unprethe composition of the delivery is unknown If the entry on line 4 is a variant orthography of a this b type of vessel (1(1130 it may indicate a specialized delivery because (1(1 vessels are not firingotherwise attested in the pottery deliveries l3I Further deliveries are recorded in this journal again therein a very broken context by the hand ofthe potter [ ] lbw vessels 51 [+ x ] (vso dockets B taken5-6) later 18 qbw vessels and 50 lbw vessels are recorded (vso dockets C 2) This is the latest or adrsurviving record of pottery deliveries to the necropolis workmen in the 20th Dynasty deficit Impac36 Conclusion the meanings ofb1kw

TheThe Turin Necropolis journals seem to support the interpretation of the nature of the b1kw found detailein the earlier documentation Despite the possibility that delivery patterns may have altered or that from t some entries may represent extra deliveries these documents indicate that [bw and qbw vessels earlyformed the core of any quota of pottery delivered to the village occasionally supplemented with irregulother vessel types the pa III It

127 On III sectmw 529 qb(w) vessels and 150 bw vessels were delivered to Right Left received 19 qb(w) month vessels and 150 bw vessels (Botti and Peet pI 57 rto IV 15-9) The papyrus is damaged in the entries for III sectmw 30 but the surviving text indicates that deliveries of over 100 bw vessels were made to Right and both fbw and rqlbw vessels were delivered to Left (Botti and Peet pI 59 rto V 17-19) Unusually this latter entry records bw vessels before qbw 132 For 128 Botti and Peet pI 63 KRI VI 850-1 I follow the reassessment of Jtirgen von Beckerath in my reading 34 see of this text Papyrus Turin 1898+ vso SAK21 (1994)29-33 133 Th( 129 Perhaps the name of the potter CAhawy can be restored here 134 C J 130 Wh V 532 W F Reineke Der Zusammenhang der altagyptischen Hohl- und UingenmaBe MID 9 East e (1963)151 observlt 131 4343 vessels are included in a list of products in O Cairo 25678 vso 17 along with fbw vessels (1 18) discuss Valbelle citing this text considers that 4343 vessels could replace qbw vessels and were perhaps be mad synonymous (in her reference Duvriers 265 n 12 read 25678 for 25673) 135 Con

n p b(w) year ntial may m to

es of KRI

yenlers 11 the ht is 300 ~ntry

lone qbw was each lmal

ight ld of I the that ofa not

gain s B atest

lUnd that sels with

b(w) 8 for tand this

ding

[09

18) haps

DOCUMENTIKG SUPPLY 51

A further correspondence between the papyrus documents and the earlier ostraca is the variation in the numbers of vessels being delivered If these figures do represent regular bkw the variation in vessel totals may reflect responses to the changing needs of the crew perhaps including orders made by the superiors of the crew to the potters The use of bkw in one 20th

Dynasty account ostracon exemplifies the flexible character of commissions O Gardiner 80 4-5 (HO 6114) states after recording the complete deliveries during III smw received as the bkw of the potter entered complete like his custom of every day This text implies that the deliveries received during that month constituted the potters commission which he managed to fulfiL

Records survive of other members of the smdt such as gardeners and woodcutters receiving commands to deliver specific amounts132 Janssen notes the commission received by the woodcutter Saroy in year 29 III fJt 7 to deliver 380 units every 10 days This order can be compared with that of Saroys colleague who received a commission to deliver 500 units 133 As Janssen observes the quotas of the woodcutters often deviated quickly from these specified amounts (see above p 20) Such orders might have been regular normal occurrences that are largely invisible in the written record

Although no known text records such an assignment to the potters to deliver specific amounts texts that record varying quantities of ceramics and texts in which vessels other than qbw and tbw are included suggest that such commissions were madc The bkw may therefore be understood as a commission or expected dclivery of a predetermined unit of ceramics Although theoretically quantifiablc the bkw was flexible so that we cannot determinc what amount was expected except in specific deliveries

37 Implications ofdefiCits Other factors may also have operated to produce differential sizes of deliveries Firing was an unpredictable process with a certain amount of wasters inevitably being produced each time On this basis Christopher Eyre has suggested the one bkw may have been the equivalent of one firing which could vary in composition and in success134 Although this hypothesis is viable there is no direct evidence to support it and it is also possible that the needs of the crew were taken into account in each individual bkw or work requirement Where problems in the workshop or administrative breakdowns affected deliveries these are likely to be reflected in the records as deficits By examining patterns of deficit within the documentation it is possible to observe the impact of external problems in the Theban area on the potters deliveries in the mid 20th Dynasty

The journal ostraca of the reigns of Ramesses III and IV (Group I) again provide the most detailed documentation of delivery and deficit although only very general trends can be deduced from the materiaL Janssens analysis of pottery deliveries at the end of Ramesses Ills reign to early Ramesses IV led to the conclusion that deliveries of commodities were generally very irregular at this time whereas in the preceding years they had been more stable 135 The details of the pattern of deficits can be supplemented by a few account ostraca from the reign of Ramesses III It must be borne in mind that the idiosyncrasies of scribal record keeping mean that some months record no deliveries at all even though deliveries were most probably made

132 For the commissioning of the smdt see J J Janssen The Year of the Strikes BSEG 16 (1992) 44 n 34 see also Janssens section 7 in this volume 133 The Year of the Strikes 44-6 134 C J Eyre Work and the Organization of Work in the New Kingdom in Labor in the Ancient Near East ed M A Powell (New Haven 1987) 193 Janssen bkw From Work to Product 90 n observes that if this were the case the potters would have delivered once per decade The limited evidence discussed in 31 and a review of the delivery dates in the texts included in 33 indicate that deliveries could be made on more than one occasion during the ten-day period 135 Commodity Prices 488

52 POTTERS

The account of O Gardiner 80 (HO 61 4) for year 21 of Ramesses III records deliveries that O were made complete for the entire month of III smw the final line entered complete like his bJrn custom of every day although formulaic may be an indicator of a reputation for efficiency and for t punctuality The records from a few years later appear to tarnish this reputation The account text far 11 O DeM 143 datable to year 24 while recording complete deliveries for III smw 30 and IV smw coml 10 and 20 enters deficits for IV smw 30 the five epagomenal days and the first two decades of I appe 3bt (11 1-7) Reasons for the accumulation of such a substantial deficit beyond internal incre production problems are unknown This text warns us that although the relationship between admi administrative problems at Deir el-Medina and deficit is clear at times less easily identifiable in th factors may also have had an impact By year 27 deliveries appear to have returned to normal the p with no deficits being entered and every delivery recorded as complete (0 DeM 33 vso 8 O TI DeM 34 rto 7 16 vso 11) a deficit is however noted for the epagomenal days of year 28 in O agair DeM 156 vso 4 that

From year 29 deficits are again a consistent feature of the record during the time when labour inc01 troubles began to disrupt the community The first hint of delivery problems may be found in the whet problematic O Strasbourg H 26 If the entries on the recto refer to the potter this text records mad~ complete deliveries throughout I and II smw and probably through the epagomenal days and II there 3bt The verso may refer more explicitly to pottery deliveries with the final line recording IV coul Jbt 10 deficit of the [potter) However the reading of qd is based on a restoration (Cerny Nb in thi 3561) and the status of this text as a pottery account could be questioned There are more certain Th references to delivery from later in year 29 In I prt 30 the potter made deliveries to Right and perio Left details of the content of delivery are not given (0 Turin 57007 vso 4-5) The strike action ambi began in the village only ten days later on II prt 10136 The only further entry recording a pottery Peet delivery is in P Turin 1961 (Pleyte and Rossi pI 99) possibly from the end of year 29 IV prt 30 outsi notes for Right the potter I Y while the potter l is noted for Left (vso II 5 7)137 There are there no further records of pottery deliveries until year 30 although the consistent deficits incurred by reorg the woodcutters during year 29 and into year 30 are evidence of the impact of the strikes (see for II above p 21)138 authc

Deficits are recorded in an account text for III prt 30 and probably IV prt 10 of year 30 but a Peet delivery oftvo b3kw was promptly made to remedy this deficit (0 DeM 165 rto 1-2) O DeM ~Aha 154 rto 15-16 of year 31 records the delivery of two b3kw on II smw 29 probably overdue entric payments for days 10 and 20 A number of fbw vessels are also specified I interpret these as and perhaps an early payment for II smw 30 although they may relate to the two b3kw A deficit of 65 speci is noted Complete deliveries are made in IV lJl but since they are noted specifically they may perha have been considered late one b3kw being entered on day 13 for day 10 and one being entered Th for Right only on day 21 (0 DeM 157 8-9 17) From then into the reign of Ramesses IV the may potters made deliveries late or were making good deficits In II smw 7 of year 32 the debt was diffic paid for I smw 30 and at the same time the b3kw was delivered three days early for II smw 10 (0 or the

19thDeM 38 7 17 23) No sooner had these deliveries been made then the potter was in debt again I for the rest of the month Disruptions to pottery and fuel deliveries (see above p 21) throughout wide] year 30 and into year 31 are symptoms of continued labour problems within the village or of subst general administrative problems in the Theban area 139

mont side I

136 RAD 49 15 P J Frandsen Editing reality the Turin Strike Papyrus in Studies in Egyptology presented to Miriam Lichtheim ed S Israelit-Groll (Jerusalem 1990) 166-99 Risbo 137 Janssen considers that the documentation of half units may point to a scarcity of materials Commodity availa Prices 488 A reference to a half unit may also be found in an anonymous papyrus fragment in Turin 140 Fo (Cerny MSS 3616) which records the potter 2h this probably means 2h bJkw 141 Fo 138 Janssen The Year ofthe Strikes 46-8 BerIir B9 Disruptions in local administration may have directly impacted pottery production if as Colin Hope bkw suggests the state provided clay to these workshops Egyptian Pottery Shire Egyptology 5 (princes been ~

8 that ce his yand It text smw

s of ternal tween fiable Irmal 8 O in O

aboUT in the ~cords

md II ~ IV YNb ertain It and ~ction ottery Jrt 30 re are ed by (see

but a DeM erdue se as of65 may

tered the twas 0(0 19ain ~hout or of

~logy

ity

ffope inces

DOCUMENTlIG SUPPLY 53

O DeM 40 rto 15 from I gUt of year 1 of Ramesses IV records that the potter delivered three bgkw on day 24 probably overdue deliveries for days 10 and 20 (the deficits are not noted) and for the epagomenal days for which the deficit was entered in a note in a separate column on the far left A deficit is also recorded for day 30 (vso 9) From this point on the deliveries tend to be complete although often a few days late140 There are still occasional deficits but the deliveries appear to have been generally more regular than in the final years of Ramesses IILI41 The increasing irregularity of delivery is probably a symptom of the general decay of the administration of the Necropolis at the end of a long reign The more regular deliveries beginning in the first year of Ramesses IV perhaps correspond with a renewed interest in the Necropolis on the part of the successor king who was eager to get work on his tomb underway

These documents provide the only opportunity to trace a pattern of deficit in pottery deliveries against well documented changes and problems in the administration of the village They show that such an equation between the two is possible this may have implications for the more incomplete records of the end of the dynasty It is difficult to determine from the papyrus texts whether deliveries continued on a regular basis in the closing years of the 20th Dynasty or were made in large consignments more infrequently as the surviving evidence seems to suggest Since there were significant civil disturbances in the Theban area throughout this period deliveries could have been affected to the point that they became more unusual events and warranted entry in the journals

The Turin Necropolis journal for year 17 of Ramesses IX provides the best example from this period From II prl on the text includes entries concerning the smdt in general from the ambiguous entry taking the smdt of the Tomb of Left by the scribe of the Tomb Hori (Botti and Peet pI 14 rto B I 8) to the entries a few lines later crew not working while the smdt were outside under the authority (rJ(wyraquo of the two scribes of the Necropolis [ ] crew not working there being no smdt outside (rto B I 12) These entries seem to indicate that there was some reorganization of or problem with the smdt although a record of a wood delivery was entered for II prl 15 The entry for II prt 18 records crew not working while their smdt were under the authority of the two scribes of the Tomb of the Outside without any payments (1) (Botti and Peet pI 15 rto B I 18) On II prt 24 a delivery of fish was made and on day 25 the potter rAhawy delivered a number of vessels (Botti and Peet pI 16 rto B II 1-3) Although these entries are difficult to interpret it seems that the crew was facing both deficits in grain delivery and problems with the smdt In this context the delivery of pottery can perhaps be seen as a special occurrence no text from the end of the 20 th Dynasty explicitly records a potters deficit perhaps indicating that there was no longer an expected pattern to delivery

The interpretations presented here are speculative moreover other factors that left no trace may have had an impact on production The deficits entered for year 25 of Ramesses III are difficult to explain except in terms of unknowable production problems specific to the workshops or the personal circumstances of the potters as are the causes for the deficits recorded in the early 19th Dynasty Such deficits cannot be equated with any known problems in the village or the wider Theban area The accounts of the potters Menna and N akhy in the early 19th Dynasty record substantial deficits especially those incurred by Menna in a year 9 where he is in deficit for five months totalling 53 qbw vessels and 575 fbw vessels Further deficit totals perhaps for the other side of the crew are even larger 94 qbw vessels and 992 lbw vessels (0 Berlin P 10840) The

Risborough 1987) 10 This argument may apply only to high quality ceramics considering the ready availability ofNile silt for the production of most basic vessels 140 For example O DeM 47 rto 3 11 vso 4 141 For example the following texts record deficits in year 1 = I prt 30 (0 DeM 47 rto 11) III prt 30 (0 Berlin P 12641 + 12628 7) II smw 20(7) (0 DeM 161 vso 3) O DeM 44 rto 20 records a delivery of 1y bklv for III smw 29 Janssen considers that since no delivery was recorded for day 20 materials may have been scarce at this time Commodity Prices 488

--54 POTTERS

patterns of deficit incurred by the potters that can be traced in the texts cannot generally be Ana correlated with external administrative problems and decay rese

proc sect4 Equations of word and object an analysis offour pot-types A notable feature of the potter texts from Deir el-Medina is the substantial number of vessels 41 delivered to the village every ten days Although the exact number due in each bkw varied the I ha totals of some deliveries indicate that there was a significant and constant need for ceramics in the thrOl community In the lives of the villagers this pottery was essential It was the principal means to mult store prepare and serve food and to carry out many other activities within the domestic and work refer spheres Janssen observes in Commodity Prices that we have virtually no cvidence for the enun exchange value of ceramics beeause price texts generally refer only to metal or stone vessels 142

used Vessels used for a wide variety of domestic purposes would have had a low value and high class turnover millions of pot sherds were found within the rubbish dumps of the village including the offo Grands PuitS 143 Since their role was so essential it is desirable to learn about the various forms of In thl the vessels - their sizes and range of functions - in order to advance our understanding of the lJl villagers daily lives possi

Holthoerl44 noted that most Mesopotamian names of vessels relate directly to their material their function or their capacity but concluded that the Egyptians derived their vessel names from something other than vessel function This conclusion was largely based on the 1935 lexicographic analysis of Egyptian vessels by Robert du Mesnil du Buisson whose study is the only one that covers a wide range of ceramics including some of the vessel names that occur in the Deir el-Medina potter texts He considered that the qbw vessel was connected to qb fresh cool an appropriate concept for a jar145 He equated the gy vessel with the verb gw to be narrow perhaps suggesting a jar with a narrow neck 146

Edward Brovarski has done preliminary work on some Old Kingdom and First Intermediate Period vessel terms147 and Patricia Paice has studies connections between vessel shapes and their functions as depicted in tomb reliefs 148 The most valuable recent examination of the intersection of lexicography and a ceramic corpus is that of Janet Bourriau and Stephen Quirke on the Middle Kingdom ceramic repertoire from Lahun l49

An approach comparable to that taken at Lahun would be ideal for the material from Deir elshy Fig 1 Medina but a full statistical analysis of the archaeological material in relation to the textual data Urk r that is a prerequisite for determining lexicographic relations is beyond the scope of this study

The VI

Jb-nraquo142 407_8 and n 5 lS enu 143 ibid 488

vessel 144 New Kingdom Pharaonic Sites The Pottery 41 see J Bourriau and S Quirke The Late Middle

terminKingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects in Lahun studies ed S Quirke (Reigate 1998) 60shydeterm1 for a more recent discussion of the basis of classifications

145 Les noms et signes egyptiens designant des vases ou objets simiaires (Paris 1935)30 l46 Noms et signes 72 Janssen Commodity Prices 427 considers that du Mesnil du Buissons suggestions 150 FoUl

and explanations for the gly are unconvincing and concludes that no identification of the gly is apparant P Turi Ricardo A Caminos considered it to be an open bowl or cup since it was used more as a container for Howevl

ISl Jansvegetables and flowers than liquids (CLEM 194-5) corresponding to the use of gy vessels for natron 152 Thelotus leaves and fruit in the Medinet Habu festival lists A Spalinger Medinet Habu and Deir el-Yledina IS3 TheCombined in Deir el-Medina in the Third Millennium AD A Tribute to Jac J Janssen eds R 1 Demaree

and A Egberts Egyptologische Uitgaven 14 (Leiden 2000) 314 Although the shape of the gl) remains these m unknown Janssen has determined a capacity of 20 hin Two Ancient Egyptian Ships Logs Papyrus Leiden detenni 1350 verso and Papyrus Turin 2008 + 2016 (Leiden 1961)88 vessel l47 Lexicographical Studies in Egyptian Pottery Bulletin de Liaison du Groupe International dEtude de determi fa Ceramique Egyptienne 7 (1982) 36-7 154 P GJ 14S The Pottery of Daily Life in Ancient Egypt JSSEA 19 (1989) 50-88 bibliogr 149 The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects 60-83 IS5 Com

lly be

essels d the in the ansto lwork Dr the oels142

1 high ngthe rmsof of the

lterial s from

1935 is the

cur in fresh to be

lediate i their ection fiddle

eir elshyt data study

v1iddle 8) 60shy

~stions

Jaranl ler for latron -edina maree mains Leiden

~de de

EQUA TJONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 55

Analysis of the occurrence of vessel types in the potter texts can be related to the present stage of research into vessel shape and size to produce some further insights both into the potters products and into the documentation for the supply of particular ceramic types

41 The basic pots qbw and [bw I have shown above that [bw and qbw vessels formed the basis of deliveries to the village

19th 20ththroughout the and Dynasties Therefore it seems likely that they were simple multipurpose vessels distinct from each another in shape andor size There is a standard way of referring to them in the records qbw vessels precede [bw vessels and many fewer are usually enumerated This relationship points to a qualitative differentiation between the two ISO Both are used as containers for liquids such as beer and waterl5l I consider that these two terms designate classes of vessels rather than fixed single shapes their names perhaps referring to a wider range of forms Difference in size may account for the differentation in numbers delivered in the texts In the following discussion I assess the evidence for these two classes of vessels

Jb lbw) vessels are included among the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak indicating a possible shape for the vessel152

tlBoo~WJ~O 01It 0P L II I I

Fig 1 ob-nw-k vessels in the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak (Wreszinski Atlas II pI 33 Urk IV 636)

The vessel shown is distinctive being beaker-like and wider at the base than at the neck JS3 The ub-nw-k vessel here is the equivalent of the u-m-Icw of P Harris I 36a 7 A significant number is enumerated in this text as containers tor incense perhaps indicating a smaller cup-like vessel l54 Janssen has considered that the [x]-n-k termination which is fairly common in vessel terminology indicates that the vessels were cups the name of the vessel given in the compound determines the shape155 In the inscription of the High Priest Osorkon the Oblb-n-k is written

150 Four texts which enumerate qbw and fbw vessels show a ratio of 15 O Or Inst Chicago 16698 rto 3 P Turin 2070133 134 + frgs rto 10-11 Giornale of year 17 rto B II 1-3 P Turin 1898 rto III 14 However since these are isolated examples it is uncertain how widely applicable such a ratio was 151 Janssen Commodity Prices 433 Valbelle Ouvriers 265 152 The equivalence between the lb andlbw is confirmed in CLEM 186-7 153 The determinative given for a qby vessel in the offering list ofThutmose III at Elcphantine indicates that these may have been quite close in shape to the IJb-nw-h of the Karnak list The simple elongated beaker determinative is quite distinct from the determinatives given for the other vases in the list including the Ub vessel which is shon with a definite neck (Urk IV 828 4) However the occurrence of different determinatives within a single text does not offer a basis for a classification of vessel forms 154 P Grandet Le Papyrus Harris I (EM 9999) BdE 109 (Cairo 1994) I 272 see vol IT 141 n 576 for a bibliography for lbw l55 Commodity Prices 409

I

56 POTTERS

with a goblet detenninative ls6 The vessels recorded in these texts may be smaller cup versions of thai larger Ibw jars with the wide mouth and lack of defined neck perhaps pointing to a vessel associated with food preparation and service 157 The delivery list O DeM 288 records fb-nw-kJ

cor 1

vessels perhaps as a fuller writing of bw or as a distinct fonn vithin the Ibw class Vessels ves categorized as Ibw may have had a generalized function as cups or containers for both liquid and con solid foods A comparison can be made with the ~nw vessels which are recorded in significant 4W numbers in the papyrus documents from Lahun and are equated by Bourriau and Quirke with the 346 drinking cups known from the site the only vessel fonn which they consider could have been used in such numbers 158 The bkw of the Deir el-Medina potters show that Ibw vessels too were

lbw 50

delivered in large quantities the The lower numbers of qbw vessels in the deliveries may be related to their larger size In Poids o

No 5135 3 the weight of a metal qbw vessel is stated to be 20 deben or 18 kg Valbelle betv concludes from this that the qbw was significantly larger than the Ibw 159 That qbw designates a POttl simple storage jar may be indicated by the name itself If the connection suggested by du Mesnil two du Buisson between qbw vessels and qb cool can be accepted it may suggest that qbw vessels were storage jars perhaps for water and other liquids The connection may also suggest the

sigh one

material of manufacture qbw vessels could have been made from marl clay which cools water Helc through evaporation

As storage jars qbw vessels may have been connected in shape or broad function with the qbwshyIf a have

n-wt canopic jar The coincidence of the name suggests some correspondence The simple canopic jar fonns given by Georges Nagel for Tomb 359 seem similar in shape to vessels found in the cellar of a house in the village160 However Nagels sample is so small that any identification is tentative Janssen cautions that the standard shape of a canopic jar was rarely used as the fonn of bronze or pottery vessels 161 This may be a principle of decorum vessels with a funerary purpose not being equated in fonn with ordinary domestic ceramics The connection between qbw and qbw-n-wt may be simply that they were both in one fonn or another storage jars

Although the qbw may have been proportionally larger than the lbw it is very unlikely that

capa temp capa appn meas

Cc vso cannc into i

either fonn had a fixed capacity at Deir el-Medina W W Struve [V V Struve] offered the only attempt to determine the capacity of the qbw (or qby) vessel based largely on Greek evidence and his research on P Boulaq 18162 Wolfgang HeIcks review of this evidence led him to conclude

dOCUJ

repre betw( vesse restril than 1

156 R A Caminos The Chronicle ofPrince Osorkon Analecta Orientalia 37 (Rome 1958) 129 157 p Cairo 58088 indicates that bw could have had a large size in this case accommodating 3 ds measures See also Janssen Commodity Prices 433 n 170 C Daniel Les noms egyptiens de certains types de vases

proba fixed

In

grecs Studia et Acta Orientalia 5-6 (1967) 383-5 equates the lIb vessel with the Greek 10 olt7tW and the vesse

Mycenaean di-pa He notes that the di-pa depicted on a tablet corresponds in shape with the form of the fib indicated by the determinative used for the word The depictions of the di-pa that Daniel cites are not 163 DG

comparable in form with the Ibw depicted in the Karnak offering list D H F Gray Linear Band evidee Archaeology Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies of the UniverSity of London 6 (1959) pI 7 I andDI would argue that the form of the lbw was very flexible 164 It 1

158 Bourriau and Quirke The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects 74 some 159 Catalogues des poids a inscriptions hieratiques de Deir el-Medineh Nos 5001-5423 DFIFAO 16 165 Da~

(Cairo 1973) 18 166 FOI 160 La ceramique du Nouvel Empire aDeir el Medineh DFIFAO 10 (Cairo 1938)35 cf 122 no 38 42 SpaHn 44 167 Da 161 Commodity Prices 412 sugges 162 Mathematischer Papyrus des staatlichen Museums der SchOnen Kunste in Moskau (Berlin 1930) 55 Ceram withn2 25 1itr

lions of vessel

-nw-k

Vessels llid and ilificant vith the Ie been )0 were

n Poids lalbelle ~ates a Mesnil vessels est the s water

le qbwshysimple

s found lat any rarely vessels s The omlor

~ly that Iteonly lce and melude

~asures

le vases and the the b are not Band pI 7 I

AO 16

3842

gt30) 55

EQliAnONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 57

that the qbw had no fixed capacity Rather it seems that vessels such as the Ibw and qbw could correspond to a range of different ds measures 163

Two texts may point to some perhaps proportional equivalence between qbw vessels and dpr vessels In O DeM 135 the record of the accumulated deficits of two potters includes a conversion from dpr vessels into qbw vessels 9 dpr vessels to (=) qbw vessels making Urn) 4Yz (see section 31) Such a conversion may indicate a size ratio between the vessels O DeM 346 vso 3 records 42 dpr vessels [making Urn)] 22 qbt vessels (see n 89 for the restoration) Ibw vessels may also be equated with dpr vessels in O DeM 202 dpr vessels 30 [as] 15 bw 50 (1 3_4)164 The restoration here is problematic and the hypothesis of any equivalence between the two types must remain tentative

O Berlin P 10654 vso displays a similar complexity in possible equivalences this time between qbw vessels and jnJt vessels This text (discussed in section 33) seems to record the potters production of ceramics on days 10 20 and 30 of II bt and day 10 of IIIilt The final two lines state total 230 of (n) qbw vessels [ ] specifying it (wp st) 23 jnJt vessels At first sight such a text seems to point to a proportional relationship between these vessels a qbw being one tenth of ajnJt Such a ratio is quite possible because jnJt vessels do seem to have been large Heicks calculations from O Gardiner 81 indicate that ajnJt vessel was 2 of a mnt-amphora 165

If a mnt had a liquid capacity of c 20 hin and a hin was 048 litres the capacity of a jnlzt would have been c 53 hin or 2551itres O Berlin P 10654 vso would then show that a qbw vessel had a capacity of c 53 hin or 25 litres whieh is a sensible size for a storage jar 166 Although it is tempting to make such equations from this data this evidence is based on assumptions about the capacity of other vessel types so is tentative HeIck estimated that the ds vessel had a eapacity of approximately 3 litres 167 If so the qbw in P Boulaq 18 would have been double the size ofa ds measure in order to contain the 2 ds (e 6 litres)

Contextual study of the equation between qbw vessels and other types in O Berlin P 10654 vso O DeM 135 and O DeM 346 vso indicates some form of size ratio operated although we cannot easily determine the flexibility of that ratio or how it was used A conversion of one vessel into its equivalent of another type is unusual in a text like O Berlin P 10654 vso which seems to document the actual produetion of vessels even their firing If the last two lines of the text represent the total of ceramics produced in this process then the specification of a relationship between the two vessels types is rather strange Perhaps the original order was for 230 qbw vessels and this was then converted into the equivalent in jn~t vessels Ifjn~t vessels had a more restricted even ritual function the equivalence expressed here may be more abstract or complex than a ratio of capacity The size of vessels delivered may have been standardized to some extent probably based on ease of delivery and manageability within a domestic eontext rather than as fixed measures

In such a context a value relationship might well have operated The jnlzt as a specialized vessel may have had a more established value in relation to which the qbw vessels could be set

163 Das Bier im Alten Agypten (Berlin 1971) 47 See also Anthony Spalingers re-evaluation of the evidence for the capacity of these vessels including discussion of O DeM 135 and 202 Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 314 His conclusions largely correspond with mine 164 It may also be possible to read dpr 30 Urnl 15 lbw 50 which would support the hypothesis of some sort ofequivalence 165 Das Bier 47 16lt5 For a review of evidence concerning the capacity of the mnl including discussion of this text see A Spalinger Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 312-3 167 Das Bier 46 R L Miller (is-vessels Beer Mugs Cirrhosis and Casting Slag GM 115 (1990) 64 suggests that the ds was a drinking vessel perhaps to be equated with depictions given in Nagel Ceramique 199-206 Miller identifies a jar found at Saqqara as a ds vessel noting that it had a capacity of 25 litres roughly corresponding to Heicks estimate

58 POTTERS

In O DeM 135 the scribe may well have calculated the value of the vessels owed down to the half vessel A parallel for this is found in O Turin 57062 vso 4 where 2Yz jnJtt vessels are set

dlagainst five vessel types which precede them (their names are lost) The recording of five vessels compared with half that amount in jnJtt vessels producing the unusual amount of a half vessel tt

2again suggests a value equivalence Since vessels do not appear with fixed values in the price

SJtexts their worth may well have been assessed in relation to other vessel types st b42 A specialized vessel jnJzt DApart from the two vessel types or classes that formed the basis of the deliveries of ceramics to rethe village the potter texts also occasionally enumerate other types jnJtt vessels although well

known from other contexts are rare in the potter texts A few texts that may indicate their ritproduction or delivery by the Deir el-Medina potters illuminate aspects of its function and context

of use The pattern of occurrence of jnJtt vessels indicates a specialized vessel type the shape of which is unknown The jnJtt vessel is most widely documented as a storage container for beer and as Walter F Reineke notes outside the data from Deir el-Medina it was often made of gold or silver J68 That this vessel could be supplied as part of the ceramic requirement of the village seems to be indicated by the delivery lists from the early 19th Dynasty (Category E) Some of these lists record jnJzt vessels although they are not always indisputably connected with the smdt potters

In the Category E delivery lists of wood and ceramics jnJtt vessels occur four times their total Ccamount being low in comparison with the other vessels enumerated in these texts In O DeM 1 6 una total of 7 jnlu vessels are delivered 5 of good quality 2 of poor In O DeM 17 4 only 3 jnJzt aUvessels were delivered (2 good 1 poor) in comparison with 290 lbw recorded in the previous intline and in O DeM 15 3 7 jn~lt vessels were delivered as against 295 Ibw vessels 16 jnJzt povessels are documented in O DeM 23 5 (the text is broken and the reading at the end of the line

uncertain)169 bei ve~Only two texts explicitly includejnJtt vessels in pottery deliveries 0 Qurna 6181 records two

jnJtt vessels among the deficit of 55 qbw and 265 Ibw vessels incurred by the potter Menna O IJry Michaelides 33 rto 3-6 J70 This text records for III Jot 30 matching deliveries from a potter to vex

Right and Left among other deliveries of wood and gypsum the potter 1 jnlp vessels 20 (pJ qd 1 jnJzt 20)171 The stroke read as one after the title p qd could refer to the bkw of the potter not

with jnJtt vessels being an addition to the quota delivered 172 jnJtt vessels were therefore a wit gocomponent of the potters repertoire and this fact may complicate the interpretation of other texts

where they occur173 More generally jnJzt vessels are recorded as being delivered filled with beer I thisand thus are probably not associated with ceramic delivery

174 (

Me(J68 Der Zusammenhang der altagyptischen Hohl- und UingenmaBe MID 9 (1963) 146 175( 169 Kitchen restores 16jnli vessels [by the hand of A]meneminet (KRII 367 8 a-b) but there does not 176 1appear to be space for this formula in the break The rest of this text is similar to the other wood and pottery

177pounddelivery lists See the discussion of parallel texts in section 23 170 Goedicke-Wente pJ 67 However I follow CernYs transcription of the text here (Nb 10830)

178 1

Cau171 Contra Goedicke and Wente who restore IT1l ] on line 3 On line 7 Goedicke and Wente read 27 jnlt 197vessels instead of 20 vessels and the restoration for the [plasterer] (Pi q() given by Cerny 179 1

172 Alternatively it could refer to a single potter although this would be unusual in this context (see section Rek21) Compare the reading of this text with that discussed for O DeM 154 rto 15-6 in section 34 Egy

173 Other entries for this day include specialty breads and ds measures of beer (117-8) while the folloVing somentry for IV Jt 1 records a festival of Hathor (1 9) Although an association with a festival context is Dietpossible the delivery of jnlts as discussed by Spahnger is recorded separately from the breads and ds inameasures and is included among more standard delveries Medinet Habu and Dei elmiddotMedina Combined note310-311 Earl

l to the are set vessels vessel e price

mics to ~h well e their ~ontext

mpe of Ir beer of gold village ome of le smdt

ir total M 16 r 3jn~f

revious 16 jn~t he line

ds two mao O )tter to (pJ qd potter fore a r texts th beer

oes not pottery

27 jn~t

section

llowing rrtext is and ds

lbined

EQUATIONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 59

jn~t vessels of beer occur consistently in a series of six Category E ostraca that seem to document the delivery of commodities associated with festival or temple offerings174 Four of these texts state that the commodities were delivered by an individual in O DeM 20 and O DeM 25 the deliveries are made by a local priest Each of these six texts lists items that include speciality foodstuffs and jn~t vessels of beer rather than the fuel and plain unfilled pottery of standard deliveries II smw 12 by the hand of the local priest (w(b Sf) 175 60 large j nJzt vessels of beer entered 56 deficit 4 120 (bundles of) vegetables ISO s(t cakes and 100 rJzs cakes (0 DeM 20) The only exception in this group is O DeM 26 where 30 large jn~1f vessels are recorded 27 are entered (jw) and there is a deficit on No beer is recorded with these vessels

The recto of O DeM 29 may confirm that lists containing such products are associated with rituals or festivals rather than deliveries of materials to the village 176

total of various (sbn)jnl)tvessels of beer 653 [+x] the record of the [ ] which were given as offerings (snw) [] good bread loaves of [ ] s(t cake [x oipeJ rJzs cakes [ J jnJzt vessels of beer [ J beer [ ]

Connections of this vessel type with the temple or festival sphere nmy explain features of the unique and difficult distribution text O BM 50728 discussed in section 23 The text records the allocation ofjnJzt vessels to individual crew members The 10 + 5 jnJzt vessels seem to be grouped into four different categories perhaps accordin~ to quality of the vessel or its contents and possibly its shape or finish 177 5 doubly good (~reg) jnJzt vessels in the fashion of hbny [vessels] being returned (m hyt) 2 for Baky I for Huy 1 (for) (Omek 1 for Qaha totalS (11 5-6) Six vessels given to individuals in line 7 one for each nmn are stated to be middling good (11fr mshyhry-jb) and line 10 enumerates two vessels that also have a designation perhaps reading not (J I~~ 3)very poor _ 1

If the jnJzt vessels were more specialized beer vessels used in festival or ritual contexts then the note of quality either of contents or of the vessel itself would have been important This concern with quality can also be seen in the delivery lists where the jnJzt vessels are described as either good or poor 178

Particularly difficult to understand in this context are the writings of hbny perhaps referring to this well-known amphora-shaped vessel I19 The five doubly goodjnl)t vessels are designated in

174 O DeM 19 20 21 25 26 27 For further discussion of these texts see Spalinger Deir e1middotMedina and Medinet Habu Combined 311

(1 0

175 l=n (1 1) For another writing of this title see O DeM 25 2 176 The verso of this text records only nswt bjty mnmiddotmrtmiddotrr 177 For the use of red ink in this text see p 19 n 75 above

178 O DeM 1 6 174 For discussion of the meaning of snn 1~ in these contexts see D Valbelle Catalogue des poids ainscriptions hieratiques de Deir eAmiddotfedineh Nos 500l-5423 DFIFAO 16 (Cairo 1977)23 179 Wh II 487 There are depictions of the hbnylhbnt vessel in Urk IV 11308 11352 and in the tomb of Rekhmire N de G Davies The Tomb of Rekh-mi-r~ at Thebes The Metropolitan Museum of Art Egyptian Expedition 11 (New York 1943) I pIs 33 34 In these examples it is shaped as an amphora sometimes without handles and often contains honey E A W Budge An Egyptian Hieroglyphic Dictionary (London 1920)446 gave the capacity of a hbnt ndst as one quarter of a hin F G Hilton-Price in an earlier publication Notes on Some Egyptian Antiquities in My Collection TSBA 9 (1886) 353 noted the same capacity for this vessel Here see also T G H James The Heqanakhte Papers and Other Early Middle Kingdom Documents (New York 1962) 118

60 POTTERS

the fashion of hbny vessels (~[]~IlJ1J 0) (vso 5) This seems to express an equivalence between the two vessel types perhaps representing an addition or finish to the jn~lt vessel that increased its value Du Mesnil du Buisson speculated in his discussion of the hhnl vessel that the word related to hbny ebony t ruJ-Oi) and indicated a blackened colour or lustre to the vesseL I80 hbny also occurs as an annotation above the entries of jnit vessels for particular workmen in lines 8-12 of the recto The entry on line 13 (hhny n [ ]) may indicate that hhny vessels themselves were also delivered to the workmen named in the following lines So far as I know hbny vessels do not occur in other Deir el-Medina textsl8J These notations may also refer to some sort of finishing to the j nit vesseL

The inclusion of more unusual designations for the vessels certainly points to the exceptional nature ofthe delivery in O BM 50728 as does the entry of an amount ((i(w) of bJq oil (8) in line lOon the verso after the specification of 10 further jnlJl vessels for particular workmen (pJ WpWl

n plIO n jnlJt n tJ jst) Janssen observes that this oil was rarely used by the workmen as it was too expensive 182 It is possible that the text refers to the delivery of jnit vessels of bJq oil the references to quality therefore referring to the quality of oil rather than the vessel itself The designation hbny may be associated with this as welL

Complicating this analysis is the proposed large size of jnit vessels (discussed in section 41) which may account to some extent for its more restricted function within the vessel repertoire jnlJt vessels occur only rarely in the Medinet Habu festival calendar indicating that even within the temple their use was specialized ls3 The ealculation of the equivalence in contents of the vessels in O Gardiner 81 indicates that we are dealing with a set capacity for these vessel types in this text 184 If the capacity of a jnit was 53 hin or 255 Htres this would equate to a significant quantity ofbJq oil per person 185

O BM 50728 remains a puzzle Despite thc difficulties in interpretation it seems most likely that it records allocation of vessels possibly filled with oil or beer for festival or cultic purposes The careful documentation of such a distribution may also indicate that the vessels were not to be kept by the men perhaps only being used by them for the event and then returned to the temple A large size may serve to explain their more limited and specialized oecurrence in the data perhaps restricted to the religious sphere rather than playing a role in the domestic life of the villagers

In this instance contextual analysis of texts that seem to relate to ceramic deliveries can alter our understanding of these texts and illuminate the role and function of a vessel type in the community For vessels that were delivered more commonly we can observe the potential for flexibility in the classification systems these would repay further detailed study sectS Conclusion Analysis of the texts concerning pottery delivery leaves a number of questions unanswered and areas unexplored the limited number of sources available and problems inherent in them restrict their potential for interpretation However some insights into the organization and administrative structures of Deir el-Medina are fortheoming from the material Within the meticulous record keeping of the village the key theme seems to be flexibility This flexibility is apparent in the

180 Noms et signes 28 181 Janssen did not include them in his chapter on Vessels in Commodity Prices None of the references for the entry in the Wb II 487 has a Deir e1-Medina provenance 182 Commodity Prices 330 183 On the occurrence of the jnltt in the Medinet Hahn festival lists see A Spalinger Medinet Habn and Deir ei-Medina Combined 311-2 ]84 Heick Das Bier 46 185 Even if the mnt was only 10 hin a jnltt would still be of a substantial size c 11-12 iitres Janssen Commodity Prices 434

N

CONCLUSION 61

number of potters assigned to the crew the size and content of the quota required every 10 days and the timing of deliveries The final section of my study also points to the potential flexibility of form size and function of the pots themselves

Although we can find implications in the potter texts for features of society beyond the village itself such as the specifie interpretation of bkw or the occurrence of vessels in royal festival calendars it must be borne in mind that the real value of the Deir el-Medina material lies in its potential to illuminate the lives of ordinary people in Ramessid Egypt For that purpose we need to attend most closely to the village context

Appendix The potters of Deir el-Medina Names of potters in documents relating to the delivery of ceramics

I

Names of potters in documents concerning matters other than the supply of ceramics

I 1 (Omek i Turin Strike Papyrus RAD 476 I

2 Khonsu bull O Turin 57192 1

3 Herunefer bull O DeM 73 rto 2

4 Paaeminet I O Berlin P 12343 vso 3

5 Bakenmut P Turin 2018 A rto la 5 rto IV 17 vso I 6 B rto II 4 D I rto 14 P BM 10068 vso V l3

6 Wenennefer P BM 10068 vso V 14

alence el that 1at the to the ticular thbny ar as I ) refer

ltional in line middotwpwt it was til the f The

1 41) rtoire within of the pes in ificant

likely poses tto be ~mple data of the

1 alter in the ial for

d and estrict rative ecord in the

rences

)U and

nssen

1 I Menna O IFAO 387 1 O Qurna 618i1 O DeM 91 1 O Berlin P 10840 vso 1

2 bull Nakhy I

O IFAO 3874 O DeM 914

3 I Ptahemheb O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O DeM 343 2 P Greg vso B 8 rto A11

4 Parahotep O DeM 868

5 Hori O DeM 868 O DeM 869

6 Herunefer O Cairo 25597 rto 3

7 Neferher O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O Cairo 25633 vso 2

8 Amennakht O DeM 44 rto 8

9 Dmek P Turin 2081+2095 rto 1

10 ltAhawy P Turin 1881 vso V 1 VI 7 VII 1 () Giornale of year 17 rto B II 2 P Turin 2018 A vso 1 12 B rto II 11 B vso II 17 P BM 10068 vso VI 25 P Turin 2014 rto 27-8 P BM 10054 vso II 9

62 POTTERS

Addendnm

Pierre Grandets Catalogue des ostraca hieratiques non litteraires de Deir el-Medineh IXbecame available just as this chapter went to the press This volume contains a number of important potter texts I have included them in the tables on pages 33-7 and provide a short account of them here

O DeM is the longest and most detailed potter account known to me I will be adressing the issues it raises in a further publication It records deliveries made by the potters Ptahemheb Parahotep Hori and Neferher for the months of I bt to I prt of a year 6 The title p qd occurs only in line I in reference to Ptahemheb but probably also covers the other individuals named Ptahemheb and Neferher are known from other potter accounts discussed in this chapter O DeM 869 also published by Grandet and dated to a year 6 records deliveries made by Hori of qbw and lbw vessels to Right Both Hori and Parahotep are not otherwise attested in the potter texts In O DeM 868 details of delivery are grouped according to individual potters In line 13 Neferher delivers vessels to Left (t rj smM this is the only statement concerning Right or Left in this text That four potters deliver during the same general period emphasizes the potential number of potters involved in delivery which is not generally apparent in many of the potter texts Ptahemheb and Neferher make deliveries on different days in IV bt The vessel numbers vary except for those delivered as the making good of deficits by Ptahemheb which are consistent sums (II 3-4) The vessels delivered include qbw and Ibw vessels as well as gy andjnlt this text therefore provides further evidence thatjnJtt vessels were part of the potters repertoire

Grandet follows Gutgesell in assigning a date in the mid-20th Dynasty to O DeM 868 and 869 19thMy assignment of a late Dynasty date to the other account ostraca of Ptahemheb and

Neferher (0 Cairo 25591 O Cairo 25633 and O DeM 343) is based on the record of Ptahemhebs deliveries in P Greg firmly dated by Janssen to the reign of Siptah186 Gutgesell places Ptahemheb in the 20th Dynasty on the basis of the occurrence of this name in P Turin 2006+ 1961 usually dated to year 29 of Ramesses 111 [87 The Ptahemheb in this text is not a potter and so is a different individual I propose that the late 19th Dynasty date of the other documents should therefore be retained and should also be adopted for O DeM 868 and 869

Further texts relevant to potters in Grandets volume include O DeM 877 in which a list of arrears in water supplies are measured in jnlt vessels O DeM 871-3 are sherds bearing the phrase mJ qd Grandet considers these phrases along with the phrase ml m-rJrt p-Jtm-nlr complete by the hand ofPahemnetjerthe priest on O DeM 870 as delivery marks inscribed on the pots themselves18S

186 Janssen Village Varia 115-6 187 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 252 309-12 188 Catalogue des ostraca IX 49-50

UNT

Marel

sectl Eil Die A Papyr Einwc zusHin Verw Angell besch~

Bei suchur wichtil Andre Vortei Juni 2( nicht-li recherc

Beirr allgem

bull Der MaXI

mieh Aufn Doni Sieh~

J Ja grap dazu

2 Sieht tause Peri Gutg Teil1 el ME Held Janss Histo

6 MeD Valb

g Venn Witnl II Ta

10 Ein P II Gutg 12 Allan 13 Held

Page 9: Woodcutters, Potters and Doorkeepers Service Personnel of the Deir El Medina Workmen

36 POTTERS

O DeM 869 yr6 B

O DeM 135 B i

P Greg (P UC 34336) yrs 5-7 Siptah A I

o Cairo 25593 D

Group V

O Michaelides 33 (OM pi 67) Ramesses m33 A=

P Turin 1961 Ramesses III34

O DeM 416 Ramesses IIIIIV35 D

Group VI

P Turin 1880 yT 29 Ramesses III

O DeM346 Ramesses IV_y36 C

O Gardiner 145 (unpuhl) yr 1 Ramesses y37 D

P Turin 2044 (unpuhl) yr 1 Ramesses yJ8

P Turin 2081+2095 (unpuhl) mid 20th Dynasty39

O Berlin 10654 (unpubl) late 20th Dynasty40 G

I P Turin 20701133 134 + rto late 20 th Dynasty4J A

I P Turin 2014 (unpuhl) late 20th Dynasty42

P Turin 1881 + yr 7 Ramesses IX

P Turin 1900+shy yrs 4-9 Ramesses IX

P Turin 20711224 [140] yr 10 Ramesses IX43

year yr 17 Ramesses IX

33 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 253 34 ibid 309-12 For the numbering of this papyrus see J J IanssenJorthcoming 35 ibid 369 36 Davies Whos Who 284 contra Gutgesel1 who dates the text to Ramesses II Die Datierung Die Ostraka der 19 Dynastie 159 37 Gutgesell Die Dalierung 20 Dynastie 77-8 38 ibid 256 39 Janssen Commodity Prices 98 Gutgesell Die Datiermg 20 Dynastie 227-32 40 ibid 442 41 ibid 242 42 Janssen and Janssen The Laundrymen of the Theban Necropolis 5 n 30 43 Kitchen RIVI 637-38

O GI

IFl

O IFi

OCa ~ i ODe

sect2 Th 21 Th Accou of the the de interes largel) throug virtual archae ethnoa

The of the identif Dynas1 therefc notes f

44 The ( the late 45 One 1

records that the single ( potters context 46 Rapp pubiqu

g Die

THE ORGANIZATION OF WORK AND DELIVERY 37

P Turin 1898+ yr 3 Ramesses X

P Turin 1888 yr 1 Ramesses XI

i yrs 8-10 Ramesses XI

bull Anonymous Turin fragment

(Cerny MSS 3616)

Group VII

O Gardiner 88 (HO 5511)

O DeM703

O DeM337

bull O IFAO 245 (unpub)

I OlFAO 351

O CaIro 25245

i O DeM 871-3

D i

D

G44

D

G

D

i G

sect2 The organization of work and delivery 21 The evidence for workshops Account texts in particular provide important clues for understanding aspects of the organization of the potters work including the number of potters delivering at anyone time supervision of the deliveries and distribution of the vessels to the workmen However since the scribes were interested primarily in documenting the receipt or deficit of the pottery such information is largely based on inference Although it is possible to identify stages within the delivery process through the documentation evidence for the organization of the pottery workshops themselves is virtually non-existent45 Hypotheses about the workshops can be made from limited archaeological data and by analogy with the evidence for the pottery industries at el-Amarna and ethnoarchaeological research

The written sources are almost devoid of information concerning the location of the workshops of the potters of Deir el-Medina and the archaeological evidence is ambiguous Bernard Bruyere

18 uJidentified what he considered wasters from a potters workshop on the exterior of the Dynasty village at the base of the wall of Thutmose I beneath the 19th Dynasty house SE 1 He therefore assumed that most pottery production occurred within the village itself46 Nicholson notes that most of the private home complexes at el-Amarna had pottery kilns implying domestic

44 The dating of this text is very uncertain but Gutgesell considers it to be from the reign of Ramesses II or the late 19th Dynasty Die Datierung Die Ostraka der 19 Dynastie lOS n 95 45 One text may refer to the work of the potter in making vessels The verso of O Berlin P 10654 (unpubl) records the potter fashioning (qd) vessels on days 1020 and 30 of II 1bt and day 10 of III 1bt It may be that these dates are the days on which the shaping or firing of the ceramics occurred The recording of single days favours the interpretation that the text records firing events However little else about the potters work can be inferred from this text A translation ofthis text is provided in section 33 in another context 46 Rapport sur les fouilles de Deir el Medineh (1934-1935) Troisieme Partie Le village les dfJcharges publiques fa station de repos du col de la Valtee des Rots IFAO (Cairo 1939) 264 341

--

38 POTTERS

production of some simple forms alongside those produced in the kilns of the state-controlled the workshops47 There is no further evidence for such a practice at Deir el-Medina Dominique con Valbelle also assumed that the potters worked close to the village48 but there is no archaeological evidence for workshops in the vicinity 22

Rostislav Holthoers survey of New Kingdom kiln sites does not include any at Deir elshy Thn Medina However he did record a kiln associated with a 19th to 2200 Dynasty habitation to the left time of the road between Deir el-Medina and Medinet Habu This kiln is small being only 11Ocm wide invc and 70cm high and may be considered too small for the considerable production levels of the orga Deir el-Medina potters49 Nicholson has also noted that the kilns identified by Holthoer at elshy char Amarna were in fact ovens associated with different industries5o This casts some doubt over text~

Holthoers identifications It is also uncertain how far el-Amarna is comparable to Deir elshy IS plt Medina expl

Some textual evidence may indicate that the workshops were located some distance from the S( village The service staff of Deir el-Medina was generally regarded as of the outside their (unp deliveries perhaps made to the gatehouse of the necropolis p lJtm n p lJr from a location DeM external to the village itself although this is nowhere stated in a text concerning pottery but t delivery51 A workshop location on the floodplain also seems appropriate in view of the ostra quantities of water required by potteries The town register on the verso ofP BM 10068 dated to the d year 12 probably of Ramesses XI seems to support such a location52 Three potters are included Ar in the list of houses centred on Medinet Habu two of these rAhawy and Bakenmut are known sumn from contemporaneous journal papyri The potter r Ahawy of the tomb is also included among Pash( those receiving grain who belong to every house [within] the enclosure wall of the temple of Ipuy Usermaatre meriamun These houses are not necessarily to be equated with their workshops relatilt

Potteries are generally regarded as unpleasant and anti-social operations requiring their on th location on the outskirts of settlements53 Such an assumption may sometimes be based on actior imposition of modern concepts of pollution Although the pottery workshop at el-Amarna was on delivf the outskirts of the main city area54 there is ethnographic evidence for pottery workshops sited crew within residential areas55 Be that as it may the location of the pottery workshops which supplied Lefts

whetl1 defici work

47 The Firing of Pottery in An Introduction to Ancient Egyptian Pottery eds D Arnold and 1 Bourriau seem (Mainz 1993) 113 Nicholson The Pottery Workshop at Q 484 at Tell e1-Amarna 67 The S1 48 Ouvriers 265

exam~ 49 New Kingdom Pharaonic Sites The Pottery ed T Siive-Soderbergh vol 51 The Scandanavian joint

twomexpedition to sudanese Nubia (Copenhagen Oslo Stockholm 1977)22

as one 50 The Firing of Pottery 112 Evidence of pottery kilns was also found behind the mortuary temple of

side OJAmenhotep son of Hapu A Varille and C Robichon Quatre nouveaux temples Thebains CdE 10 (1935) L It has been suggested that these kilns were a component of the industrial area which operated put the on behalf of the mortuary temples 1 D Bourriau P T Nicholson and P 1 Rose Pottery in Ancient The Egyptian Materials and Technology eds P T Nicholson and I Shaw (Cambridge 2000) 139-40 found 5l See for example Giornale of year 17 of Ramesses IX (Botti and Peet pI 14) rto B I 11middot12 with 1 seem t Cemy A Community of Workmen at Thebes in the Ramesside period BdE 50 (Cairo 1973) 184-5 but see 25591 now Janssen section 8 For discussion of the role of the p IJtm n p IJr see for example R Ventura On (the) p the Location of the Administrative Outpost of the Conununity of Workmen in Western Thebes JEA 73 (1987) 149middot60 52 J J Janssen A New Kingdom Settlement The Verso of Pap BM 10068 AOF 19 (1992) 8-23 56AL 53 PT Nicholson and H L Patterson Pottery Making in Upper Egypt An Ethnoarchaeological Study Worksh World Archaeology 17 (1985) 226 For a negative description of the potters trade in a literary text 1983) transmitted within Deir el-Medina see W Heick Die Lehre des Dw-M KAT (Wiesbaden 1970)53-58 57 This sect IX of this t 54 The pottery workshop at Q 484 at Tell el-Amarna 61 58 Hene 55 Nessim Henry Henein Poterie et potiers d Al-Qasr oasis de Dakhla BdE 116 (Cairo 1997) 124Fo

trolled Imque ogical

eir elshyhe left tlwide of the at el-

It over eir e1shy

)m the their tcation )ottery of the ated to eluded known among Iple of IpS ~ their jed on vas on s sited pplied

ourriau

iI1 joint

3ple of dE 10 )erated Indent

with J but see ra On rEA 73

Study ry text 53-58

THE ORGANIZATION OF WORK AND DELIVERY 39

the village and their internal organization remains a mystery Only when the potters come into contact with the village through delivery do they become more visible in the record

22 How many potters Throughout the 19th and 20th Dynasties the numbers of potters delivering to the village at anyone time seems to have remained largely stable Potteries are understood to be substantial operations involving probably a master potter and a number of assistants56 Evidence for the wider organization of the workshops on this level as well as any adaptations made in response to changes in the size of the village is not apparent in the data (see above pp 12-15) Where the texts do enumerate numbers of potters we can conclude that two were responsible for delivery it is possible that one potter was assigned to each side of the crew but the texts are not generally explicit concerning this level of the organization

Some evidence for potter numbers is found in the 19th Dynasty account texts O IFAO 387 (unpub) separately records the deficits of two potters that ofMerma preceding that ofNakhy O OeM 91 records a deficit accumulated by Menna in lines 1-3 In line 4 Nakhys name is written but the rest of the line was left blank or erased Cerny noted that three lines on the verso of this ostracon had been erased perhaps indicating that the account was originally intended to record the deliveries of both men57

Another account in this group O Berlin P 10840 is more difficult to interpret The recto summarizes Mennas total deficit for 5 months stating that he is under the authority of the scribe Pashed (r-lJt sf P3-sd) On the verso are three lines of text the first giving the name of a scribe Ipuy Lines 2 and 3 record very high totals of vessels (94 qbw vessels and 992lbw vessels) The relationship between the text on the recto and that on the verso is unclear the numbers of vessels on the verso are almost double the amount of those on the recto Other sources recording the actions of Pashed and Ipuy indicate that they were smdt-scribes responsible for the supervision of deliveries Their separate appearance in this text may indicate that deficits for each side of the crew were enumerated seperately because smdt-scribes seem to have been assigned to Right and Left58 It is not clear whether Menna was responsible to the different sides for both deficits or whether the verso deficits belong to a second potter perhaps Nakhy If the latter is the case the deficits of O DeM 91 and O IF AO 387 may also reflect the division into Right and Left The work organization and administration of the crew was structured by this division so it would seem logical that the work and deliveries of the potters should be organized on this basis as well The situation is often not made explicit and these texts can be interpreted in various ways For example an undated and anonymous account text O OeM 135 records deficit of the potters two men (4t n p3 qd s 2) (1 1) The totals of vessels that follow are not divided into two groups as one might expect It is therefore not clear whether the two men were required to deliver to one side of the crew to the viIIage as a single unit or whether for the sake of expediency the scribe put the totals for each side together

The only clear statements concerning a division of the potters deliveries to Right and Left are found in the account ostraca and the journal papyrus from the late 19th Dynasty These texts also seem to confirm that two potters usually delivered to the village at anyone time In O Cairo 25591 rto 4-5 is recorded receipt of the bkw of (the) potter Ptah[emheb] receipt of the bkw of (the) potter Nefer[her] The text breaks off at the end of these lines so it cannot be ascertained

56 A L Kelley Some Reflections on Pottery and Society in Ancient Egypt in Papers of the Pottery Workshop Third International Congress of Egyptology Toronto Sept 1982 ed A L Kelley (Toronto 1983)30 57 This idea is recorded as a note in Cerny Nb 104l39 No mention of the verso is made in the publication of this text Catalogue des ostraca I pI 54 58 Hence my tentative assignment of this text and O DeM 91 to Category B see also Davies Whos Who 124 For discussion of the role of muil-scribes see section 23 with references

--

v

40 POTTERS

whether these deliveries were made to different sides of the crew The preceding entries concerning units of fuel were separately enumerated for each side Right preceding Left (rto 1-2) tI Perhaps the pottery delivery followed this pattern

Two further texts O Cairo 25633 and O DeM 343 are more explicit O Cairo 25633 vso 1-2 tI records receipt of the bkw of (the) potter Neferher of Left (ssp bkw qd nfr-~r n smM O Il DeM 343 1-2 in contrast records Year 6 I smw 1 receipt by the hand of (the) potter ( Ptahemheb of Right (qd pt~-m-~b n wnmy) Ptahemheb continued to deliver to Right into the B reign of Siptah at the end of the 19th Dynasty as recorded in P Greg rto A 11 potter Ptahemheb f~ of Right to the scribe Pentaweret - 2 bkw59 Other entries in this text (vso B 11-13) also v separately enumerate deliveries of bkw for each side the entry on vso B 8 also recording the Ii name Ptah[ emheb] 60 From these texts we can posit that in the late 19th Dynasty the potters el Ptahemheb and Neferher were probably required to deliver to the right and left sides of the crew re respectively as successors of Menna and Nakhy the only other pair of potters named in the 19tb

Ie Dynasty documentation

In the journal ostraca from the reign of Ramesses II which record deliveries to Right the use of 2~ the singular in the standard entry marking pottery delivery entered by the hand of the potter Uw th m-Ijrt p qd)61 and variants seems to record the activities of only one potter However p qd is a P formulaic way of referring to potters and it is possible that the title may conceal varying numbers th of men pc

The lists of smdt representing Right and Left included on the verso of the Turin Strike Papyrus (RAD 45-7) do not clarify the situation for the mid_20th Dynasty The entry after those who produce pots (nty qd) in the first list (vso 1 19) is lost although there is space for only one name The second list also ineludes only one potter ~Omek (vso 4 11) and the list ends here62 It is possible to interpret these lists as indicating the presence of only one potter for each side of the crew The speech of the door-keeper Khaemwaset entered later in this text where he promises to increase the numbers of potters to 4 men (on) Right and 4 (on) Left total 8 men (vso 2 16) can perhaps be interpreted as pure rhetoric (see above p 13) There is little further evidence for 2 numbers of potters in the journals of year 29 and later but no such increase seems to have As occurred ad

In the papyrus journals from the late 20th Dynasty deliveries of the potters bkw are separately OCI enumerated for each side63 The entries in these texts indicate some variation in numbers of ill potters although we still seem to be dealing with only one or two men In P Turin 2044 vel (unpubl) from year 1 of Ramesses V an entry records Left the two potters [deficit] (sm~ p im qd 2 [4]) (rto I 5) Thus at times two potters may have been expected to deliver to one side

The only potters name recorded in the later papyrus journals is that of ~Ahawy In the Journal De of Year 7 of Ramesses IX (P Turin 1881 Pleyte and Rossi pI 1-8 KRI VI 609-19) pottery SCI deliveries are made by ~Ahawy but there is no indication whether these were made to Right or Ra Left (vso col V 1-3 col VI 7-8) In verso col VII 1-2 the entry for a lost day in III smw the records received by the hand of the potter [ ] Right and Left vessels Ibw-vessels 150 qb(w)shy en1

SCt

Dy 59 Janssen Village Varia 117 Pel 60 ibid 122 61 For this phrase see section 23 62 The potter Omek also occurs in P Turin 2081 +2095 rto 1 (unpubl) from the mid 20th Dynasty The text records a delivery but the details are lost 63 For example P Turin 2070133 134 + 3 frgs rto II 10-11 (KRJ VI 426-8 entered as Cat 2070154) P Turin 1881 (Pleyte and Rossi pI 1-8) vso VII 1-2 P Turin 1900 (KRI VI 619-24) vso II 7 Turin Necropolis Journal Year 3 Ramesses X (P Turin 1898 Botti and Peet pI 50-63 KRIVI 687-99) rto III 9-1013-14 Turin ~ecropolis Journal Year I Ramesses XI (P Turin 1888 Botti and Peet pl 63 KRJVI 850-1) vso dockets A 2-4

mtries 1-2)

101-2 I) O potter Ito the milieb ) also ng the )otters crew le 19th

use of er Uw ldis a rnbers

Strike those lyone

62 Itre of the ises to

~ 16) ce for have

rately ers of 2044

llip3 je

mmal ottery ~ht or smw

b(w)shy

e text

4) P Turin 0 III IVI

INTERPRETING RECEIPT AND DELIVERY 41

vessels 70 It seems likely that (Ahawys name is to be restored here This last entry may indicate that IAha) could be responsible for deliveries to both Right and Left

In P Turin 2018 (KRI VI 851-63) listing payments of grain to the crew and the smdt dating to the end of the 20th Dynasty IAhawy is included in the list of smdt for Left (A vso 1 10-12 B rto II 9-11 B vso II 17) In the list of smdt for Right is recorded the name of the potter Bakenmut (A rto IV 15-17 A vso I 2-6 B rto II 2-4) In one entry in this text he is recorded as potter Bakenmut son of r Ahawy (A rto la 3-5) It is very likely that potting was a skill passed from father to son and here we see a family of craftsmen responsible for delivery of ceramics to the village In contrast with the evidence for the woodcutters (see above p 15) there seems to be little indication of a change in numbers of potters to reflect any decrease in the size of the crew except for the Journal of Year 7 Perhaps IAhawy was assisted in his delivery by his son the responsibility for supply at this time falling to a single family who could be noted in greater or lesser detail in the record64

The potter rAhawy is also entered in a list of potters (m qdw) in P Turin 2014 (UTlpubl) rto 27_865 The text is not dated but his name places it in the late 20th Dynasty As Janssen observes the names of the laundrymen included in the list in this papyrus are different from those listed in P Turin 2018 perhaps indicating some distance in time between the two texts66 The writing of the plural in the title to the list (m qdw) is formulaic and need not indieate that more than one potter is meant

The number of potters delivering to the village at anyone time seems generally to have been stable at two men Some flexibility may be detected in the papyrus documents of the late 20th

Dynasty although the numbers do not seem to vary beyond one or two The potential for flexibility in the numbers of smdt has been noted by Janssen for both the woodcutters and the fishermen (see above p 15) It is possible that the fonnulae used for recording ceramic deliveries in earlier texts may conceal variations in their numbers

23 Interpreting receipt and distribution As Davies has shown in his study of the family histories in the village the smdt were administered by their Oill scribes67 Possibly the earliest explicit attestation of smdt-scribes occurs in a pottery account On the recto of O Berlin P 10840 the potter Menna is said to be under the authority (r-) of the scribe Pashed (I 1) Pashed and the scribe mentioned on the verso of the ostracon (1 1) Ipuy are knovro from other contemporaneous texts to have been involved in smdt-deliveries and the deliveries ofproduce such as dates and loaves to the village68

Scribes also occur with less explicit statements of authority in two other pottery accounts In O OeM 346 quantities of vessels were delivered on II prt 20 and 23 by the hand of (m-4rt) the scribe Amenemope Davies records two smdt-scribes named Amenemope one from the reign of Ramesses II and one from Ramesses IV_V69 I am inclined to assign this text the earlier date on the basis of its similarity to O OeM 623 On the verso of O OeM 623 a number of vessels are entered for I smw 1 On the recto a quantity of wood is entered by the hand Uw m-4rt) of the scribe Pentaweret for the same date Two smdt-scribes named Pentawcret held office in the 19tb

Dynasty one late in the reign of Ramesses II and one at the very end of the dynasty7o The Pentaweret of the late 19tb Dynasty is recorded as receiving 2 b3kw from the potter Ptahemheb (P

64 Compare the family firms of fishermen Janssen Village Varia 40 65 The line numbers given here follow CernYs provisional transcription (171541-6 171725-9) 66 Janssen and Janssen The Laundrymen of the Theban Necropolis 5 67 Whos Who 123-42 68 ibid 124 Davies doubts the equation Cerny made between this Pashed and the like-named draughtsman (Community206) 69 Whos Who 283-4 70 ibid 125-6283

--

42 POTTERS

Greg rto A II) The phrase jw tn-4rt can be used of both potters and scribes In the case of the

scribes it is likely they were involved in receiving and recording the ceramics rathcr than men

physical transportation and delivery The interpretation of tn-4rt is crucial here Although I T

translate the preposition literally it can be understood more flexibly as under the responsibility of which could express a range of levels of responsibility for supply from physical delivery to

seen for (

recording receipt7l

theslWhen pots are delivered or received by the hand of someone who is not given the title

indi(potter or otherwise connected with the stndt the status of the delivery is less clear Valbelle

to innotes the distinction between ceramics brought by the potters and vessels filled with beer and oother commodities provided by institutions72 Usually the content of the latter vessels is given 73

andHowever in some cases the entry is uncertain particularly with the delivery ofjnlt vessels In O

worDeM 23 5 16 jnll vessels are delivered by the hand of Amenemope while in O DeM 26 2-3 the a 30 large jnlt vessels are recorded by the hand of Nebnefer entered 27 deficit 3 Neither of

laquo~(ythese men is given any title and it is possible that they are ordinary workmen 74

(ves~The problems associated with interpreting the deliveries of jnlzt vessels can be best illustrated grou

by O Cairo 25704 which records the delivery ofjnll vessels in year 2 of Sety I no month or day probis given Although Davies connects this delivery with the known smdt-scribe Tjay or the member distn of the smdl Tjiro75 the status of this text remains uncertain Line 2 records the one who brought alloe very largejn~t vessels returned to Tj[ J (nty rdj jnlt (5t sp sn m-hyt mJ 0[ ]) while line 3 lines has the one who brought small () jnlt vessels assigned to [ J (nty rdj jnlt lrj m-Is (5 m-( twtw [ ))76 The non-standard means of entering the delivery nty rdj may indicate that this text 451 d records a more specialized range of vessels not necessarily to be associated vith the smdt-potters O jnlt vessels have a restricted range of occurrence in the Deir el-Medina documentation and are perhsometimes associated with festival deliveries (see the discussion of O BM 50728 below and desigsection 42) Therefore these vessels may not belong with the unfilled ceramics delivered by the desigsmdt-potters text I

There is little evidence in the texts that potters were assisted in the delivery of their wares by there other members of the smdt as is the case with the woodcutters (see above pp 12ff) Entries in the smdt journal OStraca record deliveries by the hand of the potter (m-4rt P5 qd)77 or entered by the In hand of the potter (jw m-4rt P5 qd)78 This may indicate delivery by the potters themselves but meml the use of such formulaic phraseology in recording delivery may conceal a number of possible inclUi alternatives for this aspect of supply Considering the quantities involved and the probable size of (mrw

is no perha

71 For discussion sec P Tallet Deux pretres-sem tMbains de la XXe dynastie BIFAO 99 (1999) 417 An SOlalternative translation of the phrase with similar implications would be arrived by the hand of

proba72 Ouvriers 265 For the representation of such tilled vessels in the ceramic repertoire from Deir el-Medina

delivcsee for example L Bavay S Marchand and P Tallet Les jarres inscrites du Nouvel Empire provenant de Deir aI-Medina CaMers de la Ceramique Egyptienne 6 (2000) 77-86 with references of the 73 For example all deliveries of wine to the village were made in mnt-amphorae Janssen Commodity Prices 350 mnt vessels are only once recorded as part of a potters deliveries In O Or Inst Chicago

79 Tw16998 (unpubL) 30 mnt vessels are entered alongside 30 qbw vessels and 150 Ibw vessels (1 3) The entry

Amenof a wood delivery in line 2 may indicate that this text records deliveries by the smdt For the elite status periodof the mnt see Bourriau Nicholson and Rice Pottery l37 potter

74 O DeM 202 records quantities of dpr and lbw vessels entered by the hand of Wepwawetmose potterAlthough the status of this text can be questioned lbw vessels are a more standard part of the smdt-potters cornprepertoire 80 In 1

75 Whos Who 106 with n 302 referri

76 For the readings of m-hyt mJ and rrt-s mJ see D Valbelle Remarques sur les textes neo-egyptiens meaninon-Iitteraires (sect 6-10) BIFAO 77 (1977) 129-13 L 81 For

77 For example O DeM 159 10 O DeM 39 rto 4 of hig

78 For example O DeM 35 addition above line 7 O DeM 154 rto 15-6 O DeM 38 7 O DeM 47 vso 4 Ramel

e of than

19h I bility ry to

title lbelle rand fenn

InO 2-3 ler of

trated lrday mlber ought line 3 mJ

s text )tters

Id are If and )y the

res by in the )y the es but ISsible ize of

17 An

l1edina venant

modity 1llcago e entry status

trnose )otters

yptiens

vso 4

INTERPRETING RECEIPT AND DELIVERY 43

the vessels the delivery could have involved several trips andor the use of assistants who are not mentioned because they had no responsibility

The distribution of the ceramics among the community is only rarely attested O DeM 337 seems to record numbers of pots owed to particular workmen III ot 10 deficit of 3lbw vessels for (n) Amenemope deficit of I ds vessel 1 dpy vessel and 3 lbw vessels for (n) Nakhy Both these names are common and it is impossible to date the text on this basis79 This text may indicate that not only were records made of the potters debts to the crew in general deficits owed to individual crew members could be documented as well

O BM 50728 dated to year 2 probably of Ramesses II also seems to relate to the processing and distribution of a particular type of ceramic recording vessels delivered to individual workmen as well as deficits owed to them The first five lines of the recto set out the purpose of the account Year 2 [ ] the record of the jn~t vessels for Left (p SOJW m n jn~t n smM - a total (~~~w) of 10 + 5 jn~t vessels Specification (wp s(traquo) for the crew concerning the 10 + 5 (vessels) 80 The numbers of vessels given to each member of the crew are then detailed The first group of five vessels is clearly allocated to four named workmen one for each man Baki probably the foreman of the crew81 received two corresponding to the hierarchal systems of distribution known from accounts of rations and other provisions Lines 7-10 continue with the allocation of different vessel types to named individuals The end of the recto is very broken but lines 11 and 12 seem to have recorded vessels owed to Amenmose (4t n jmn-msw) Pa-[ ] and twtw() and in this the text provides a parallel for O DeM 337 In O BM 50728 rto 11-12 the 41 determinative was crossed out possibly indicating that the debt was paid

O BM 50728 includes some unusual qualifications for the vessels including terms related perhaps to quality (very good jnJt njr nJr middling good jn~t nJr m-~ry-jb) and the designation of certain vessels as being in the fashion of hbny (vessels) (m qd hbny) These designations and the total (~J~w) ofbq oil given in the last line of the recto may indicate that the text records the delivery of filled jnJt vessels for a specific perhaps festival or ritual context I therefore doubt whether the text is concerned with the distribution of ceramics delivered by the smdt potters (see 42 for further discussion of this text)

In contrast O Cairo 25597 dated to year 2 of Ramesses IV records items distributed to members of the smdt The distribution list begins on line 2 with specification (wp-st) and includes a coppersmith a water-carrier as well as the potter Herunefer who received 5 bundles (mrw or ors) the content of these bundles is not stated Although the context for this distribution is not clear this is the only text known to me in which a potter seems to receive a payment perhaps in exchange for work

Some aspects of organization of work such as distribution of pots among the villagers probably did not require the level of administration and documentation needed for the record of delivery Details concerning the processing of delivery remain unclear such as the precise nature of the receipt and distribution of the products However the texts do allow the stages of delivery

79 Two workmen named Nakhy are known from the late 19th Dynasty Janssen Commodity Prices 86 Amenemope is a common name in all periods ibid 42 Although a potter Nakhy is known from this period I doubt whether this text should be understood as referring to the deficits of untitled but named potters instead I read the n as a preposition rather than the indirect genitive It would be very unusual for a potter to be untitled and the text does not follow the standard pattern for potter accounts recording deficits compare O DeM 91 O IFAO 387 O DeM 135 O Gardiner 88 vso 80 In these lines the number 10 is written in black ink while 5 is written in red Some of the numbers referring to allocations to individual workmen in the following lines of the text are also written in red The meaning of the use of red ink in the text requires further investigation 81 For Baki and his family see Davies Whos Who 2-12 If the provision of an extra vessel is an indicator of higher status this text would provide evidence that Baki continued in office into the early years of Ramesses II

I

--44 POTTERS

to be traced illuminating aspects of the organization of the potters work and their relationship the with the community ofDeir el-Medina veSt

may 24 Donkey hire by potters timi Although it can be assumed that donkeys were necessary for the delivery of ceramics to the (see village J know of only one relevant text and that refers only indirectly to the potters use of lOe donkeys There seem to be no hireage texts for potters comparable to those attested for or4 woodcutters and watercarriers

O DeM 73 Ito details a legal case concerning a donkey in the 20 th year of Ramesses III The 32 text records the resolution of a dispute (del) between the potter Herunefer who was the complainant and the workman Anynakht82 Herunefer hired a donkey from Anynakht The

FrO bkI

donkey proved unsatisfactory and an exchange was agreed upon in the presence of (m-blM a scribe of the mat Amennakhe3 The bad donkey was handed over to him Uwtw Ir swd n) and

blk1 Sh01

he gave him Uwf djt) an (other) she-donkey in its place (11 3-4) The text concludes with the resl taking of an oath on account of it (br pbwys) presumably by Anynakht

As Janssen observes in reference to the woodcutters and watercarriers texts about the hireage spec daYE

of donkeys are comparatively rare and are concentrated in the reigns of Ramesses III and IV Those that survive perhaps refer to rather unusual situations as here The distinctive nature of this

smt intel

text lends support to Janssens proposal that there was a pool of donkeys perhaps state or communally owned rather than belonging to the workmen themselves available for deliveries to

pap) was

the village (see above p 29) here T

sect3 Documenting supply 31 The timing ofexpected deliveries Janssen has determined through analysis of the journal OStraca of the reigns of Ramesses TIT and IV that deliveries of ceramics were expected every ten days84 That this was the practice in the early 19th Dynasty is confirmed by the delivery lists of wood and pottery Where the lists are dated these dates usually fall on days 1085 2086 or 3087 of the month which are the days on which deliveries were also recorded later in the 20 th Dynasty

It is likely that vessels were not expected on any particular day within this time frame and could be delivered in smaller amounts throughout the period like the deliveries by the gardeners and fishermen ss P Greg vso B II 8 documents the receipt of bkw of the potter for year 6 of

that for ( the doCl pred of tl gene mixt term

Siptah on the 19th day of IV lvt This delivery is then recorded in the summary information for IV lvt 10 to 20 A journal ostracon of the reign of Ramesses III records that on II smw 7 the potter entered two blkw one (w) for I smw 30 one for II smw 10 (0 DeM 38 7) The account text O DeM 346 of the mid_20th Dynasty documents the receipt of two quantities of vessels within three days On II prt 20 30 qbt vessels and 110 lbw vessels were received or delivered by the hand of

33l The wen O E IIIp scali mad

82 For Anynakht see Davies Whos Who 74-5 The potter Herunefer is also known from O Cairo 25597 39 (1

83 The role of the scribe of the mat (sv n un) in this text has been discussed by Ben Haring The Scribe of the Mat From Agrarian Administration to Local Justice in Deir el-Medina in the Third Millennium

Jans~ 90 b

AD A Tribute to Jac J Janssen eds R J Demaree and A Egberts Egyptologische Uitgaven 14 (Leiden 91 ibi

2000) 149 For the legal status of this text see A G McDowell Jurisdiction in the Workmens Community 92 O

ofDeir el-Medina Egyptologische Uitgaven 5 (Leiden 1990) 146-7 84 Commodity Prices 485-6

B893n

85 O DeM 1 5 7 10 12 13 17 23 O Gardiner 43 94 Fe

86 O DeM 2 8 15 24 O Or lust Chicago 18878 reCOl

87 O DeM 3 4 9 11 12 14 18 22 O DH 6 7 88 J J Janssen bkw From Work to Product SAK 20 (1993)90 n 52

tragI 95 L

lship

)the se of I for

The the The

M a ) and h the

reage i IV fthis te or ies to

I and n the s are fS on

ould sand 6 of

or IV lotter xtO three ndof

97 kribe znium iden lunity

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 45

the scribe Amenemope (rto 11 1-2) On II prt 23 a further 42 dpr vessels making(9 22 qb vessels and 100 tbw vessels were also entered by the scribe Amenemope (vso n 1-4) This text may record part payments of the delivery expected for II prt 20-30 The data concerning the timing of delivery therefore correspond to the evidence discussed by Janssen for the woodcutters (see above pp 18ff) As in the woodcutter texts if the delivery was completed in full during the 10 day period it was recorded as mI Any deficit or shortfall in delivery was entered as (w)gJ(t) or gJ nlr

32 The terminology ofsupply bJkw From the late 19th or early 20 th Dynasties the deliveries of ceramics were recorded in units of bJlnv in both account and journal ostraca Janssen has discussed the use and meaning of the tenn bkw in the Deir el-Medina material blkw in its absolute sense means work but Janssen has shown that in many cases in these documents the meaning can shift from work to the resultproduct of the work90 Within this usage the bkw of the potter seems to have a more specific meaning Janssen has concluded that it signifies a fixed amount that was due every ten days a quota He cites the example ofO DeM 387 where two b3kw were recorded one for I smw 30 one for II smw 10 91 The detenninatives used in the writing of b3lnv support this interpretation Although in the late 19th and early 20th Dynasty texts bkw was detennined by the papyrus roll92 from the middle to the end of the reign of Ramesses III the vessel detenninative was used93 The change to this detenninative from one with a more abstract meaning signals that here bkw is a work requirement consisting of an amount of ceramics

The usage of bkw in the journals and accounts implies that this amount was fixed a quota that would therefore be quantifiable There are records of the entry of two bkw often to make up for overdue deliveries and occasionally even half bkw94 These references certainly imply that the bIlnv was a predetennined amount that could be doubled or halved when necessary The documenting of deficits in the texts also shows that each delivery was expected to consist of a predetermined amount The Category E text O DeM 12 seems to record such a deficit On line 4 of this delivery list is written deficit namely deficit of vessels (4 qrlJt 4)95 Since qrlt is the generic tenn for vessels the implication is that the expected delivery of ceramics probably a mixture of types and quantities was not made To determine the composition of each bkw in terms of vessel types and numbers is however difficult

33 b3kw in the J(jh Dynasty accounts (text categories B C E) The 19th Dynasty accounts of the deficits of the potters Menna and Nakhy indicate that deliveries were pre-determined as amounts that if not delivered in full were recorded to be made up later O Berlin P 10840 records an accumulation of deficits owed by Menna from year 9 III fJt 1 to III prt 30 making 5 months 53 qbt vessels 575 bw vessels (11 2-3) This account shows the scale of thc deficit that the potter could incur over a period of time if complete deliveries were not made

89 Cernys transcription of the text contains an ellipsis and query at this point (Catalogue VII pI 2) Janssen (pers corron) has suggested that the two dashes in the hieratic facsimile could be read as Jr n 90 hkw From Work to Product 89 91 ibid 89-90 nO DeM 606 rto 611 O Cairo 25591 rto 4-5 and O Cairo 25633 vso 1 P Greg rto B 23 A 11 vso B 8 11-12 93 The journal ostraca from the mid_20th Dynasty consistently use this determinative 94 For an examples entries of two bkw see O DeM 154 rto 16 P Greg rto A II 11-12 Half units are recorded in O DeM 44 rto 20 P Turin 1961 (Pleyte and Rossi pI 99) vso II 5 Anonymous Turin fragment (Cerny MSS 3616) 95 t~~lon

46 POTTERS

O DeM 135 is a testimony to the precision with which such deficits were recorded This undated text enumerates the deficit of two potters Deficit of the potters 2 men 96 29 qbw fle)vessels 5 gy vessels 00 Ibw vessels 9 dp(r) vessels to (r) qbw vessels making 4Y2 Total ves making 33Y2 qbw vessels The final two lines seem to indicate that 9 dpr vessels were equivalent mo in some way to 4Yz qbw vessels97 When added to the 29 qbw vessels in line 2 this gives the total ves of 33Y2 Perhaps the potters were initially required to deliver 9 dpr vessels along with the other and vessels but the decision was made to convert these dpr vessels into their equivalent in qbw dprvessels Here it must be borne in mind that this text records deficit rather than delivery It seems forto reflect the scribes accounting mentality precisely recording the precise value of the deficit

forwhich may have been rounded up or down in reality The meticulous record of deficit does imply sigrfixed vessel deliveries with a specific amount being due every ten days

deliAlthough such texts imply the presence of a quota it is difficult to quantify that quota in terms

posof numbers and types of vessels In this context O DeM 135 provides an additional insight The

asklconversion of one vessel type into its equivalent in another type if it is a concrete conversion

therather than a statement of value implies a certain flexibility within the deliveries Perhaps this document shows the superiors of the crew specifying or making adjustments to the amounts of

34ceramics required every ten days in accordance with the needs of the crew

TheSuch an interpretation could explain the range of vessel types and quantities enumerated in the

19th defiDynasty delivery lists while also perhaps accounting for the precise documentation of It isdeficits These ostraca note deliveries of at least eight different vessel types in varying quantities

and combinations including jn~t98 m~t99 qbwIOO kJ-lr-kJ 101 gJy102 Ibw103 dpr104 and dS I05 and imp

Some of these vessel names are very rare in other documentation The dpr vessel although common in these lists and in 19th Dynasty pottery accounts does not appear to occur later 106 This

Ir

pattern could suggest a reduction in the vessel repertoire in the 20th Dyllasty but the contents of IVr Jourdeliveries are not generally enumerated in the later data potentially concealing some vessel types 29Deliveries of lbw vessels are recorded in the majority of the surviving lists and as will be 15-1illustrated below Ibw vessels alongside qbw vessels remained the core of the potters deliveries (conin the 20th Dynasty It is possible that qbw and bw are classes of ceramics rather than distinct samlvessel types so that the terms may cover a wider range of forms (see section 61) DeIlt othe

96 1- ~~~gt5l~I (I 1) reml 97 Compare O DeM 346 where 42 dpr vessels may be the equivalent of 22 qbt vessels (see section 31) day The flexibility of equivalence between the two types may indicate flexibility in the form and valuation of seen these vessels (see section 41) evid 98 Janssen Commodity Prices434 O DeM 16 153 174 23 5

ther99 Wb II 126 W F Reineke Der Zusammenhang der altagptischen Rohl- und LiingenmaBe MfG 9 (1963)148 O DeM 56 7 6 114 100 Janssen Commodity Prices 412-5 qbw is a feminine word and can also be spelt qbt Valbelle Guvriers 18 O DeM J 7 4 5 7 5 104 O DR 5 4 O Gardiner 435 101 Wb V 93 O DeM 28 3 O DR 6 8 lOi 0 102 Janssen Commodity Prices 426-8 O DeM 5 5 9 6 107 225 O DR 8 3 O Gardiner 436 108 0 10J Janssen Commodity Prices 433-4 O DeM 18 3 4 4 6 6 6 8 6 105 116 136 154 16 5 17 109 0 3 226 O DR 5 7 6 9 7 5 84 O Or lnst Chicago 188785 O Gardiner 43 7 O DeM 288 records 110 0 a lbw-n-k~ vessel (see section 41) III 0 104 This vessel is not included in Janssen Commodity Prices or in the Worterbuch It is written lith the 1110

generic term for vessel qrlt confirming its nature as such O DeM 25 3 3 5 7 6 5 9 5 106 165 113 0 O DR 5 6 O Or lnst Chicago 188784 4prt vessels presumably a different orthography of the same 114 C term occur in hieratic inscriptions from the tomb of Tutankhamun 1 Cerny Hieratic lnscriptionsfrom the Il5 t Tomb of TutCankhamun TutCankhamiins Tomb Series II (Oxford 1965) 6 with references See also G 116 Ir Bouvier BlFAG 101 (2001)90 note g PriCE 105 Wb V 485 Janssen Commodity Prices 472-4 O DeM 64 8 5 135 165 22 4 O DR 5 6 74 non-I 1(lj See the documents cited in n 100 also O DeM 346 vso 3 117 Q~

This qbw otal alent total other qbw

eems ficit mply

erms The rsion this Its of

n the m of ttities dS I05

tough This lts of ypes ill be veries stinct

1 31) ion of

1109

vriers

5 17 ecords

ith the 165

same Jm the

Iso G

74

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 47

The degree to which the composition of deliveries could vary from list to list illustrates the flexiblity of the institution On I 3Jt 10 of year 3 of Sety I 7 jn~t vessels (3 good 2 poor) 37 qbw vessels (deficit of 3) and 58 Ibw vessels (deficit of 2) were delivered l07 On the 20th day of that month dpr vessels were delivered (the rest of the text is lost)108 80 dpr vessels and 50 Ibw vessels were delivered on the last day of I 3Jt109 while on the last day of II Jt 40 qbw vessels and 50 Ibw vessels were delivered l1O On day 10 of III Jt 80 g3y vessels 90 m~t vessels and 40 dpr vessels were delivered lll Not only do several vcssel types occur in each delivery but totals for each vessel type also vary considerably as weI Ibw vessels tend to total between 50 and 60 for each list in which they occur1l2 However many of the attested totals documented are significantly larger between 100 and 300 lbw1l3 These texts may point to there being variable deliveries that resulted from commissions in response to specific needs However this is only one possible interpretation based upon a comparatively small group of texts The question must be asked whether a similar understanding can be gained from the qualitatively different sources of the 20th Dynasty

34 Recording b3kw in the 20th Dynasty The recording of pottery deliveries was less explicit in the 20th Dynasty with deliveries and deficits generally noted as b3kw and (w)4(t) of the potter without further clarifying information It is difficult to determine whether the quantities and contents of the deliveries were as flexible and varying as the 19th Dynasty data suggest Indeed as Janssen has concluded it is virtually impossible to prove what was meant by the termbkw l 114

In the rare cases where journal entries on ostraca of the reigns of Ramesses III and Ramesses N record numbers of vessels this information is difficult to interpret O DeM 154 rto recording journal entries in year 31 of Ramesses III documents the delivery made by the potter on II smw 29 entered by the hand of the potter 2 bkw (plus) 50 lbw vessels for II smw 30 deficit 65 (II 15-16) Janssen alternatively translates this part of the text as [e ]ntered from the potter 2 bkw (consisting of) 50 lbw vessels comparing it with O Berlin P 10654 (unpub) vso 1 where the same amount of 50 vessels is also mentioned I IS There is a number of possible readings of O DeM 154 rto The two b3kw may be deliveries owing from earlier in the month116 while on the other hand the 50 Ibw vessels may be an early partial payment for II smw 30 with 65 vessels remaining outstanding Since we do not have the rest of the journal for II smw and the entry for day 20 records neither delivery nor deficit it is difficult to draw firm conclusions Nonetheless it seems unlikely that the b3kw referred to in the text consisted of 50 lbw vessels The supporting evidence of the late 20th Dynasty ostracon O Berlin P 10654 vso is ambiguous also referring to the production of 50 vessels in the first line the numbers are lost thereafter

II Jt 10 the potter fashioned1l7 50 (vessels) day 20 the potter [fashioned x (vessels)]

107 O DeM 16-8 108 O DeM 2 5 109 O DeM 3 3-4 110 O DeM 45-6 1110 DeM 5 5-7 112 O DeM 18 34 8 6 165 O DH 5 7 6 9 O Or Inst Chicago 188785 113 O DeM 6 6 136 22 6 154 173 O DH 76 ll4 Commodity Prices 488 bkw From Work to Product 89 115 bkw From Work to Product 89 116 In a similar situation O DeM 40 14-5 records by the hand of the potter 3 bkw Janssen Commodity Prices 487-8 concludes that two of the bkw were payments for the first two decades although the non-delivery is nowhere stated while the third delivery was due for the five epagomenal days 117 ~~li~IT1l~~o

II

48 POTTERS

day 30 fashioning [x (vessels)] III 11]t 10 while he (fashioned)118 [x (vessels)] 35 b day 20119

Vhel total 230 qbw vessels [ ] the n specifYing it (wp Sf) ~ 23 jn~11 vessels blkw

In recording the actual work of the potters this text is unique While units of 50 vessels seem to statu be specified any connection with a blkw is not made explicit and can only be inferredYo perio

Janssen also cites the example of O DeM 35 on which a note above line 7 recording entries been for IIprt 19 of year 28 of Ramesses III reads entered by the hand of the potter as one b3kw 100 these qbw vessels 45 lbw vessels Although this text indicates that the b3kw consisted of 100 qbw Th vessels and 45 lbw vessels the phrase m w( b3kw could imply that the vessels enumerated were the e those making up this particular delivery perhaps differing from although equivalent to the recor contents of earlier deliveries and the standard b3kw The higher number of qbw vessels than Ibw epagt vessels which is very unusual when compared with other texts enumerating these two types 5 ep suggests that this entry is exceptional not only in its formulation It may be that this delivery ofth required special enumeration perhaps the potter altered the original order and provided an bee) equivalent number of qbw vessels instead of lbw vessels P

The two uneertain entries of O DeM 154 and O DeM 35 are the only texts in which actual Ram vessel types are enumerated in 20u Dynasty journal ostraca O DeM 35 in particular may suggest reads that the composition of b3kw could be flexible Other surviving records of pottery deliveries from An e the reign of Rarnesses III usually state only whether or not the potter entered his deliveries deliv complete or was in deficit O DeM 143 vso 5 datable to year 24 of Ramesses III does fo11o however enter a deficit of lbw vessels for the five epagomenal days Although the exact figures as 65 are lost the final two lines record an unknown total (dnuf) of qbw vessels and a total of 680 lbw char~ vessels these probably being deficits incurred since IV smw 30 the day the potter first fell behind disru in deliveries as the account records In O DeM 165 which largely documents deficits incurred in prt 1 year 30 III prt and thereafter a note to one side records year 29 entered for the five whih (epagomenal) days 30 lbw vessels his deficit 85 (11 4amiddot5a) vesst

Where vessel numbers are enumerated in these 20th Dynasty texts they vary in some cases notin considerably although the relationships of these numbers with the context of the documents must onw be kept in mind The vessel types are less varied than in the 19th Dynasty sources Mostly qbw and that 1 [bw vessels are enumerated in large quantities which confirms that these vessel types were the here basis of the potters b 3kw The deficit accounts from the reign of Ramesses II (group III) record If only qbw and lbw vesselsl2I in contrast with the variety of vessels represented in the delivery deliv lists The delivery lists of the 19th Dynasty appear to be exceptional in the variety of vessel types large they enumerate They may represent deliveries from other specialized workshops or supplies for vess particular purposes The similarity between the 19th Dynasty delivery lists of pottery and wood on en1r) the one hand and of specialty breads and beer on the other hand may indicate that these inter deliveries were in general more specialized they were perhaps associated with festivals Such an here association is illuminated by a study of one of the vessel types less commonly enumerated in A1 these texts (see section 42) However the regularity of delivery in these lists recorded in tenmiddotday b3kJi blocks is closely comparable with the regular b3kw delivery For the 20th Dynasty it must be potu borne in mind that b3kw which is mostly unqualified in the journal ostraca may cover a range of the ( vessel types sing

liS Q0--1i11 122 G ll9 Cerny noted that the line here was left blank 123 J~

120 The specification of jnJz1 vessels may also suggest that this text refers to a specialized perhaps unique lUF

production series For jnJzt see section 42 me 121 0 DeM 91 O Berlin P 10840 vso O IFAO 387 126 C

em to

ntries 100

l qbw were

) the nbw types livery ed an

actual 19gest from veries does

igures 101bw )ehind red in ~ fivc

cases must wand re thc ccord livery types es for odon thcsc Ichan ted in n-day lst be 1ge of

mique

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 49

35 bikw in the late 20th Dynasty papyrus documents Where pottery deliveries are recorded in the journal papyri the numbers of vessels involved and the name of the potter are often included A further contrast with earlier records is that the tenn bkw is rarely employed The more fonnal status of the papyri may explain such differences This status may also be one reason despite the large amount of documentation surviving from this period deliveries of pottery are only recorded occasionally Those that are recorded may have been special deliveries and hence worthy of note When bkw are recorded as in earlier records these may be variable in size and consist largely ofbw and qbw vessels

The recto ofP Turin 2070133 134 + 3 fragments (KRIVI 426-8) contains journal entries for the epagomenal days of the year 2 of a king later than Ramesses IV 122 The entry for the final day records the deliveries of the potter Right the potter - 29 [qb]w vessels 145 lbw vessels Five epagomenal days 100 [+ 45] Ibwvessels [Left] the potter 29 [qbw] vessels 145lbwvessels 5 epagomenal days 145 (Col II 10-11) The deliveries are enumerated separately for each side of the crew although if the restorations are correct the totals are the same for each side As is to be expected qbw and bw vessels are the only vessel types mentioned

P Turin 1881+ (Pleyte and Rossi pI 1-8 KRIVI 609-19) records entries for years 6-8 of Ramesses IX the potter is only mentioned on three occasions in year 7 For IV lu 29 the entry reads received by the hand of the potter ~Ahawy - qbw vessels 65 bw vessels 65 (vso V 1-2) An entry for 65 handfuls of plants follows in this list and seems to be associated with this delivery An entry on the same line also records 2 khar of k3Y (Ulq~ ~ ) probably roe123 The following line records again by his hand (wlm m-fjrtj) (for) I prt 10 100 [b[w] vessels as well as 65 handfuls of plants and an unknown measure of roe It seems that the potter had also been charged with delivering produce to the village perhaps the organization of deliveries was disrupted in this period Other entries record deliveries received by the hand of scribes 124 In III prt 18 almost three months later ~Ahawy made another delivery of 300 Ibw vessels (vso VI 7-8) while in III smw there were received by the hand of the potter (for) Right and Left 1501bw vessels and 70 qbw vessels (vso VII 1-2) P Turin 1881 + is an unusual text which rather than noting events day by day records only a few days from a few months of each year perhaps days on which events occurred that were more significant in the eyes of the scribe Valbelle observes that the scribe was running out of space on the papyrus increasing the likelihood that the entries he recorded were those he considered important125

If the deliveries recorded in this text were the only ones made for year 7 of Ramesses IX the delivery patterns of the potters may have changed Rather than delivering units every decade large deliveries were made every two to three months This would explain the large totals of vessels supplied However as Janssen cautions scribal inaccuracies mean that the absence of an entry in the journal does not necessarily mean that the delivery was not made126 An alternative interpretation is that the standard deliveries were made every ten days and that those recorded here were supplementary and worthy of special mention

An entry in P Turin 1900+ (KRl VI 619-24) vso 117 may indicate that regular deliveries of blkw continued at least in the early years of Ramesses IX Year 9 II 31Jt 19 records Right the potters b3kw [ ] (wnmy p qd n b3kw [ J) The context of this delivery is similar to those of the earlier 20th Dynasty with supply of fuel and gypsum being recorded as well However the single mention of a potters bkw in this entry in the papyrus may be as unique as those in P

122 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 242 123 Janssen Village Varia 53 124 For example vso 2a vso 5 5 vso 5 10 vso 6 1 125 Ouvriers 63-4 126 Commodity Prices 486

l

50 POTTERS

Turin l88l Journal entries from years 10 and 17 of Ramesses IX support this interpretation P A Turin 2071140 (KRIVI 63715) rto 9 records delivery of vegetables and pottery 2l() qb(w) varia vessels 110 [+ x] [bw vessels for day 30 IV smw year 10 The Turin Necropolis Journal of year vana 17 rto B II 2-3 (Botti and Peet pI 16) is the only record of a pottery delivery in this substantial inclu text covering two full months potter rAhawy 33 qbw vessels 165 [bw vessels This may Dyna indicate that the delivery was an unusual hence noteworthy event especially in relation to (HO references to problems with smdt organization earlier in the text (see section 37) the p

Deliveries of varying quantities of pottery are entered a number of times for different sides of recei the crew in the journal of year 3 of Ramesses X (P Turin 1898 + Botti and Peet pI 50-63 KRI Re VI 687-99) On III prt 18 even though the crew was not working because of the foreigners cornr (Omyw) 30 qb(w) vessels and 30 [+ x] [[bw] vessels were delivered to Right (rto I 11) On the wood last day of IV prt 9 qb(w) and 27 ([)bw vessels were delivered to Left (the entry for Right is comp lost rto II 14) The entry for II smw 19 records crew not working Right 28 qb(w) vessels 300 Janss [b(w) vessels Left 28 qb(w) vessels 15 g1(y) vessels 300 [b(w) vessels (rto III 9-10) The entry amou for g1y vessels is unusual in this text Two days later there was a further delivery for Right alone largel the potter - 30 qb(w) vessels 150 [b(w) vessels (rto III 13-14) In the month of III smw qbw Alt and [bw vessels were delivered on two occasions day 5 and day 30127 On IV smw 1 1 qbw was texts

delivered perhaps to Right while 90 [bw vessels were delivered to Left (rto V 18-9) If each are in delivery of vessels to the village was flexible in size and composition the entries in this journal as a c may also illustrate that deliveries to different sides of the crew could be varied as well quant

The journal text of year 1 of Ramesses XI P Turin 1898+ VSO128 records for I 10t 24 Right excep

from the hand of (the) potter [ ] 18 qb(w) vessels 50 [+x] [bw vessels Left from the hand of 37 In(the) potter [ ]y129 10 [+x] (Hh vessels [r~R~~o] [ J (vso Text A 2-4) Again the Otherdelivery is separately enumerated for the different sides of the crew breaks in the text mean that unprethe composition of the delivery is unknown If the entry on line 4 is a variant orthography of a this b type of vessel (1(1130 it may indicate a specialized delivery because (1(1 vessels are not firingotherwise attested in the pottery deliveries l3I Further deliveries are recorded in this journal again therein a very broken context by the hand ofthe potter [ ] lbw vessels 51 [+ x ] (vso dockets B taken5-6) later 18 qbw vessels and 50 lbw vessels are recorded (vso dockets C 2) This is the latest or adrsurviving record of pottery deliveries to the necropolis workmen in the 20th Dynasty deficit Impac36 Conclusion the meanings ofb1kw

TheThe Turin Necropolis journals seem to support the interpretation of the nature of the b1kw found detailein the earlier documentation Despite the possibility that delivery patterns may have altered or that from t some entries may represent extra deliveries these documents indicate that [bw and qbw vessels earlyformed the core of any quota of pottery delivered to the village occasionally supplemented with irregulother vessel types the pa III It

127 On III sectmw 529 qb(w) vessels and 150 bw vessels were delivered to Right Left received 19 qb(w) month vessels and 150 bw vessels (Botti and Peet pI 57 rto IV 15-9) The papyrus is damaged in the entries for III sectmw 30 but the surviving text indicates that deliveries of over 100 bw vessels were made to Right and both fbw and rqlbw vessels were delivered to Left (Botti and Peet pI 59 rto V 17-19) Unusually this latter entry records bw vessels before qbw 132 For 128 Botti and Peet pI 63 KRI VI 850-1 I follow the reassessment of Jtirgen von Beckerath in my reading 34 see of this text Papyrus Turin 1898+ vso SAK21 (1994)29-33 133 Th( 129 Perhaps the name of the potter CAhawy can be restored here 134 C J 130 Wh V 532 W F Reineke Der Zusammenhang der altagyptischen Hohl- und UingenmaBe MID 9 East e (1963)151 observlt 131 4343 vessels are included in a list of products in O Cairo 25678 vso 17 along with fbw vessels (1 18) discuss Valbelle citing this text considers that 4343 vessels could replace qbw vessels and were perhaps be mad synonymous (in her reference Duvriers 265 n 12 read 25678 for 25673) 135 Con

n p b(w) year ntial may m to

es of KRI

yenlers 11 the ht is 300 ~ntry

lone qbw was each lmal

ight ld of I the that ofa not

gain s B atest

lUnd that sels with

b(w) 8 for tand this

ding

[09

18) haps

DOCUMENTIKG SUPPLY 51

A further correspondence between the papyrus documents and the earlier ostraca is the variation in the numbers of vessels being delivered If these figures do represent regular bkw the variation in vessel totals may reflect responses to the changing needs of the crew perhaps including orders made by the superiors of the crew to the potters The use of bkw in one 20th

Dynasty account ostracon exemplifies the flexible character of commissions O Gardiner 80 4-5 (HO 6114) states after recording the complete deliveries during III smw received as the bkw of the potter entered complete like his custom of every day This text implies that the deliveries received during that month constituted the potters commission which he managed to fulfiL

Records survive of other members of the smdt such as gardeners and woodcutters receiving commands to deliver specific amounts132 Janssen notes the commission received by the woodcutter Saroy in year 29 III fJt 7 to deliver 380 units every 10 days This order can be compared with that of Saroys colleague who received a commission to deliver 500 units 133 As Janssen observes the quotas of the woodcutters often deviated quickly from these specified amounts (see above p 20) Such orders might have been regular normal occurrences that are largely invisible in the written record

Although no known text records such an assignment to the potters to deliver specific amounts texts that record varying quantities of ceramics and texts in which vessels other than qbw and tbw are included suggest that such commissions were madc The bkw may therefore be understood as a commission or expected dclivery of a predetermined unit of ceramics Although theoretically quantifiablc the bkw was flexible so that we cannot determinc what amount was expected except in specific deliveries

37 Implications ofdefiCits Other factors may also have operated to produce differential sizes of deliveries Firing was an unpredictable process with a certain amount of wasters inevitably being produced each time On this basis Christopher Eyre has suggested the one bkw may have been the equivalent of one firing which could vary in composition and in success134 Although this hypothesis is viable there is no direct evidence to support it and it is also possible that the needs of the crew were taken into account in each individual bkw or work requirement Where problems in the workshop or administrative breakdowns affected deliveries these are likely to be reflected in the records as deficits By examining patterns of deficit within the documentation it is possible to observe the impact of external problems in the Theban area on the potters deliveries in the mid 20th Dynasty

The journal ostraca of the reigns of Ramesses III and IV (Group I) again provide the most detailed documentation of delivery and deficit although only very general trends can be deduced from the materiaL Janssens analysis of pottery deliveries at the end of Ramesses Ills reign to early Ramesses IV led to the conclusion that deliveries of commodities were generally very irregular at this time whereas in the preceding years they had been more stable 135 The details of the pattern of deficits can be supplemented by a few account ostraca from the reign of Ramesses III It must be borne in mind that the idiosyncrasies of scribal record keeping mean that some months record no deliveries at all even though deliveries were most probably made

132 For the commissioning of the smdt see J J Janssen The Year of the Strikes BSEG 16 (1992) 44 n 34 see also Janssens section 7 in this volume 133 The Year of the Strikes 44-6 134 C J Eyre Work and the Organization of Work in the New Kingdom in Labor in the Ancient Near East ed M A Powell (New Haven 1987) 193 Janssen bkw From Work to Product 90 n observes that if this were the case the potters would have delivered once per decade The limited evidence discussed in 31 and a review of the delivery dates in the texts included in 33 indicate that deliveries could be made on more than one occasion during the ten-day period 135 Commodity Prices 488

52 POTTERS

The account of O Gardiner 80 (HO 61 4) for year 21 of Ramesses III records deliveries that O were made complete for the entire month of III smw the final line entered complete like his bJrn custom of every day although formulaic may be an indicator of a reputation for efficiency and for t punctuality The records from a few years later appear to tarnish this reputation The account text far 11 O DeM 143 datable to year 24 while recording complete deliveries for III smw 30 and IV smw coml 10 and 20 enters deficits for IV smw 30 the five epagomenal days and the first two decades of I appe 3bt (11 1-7) Reasons for the accumulation of such a substantial deficit beyond internal incre production problems are unknown This text warns us that although the relationship between admi administrative problems at Deir el-Medina and deficit is clear at times less easily identifiable in th factors may also have had an impact By year 27 deliveries appear to have returned to normal the p with no deficits being entered and every delivery recorded as complete (0 DeM 33 vso 8 O TI DeM 34 rto 7 16 vso 11) a deficit is however noted for the epagomenal days of year 28 in O agair DeM 156 vso 4 that

From year 29 deficits are again a consistent feature of the record during the time when labour inc01 troubles began to disrupt the community The first hint of delivery problems may be found in the whet problematic O Strasbourg H 26 If the entries on the recto refer to the potter this text records mad~ complete deliveries throughout I and II smw and probably through the epagomenal days and II there 3bt The verso may refer more explicitly to pottery deliveries with the final line recording IV coul Jbt 10 deficit of the [potter) However the reading of qd is based on a restoration (Cerny Nb in thi 3561) and the status of this text as a pottery account could be questioned There are more certain Th references to delivery from later in year 29 In I prt 30 the potter made deliveries to Right and perio Left details of the content of delivery are not given (0 Turin 57007 vso 4-5) The strike action ambi began in the village only ten days later on II prt 10136 The only further entry recording a pottery Peet delivery is in P Turin 1961 (Pleyte and Rossi pI 99) possibly from the end of year 29 IV prt 30 outsi notes for Right the potter I Y while the potter l is noted for Left (vso II 5 7)137 There are there no further records of pottery deliveries until year 30 although the consistent deficits incurred by reorg the woodcutters during year 29 and into year 30 are evidence of the impact of the strikes (see for II above p 21)138 authc

Deficits are recorded in an account text for III prt 30 and probably IV prt 10 of year 30 but a Peet delivery oftvo b3kw was promptly made to remedy this deficit (0 DeM 165 rto 1-2) O DeM ~Aha 154 rto 15-16 of year 31 records the delivery of two b3kw on II smw 29 probably overdue entric payments for days 10 and 20 A number of fbw vessels are also specified I interpret these as and perhaps an early payment for II smw 30 although they may relate to the two b3kw A deficit of 65 speci is noted Complete deliveries are made in IV lJl but since they are noted specifically they may perha have been considered late one b3kw being entered on day 13 for day 10 and one being entered Th for Right only on day 21 (0 DeM 157 8-9 17) From then into the reign of Ramesses IV the may potters made deliveries late or were making good deficits In II smw 7 of year 32 the debt was diffic paid for I smw 30 and at the same time the b3kw was delivered three days early for II smw 10 (0 or the

19thDeM 38 7 17 23) No sooner had these deliveries been made then the potter was in debt again I for the rest of the month Disruptions to pottery and fuel deliveries (see above p 21) throughout wide] year 30 and into year 31 are symptoms of continued labour problems within the village or of subst general administrative problems in the Theban area 139

mont side I

136 RAD 49 15 P J Frandsen Editing reality the Turin Strike Papyrus in Studies in Egyptology presented to Miriam Lichtheim ed S Israelit-Groll (Jerusalem 1990) 166-99 Risbo 137 Janssen considers that the documentation of half units may point to a scarcity of materials Commodity availa Prices 488 A reference to a half unit may also be found in an anonymous papyrus fragment in Turin 140 Fo (Cerny MSS 3616) which records the potter 2h this probably means 2h bJkw 141 Fo 138 Janssen The Year ofthe Strikes 46-8 BerIir B9 Disruptions in local administration may have directly impacted pottery production if as Colin Hope bkw suggests the state provided clay to these workshops Egyptian Pottery Shire Egyptology 5 (princes been ~

8 that ce his yand It text smw

s of ternal tween fiable Irmal 8 O in O

aboUT in the ~cords

md II ~ IV YNb ertain It and ~ction ottery Jrt 30 re are ed by (see

but a DeM erdue se as of65 may

tered the twas 0(0 19ain ~hout or of

~logy

ity

ffope inces

DOCUMENTlIG SUPPLY 53

O DeM 40 rto 15 from I gUt of year 1 of Ramesses IV records that the potter delivered three bgkw on day 24 probably overdue deliveries for days 10 and 20 (the deficits are not noted) and for the epagomenal days for which the deficit was entered in a note in a separate column on the far left A deficit is also recorded for day 30 (vso 9) From this point on the deliveries tend to be complete although often a few days late140 There are still occasional deficits but the deliveries appear to have been generally more regular than in the final years of Ramesses IILI41 The increasing irregularity of delivery is probably a symptom of the general decay of the administration of the Necropolis at the end of a long reign The more regular deliveries beginning in the first year of Ramesses IV perhaps correspond with a renewed interest in the Necropolis on the part of the successor king who was eager to get work on his tomb underway

These documents provide the only opportunity to trace a pattern of deficit in pottery deliveries against well documented changes and problems in the administration of the village They show that such an equation between the two is possible this may have implications for the more incomplete records of the end of the dynasty It is difficult to determine from the papyrus texts whether deliveries continued on a regular basis in the closing years of the 20th Dynasty or were made in large consignments more infrequently as the surviving evidence seems to suggest Since there were significant civil disturbances in the Theban area throughout this period deliveries could have been affected to the point that they became more unusual events and warranted entry in the journals

The Turin Necropolis journal for year 17 of Ramesses IX provides the best example from this period From II prl on the text includes entries concerning the smdt in general from the ambiguous entry taking the smdt of the Tomb of Left by the scribe of the Tomb Hori (Botti and Peet pI 14 rto B I 8) to the entries a few lines later crew not working while the smdt were outside under the authority (rJ(wyraquo of the two scribes of the Necropolis [ ] crew not working there being no smdt outside (rto B I 12) These entries seem to indicate that there was some reorganization of or problem with the smdt although a record of a wood delivery was entered for II prl 15 The entry for II prt 18 records crew not working while their smdt were under the authority of the two scribes of the Tomb of the Outside without any payments (1) (Botti and Peet pI 15 rto B I 18) On II prt 24 a delivery of fish was made and on day 25 the potter rAhawy delivered a number of vessels (Botti and Peet pI 16 rto B II 1-3) Although these entries are difficult to interpret it seems that the crew was facing both deficits in grain delivery and problems with the smdt In this context the delivery of pottery can perhaps be seen as a special occurrence no text from the end of the 20 th Dynasty explicitly records a potters deficit perhaps indicating that there was no longer an expected pattern to delivery

The interpretations presented here are speculative moreover other factors that left no trace may have had an impact on production The deficits entered for year 25 of Ramesses III are difficult to explain except in terms of unknowable production problems specific to the workshops or the personal circumstances of the potters as are the causes for the deficits recorded in the early 19th Dynasty Such deficits cannot be equated with any known problems in the village or the wider Theban area The accounts of the potters Menna and N akhy in the early 19th Dynasty record substantial deficits especially those incurred by Menna in a year 9 where he is in deficit for five months totalling 53 qbw vessels and 575 fbw vessels Further deficit totals perhaps for the other side of the crew are even larger 94 qbw vessels and 992 lbw vessels (0 Berlin P 10840) The

Risborough 1987) 10 This argument may apply only to high quality ceramics considering the ready availability ofNile silt for the production of most basic vessels 140 For example O DeM 47 rto 3 11 vso 4 141 For example the following texts record deficits in year 1 = I prt 30 (0 DeM 47 rto 11) III prt 30 (0 Berlin P 12641 + 12628 7) II smw 20(7) (0 DeM 161 vso 3) O DeM 44 rto 20 records a delivery of 1y bklv for III smw 29 Janssen considers that since no delivery was recorded for day 20 materials may have been scarce at this time Commodity Prices 488

--54 POTTERS

patterns of deficit incurred by the potters that can be traced in the texts cannot generally be Ana correlated with external administrative problems and decay rese

proc sect4 Equations of word and object an analysis offour pot-types A notable feature of the potter texts from Deir el-Medina is the substantial number of vessels 41 delivered to the village every ten days Although the exact number due in each bkw varied the I ha totals of some deliveries indicate that there was a significant and constant need for ceramics in the thrOl community In the lives of the villagers this pottery was essential It was the principal means to mult store prepare and serve food and to carry out many other activities within the domestic and work refer spheres Janssen observes in Commodity Prices that we have virtually no cvidence for the enun exchange value of ceramics beeause price texts generally refer only to metal or stone vessels 142

used Vessels used for a wide variety of domestic purposes would have had a low value and high class turnover millions of pot sherds were found within the rubbish dumps of the village including the offo Grands PuitS 143 Since their role was so essential it is desirable to learn about the various forms of In thl the vessels - their sizes and range of functions - in order to advance our understanding of the lJl villagers daily lives possi

Holthoerl44 noted that most Mesopotamian names of vessels relate directly to their material their function or their capacity but concluded that the Egyptians derived their vessel names from something other than vessel function This conclusion was largely based on the 1935 lexicographic analysis of Egyptian vessels by Robert du Mesnil du Buisson whose study is the only one that covers a wide range of ceramics including some of the vessel names that occur in the Deir el-Medina potter texts He considered that the qbw vessel was connected to qb fresh cool an appropriate concept for a jar145 He equated the gy vessel with the verb gw to be narrow perhaps suggesting a jar with a narrow neck 146

Edward Brovarski has done preliminary work on some Old Kingdom and First Intermediate Period vessel terms147 and Patricia Paice has studies connections between vessel shapes and their functions as depicted in tomb reliefs 148 The most valuable recent examination of the intersection of lexicography and a ceramic corpus is that of Janet Bourriau and Stephen Quirke on the Middle Kingdom ceramic repertoire from Lahun l49

An approach comparable to that taken at Lahun would be ideal for the material from Deir elshy Fig 1 Medina but a full statistical analysis of the archaeological material in relation to the textual data Urk r that is a prerequisite for determining lexicographic relations is beyond the scope of this study

The VI

Jb-nraquo142 407_8 and n 5 lS enu 143 ibid 488

vessel 144 New Kingdom Pharaonic Sites The Pottery 41 see J Bourriau and S Quirke The Late Middle

terminKingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects in Lahun studies ed S Quirke (Reigate 1998) 60shydeterm1 for a more recent discussion of the basis of classifications

145 Les noms et signes egyptiens designant des vases ou objets simiaires (Paris 1935)30 l46 Noms et signes 72 Janssen Commodity Prices 427 considers that du Mesnil du Buissons suggestions 150 FoUl

and explanations for the gly are unconvincing and concludes that no identification of the gly is apparant P Turi Ricardo A Caminos considered it to be an open bowl or cup since it was used more as a container for Howevl

ISl Jansvegetables and flowers than liquids (CLEM 194-5) corresponding to the use of gy vessels for natron 152 Thelotus leaves and fruit in the Medinet Habu festival lists A Spalinger Medinet Habu and Deir el-Yledina IS3 TheCombined in Deir el-Medina in the Third Millennium AD A Tribute to Jac J Janssen eds R 1 Demaree

and A Egberts Egyptologische Uitgaven 14 (Leiden 2000) 314 Although the shape of the gl) remains these m unknown Janssen has determined a capacity of 20 hin Two Ancient Egyptian Ships Logs Papyrus Leiden detenni 1350 verso and Papyrus Turin 2008 + 2016 (Leiden 1961)88 vessel l47 Lexicographical Studies in Egyptian Pottery Bulletin de Liaison du Groupe International dEtude de determi fa Ceramique Egyptienne 7 (1982) 36-7 154 P GJ 14S The Pottery of Daily Life in Ancient Egypt JSSEA 19 (1989) 50-88 bibliogr 149 The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects 60-83 IS5 Com

lly be

essels d the in the ansto lwork Dr the oels142

1 high ngthe rmsof of the

lterial s from

1935 is the

cur in fresh to be

lediate i their ection fiddle

eir elshyt data study

v1iddle 8) 60shy

~stions

Jaranl ler for latron -edina maree mains Leiden

~de de

EQUA TJONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 55

Analysis of the occurrence of vessel types in the potter texts can be related to the present stage of research into vessel shape and size to produce some further insights both into the potters products and into the documentation for the supply of particular ceramic types

41 The basic pots qbw and [bw I have shown above that [bw and qbw vessels formed the basis of deliveries to the village

19th 20ththroughout the and Dynasties Therefore it seems likely that they were simple multipurpose vessels distinct from each another in shape andor size There is a standard way of referring to them in the records qbw vessels precede [bw vessels and many fewer are usually enumerated This relationship points to a qualitative differentiation between the two ISO Both are used as containers for liquids such as beer and waterl5l I consider that these two terms designate classes of vessels rather than fixed single shapes their names perhaps referring to a wider range of forms Difference in size may account for the differentation in numbers delivered in the texts In the following discussion I assess the evidence for these two classes of vessels

Jb lbw) vessels are included among the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak indicating a possible shape for the vessel152

tlBoo~WJ~O 01It 0P L II I I

Fig 1 ob-nw-k vessels in the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak (Wreszinski Atlas II pI 33 Urk IV 636)

The vessel shown is distinctive being beaker-like and wider at the base than at the neck JS3 The ub-nw-k vessel here is the equivalent of the u-m-Icw of P Harris I 36a 7 A significant number is enumerated in this text as containers tor incense perhaps indicating a smaller cup-like vessel l54 Janssen has considered that the [x]-n-k termination which is fairly common in vessel terminology indicates that the vessels were cups the name of the vessel given in the compound determines the shape155 In the inscription of the High Priest Osorkon the Oblb-n-k is written

150 Four texts which enumerate qbw and fbw vessels show a ratio of 15 O Or Inst Chicago 16698 rto 3 P Turin 2070133 134 + frgs rto 10-11 Giornale of year 17 rto B II 1-3 P Turin 1898 rto III 14 However since these are isolated examples it is uncertain how widely applicable such a ratio was 151 Janssen Commodity Prices 433 Valbelle Ouvriers 265 152 The equivalence between the lb andlbw is confirmed in CLEM 186-7 153 The determinative given for a qby vessel in the offering list ofThutmose III at Elcphantine indicates that these may have been quite close in shape to the IJb-nw-h of the Karnak list The simple elongated beaker determinative is quite distinct from the determinatives given for the other vases in the list including the Ub vessel which is shon with a definite neck (Urk IV 828 4) However the occurrence of different determinatives within a single text does not offer a basis for a classification of vessel forms 154 P Grandet Le Papyrus Harris I (EM 9999) BdE 109 (Cairo 1994) I 272 see vol IT 141 n 576 for a bibliography for lbw l55 Commodity Prices 409

I

56 POTTERS

with a goblet detenninative ls6 The vessels recorded in these texts may be smaller cup versions of thai larger Ibw jars with the wide mouth and lack of defined neck perhaps pointing to a vessel associated with food preparation and service 157 The delivery list O DeM 288 records fb-nw-kJ

cor 1

vessels perhaps as a fuller writing of bw or as a distinct fonn vithin the Ibw class Vessels ves categorized as Ibw may have had a generalized function as cups or containers for both liquid and con solid foods A comparison can be made with the ~nw vessels which are recorded in significant 4W numbers in the papyrus documents from Lahun and are equated by Bourriau and Quirke with the 346 drinking cups known from the site the only vessel fonn which they consider could have been used in such numbers 158 The bkw of the Deir el-Medina potters show that Ibw vessels too were

lbw 50

delivered in large quantities the The lower numbers of qbw vessels in the deliveries may be related to their larger size In Poids o

No 5135 3 the weight of a metal qbw vessel is stated to be 20 deben or 18 kg Valbelle betv concludes from this that the qbw was significantly larger than the Ibw 159 That qbw designates a POttl simple storage jar may be indicated by the name itself If the connection suggested by du Mesnil two du Buisson between qbw vessels and qb cool can be accepted it may suggest that qbw vessels were storage jars perhaps for water and other liquids The connection may also suggest the

sigh one

material of manufacture qbw vessels could have been made from marl clay which cools water Helc through evaporation

As storage jars qbw vessels may have been connected in shape or broad function with the qbwshyIf a have

n-wt canopic jar The coincidence of the name suggests some correspondence The simple canopic jar fonns given by Georges Nagel for Tomb 359 seem similar in shape to vessels found in the cellar of a house in the village160 However Nagels sample is so small that any identification is tentative Janssen cautions that the standard shape of a canopic jar was rarely used as the fonn of bronze or pottery vessels 161 This may be a principle of decorum vessels with a funerary purpose not being equated in fonn with ordinary domestic ceramics The connection between qbw and qbw-n-wt may be simply that they were both in one fonn or another storage jars

Although the qbw may have been proportionally larger than the lbw it is very unlikely that

capa temp capa appn meas

Cc vso cannc into i

either fonn had a fixed capacity at Deir el-Medina W W Struve [V V Struve] offered the only attempt to determine the capacity of the qbw (or qby) vessel based largely on Greek evidence and his research on P Boulaq 18162 Wolfgang HeIcks review of this evidence led him to conclude

dOCUJ

repre betw( vesse restril than 1

156 R A Caminos The Chronicle ofPrince Osorkon Analecta Orientalia 37 (Rome 1958) 129 157 p Cairo 58088 indicates that bw could have had a large size in this case accommodating 3 ds measures See also Janssen Commodity Prices 433 n 170 C Daniel Les noms egyptiens de certains types de vases

proba fixed

In

grecs Studia et Acta Orientalia 5-6 (1967) 383-5 equates the lIb vessel with the Greek 10 olt7tW and the vesse

Mycenaean di-pa He notes that the di-pa depicted on a tablet corresponds in shape with the form of the fib indicated by the determinative used for the word The depictions of the di-pa that Daniel cites are not 163 DG

comparable in form with the Ibw depicted in the Karnak offering list D H F Gray Linear Band evidee Archaeology Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies of the UniverSity of London 6 (1959) pI 7 I andDI would argue that the form of the lbw was very flexible 164 It 1

158 Bourriau and Quirke The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects 74 some 159 Catalogues des poids a inscriptions hieratiques de Deir el-Medineh Nos 5001-5423 DFIFAO 16 165 Da~

(Cairo 1973) 18 166 FOI 160 La ceramique du Nouvel Empire aDeir el Medineh DFIFAO 10 (Cairo 1938)35 cf 122 no 38 42 SpaHn 44 167 Da 161 Commodity Prices 412 sugges 162 Mathematischer Papyrus des staatlichen Museums der SchOnen Kunste in Moskau (Berlin 1930) 55 Ceram withn2 25 1itr

lions of vessel

-nw-k

Vessels llid and ilificant vith the Ie been )0 were

n Poids lalbelle ~ates a Mesnil vessels est the s water

le qbwshysimple

s found lat any rarely vessels s The omlor

~ly that Iteonly lce and melude

~asures

le vases and the the b are not Band pI 7 I

AO 16

3842

gt30) 55

EQliAnONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 57

that the qbw had no fixed capacity Rather it seems that vessels such as the Ibw and qbw could correspond to a range of different ds measures 163

Two texts may point to some perhaps proportional equivalence between qbw vessels and dpr vessels In O DeM 135 the record of the accumulated deficits of two potters includes a conversion from dpr vessels into qbw vessels 9 dpr vessels to (=) qbw vessels making Urn) 4Yz (see section 31) Such a conversion may indicate a size ratio between the vessels O DeM 346 vso 3 records 42 dpr vessels [making Urn)] 22 qbt vessels (see n 89 for the restoration) Ibw vessels may also be equated with dpr vessels in O DeM 202 dpr vessels 30 [as] 15 bw 50 (1 3_4)164 The restoration here is problematic and the hypothesis of any equivalence between the two types must remain tentative

O Berlin P 10654 vso displays a similar complexity in possible equivalences this time between qbw vessels and jnJt vessels This text (discussed in section 33) seems to record the potters production of ceramics on days 10 20 and 30 of II bt and day 10 of IIIilt The final two lines state total 230 of (n) qbw vessels [ ] specifying it (wp st) 23 jnJt vessels At first sight such a text seems to point to a proportional relationship between these vessels a qbw being one tenth of ajnJt Such a ratio is quite possible because jnJt vessels do seem to have been large Heicks calculations from O Gardiner 81 indicate that ajnJt vessel was 2 of a mnt-amphora 165

If a mnt had a liquid capacity of c 20 hin and a hin was 048 litres the capacity of a jnlzt would have been c 53 hin or 2551itres O Berlin P 10654 vso would then show that a qbw vessel had a capacity of c 53 hin or 25 litres whieh is a sensible size for a storage jar 166 Although it is tempting to make such equations from this data this evidence is based on assumptions about the capacity of other vessel types so is tentative HeIck estimated that the ds vessel had a eapacity of approximately 3 litres 167 If so the qbw in P Boulaq 18 would have been double the size ofa ds measure in order to contain the 2 ds (e 6 litres)

Contextual study of the equation between qbw vessels and other types in O Berlin P 10654 vso O DeM 135 and O DeM 346 vso indicates some form of size ratio operated although we cannot easily determine the flexibility of that ratio or how it was used A conversion of one vessel into its equivalent of another type is unusual in a text like O Berlin P 10654 vso which seems to document the actual produetion of vessels even their firing If the last two lines of the text represent the total of ceramics produced in this process then the specification of a relationship between the two vessels types is rather strange Perhaps the original order was for 230 qbw vessels and this was then converted into the equivalent in jn~t vessels Ifjn~t vessels had a more restricted even ritual function the equivalence expressed here may be more abstract or complex than a ratio of capacity The size of vessels delivered may have been standardized to some extent probably based on ease of delivery and manageability within a domestic eontext rather than as fixed measures

In such a context a value relationship might well have operated The jnlzt as a specialized vessel may have had a more established value in relation to which the qbw vessels could be set

163 Das Bier im Alten Agypten (Berlin 1971) 47 See also Anthony Spalingers re-evaluation of the evidence for the capacity of these vessels including discussion of O DeM 135 and 202 Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 314 His conclusions largely correspond with mine 164 It may also be possible to read dpr 30 Urnl 15 lbw 50 which would support the hypothesis of some sort ofequivalence 165 Das Bier 47 16lt5 For a review of evidence concerning the capacity of the mnl including discussion of this text see A Spalinger Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 312-3 167 Das Bier 46 R L Miller (is-vessels Beer Mugs Cirrhosis and Casting Slag GM 115 (1990) 64 suggests that the ds was a drinking vessel perhaps to be equated with depictions given in Nagel Ceramique 199-206 Miller identifies a jar found at Saqqara as a ds vessel noting that it had a capacity of 25 litres roughly corresponding to Heicks estimate

58 POTTERS

In O DeM 135 the scribe may well have calculated the value of the vessels owed down to the half vessel A parallel for this is found in O Turin 57062 vso 4 where 2Yz jnJtt vessels are set

dlagainst five vessel types which precede them (their names are lost) The recording of five vessels compared with half that amount in jnJtt vessels producing the unusual amount of a half vessel tt

2again suggests a value equivalence Since vessels do not appear with fixed values in the price

SJtexts their worth may well have been assessed in relation to other vessel types st b42 A specialized vessel jnJzt DApart from the two vessel types or classes that formed the basis of the deliveries of ceramics to rethe village the potter texts also occasionally enumerate other types jnJtt vessels although well

known from other contexts are rare in the potter texts A few texts that may indicate their ritproduction or delivery by the Deir el-Medina potters illuminate aspects of its function and context

of use The pattern of occurrence of jnJtt vessels indicates a specialized vessel type the shape of which is unknown The jnJtt vessel is most widely documented as a storage container for beer and as Walter F Reineke notes outside the data from Deir el-Medina it was often made of gold or silver J68 That this vessel could be supplied as part of the ceramic requirement of the village seems to be indicated by the delivery lists from the early 19th Dynasty (Category E) Some of these lists record jnJzt vessels although they are not always indisputably connected with the smdt potters

In the Category E delivery lists of wood and ceramics jnJtt vessels occur four times their total Ccamount being low in comparison with the other vessels enumerated in these texts In O DeM 1 6 una total of 7 jnlu vessels are delivered 5 of good quality 2 of poor In O DeM 17 4 only 3 jnJzt aUvessels were delivered (2 good 1 poor) in comparison with 290 lbw recorded in the previous intline and in O DeM 15 3 7 jn~lt vessels were delivered as against 295 Ibw vessels 16 jnJzt povessels are documented in O DeM 23 5 (the text is broken and the reading at the end of the line

uncertain)169 bei ve~Only two texts explicitly includejnJtt vessels in pottery deliveries 0 Qurna 6181 records two

jnJtt vessels among the deficit of 55 qbw and 265 Ibw vessels incurred by the potter Menna O IJry Michaelides 33 rto 3-6 J70 This text records for III Jot 30 matching deliveries from a potter to vex

Right and Left among other deliveries of wood and gypsum the potter 1 jnlp vessels 20 (pJ qd 1 jnJzt 20)171 The stroke read as one after the title p qd could refer to the bkw of the potter not

with jnJtt vessels being an addition to the quota delivered 172 jnJtt vessels were therefore a wit gocomponent of the potters repertoire and this fact may complicate the interpretation of other texts

where they occur173 More generally jnJzt vessels are recorded as being delivered filled with beer I thisand thus are probably not associated with ceramic delivery

174 (

Me(J68 Der Zusammenhang der altagyptischen Hohl- und UingenmaBe MID 9 (1963) 146 175( 169 Kitchen restores 16jnli vessels [by the hand of A]meneminet (KRII 367 8 a-b) but there does not 176 1appear to be space for this formula in the break The rest of this text is similar to the other wood and pottery

177pounddelivery lists See the discussion of parallel texts in section 23 170 Goedicke-Wente pJ 67 However I follow CernYs transcription of the text here (Nb 10830)

178 1

Cau171 Contra Goedicke and Wente who restore IT1l ] on line 3 On line 7 Goedicke and Wente read 27 jnlt 197vessels instead of 20 vessels and the restoration for the [plasterer] (Pi q() given by Cerny 179 1

172 Alternatively it could refer to a single potter although this would be unusual in this context (see section Rek21) Compare the reading of this text with that discussed for O DeM 154 rto 15-6 in section 34 Egy

173 Other entries for this day include specialty breads and ds measures of beer (117-8) while the folloVing somentry for IV Jt 1 records a festival of Hathor (1 9) Although an association with a festival context is Dietpossible the delivery of jnlts as discussed by Spahnger is recorded separately from the breads and ds inameasures and is included among more standard delveries Medinet Habu and Dei elmiddotMedina Combined note310-311 Earl

l to the are set vessels vessel e price

mics to ~h well e their ~ontext

mpe of Ir beer of gold village ome of le smdt

ir total M 16 r 3jn~f

revious 16 jn~t he line

ds two mao O )tter to (pJ qd potter fore a r texts th beer

oes not pottery

27 jn~t

section

llowing rrtext is and ds

lbined

EQUATIONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 59

jn~t vessels of beer occur consistently in a series of six Category E ostraca that seem to document the delivery of commodities associated with festival or temple offerings174 Four of these texts state that the commodities were delivered by an individual in O DeM 20 and O DeM 25 the deliveries are made by a local priest Each of these six texts lists items that include speciality foodstuffs and jn~t vessels of beer rather than the fuel and plain unfilled pottery of standard deliveries II smw 12 by the hand of the local priest (w(b Sf) 175 60 large j nJzt vessels of beer entered 56 deficit 4 120 (bundles of) vegetables ISO s(t cakes and 100 rJzs cakes (0 DeM 20) The only exception in this group is O DeM 26 where 30 large jn~1f vessels are recorded 27 are entered (jw) and there is a deficit on No beer is recorded with these vessels

The recto of O DeM 29 may confirm that lists containing such products are associated with rituals or festivals rather than deliveries of materials to the village 176

total of various (sbn)jnl)tvessels of beer 653 [+x] the record of the [ ] which were given as offerings (snw) [] good bread loaves of [ ] s(t cake [x oipeJ rJzs cakes [ J jnJzt vessels of beer [ J beer [ ]

Connections of this vessel type with the temple or festival sphere nmy explain features of the unique and difficult distribution text O BM 50728 discussed in section 23 The text records the allocation ofjnJzt vessels to individual crew members The 10 + 5 jnJzt vessels seem to be grouped into four different categories perhaps accordin~ to quality of the vessel or its contents and possibly its shape or finish 177 5 doubly good (~reg) jnJzt vessels in the fashion of hbny [vessels] being returned (m hyt) 2 for Baky I for Huy 1 (for) (Omek 1 for Qaha totalS (11 5-6) Six vessels given to individuals in line 7 one for each nmn are stated to be middling good (11fr mshyhry-jb) and line 10 enumerates two vessels that also have a designation perhaps reading not (J I~~ 3)very poor _ 1

If the jnJzt vessels were more specialized beer vessels used in festival or ritual contexts then the note of quality either of contents or of the vessel itself would have been important This concern with quality can also be seen in the delivery lists where the jnJzt vessels are described as either good or poor 178

Particularly difficult to understand in this context are the writings of hbny perhaps referring to this well-known amphora-shaped vessel I19 The five doubly goodjnl)t vessels are designated in

174 O DeM 19 20 21 25 26 27 For further discussion of these texts see Spalinger Deir e1middotMedina and Medinet Habu Combined 311

(1 0

175 l=n (1 1) For another writing of this title see O DeM 25 2 176 The verso of this text records only nswt bjty mnmiddotmrtmiddotrr 177 For the use of red ink in this text see p 19 n 75 above

178 O DeM 1 6 174 For discussion of the meaning of snn 1~ in these contexts see D Valbelle Catalogue des poids ainscriptions hieratiques de Deir eAmiddotfedineh Nos 500l-5423 DFIFAO 16 (Cairo 1977)23 179 Wh II 487 There are depictions of the hbnylhbnt vessel in Urk IV 11308 11352 and in the tomb of Rekhmire N de G Davies The Tomb of Rekh-mi-r~ at Thebes The Metropolitan Museum of Art Egyptian Expedition 11 (New York 1943) I pIs 33 34 In these examples it is shaped as an amphora sometimes without handles and often contains honey E A W Budge An Egyptian Hieroglyphic Dictionary (London 1920)446 gave the capacity of a hbnt ndst as one quarter of a hin F G Hilton-Price in an earlier publication Notes on Some Egyptian Antiquities in My Collection TSBA 9 (1886) 353 noted the same capacity for this vessel Here see also T G H James The Heqanakhte Papers and Other Early Middle Kingdom Documents (New York 1962) 118

60 POTTERS

the fashion of hbny vessels (~[]~IlJ1J 0) (vso 5) This seems to express an equivalence between the two vessel types perhaps representing an addition or finish to the jn~lt vessel that increased its value Du Mesnil du Buisson speculated in his discussion of the hhnl vessel that the word related to hbny ebony t ruJ-Oi) and indicated a blackened colour or lustre to the vesseL I80 hbny also occurs as an annotation above the entries of jnit vessels for particular workmen in lines 8-12 of the recto The entry on line 13 (hhny n [ ]) may indicate that hhny vessels themselves were also delivered to the workmen named in the following lines So far as I know hbny vessels do not occur in other Deir el-Medina textsl8J These notations may also refer to some sort of finishing to the j nit vesseL

The inclusion of more unusual designations for the vessels certainly points to the exceptional nature ofthe delivery in O BM 50728 as does the entry of an amount ((i(w) of bJq oil (8) in line lOon the verso after the specification of 10 further jnlJl vessels for particular workmen (pJ WpWl

n plIO n jnlJt n tJ jst) Janssen observes that this oil was rarely used by the workmen as it was too expensive 182 It is possible that the text refers to the delivery of jnit vessels of bJq oil the references to quality therefore referring to the quality of oil rather than the vessel itself The designation hbny may be associated with this as welL

Complicating this analysis is the proposed large size of jnit vessels (discussed in section 41) which may account to some extent for its more restricted function within the vessel repertoire jnlJt vessels occur only rarely in the Medinet Habu festival calendar indicating that even within the temple their use was specialized ls3 The ealculation of the equivalence in contents of the vessels in O Gardiner 81 indicates that we are dealing with a set capacity for these vessel types in this text 184 If the capacity of a jnit was 53 hin or 255 Htres this would equate to a significant quantity ofbJq oil per person 185

O BM 50728 remains a puzzle Despite thc difficulties in interpretation it seems most likely that it records allocation of vessels possibly filled with oil or beer for festival or cultic purposes The careful documentation of such a distribution may also indicate that the vessels were not to be kept by the men perhaps only being used by them for the event and then returned to the temple A large size may serve to explain their more limited and specialized oecurrence in the data perhaps restricted to the religious sphere rather than playing a role in the domestic life of the villagers

In this instance contextual analysis of texts that seem to relate to ceramic deliveries can alter our understanding of these texts and illuminate the role and function of a vessel type in the community For vessels that were delivered more commonly we can observe the potential for flexibility in the classification systems these would repay further detailed study sectS Conclusion Analysis of the texts concerning pottery delivery leaves a number of questions unanswered and areas unexplored the limited number of sources available and problems inherent in them restrict their potential for interpretation However some insights into the organization and administrative structures of Deir el-Medina are fortheoming from the material Within the meticulous record keeping of the village the key theme seems to be flexibility This flexibility is apparent in the

180 Noms et signes 28 181 Janssen did not include them in his chapter on Vessels in Commodity Prices None of the references for the entry in the Wb II 487 has a Deir e1-Medina provenance 182 Commodity Prices 330 183 On the occurrence of the jnltt in the Medinet Hahn festival lists see A Spalinger Medinet Habn and Deir ei-Medina Combined 311-2 ]84 Heick Das Bier 46 185 Even if the mnt was only 10 hin a jnltt would still be of a substantial size c 11-12 iitres Janssen Commodity Prices 434

N

CONCLUSION 61

number of potters assigned to the crew the size and content of the quota required every 10 days and the timing of deliveries The final section of my study also points to the potential flexibility of form size and function of the pots themselves

Although we can find implications in the potter texts for features of society beyond the village itself such as the specifie interpretation of bkw or the occurrence of vessels in royal festival calendars it must be borne in mind that the real value of the Deir el-Medina material lies in its potential to illuminate the lives of ordinary people in Ramessid Egypt For that purpose we need to attend most closely to the village context

Appendix The potters of Deir el-Medina Names of potters in documents relating to the delivery of ceramics

I

Names of potters in documents concerning matters other than the supply of ceramics

I 1 (Omek i Turin Strike Papyrus RAD 476 I

2 Khonsu bull O Turin 57192 1

3 Herunefer bull O DeM 73 rto 2

4 Paaeminet I O Berlin P 12343 vso 3

5 Bakenmut P Turin 2018 A rto la 5 rto IV 17 vso I 6 B rto II 4 D I rto 14 P BM 10068 vso V l3

6 Wenennefer P BM 10068 vso V 14

alence el that 1at the to the ticular thbny ar as I ) refer

ltional in line middotwpwt it was til the f The

1 41) rtoire within of the pes in ificant

likely poses tto be ~mple data of the

1 alter in the ial for

d and estrict rative ecord in the

rences

)U and

nssen

1 I Menna O IFAO 387 1 O Qurna 618i1 O DeM 91 1 O Berlin P 10840 vso 1

2 bull Nakhy I

O IFAO 3874 O DeM 914

3 I Ptahemheb O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O DeM 343 2 P Greg vso B 8 rto A11

4 Parahotep O DeM 868

5 Hori O DeM 868 O DeM 869

6 Herunefer O Cairo 25597 rto 3

7 Neferher O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O Cairo 25633 vso 2

8 Amennakht O DeM 44 rto 8

9 Dmek P Turin 2081+2095 rto 1

10 ltAhawy P Turin 1881 vso V 1 VI 7 VII 1 () Giornale of year 17 rto B II 2 P Turin 2018 A vso 1 12 B rto II 11 B vso II 17 P BM 10068 vso VI 25 P Turin 2014 rto 27-8 P BM 10054 vso II 9

62 POTTERS

Addendnm

Pierre Grandets Catalogue des ostraca hieratiques non litteraires de Deir el-Medineh IXbecame available just as this chapter went to the press This volume contains a number of important potter texts I have included them in the tables on pages 33-7 and provide a short account of them here

O DeM is the longest and most detailed potter account known to me I will be adressing the issues it raises in a further publication It records deliveries made by the potters Ptahemheb Parahotep Hori and Neferher for the months of I bt to I prt of a year 6 The title p qd occurs only in line I in reference to Ptahemheb but probably also covers the other individuals named Ptahemheb and Neferher are known from other potter accounts discussed in this chapter O DeM 869 also published by Grandet and dated to a year 6 records deliveries made by Hori of qbw and lbw vessels to Right Both Hori and Parahotep are not otherwise attested in the potter texts In O DeM 868 details of delivery are grouped according to individual potters In line 13 Neferher delivers vessels to Left (t rj smM this is the only statement concerning Right or Left in this text That four potters deliver during the same general period emphasizes the potential number of potters involved in delivery which is not generally apparent in many of the potter texts Ptahemheb and Neferher make deliveries on different days in IV bt The vessel numbers vary except for those delivered as the making good of deficits by Ptahemheb which are consistent sums (II 3-4) The vessels delivered include qbw and Ibw vessels as well as gy andjnlt this text therefore provides further evidence thatjnJtt vessels were part of the potters repertoire

Grandet follows Gutgesell in assigning a date in the mid-20th Dynasty to O DeM 868 and 869 19thMy assignment of a late Dynasty date to the other account ostraca of Ptahemheb and

Neferher (0 Cairo 25591 O Cairo 25633 and O DeM 343) is based on the record of Ptahemhebs deliveries in P Greg firmly dated by Janssen to the reign of Siptah186 Gutgesell places Ptahemheb in the 20th Dynasty on the basis of the occurrence of this name in P Turin 2006+ 1961 usually dated to year 29 of Ramesses 111 [87 The Ptahemheb in this text is not a potter and so is a different individual I propose that the late 19th Dynasty date of the other documents should therefore be retained and should also be adopted for O DeM 868 and 869

Further texts relevant to potters in Grandets volume include O DeM 877 in which a list of arrears in water supplies are measured in jnlt vessels O DeM 871-3 are sherds bearing the phrase mJ qd Grandet considers these phrases along with the phrase ml m-rJrt p-Jtm-nlr complete by the hand ofPahemnetjerthe priest on O DeM 870 as delivery marks inscribed on the pots themselves18S

186 Janssen Village Varia 115-6 187 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 252 309-12 188 Catalogue des ostraca IX 49-50

UNT

Marel

sectl Eil Die A Papyr Einwc zusHin Verw Angell besch~

Bei suchur wichtil Andre Vortei Juni 2( nicht-li recherc

Beirr allgem

bull Der MaXI

mieh Aufn Doni Sieh~

J Ja grap dazu

2 Sieht tause Peri Gutg Teil1 el ME Held Janss Histo

6 MeD Valb

g Venn Witnl II Ta

10 Ein P II Gutg 12 Allan 13 Held

Page 10: Woodcutters, Potters and Doorkeepers Service Personnel of the Deir El Medina Workmen

g Die

THE ORGANIZATION OF WORK AND DELIVERY 37

P Turin 1898+ yr 3 Ramesses X

P Turin 1888 yr 1 Ramesses XI

i yrs 8-10 Ramesses XI

bull Anonymous Turin fragment

(Cerny MSS 3616)

Group VII

O Gardiner 88 (HO 5511)

O DeM703

O DeM337

bull O IFAO 245 (unpub)

I OlFAO 351

O CaIro 25245

i O DeM 871-3

D i

D

G44

D

G

D

i G

sect2 The organization of work and delivery 21 The evidence for workshops Account texts in particular provide important clues for understanding aspects of the organization of the potters work including the number of potters delivering at anyone time supervision of the deliveries and distribution of the vessels to the workmen However since the scribes were interested primarily in documenting the receipt or deficit of the pottery such information is largely based on inference Although it is possible to identify stages within the delivery process through the documentation evidence for the organization of the pottery workshops themselves is virtually non-existent45 Hypotheses about the workshops can be made from limited archaeological data and by analogy with the evidence for the pottery industries at el-Amarna and ethnoarchaeological research

The written sources are almost devoid of information concerning the location of the workshops of the potters of Deir el-Medina and the archaeological evidence is ambiguous Bernard Bruyere

18 uJidentified what he considered wasters from a potters workshop on the exterior of the Dynasty village at the base of the wall of Thutmose I beneath the 19th Dynasty house SE 1 He therefore assumed that most pottery production occurred within the village itself46 Nicholson notes that most of the private home complexes at el-Amarna had pottery kilns implying domestic

44 The dating of this text is very uncertain but Gutgesell considers it to be from the reign of Ramesses II or the late 19th Dynasty Die Datierung Die Ostraka der 19 Dynastie lOS n 95 45 One text may refer to the work of the potter in making vessels The verso of O Berlin P 10654 (unpubl) records the potter fashioning (qd) vessels on days 1020 and 30 of II 1bt and day 10 of III 1bt It may be that these dates are the days on which the shaping or firing of the ceramics occurred The recording of single days favours the interpretation that the text records firing events However little else about the potters work can be inferred from this text A translation ofthis text is provided in section 33 in another context 46 Rapport sur les fouilles de Deir el Medineh (1934-1935) Troisieme Partie Le village les dfJcharges publiques fa station de repos du col de la Valtee des Rots IFAO (Cairo 1939) 264 341

--

38 POTTERS

production of some simple forms alongside those produced in the kilns of the state-controlled the workshops47 There is no further evidence for such a practice at Deir el-Medina Dominique con Valbelle also assumed that the potters worked close to the village48 but there is no archaeological evidence for workshops in the vicinity 22

Rostislav Holthoers survey of New Kingdom kiln sites does not include any at Deir elshy Thn Medina However he did record a kiln associated with a 19th to 2200 Dynasty habitation to the left time of the road between Deir el-Medina and Medinet Habu This kiln is small being only 11Ocm wide invc and 70cm high and may be considered too small for the considerable production levels of the orga Deir el-Medina potters49 Nicholson has also noted that the kilns identified by Holthoer at elshy char Amarna were in fact ovens associated with different industries5o This casts some doubt over text~

Holthoers identifications It is also uncertain how far el-Amarna is comparable to Deir elshy IS plt Medina expl

Some textual evidence may indicate that the workshops were located some distance from the S( village The service staff of Deir el-Medina was generally regarded as of the outside their (unp deliveries perhaps made to the gatehouse of the necropolis p lJtm n p lJr from a location DeM external to the village itself although this is nowhere stated in a text concerning pottery but t delivery51 A workshop location on the floodplain also seems appropriate in view of the ostra quantities of water required by potteries The town register on the verso ofP BM 10068 dated to the d year 12 probably of Ramesses XI seems to support such a location52 Three potters are included Ar in the list of houses centred on Medinet Habu two of these rAhawy and Bakenmut are known sumn from contemporaneous journal papyri The potter r Ahawy of the tomb is also included among Pash( those receiving grain who belong to every house [within] the enclosure wall of the temple of Ipuy Usermaatre meriamun These houses are not necessarily to be equated with their workshops relatilt

Potteries are generally regarded as unpleasant and anti-social operations requiring their on th location on the outskirts of settlements53 Such an assumption may sometimes be based on actior imposition of modern concepts of pollution Although the pottery workshop at el-Amarna was on delivf the outskirts of the main city area54 there is ethnographic evidence for pottery workshops sited crew within residential areas55 Be that as it may the location of the pottery workshops which supplied Lefts

whetl1 defici work

47 The Firing of Pottery in An Introduction to Ancient Egyptian Pottery eds D Arnold and 1 Bourriau seem (Mainz 1993) 113 Nicholson The Pottery Workshop at Q 484 at Tell e1-Amarna 67 The S1 48 Ouvriers 265

exam~ 49 New Kingdom Pharaonic Sites The Pottery ed T Siive-Soderbergh vol 51 The Scandanavian joint

twomexpedition to sudanese Nubia (Copenhagen Oslo Stockholm 1977)22

as one 50 The Firing of Pottery 112 Evidence of pottery kilns was also found behind the mortuary temple of

side OJAmenhotep son of Hapu A Varille and C Robichon Quatre nouveaux temples Thebains CdE 10 (1935) L It has been suggested that these kilns were a component of the industrial area which operated put the on behalf of the mortuary temples 1 D Bourriau P T Nicholson and P 1 Rose Pottery in Ancient The Egyptian Materials and Technology eds P T Nicholson and I Shaw (Cambridge 2000) 139-40 found 5l See for example Giornale of year 17 of Ramesses IX (Botti and Peet pI 14) rto B I 11middot12 with 1 seem t Cemy A Community of Workmen at Thebes in the Ramesside period BdE 50 (Cairo 1973) 184-5 but see 25591 now Janssen section 8 For discussion of the role of the p IJtm n p IJr see for example R Ventura On (the) p the Location of the Administrative Outpost of the Conununity of Workmen in Western Thebes JEA 73 (1987) 149middot60 52 J J Janssen A New Kingdom Settlement The Verso of Pap BM 10068 AOF 19 (1992) 8-23 56AL 53 PT Nicholson and H L Patterson Pottery Making in Upper Egypt An Ethnoarchaeological Study Worksh World Archaeology 17 (1985) 226 For a negative description of the potters trade in a literary text 1983) transmitted within Deir el-Medina see W Heick Die Lehre des Dw-M KAT (Wiesbaden 1970)53-58 57 This sect IX of this t 54 The pottery workshop at Q 484 at Tell el-Amarna 61 58 Hene 55 Nessim Henry Henein Poterie et potiers d Al-Qasr oasis de Dakhla BdE 116 (Cairo 1997) 124Fo

trolled Imque ogical

eir elshyhe left tlwide of the at el-

It over eir e1shy

)m the their tcation )ottery of the ated to eluded known among Iple of IpS ~ their jed on vas on s sited pplied

ourriau

iI1 joint

3ple of dE 10 )erated Indent

with J but see ra On rEA 73

Study ry text 53-58

THE ORGANIZATION OF WORK AND DELIVERY 39

the village and their internal organization remains a mystery Only when the potters come into contact with the village through delivery do they become more visible in the record

22 How many potters Throughout the 19th and 20th Dynasties the numbers of potters delivering to the village at anyone time seems to have remained largely stable Potteries are understood to be substantial operations involving probably a master potter and a number of assistants56 Evidence for the wider organization of the workshops on this level as well as any adaptations made in response to changes in the size of the village is not apparent in the data (see above pp 12-15) Where the texts do enumerate numbers of potters we can conclude that two were responsible for delivery it is possible that one potter was assigned to each side of the crew but the texts are not generally explicit concerning this level of the organization

Some evidence for potter numbers is found in the 19th Dynasty account texts O IFAO 387 (unpub) separately records the deficits of two potters that ofMerma preceding that ofNakhy O OeM 91 records a deficit accumulated by Menna in lines 1-3 In line 4 Nakhys name is written but the rest of the line was left blank or erased Cerny noted that three lines on the verso of this ostracon had been erased perhaps indicating that the account was originally intended to record the deliveries of both men57

Another account in this group O Berlin P 10840 is more difficult to interpret The recto summarizes Mennas total deficit for 5 months stating that he is under the authority of the scribe Pashed (r-lJt sf P3-sd) On the verso are three lines of text the first giving the name of a scribe Ipuy Lines 2 and 3 record very high totals of vessels (94 qbw vessels and 992lbw vessels) The relationship between the text on the recto and that on the verso is unclear the numbers of vessels on the verso are almost double the amount of those on the recto Other sources recording the actions of Pashed and Ipuy indicate that they were smdt-scribes responsible for the supervision of deliveries Their separate appearance in this text may indicate that deficits for each side of the crew were enumerated seperately because smdt-scribes seem to have been assigned to Right and Left58 It is not clear whether Menna was responsible to the different sides for both deficits or whether the verso deficits belong to a second potter perhaps Nakhy If the latter is the case the deficits of O DeM 91 and O IF AO 387 may also reflect the division into Right and Left The work organization and administration of the crew was structured by this division so it would seem logical that the work and deliveries of the potters should be organized on this basis as well The situation is often not made explicit and these texts can be interpreted in various ways For example an undated and anonymous account text O OeM 135 records deficit of the potters two men (4t n p3 qd s 2) (1 1) The totals of vessels that follow are not divided into two groups as one might expect It is therefore not clear whether the two men were required to deliver to one side of the crew to the viIIage as a single unit or whether for the sake of expediency the scribe put the totals for each side together

The only clear statements concerning a division of the potters deliveries to Right and Left are found in the account ostraca and the journal papyrus from the late 19th Dynasty These texts also seem to confirm that two potters usually delivered to the village at anyone time In O Cairo 25591 rto 4-5 is recorded receipt of the bkw of (the) potter Ptah[emheb] receipt of the bkw of (the) potter Nefer[her] The text breaks off at the end of these lines so it cannot be ascertained

56 A L Kelley Some Reflections on Pottery and Society in Ancient Egypt in Papers of the Pottery Workshop Third International Congress of Egyptology Toronto Sept 1982 ed A L Kelley (Toronto 1983)30 57 This idea is recorded as a note in Cerny Nb 104l39 No mention of the verso is made in the publication of this text Catalogue des ostraca I pI 54 58 Hence my tentative assignment of this text and O DeM 91 to Category B see also Davies Whos Who 124 For discussion of the role of muil-scribes see section 23 with references

--

v

40 POTTERS

whether these deliveries were made to different sides of the crew The preceding entries concerning units of fuel were separately enumerated for each side Right preceding Left (rto 1-2) tI Perhaps the pottery delivery followed this pattern

Two further texts O Cairo 25633 and O DeM 343 are more explicit O Cairo 25633 vso 1-2 tI records receipt of the bkw of (the) potter Neferher of Left (ssp bkw qd nfr-~r n smM O Il DeM 343 1-2 in contrast records Year 6 I smw 1 receipt by the hand of (the) potter ( Ptahemheb of Right (qd pt~-m-~b n wnmy) Ptahemheb continued to deliver to Right into the B reign of Siptah at the end of the 19th Dynasty as recorded in P Greg rto A 11 potter Ptahemheb f~ of Right to the scribe Pentaweret - 2 bkw59 Other entries in this text (vso B 11-13) also v separately enumerate deliveries of bkw for each side the entry on vso B 8 also recording the Ii name Ptah[ emheb] 60 From these texts we can posit that in the late 19th Dynasty the potters el Ptahemheb and Neferher were probably required to deliver to the right and left sides of the crew re respectively as successors of Menna and Nakhy the only other pair of potters named in the 19tb

Ie Dynasty documentation

In the journal ostraca from the reign of Ramesses II which record deliveries to Right the use of 2~ the singular in the standard entry marking pottery delivery entered by the hand of the potter Uw th m-Ijrt p qd)61 and variants seems to record the activities of only one potter However p qd is a P formulaic way of referring to potters and it is possible that the title may conceal varying numbers th of men pc

The lists of smdt representing Right and Left included on the verso of the Turin Strike Papyrus (RAD 45-7) do not clarify the situation for the mid_20th Dynasty The entry after those who produce pots (nty qd) in the first list (vso 1 19) is lost although there is space for only one name The second list also ineludes only one potter ~Omek (vso 4 11) and the list ends here62 It is possible to interpret these lists as indicating the presence of only one potter for each side of the crew The speech of the door-keeper Khaemwaset entered later in this text where he promises to increase the numbers of potters to 4 men (on) Right and 4 (on) Left total 8 men (vso 2 16) can perhaps be interpreted as pure rhetoric (see above p 13) There is little further evidence for 2 numbers of potters in the journals of year 29 and later but no such increase seems to have As occurred ad

In the papyrus journals from the late 20th Dynasty deliveries of the potters bkw are separately OCI enumerated for each side63 The entries in these texts indicate some variation in numbers of ill potters although we still seem to be dealing with only one or two men In P Turin 2044 vel (unpubl) from year 1 of Ramesses V an entry records Left the two potters [deficit] (sm~ p im qd 2 [4]) (rto I 5) Thus at times two potters may have been expected to deliver to one side

The only potters name recorded in the later papyrus journals is that of ~Ahawy In the Journal De of Year 7 of Ramesses IX (P Turin 1881 Pleyte and Rossi pI 1-8 KRI VI 609-19) pottery SCI deliveries are made by ~Ahawy but there is no indication whether these were made to Right or Ra Left (vso col V 1-3 col VI 7-8) In verso col VII 1-2 the entry for a lost day in III smw the records received by the hand of the potter [ ] Right and Left vessels Ibw-vessels 150 qb(w)shy en1

SCt

Dy 59 Janssen Village Varia 117 Pel 60 ibid 122 61 For this phrase see section 23 62 The potter Omek also occurs in P Turin 2081 +2095 rto 1 (unpubl) from the mid 20th Dynasty The text records a delivery but the details are lost 63 For example P Turin 2070133 134 + 3 frgs rto II 10-11 (KRJ VI 426-8 entered as Cat 2070154) P Turin 1881 (Pleyte and Rossi pI 1-8) vso VII 1-2 P Turin 1900 (KRI VI 619-24) vso II 7 Turin Necropolis Journal Year 3 Ramesses X (P Turin 1898 Botti and Peet pI 50-63 KRIVI 687-99) rto III 9-1013-14 Turin ~ecropolis Journal Year I Ramesses XI (P Turin 1888 Botti and Peet pl 63 KRJVI 850-1) vso dockets A 2-4

mtries 1-2)

101-2 I) O potter Ito the milieb ) also ng the )otters crew le 19th

use of er Uw ldis a rnbers

Strike those lyone

62 Itre of the ises to

~ 16) ce for have

rately ers of 2044

llip3 je

mmal ottery ~ht or smw

b(w)shy

e text

4) P Turin 0 III IVI

INTERPRETING RECEIPT AND DELIVERY 41

vessels 70 It seems likely that (Ahawys name is to be restored here This last entry may indicate that IAha) could be responsible for deliveries to both Right and Left

In P Turin 2018 (KRI VI 851-63) listing payments of grain to the crew and the smdt dating to the end of the 20th Dynasty IAhawy is included in the list of smdt for Left (A vso 1 10-12 B rto II 9-11 B vso II 17) In the list of smdt for Right is recorded the name of the potter Bakenmut (A rto IV 15-17 A vso I 2-6 B rto II 2-4) In one entry in this text he is recorded as potter Bakenmut son of r Ahawy (A rto la 3-5) It is very likely that potting was a skill passed from father to son and here we see a family of craftsmen responsible for delivery of ceramics to the village In contrast with the evidence for the woodcutters (see above p 15) there seems to be little indication of a change in numbers of potters to reflect any decrease in the size of the crew except for the Journal of Year 7 Perhaps IAhawy was assisted in his delivery by his son the responsibility for supply at this time falling to a single family who could be noted in greater or lesser detail in the record64

The potter rAhawy is also entered in a list of potters (m qdw) in P Turin 2014 (UTlpubl) rto 27_865 The text is not dated but his name places it in the late 20th Dynasty As Janssen observes the names of the laundrymen included in the list in this papyrus are different from those listed in P Turin 2018 perhaps indicating some distance in time between the two texts66 The writing of the plural in the title to the list (m qdw) is formulaic and need not indieate that more than one potter is meant

The number of potters delivering to the village at anyone time seems generally to have been stable at two men Some flexibility may be detected in the papyrus documents of the late 20th

Dynasty although the numbers do not seem to vary beyond one or two The potential for flexibility in the numbers of smdt has been noted by Janssen for both the woodcutters and the fishermen (see above p 15) It is possible that the fonnulae used for recording ceramic deliveries in earlier texts may conceal variations in their numbers

23 Interpreting receipt and distribution As Davies has shown in his study of the family histories in the village the smdt were administered by their Oill scribes67 Possibly the earliest explicit attestation of smdt-scribes occurs in a pottery account On the recto of O Berlin P 10840 the potter Menna is said to be under the authority (r-) of the scribe Pashed (I 1) Pashed and the scribe mentioned on the verso of the ostracon (1 1) Ipuy are knovro from other contemporaneous texts to have been involved in smdt-deliveries and the deliveries ofproduce such as dates and loaves to the village68

Scribes also occur with less explicit statements of authority in two other pottery accounts In O OeM 346 quantities of vessels were delivered on II prt 20 and 23 by the hand of (m-4rt) the scribe Amenemope Davies records two smdt-scribes named Amenemope one from the reign of Ramesses II and one from Ramesses IV_V69 I am inclined to assign this text the earlier date on the basis of its similarity to O OeM 623 On the verso of O OeM 623 a number of vessels are entered for I smw 1 On the recto a quantity of wood is entered by the hand Uw m-4rt) of the scribe Pentaweret for the same date Two smdt-scribes named Pentawcret held office in the 19tb

Dynasty one late in the reign of Ramesses II and one at the very end of the dynasty7o The Pentaweret of the late 19tb Dynasty is recorded as receiving 2 b3kw from the potter Ptahemheb (P

64 Compare the family firms of fishermen Janssen Village Varia 40 65 The line numbers given here follow CernYs provisional transcription (171541-6 171725-9) 66 Janssen and Janssen The Laundrymen of the Theban Necropolis 5 67 Whos Who 123-42 68 ibid 124 Davies doubts the equation Cerny made between this Pashed and the like-named draughtsman (Community206) 69 Whos Who 283-4 70 ibid 125-6283

--

42 POTTERS

Greg rto A II) The phrase jw tn-4rt can be used of both potters and scribes In the case of the

scribes it is likely they were involved in receiving and recording the ceramics rathcr than men

physical transportation and delivery The interpretation of tn-4rt is crucial here Although I T

translate the preposition literally it can be understood more flexibly as under the responsibility of which could express a range of levels of responsibility for supply from physical delivery to

seen for (

recording receipt7l

theslWhen pots are delivered or received by the hand of someone who is not given the title

indi(potter or otherwise connected with the stndt the status of the delivery is less clear Valbelle

to innotes the distinction between ceramics brought by the potters and vessels filled with beer and oother commodities provided by institutions72 Usually the content of the latter vessels is given 73

andHowever in some cases the entry is uncertain particularly with the delivery ofjnlt vessels In O

worDeM 23 5 16 jnll vessels are delivered by the hand of Amenemope while in O DeM 26 2-3 the a 30 large jnlt vessels are recorded by the hand of Nebnefer entered 27 deficit 3 Neither of

laquo~(ythese men is given any title and it is possible that they are ordinary workmen 74

(ves~The problems associated with interpreting the deliveries of jnlzt vessels can be best illustrated grou

by O Cairo 25704 which records the delivery ofjnll vessels in year 2 of Sety I no month or day probis given Although Davies connects this delivery with the known smdt-scribe Tjay or the member distn of the smdl Tjiro75 the status of this text remains uncertain Line 2 records the one who brought alloe very largejn~t vessels returned to Tj[ J (nty rdj jnlt (5t sp sn m-hyt mJ 0[ ]) while line 3 lines has the one who brought small () jnlt vessels assigned to [ J (nty rdj jnlt lrj m-Is (5 m-( twtw [ ))76 The non-standard means of entering the delivery nty rdj may indicate that this text 451 d records a more specialized range of vessels not necessarily to be associated vith the smdt-potters O jnlt vessels have a restricted range of occurrence in the Deir el-Medina documentation and are perhsometimes associated with festival deliveries (see the discussion of O BM 50728 below and desigsection 42) Therefore these vessels may not belong with the unfilled ceramics delivered by the desigsmdt-potters text I

There is little evidence in the texts that potters were assisted in the delivery of their wares by there other members of the smdt as is the case with the woodcutters (see above pp 12ff) Entries in the smdt journal OStraca record deliveries by the hand of the potter (m-4rt P5 qd)77 or entered by the In hand of the potter (jw m-4rt P5 qd)78 This may indicate delivery by the potters themselves but meml the use of such formulaic phraseology in recording delivery may conceal a number of possible inclUi alternatives for this aspect of supply Considering the quantities involved and the probable size of (mrw

is no perha

71 For discussion sec P Tallet Deux pretres-sem tMbains de la XXe dynastie BIFAO 99 (1999) 417 An SOlalternative translation of the phrase with similar implications would be arrived by the hand of

proba72 Ouvriers 265 For the representation of such tilled vessels in the ceramic repertoire from Deir el-Medina

delivcsee for example L Bavay S Marchand and P Tallet Les jarres inscrites du Nouvel Empire provenant de Deir aI-Medina CaMers de la Ceramique Egyptienne 6 (2000) 77-86 with references of the 73 For example all deliveries of wine to the village were made in mnt-amphorae Janssen Commodity Prices 350 mnt vessels are only once recorded as part of a potters deliveries In O Or Inst Chicago

79 Tw16998 (unpubL) 30 mnt vessels are entered alongside 30 qbw vessels and 150 Ibw vessels (1 3) The entry

Amenof a wood delivery in line 2 may indicate that this text records deliveries by the smdt For the elite status periodof the mnt see Bourriau Nicholson and Rice Pottery l37 potter

74 O DeM 202 records quantities of dpr and lbw vessels entered by the hand of Wepwawetmose potterAlthough the status of this text can be questioned lbw vessels are a more standard part of the smdt-potters cornprepertoire 80 In 1

75 Whos Who 106 with n 302 referri

76 For the readings of m-hyt mJ and rrt-s mJ see D Valbelle Remarques sur les textes neo-egyptiens meaninon-Iitteraires (sect 6-10) BIFAO 77 (1977) 129-13 L 81 For

77 For example O DeM 159 10 O DeM 39 rto 4 of hig

78 For example O DeM 35 addition above line 7 O DeM 154 rto 15-6 O DeM 38 7 O DeM 47 vso 4 Ramel

e of than

19h I bility ry to

title lbelle rand fenn

InO 2-3 ler of

trated lrday mlber ought line 3 mJ

s text )tters

Id are If and )y the

res by in the )y the es but ISsible ize of

17 An

l1edina venant

modity 1llcago e entry status

trnose )otters

yptiens

vso 4

INTERPRETING RECEIPT AND DELIVERY 43

the vessels the delivery could have involved several trips andor the use of assistants who are not mentioned because they had no responsibility

The distribution of the ceramics among the community is only rarely attested O DeM 337 seems to record numbers of pots owed to particular workmen III ot 10 deficit of 3lbw vessels for (n) Amenemope deficit of I ds vessel 1 dpy vessel and 3 lbw vessels for (n) Nakhy Both these names are common and it is impossible to date the text on this basis79 This text may indicate that not only were records made of the potters debts to the crew in general deficits owed to individual crew members could be documented as well

O BM 50728 dated to year 2 probably of Ramesses II also seems to relate to the processing and distribution of a particular type of ceramic recording vessels delivered to individual workmen as well as deficits owed to them The first five lines of the recto set out the purpose of the account Year 2 [ ] the record of the jn~t vessels for Left (p SOJW m n jn~t n smM - a total (~~~w) of 10 + 5 jn~t vessels Specification (wp s(traquo) for the crew concerning the 10 + 5 (vessels) 80 The numbers of vessels given to each member of the crew are then detailed The first group of five vessels is clearly allocated to four named workmen one for each man Baki probably the foreman of the crew81 received two corresponding to the hierarchal systems of distribution known from accounts of rations and other provisions Lines 7-10 continue with the allocation of different vessel types to named individuals The end of the recto is very broken but lines 11 and 12 seem to have recorded vessels owed to Amenmose (4t n jmn-msw) Pa-[ ] and twtw() and in this the text provides a parallel for O DeM 337 In O BM 50728 rto 11-12 the 41 determinative was crossed out possibly indicating that the debt was paid

O BM 50728 includes some unusual qualifications for the vessels including terms related perhaps to quality (very good jnJt njr nJr middling good jn~t nJr m-~ry-jb) and the designation of certain vessels as being in the fashion of hbny (vessels) (m qd hbny) These designations and the total (~J~w) ofbq oil given in the last line of the recto may indicate that the text records the delivery of filled jnJt vessels for a specific perhaps festival or ritual context I therefore doubt whether the text is concerned with the distribution of ceramics delivered by the smdt potters (see 42 for further discussion of this text)

In contrast O Cairo 25597 dated to year 2 of Ramesses IV records items distributed to members of the smdt The distribution list begins on line 2 with specification (wp-st) and includes a coppersmith a water-carrier as well as the potter Herunefer who received 5 bundles (mrw or ors) the content of these bundles is not stated Although the context for this distribution is not clear this is the only text known to me in which a potter seems to receive a payment perhaps in exchange for work

Some aspects of organization of work such as distribution of pots among the villagers probably did not require the level of administration and documentation needed for the record of delivery Details concerning the processing of delivery remain unclear such as the precise nature of the receipt and distribution of the products However the texts do allow the stages of delivery

79 Two workmen named Nakhy are known from the late 19th Dynasty Janssen Commodity Prices 86 Amenemope is a common name in all periods ibid 42 Although a potter Nakhy is known from this period I doubt whether this text should be understood as referring to the deficits of untitled but named potters instead I read the n as a preposition rather than the indirect genitive It would be very unusual for a potter to be untitled and the text does not follow the standard pattern for potter accounts recording deficits compare O DeM 91 O IFAO 387 O DeM 135 O Gardiner 88 vso 80 In these lines the number 10 is written in black ink while 5 is written in red Some of the numbers referring to allocations to individual workmen in the following lines of the text are also written in red The meaning of the use of red ink in the text requires further investigation 81 For Baki and his family see Davies Whos Who 2-12 If the provision of an extra vessel is an indicator of higher status this text would provide evidence that Baki continued in office into the early years of Ramesses II

I

--44 POTTERS

to be traced illuminating aspects of the organization of the potters work and their relationship the with the community ofDeir el-Medina veSt

may 24 Donkey hire by potters timi Although it can be assumed that donkeys were necessary for the delivery of ceramics to the (see village J know of only one relevant text and that refers only indirectly to the potters use of lOe donkeys There seem to be no hireage texts for potters comparable to those attested for or4 woodcutters and watercarriers

O DeM 73 Ito details a legal case concerning a donkey in the 20 th year of Ramesses III The 32 text records the resolution of a dispute (del) between the potter Herunefer who was the complainant and the workman Anynakht82 Herunefer hired a donkey from Anynakht The

FrO bkI

donkey proved unsatisfactory and an exchange was agreed upon in the presence of (m-blM a scribe of the mat Amennakhe3 The bad donkey was handed over to him Uwtw Ir swd n) and

blk1 Sh01

he gave him Uwf djt) an (other) she-donkey in its place (11 3-4) The text concludes with the resl taking of an oath on account of it (br pbwys) presumably by Anynakht

As Janssen observes in reference to the woodcutters and watercarriers texts about the hireage spec daYE

of donkeys are comparatively rare and are concentrated in the reigns of Ramesses III and IV Those that survive perhaps refer to rather unusual situations as here The distinctive nature of this

smt intel

text lends support to Janssens proposal that there was a pool of donkeys perhaps state or communally owned rather than belonging to the workmen themselves available for deliveries to

pap) was

the village (see above p 29) here T

sect3 Documenting supply 31 The timing ofexpected deliveries Janssen has determined through analysis of the journal OStraca of the reigns of Ramesses TIT and IV that deliveries of ceramics were expected every ten days84 That this was the practice in the early 19th Dynasty is confirmed by the delivery lists of wood and pottery Where the lists are dated these dates usually fall on days 1085 2086 or 3087 of the month which are the days on which deliveries were also recorded later in the 20 th Dynasty

It is likely that vessels were not expected on any particular day within this time frame and could be delivered in smaller amounts throughout the period like the deliveries by the gardeners and fishermen ss P Greg vso B II 8 documents the receipt of bkw of the potter for year 6 of

that for ( the doCl pred of tl gene mixt term

Siptah on the 19th day of IV lvt This delivery is then recorded in the summary information for IV lvt 10 to 20 A journal ostracon of the reign of Ramesses III records that on II smw 7 the potter entered two blkw one (w) for I smw 30 one for II smw 10 (0 DeM 38 7) The account text O DeM 346 of the mid_20th Dynasty documents the receipt of two quantities of vessels within three days On II prt 20 30 qbt vessels and 110 lbw vessels were received or delivered by the hand of

33l The wen O E IIIp scali mad

82 For Anynakht see Davies Whos Who 74-5 The potter Herunefer is also known from O Cairo 25597 39 (1

83 The role of the scribe of the mat (sv n un) in this text has been discussed by Ben Haring The Scribe of the Mat From Agrarian Administration to Local Justice in Deir el-Medina in the Third Millennium

Jans~ 90 b

AD A Tribute to Jac J Janssen eds R J Demaree and A Egberts Egyptologische Uitgaven 14 (Leiden 91 ibi

2000) 149 For the legal status of this text see A G McDowell Jurisdiction in the Workmens Community 92 O

ofDeir el-Medina Egyptologische Uitgaven 5 (Leiden 1990) 146-7 84 Commodity Prices 485-6

B893n

85 O DeM 1 5 7 10 12 13 17 23 O Gardiner 43 94 Fe

86 O DeM 2 8 15 24 O Or lust Chicago 18878 reCOl

87 O DeM 3 4 9 11 12 14 18 22 O DH 6 7 88 J J Janssen bkw From Work to Product SAK 20 (1993)90 n 52

tragI 95 L

lship

)the se of I for

The the The

M a ) and h the

reage i IV fthis te or ies to

I and n the s are fS on

ould sand 6 of

or IV lotter xtO three ndof

97 kribe znium iden lunity

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 45

the scribe Amenemope (rto 11 1-2) On II prt 23 a further 42 dpr vessels making(9 22 qb vessels and 100 tbw vessels were also entered by the scribe Amenemope (vso n 1-4) This text may record part payments of the delivery expected for II prt 20-30 The data concerning the timing of delivery therefore correspond to the evidence discussed by Janssen for the woodcutters (see above pp 18ff) As in the woodcutter texts if the delivery was completed in full during the 10 day period it was recorded as mI Any deficit or shortfall in delivery was entered as (w)gJ(t) or gJ nlr

32 The terminology ofsupply bJkw From the late 19th or early 20 th Dynasties the deliveries of ceramics were recorded in units of bJlnv in both account and journal ostraca Janssen has discussed the use and meaning of the tenn bkw in the Deir el-Medina material blkw in its absolute sense means work but Janssen has shown that in many cases in these documents the meaning can shift from work to the resultproduct of the work90 Within this usage the bkw of the potter seems to have a more specific meaning Janssen has concluded that it signifies a fixed amount that was due every ten days a quota He cites the example ofO DeM 387 where two b3kw were recorded one for I smw 30 one for II smw 10 91 The detenninatives used in the writing of b3lnv support this interpretation Although in the late 19th and early 20th Dynasty texts bkw was detennined by the papyrus roll92 from the middle to the end of the reign of Ramesses III the vessel detenninative was used93 The change to this detenninative from one with a more abstract meaning signals that here bkw is a work requirement consisting of an amount of ceramics

The usage of bkw in the journals and accounts implies that this amount was fixed a quota that would therefore be quantifiable There are records of the entry of two bkw often to make up for overdue deliveries and occasionally even half bkw94 These references certainly imply that the bIlnv was a predetennined amount that could be doubled or halved when necessary The documenting of deficits in the texts also shows that each delivery was expected to consist of a predetermined amount The Category E text O DeM 12 seems to record such a deficit On line 4 of this delivery list is written deficit namely deficit of vessels (4 qrlJt 4)95 Since qrlt is the generic tenn for vessels the implication is that the expected delivery of ceramics probably a mixture of types and quantities was not made To determine the composition of each bkw in terms of vessel types and numbers is however difficult

33 b3kw in the J(jh Dynasty accounts (text categories B C E) The 19th Dynasty accounts of the deficits of the potters Menna and Nakhy indicate that deliveries were pre-determined as amounts that if not delivered in full were recorded to be made up later O Berlin P 10840 records an accumulation of deficits owed by Menna from year 9 III fJt 1 to III prt 30 making 5 months 53 qbt vessels 575 bw vessels (11 2-3) This account shows the scale of thc deficit that the potter could incur over a period of time if complete deliveries were not made

89 Cernys transcription of the text contains an ellipsis and query at this point (Catalogue VII pI 2) Janssen (pers corron) has suggested that the two dashes in the hieratic facsimile could be read as Jr n 90 hkw From Work to Product 89 91 ibid 89-90 nO DeM 606 rto 611 O Cairo 25591 rto 4-5 and O Cairo 25633 vso 1 P Greg rto B 23 A 11 vso B 8 11-12 93 The journal ostraca from the mid_20th Dynasty consistently use this determinative 94 For an examples entries of two bkw see O DeM 154 rto 16 P Greg rto A II 11-12 Half units are recorded in O DeM 44 rto 20 P Turin 1961 (Pleyte and Rossi pI 99) vso II 5 Anonymous Turin fragment (Cerny MSS 3616) 95 t~~lon

46 POTTERS

O DeM 135 is a testimony to the precision with which such deficits were recorded This undated text enumerates the deficit of two potters Deficit of the potters 2 men 96 29 qbw fle)vessels 5 gy vessels 00 Ibw vessels 9 dp(r) vessels to (r) qbw vessels making 4Y2 Total ves making 33Y2 qbw vessels The final two lines seem to indicate that 9 dpr vessels were equivalent mo in some way to 4Yz qbw vessels97 When added to the 29 qbw vessels in line 2 this gives the total ves of 33Y2 Perhaps the potters were initially required to deliver 9 dpr vessels along with the other and vessels but the decision was made to convert these dpr vessels into their equivalent in qbw dprvessels Here it must be borne in mind that this text records deficit rather than delivery It seems forto reflect the scribes accounting mentality precisely recording the precise value of the deficit

forwhich may have been rounded up or down in reality The meticulous record of deficit does imply sigrfixed vessel deliveries with a specific amount being due every ten days

deliAlthough such texts imply the presence of a quota it is difficult to quantify that quota in terms

posof numbers and types of vessels In this context O DeM 135 provides an additional insight The

asklconversion of one vessel type into its equivalent in another type if it is a concrete conversion

therather than a statement of value implies a certain flexibility within the deliveries Perhaps this document shows the superiors of the crew specifying or making adjustments to the amounts of

34ceramics required every ten days in accordance with the needs of the crew

TheSuch an interpretation could explain the range of vessel types and quantities enumerated in the

19th defiDynasty delivery lists while also perhaps accounting for the precise documentation of It isdeficits These ostraca note deliveries of at least eight different vessel types in varying quantities

and combinations including jn~t98 m~t99 qbwIOO kJ-lr-kJ 101 gJy102 Ibw103 dpr104 and dS I05 and imp

Some of these vessel names are very rare in other documentation The dpr vessel although common in these lists and in 19th Dynasty pottery accounts does not appear to occur later 106 This

Ir

pattern could suggest a reduction in the vessel repertoire in the 20th Dyllasty but the contents of IVr Jourdeliveries are not generally enumerated in the later data potentially concealing some vessel types 29Deliveries of lbw vessels are recorded in the majority of the surviving lists and as will be 15-1illustrated below Ibw vessels alongside qbw vessels remained the core of the potters deliveries (conin the 20th Dynasty It is possible that qbw and bw are classes of ceramics rather than distinct samlvessel types so that the terms may cover a wider range of forms (see section 61) DeIlt othe

96 1- ~~~gt5l~I (I 1) reml 97 Compare O DeM 346 where 42 dpr vessels may be the equivalent of 22 qbt vessels (see section 31) day The flexibility of equivalence between the two types may indicate flexibility in the form and valuation of seen these vessels (see section 41) evid 98 Janssen Commodity Prices434 O DeM 16 153 174 23 5

ther99 Wb II 126 W F Reineke Der Zusammenhang der altagptischen Rohl- und LiingenmaBe MfG 9 (1963)148 O DeM 56 7 6 114 100 Janssen Commodity Prices 412-5 qbw is a feminine word and can also be spelt qbt Valbelle Guvriers 18 O DeM J 7 4 5 7 5 104 O DR 5 4 O Gardiner 435 101 Wb V 93 O DeM 28 3 O DR 6 8 lOi 0 102 Janssen Commodity Prices 426-8 O DeM 5 5 9 6 107 225 O DR 8 3 O Gardiner 436 108 0 10J Janssen Commodity Prices 433-4 O DeM 18 3 4 4 6 6 6 8 6 105 116 136 154 16 5 17 109 0 3 226 O DR 5 7 6 9 7 5 84 O Or lnst Chicago 188785 O Gardiner 43 7 O DeM 288 records 110 0 a lbw-n-k~ vessel (see section 41) III 0 104 This vessel is not included in Janssen Commodity Prices or in the Worterbuch It is written lith the 1110

generic term for vessel qrlt confirming its nature as such O DeM 25 3 3 5 7 6 5 9 5 106 165 113 0 O DR 5 6 O Or lnst Chicago 188784 4prt vessels presumably a different orthography of the same 114 C term occur in hieratic inscriptions from the tomb of Tutankhamun 1 Cerny Hieratic lnscriptionsfrom the Il5 t Tomb of TutCankhamun TutCankhamiins Tomb Series II (Oxford 1965) 6 with references See also G 116 Ir Bouvier BlFAG 101 (2001)90 note g PriCE 105 Wb V 485 Janssen Commodity Prices 472-4 O DeM 64 8 5 135 165 22 4 O DR 5 6 74 non-I 1(lj See the documents cited in n 100 also O DeM 346 vso 3 117 Q~

This qbw otal alent total other qbw

eems ficit mply

erms The rsion this Its of

n the m of ttities dS I05

tough This lts of ypes ill be veries stinct

1 31) ion of

1109

vriers

5 17 ecords

ith the 165

same Jm the

Iso G

74

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 47

The degree to which the composition of deliveries could vary from list to list illustrates the flexiblity of the institution On I 3Jt 10 of year 3 of Sety I 7 jn~t vessels (3 good 2 poor) 37 qbw vessels (deficit of 3) and 58 Ibw vessels (deficit of 2) were delivered l07 On the 20th day of that month dpr vessels were delivered (the rest of the text is lost)108 80 dpr vessels and 50 Ibw vessels were delivered on the last day of I 3Jt109 while on the last day of II Jt 40 qbw vessels and 50 Ibw vessels were delivered l1O On day 10 of III Jt 80 g3y vessels 90 m~t vessels and 40 dpr vessels were delivered lll Not only do several vcssel types occur in each delivery but totals for each vessel type also vary considerably as weI Ibw vessels tend to total between 50 and 60 for each list in which they occur1l2 However many of the attested totals documented are significantly larger between 100 and 300 lbw1l3 These texts may point to there being variable deliveries that resulted from commissions in response to specific needs However this is only one possible interpretation based upon a comparatively small group of texts The question must be asked whether a similar understanding can be gained from the qualitatively different sources of the 20th Dynasty

34 Recording b3kw in the 20th Dynasty The recording of pottery deliveries was less explicit in the 20th Dynasty with deliveries and deficits generally noted as b3kw and (w)4(t) of the potter without further clarifying information It is difficult to determine whether the quantities and contents of the deliveries were as flexible and varying as the 19th Dynasty data suggest Indeed as Janssen has concluded it is virtually impossible to prove what was meant by the termbkw l 114

In the rare cases where journal entries on ostraca of the reigns of Ramesses III and Ramesses N record numbers of vessels this information is difficult to interpret O DeM 154 rto recording journal entries in year 31 of Ramesses III documents the delivery made by the potter on II smw 29 entered by the hand of the potter 2 bkw (plus) 50 lbw vessels for II smw 30 deficit 65 (II 15-16) Janssen alternatively translates this part of the text as [e ]ntered from the potter 2 bkw (consisting of) 50 lbw vessels comparing it with O Berlin P 10654 (unpub) vso 1 where the same amount of 50 vessels is also mentioned I IS There is a number of possible readings of O DeM 154 rto The two b3kw may be deliveries owing from earlier in the month116 while on the other hand the 50 Ibw vessels may be an early partial payment for II smw 30 with 65 vessels remaining outstanding Since we do not have the rest of the journal for II smw and the entry for day 20 records neither delivery nor deficit it is difficult to draw firm conclusions Nonetheless it seems unlikely that the b3kw referred to in the text consisted of 50 lbw vessels The supporting evidence of the late 20th Dynasty ostracon O Berlin P 10654 vso is ambiguous also referring to the production of 50 vessels in the first line the numbers are lost thereafter

II Jt 10 the potter fashioned1l7 50 (vessels) day 20 the potter [fashioned x (vessels)]

107 O DeM 16-8 108 O DeM 2 5 109 O DeM 3 3-4 110 O DeM 45-6 1110 DeM 5 5-7 112 O DeM 18 34 8 6 165 O DH 5 7 6 9 O Or Inst Chicago 188785 113 O DeM 6 6 136 22 6 154 173 O DH 76 ll4 Commodity Prices 488 bkw From Work to Product 89 115 bkw From Work to Product 89 116 In a similar situation O DeM 40 14-5 records by the hand of the potter 3 bkw Janssen Commodity Prices 487-8 concludes that two of the bkw were payments for the first two decades although the non-delivery is nowhere stated while the third delivery was due for the five epagomenal days 117 ~~li~IT1l~~o

II

48 POTTERS

day 30 fashioning [x (vessels)] III 11]t 10 while he (fashioned)118 [x (vessels)] 35 b day 20119

Vhel total 230 qbw vessels [ ] the n specifYing it (wp Sf) ~ 23 jn~11 vessels blkw

In recording the actual work of the potters this text is unique While units of 50 vessels seem to statu be specified any connection with a blkw is not made explicit and can only be inferredYo perio

Janssen also cites the example of O DeM 35 on which a note above line 7 recording entries been for IIprt 19 of year 28 of Ramesses III reads entered by the hand of the potter as one b3kw 100 these qbw vessels 45 lbw vessels Although this text indicates that the b3kw consisted of 100 qbw Th vessels and 45 lbw vessels the phrase m w( b3kw could imply that the vessels enumerated were the e those making up this particular delivery perhaps differing from although equivalent to the recor contents of earlier deliveries and the standard b3kw The higher number of qbw vessels than Ibw epagt vessels which is very unusual when compared with other texts enumerating these two types 5 ep suggests that this entry is exceptional not only in its formulation It may be that this delivery ofth required special enumeration perhaps the potter altered the original order and provided an bee) equivalent number of qbw vessels instead of lbw vessels P

The two uneertain entries of O DeM 154 and O DeM 35 are the only texts in which actual Ram vessel types are enumerated in 20u Dynasty journal ostraca O DeM 35 in particular may suggest reads that the composition of b3kw could be flexible Other surviving records of pottery deliveries from An e the reign of Rarnesses III usually state only whether or not the potter entered his deliveries deliv complete or was in deficit O DeM 143 vso 5 datable to year 24 of Ramesses III does fo11o however enter a deficit of lbw vessels for the five epagomenal days Although the exact figures as 65 are lost the final two lines record an unknown total (dnuf) of qbw vessels and a total of 680 lbw char~ vessels these probably being deficits incurred since IV smw 30 the day the potter first fell behind disru in deliveries as the account records In O DeM 165 which largely documents deficits incurred in prt 1 year 30 III prt and thereafter a note to one side records year 29 entered for the five whih (epagomenal) days 30 lbw vessels his deficit 85 (11 4amiddot5a) vesst

Where vessel numbers are enumerated in these 20th Dynasty texts they vary in some cases notin considerably although the relationships of these numbers with the context of the documents must onw be kept in mind The vessel types are less varied than in the 19th Dynasty sources Mostly qbw and that 1 [bw vessels are enumerated in large quantities which confirms that these vessel types were the here basis of the potters b 3kw The deficit accounts from the reign of Ramesses II (group III) record If only qbw and lbw vesselsl2I in contrast with the variety of vessels represented in the delivery deliv lists The delivery lists of the 19th Dynasty appear to be exceptional in the variety of vessel types large they enumerate They may represent deliveries from other specialized workshops or supplies for vess particular purposes The similarity between the 19th Dynasty delivery lists of pottery and wood on en1r) the one hand and of specialty breads and beer on the other hand may indicate that these inter deliveries were in general more specialized they were perhaps associated with festivals Such an here association is illuminated by a study of one of the vessel types less commonly enumerated in A1 these texts (see section 42) However the regularity of delivery in these lists recorded in tenmiddotday b3kJi blocks is closely comparable with the regular b3kw delivery For the 20th Dynasty it must be potu borne in mind that b3kw which is mostly unqualified in the journal ostraca may cover a range of the ( vessel types sing

liS Q0--1i11 122 G ll9 Cerny noted that the line here was left blank 123 J~

120 The specification of jnJz1 vessels may also suggest that this text refers to a specialized perhaps unique lUF

production series For jnJzt see section 42 me 121 0 DeM 91 O Berlin P 10840 vso O IFAO 387 126 C

em to

ntries 100

l qbw were

) the nbw types livery ed an

actual 19gest from veries does

igures 101bw )ehind red in ~ fivc

cases must wand re thc ccord livery types es for odon thcsc Ichan ted in n-day lst be 1ge of

mique

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 49

35 bikw in the late 20th Dynasty papyrus documents Where pottery deliveries are recorded in the journal papyri the numbers of vessels involved and the name of the potter are often included A further contrast with earlier records is that the tenn bkw is rarely employed The more fonnal status of the papyri may explain such differences This status may also be one reason despite the large amount of documentation surviving from this period deliveries of pottery are only recorded occasionally Those that are recorded may have been special deliveries and hence worthy of note When bkw are recorded as in earlier records these may be variable in size and consist largely ofbw and qbw vessels

The recto ofP Turin 2070133 134 + 3 fragments (KRIVI 426-8) contains journal entries for the epagomenal days of the year 2 of a king later than Ramesses IV 122 The entry for the final day records the deliveries of the potter Right the potter - 29 [qb]w vessels 145 lbw vessels Five epagomenal days 100 [+ 45] Ibwvessels [Left] the potter 29 [qbw] vessels 145lbwvessels 5 epagomenal days 145 (Col II 10-11) The deliveries are enumerated separately for each side of the crew although if the restorations are correct the totals are the same for each side As is to be expected qbw and bw vessels are the only vessel types mentioned

P Turin 1881+ (Pleyte and Rossi pI 1-8 KRIVI 609-19) records entries for years 6-8 of Ramesses IX the potter is only mentioned on three occasions in year 7 For IV lu 29 the entry reads received by the hand of the potter ~Ahawy - qbw vessels 65 bw vessels 65 (vso V 1-2) An entry for 65 handfuls of plants follows in this list and seems to be associated with this delivery An entry on the same line also records 2 khar of k3Y (Ulq~ ~ ) probably roe123 The following line records again by his hand (wlm m-fjrtj) (for) I prt 10 100 [b[w] vessels as well as 65 handfuls of plants and an unknown measure of roe It seems that the potter had also been charged with delivering produce to the village perhaps the organization of deliveries was disrupted in this period Other entries record deliveries received by the hand of scribes 124 In III prt 18 almost three months later ~Ahawy made another delivery of 300 Ibw vessels (vso VI 7-8) while in III smw there were received by the hand of the potter (for) Right and Left 1501bw vessels and 70 qbw vessels (vso VII 1-2) P Turin 1881 + is an unusual text which rather than noting events day by day records only a few days from a few months of each year perhaps days on which events occurred that were more significant in the eyes of the scribe Valbelle observes that the scribe was running out of space on the papyrus increasing the likelihood that the entries he recorded were those he considered important125

If the deliveries recorded in this text were the only ones made for year 7 of Ramesses IX the delivery patterns of the potters may have changed Rather than delivering units every decade large deliveries were made every two to three months This would explain the large totals of vessels supplied However as Janssen cautions scribal inaccuracies mean that the absence of an entry in the journal does not necessarily mean that the delivery was not made126 An alternative interpretation is that the standard deliveries were made every ten days and that those recorded here were supplementary and worthy of special mention

An entry in P Turin 1900+ (KRl VI 619-24) vso 117 may indicate that regular deliveries of blkw continued at least in the early years of Ramesses IX Year 9 II 31Jt 19 records Right the potters b3kw [ ] (wnmy p qd n b3kw [ J) The context of this delivery is similar to those of the earlier 20th Dynasty with supply of fuel and gypsum being recorded as well However the single mention of a potters bkw in this entry in the papyrus may be as unique as those in P

122 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 242 123 Janssen Village Varia 53 124 For example vso 2a vso 5 5 vso 5 10 vso 6 1 125 Ouvriers 63-4 126 Commodity Prices 486

l

50 POTTERS

Turin l88l Journal entries from years 10 and 17 of Ramesses IX support this interpretation P A Turin 2071140 (KRIVI 63715) rto 9 records delivery of vegetables and pottery 2l() qb(w) varia vessels 110 [+ x] [bw vessels for day 30 IV smw year 10 The Turin Necropolis Journal of year vana 17 rto B II 2-3 (Botti and Peet pI 16) is the only record of a pottery delivery in this substantial inclu text covering two full months potter rAhawy 33 qbw vessels 165 [bw vessels This may Dyna indicate that the delivery was an unusual hence noteworthy event especially in relation to (HO references to problems with smdt organization earlier in the text (see section 37) the p

Deliveries of varying quantities of pottery are entered a number of times for different sides of recei the crew in the journal of year 3 of Ramesses X (P Turin 1898 + Botti and Peet pI 50-63 KRI Re VI 687-99) On III prt 18 even though the crew was not working because of the foreigners cornr (Omyw) 30 qb(w) vessels and 30 [+ x] [[bw] vessels were delivered to Right (rto I 11) On the wood last day of IV prt 9 qb(w) and 27 ([)bw vessels were delivered to Left (the entry for Right is comp lost rto II 14) The entry for II smw 19 records crew not working Right 28 qb(w) vessels 300 Janss [b(w) vessels Left 28 qb(w) vessels 15 g1(y) vessels 300 [b(w) vessels (rto III 9-10) The entry amou for g1y vessels is unusual in this text Two days later there was a further delivery for Right alone largel the potter - 30 qb(w) vessels 150 [b(w) vessels (rto III 13-14) In the month of III smw qbw Alt and [bw vessels were delivered on two occasions day 5 and day 30127 On IV smw 1 1 qbw was texts

delivered perhaps to Right while 90 [bw vessels were delivered to Left (rto V 18-9) If each are in delivery of vessels to the village was flexible in size and composition the entries in this journal as a c may also illustrate that deliveries to different sides of the crew could be varied as well quant

The journal text of year 1 of Ramesses XI P Turin 1898+ VSO128 records for I 10t 24 Right excep

from the hand of (the) potter [ ] 18 qb(w) vessels 50 [+x] [bw vessels Left from the hand of 37 In(the) potter [ ]y129 10 [+x] (Hh vessels [r~R~~o] [ J (vso Text A 2-4) Again the Otherdelivery is separately enumerated for the different sides of the crew breaks in the text mean that unprethe composition of the delivery is unknown If the entry on line 4 is a variant orthography of a this b type of vessel (1(1130 it may indicate a specialized delivery because (1(1 vessels are not firingotherwise attested in the pottery deliveries l3I Further deliveries are recorded in this journal again therein a very broken context by the hand ofthe potter [ ] lbw vessels 51 [+ x ] (vso dockets B taken5-6) later 18 qbw vessels and 50 lbw vessels are recorded (vso dockets C 2) This is the latest or adrsurviving record of pottery deliveries to the necropolis workmen in the 20th Dynasty deficit Impac36 Conclusion the meanings ofb1kw

TheThe Turin Necropolis journals seem to support the interpretation of the nature of the b1kw found detailein the earlier documentation Despite the possibility that delivery patterns may have altered or that from t some entries may represent extra deliveries these documents indicate that [bw and qbw vessels earlyformed the core of any quota of pottery delivered to the village occasionally supplemented with irregulother vessel types the pa III It

127 On III sectmw 529 qb(w) vessels and 150 bw vessels were delivered to Right Left received 19 qb(w) month vessels and 150 bw vessels (Botti and Peet pI 57 rto IV 15-9) The papyrus is damaged in the entries for III sectmw 30 but the surviving text indicates that deliveries of over 100 bw vessels were made to Right and both fbw and rqlbw vessels were delivered to Left (Botti and Peet pI 59 rto V 17-19) Unusually this latter entry records bw vessels before qbw 132 For 128 Botti and Peet pI 63 KRI VI 850-1 I follow the reassessment of Jtirgen von Beckerath in my reading 34 see of this text Papyrus Turin 1898+ vso SAK21 (1994)29-33 133 Th( 129 Perhaps the name of the potter CAhawy can be restored here 134 C J 130 Wh V 532 W F Reineke Der Zusammenhang der altagyptischen Hohl- und UingenmaBe MID 9 East e (1963)151 observlt 131 4343 vessels are included in a list of products in O Cairo 25678 vso 17 along with fbw vessels (1 18) discuss Valbelle citing this text considers that 4343 vessels could replace qbw vessels and were perhaps be mad synonymous (in her reference Duvriers 265 n 12 read 25678 for 25673) 135 Con

n p b(w) year ntial may m to

es of KRI

yenlers 11 the ht is 300 ~ntry

lone qbw was each lmal

ight ld of I the that ofa not

gain s B atest

lUnd that sels with

b(w) 8 for tand this

ding

[09

18) haps

DOCUMENTIKG SUPPLY 51

A further correspondence between the papyrus documents and the earlier ostraca is the variation in the numbers of vessels being delivered If these figures do represent regular bkw the variation in vessel totals may reflect responses to the changing needs of the crew perhaps including orders made by the superiors of the crew to the potters The use of bkw in one 20th

Dynasty account ostracon exemplifies the flexible character of commissions O Gardiner 80 4-5 (HO 6114) states after recording the complete deliveries during III smw received as the bkw of the potter entered complete like his custom of every day This text implies that the deliveries received during that month constituted the potters commission which he managed to fulfiL

Records survive of other members of the smdt such as gardeners and woodcutters receiving commands to deliver specific amounts132 Janssen notes the commission received by the woodcutter Saroy in year 29 III fJt 7 to deliver 380 units every 10 days This order can be compared with that of Saroys colleague who received a commission to deliver 500 units 133 As Janssen observes the quotas of the woodcutters often deviated quickly from these specified amounts (see above p 20) Such orders might have been regular normal occurrences that are largely invisible in the written record

Although no known text records such an assignment to the potters to deliver specific amounts texts that record varying quantities of ceramics and texts in which vessels other than qbw and tbw are included suggest that such commissions were madc The bkw may therefore be understood as a commission or expected dclivery of a predetermined unit of ceramics Although theoretically quantifiablc the bkw was flexible so that we cannot determinc what amount was expected except in specific deliveries

37 Implications ofdefiCits Other factors may also have operated to produce differential sizes of deliveries Firing was an unpredictable process with a certain amount of wasters inevitably being produced each time On this basis Christopher Eyre has suggested the one bkw may have been the equivalent of one firing which could vary in composition and in success134 Although this hypothesis is viable there is no direct evidence to support it and it is also possible that the needs of the crew were taken into account in each individual bkw or work requirement Where problems in the workshop or administrative breakdowns affected deliveries these are likely to be reflected in the records as deficits By examining patterns of deficit within the documentation it is possible to observe the impact of external problems in the Theban area on the potters deliveries in the mid 20th Dynasty

The journal ostraca of the reigns of Ramesses III and IV (Group I) again provide the most detailed documentation of delivery and deficit although only very general trends can be deduced from the materiaL Janssens analysis of pottery deliveries at the end of Ramesses Ills reign to early Ramesses IV led to the conclusion that deliveries of commodities were generally very irregular at this time whereas in the preceding years they had been more stable 135 The details of the pattern of deficits can be supplemented by a few account ostraca from the reign of Ramesses III It must be borne in mind that the idiosyncrasies of scribal record keeping mean that some months record no deliveries at all even though deliveries were most probably made

132 For the commissioning of the smdt see J J Janssen The Year of the Strikes BSEG 16 (1992) 44 n 34 see also Janssens section 7 in this volume 133 The Year of the Strikes 44-6 134 C J Eyre Work and the Organization of Work in the New Kingdom in Labor in the Ancient Near East ed M A Powell (New Haven 1987) 193 Janssen bkw From Work to Product 90 n observes that if this were the case the potters would have delivered once per decade The limited evidence discussed in 31 and a review of the delivery dates in the texts included in 33 indicate that deliveries could be made on more than one occasion during the ten-day period 135 Commodity Prices 488

52 POTTERS

The account of O Gardiner 80 (HO 61 4) for year 21 of Ramesses III records deliveries that O were made complete for the entire month of III smw the final line entered complete like his bJrn custom of every day although formulaic may be an indicator of a reputation for efficiency and for t punctuality The records from a few years later appear to tarnish this reputation The account text far 11 O DeM 143 datable to year 24 while recording complete deliveries for III smw 30 and IV smw coml 10 and 20 enters deficits for IV smw 30 the five epagomenal days and the first two decades of I appe 3bt (11 1-7) Reasons for the accumulation of such a substantial deficit beyond internal incre production problems are unknown This text warns us that although the relationship between admi administrative problems at Deir el-Medina and deficit is clear at times less easily identifiable in th factors may also have had an impact By year 27 deliveries appear to have returned to normal the p with no deficits being entered and every delivery recorded as complete (0 DeM 33 vso 8 O TI DeM 34 rto 7 16 vso 11) a deficit is however noted for the epagomenal days of year 28 in O agair DeM 156 vso 4 that

From year 29 deficits are again a consistent feature of the record during the time when labour inc01 troubles began to disrupt the community The first hint of delivery problems may be found in the whet problematic O Strasbourg H 26 If the entries on the recto refer to the potter this text records mad~ complete deliveries throughout I and II smw and probably through the epagomenal days and II there 3bt The verso may refer more explicitly to pottery deliveries with the final line recording IV coul Jbt 10 deficit of the [potter) However the reading of qd is based on a restoration (Cerny Nb in thi 3561) and the status of this text as a pottery account could be questioned There are more certain Th references to delivery from later in year 29 In I prt 30 the potter made deliveries to Right and perio Left details of the content of delivery are not given (0 Turin 57007 vso 4-5) The strike action ambi began in the village only ten days later on II prt 10136 The only further entry recording a pottery Peet delivery is in P Turin 1961 (Pleyte and Rossi pI 99) possibly from the end of year 29 IV prt 30 outsi notes for Right the potter I Y while the potter l is noted for Left (vso II 5 7)137 There are there no further records of pottery deliveries until year 30 although the consistent deficits incurred by reorg the woodcutters during year 29 and into year 30 are evidence of the impact of the strikes (see for II above p 21)138 authc

Deficits are recorded in an account text for III prt 30 and probably IV prt 10 of year 30 but a Peet delivery oftvo b3kw was promptly made to remedy this deficit (0 DeM 165 rto 1-2) O DeM ~Aha 154 rto 15-16 of year 31 records the delivery of two b3kw on II smw 29 probably overdue entric payments for days 10 and 20 A number of fbw vessels are also specified I interpret these as and perhaps an early payment for II smw 30 although they may relate to the two b3kw A deficit of 65 speci is noted Complete deliveries are made in IV lJl but since they are noted specifically they may perha have been considered late one b3kw being entered on day 13 for day 10 and one being entered Th for Right only on day 21 (0 DeM 157 8-9 17) From then into the reign of Ramesses IV the may potters made deliveries late or were making good deficits In II smw 7 of year 32 the debt was diffic paid for I smw 30 and at the same time the b3kw was delivered three days early for II smw 10 (0 or the

19thDeM 38 7 17 23) No sooner had these deliveries been made then the potter was in debt again I for the rest of the month Disruptions to pottery and fuel deliveries (see above p 21) throughout wide] year 30 and into year 31 are symptoms of continued labour problems within the village or of subst general administrative problems in the Theban area 139

mont side I

136 RAD 49 15 P J Frandsen Editing reality the Turin Strike Papyrus in Studies in Egyptology presented to Miriam Lichtheim ed S Israelit-Groll (Jerusalem 1990) 166-99 Risbo 137 Janssen considers that the documentation of half units may point to a scarcity of materials Commodity availa Prices 488 A reference to a half unit may also be found in an anonymous papyrus fragment in Turin 140 Fo (Cerny MSS 3616) which records the potter 2h this probably means 2h bJkw 141 Fo 138 Janssen The Year ofthe Strikes 46-8 BerIir B9 Disruptions in local administration may have directly impacted pottery production if as Colin Hope bkw suggests the state provided clay to these workshops Egyptian Pottery Shire Egyptology 5 (princes been ~

8 that ce his yand It text smw

s of ternal tween fiable Irmal 8 O in O

aboUT in the ~cords

md II ~ IV YNb ertain It and ~ction ottery Jrt 30 re are ed by (see

but a DeM erdue se as of65 may

tered the twas 0(0 19ain ~hout or of

~logy

ity

ffope inces

DOCUMENTlIG SUPPLY 53

O DeM 40 rto 15 from I gUt of year 1 of Ramesses IV records that the potter delivered three bgkw on day 24 probably overdue deliveries for days 10 and 20 (the deficits are not noted) and for the epagomenal days for which the deficit was entered in a note in a separate column on the far left A deficit is also recorded for day 30 (vso 9) From this point on the deliveries tend to be complete although often a few days late140 There are still occasional deficits but the deliveries appear to have been generally more regular than in the final years of Ramesses IILI41 The increasing irregularity of delivery is probably a symptom of the general decay of the administration of the Necropolis at the end of a long reign The more regular deliveries beginning in the first year of Ramesses IV perhaps correspond with a renewed interest in the Necropolis on the part of the successor king who was eager to get work on his tomb underway

These documents provide the only opportunity to trace a pattern of deficit in pottery deliveries against well documented changes and problems in the administration of the village They show that such an equation between the two is possible this may have implications for the more incomplete records of the end of the dynasty It is difficult to determine from the papyrus texts whether deliveries continued on a regular basis in the closing years of the 20th Dynasty or were made in large consignments more infrequently as the surviving evidence seems to suggest Since there were significant civil disturbances in the Theban area throughout this period deliveries could have been affected to the point that they became more unusual events and warranted entry in the journals

The Turin Necropolis journal for year 17 of Ramesses IX provides the best example from this period From II prl on the text includes entries concerning the smdt in general from the ambiguous entry taking the smdt of the Tomb of Left by the scribe of the Tomb Hori (Botti and Peet pI 14 rto B I 8) to the entries a few lines later crew not working while the smdt were outside under the authority (rJ(wyraquo of the two scribes of the Necropolis [ ] crew not working there being no smdt outside (rto B I 12) These entries seem to indicate that there was some reorganization of or problem with the smdt although a record of a wood delivery was entered for II prl 15 The entry for II prt 18 records crew not working while their smdt were under the authority of the two scribes of the Tomb of the Outside without any payments (1) (Botti and Peet pI 15 rto B I 18) On II prt 24 a delivery of fish was made and on day 25 the potter rAhawy delivered a number of vessels (Botti and Peet pI 16 rto B II 1-3) Although these entries are difficult to interpret it seems that the crew was facing both deficits in grain delivery and problems with the smdt In this context the delivery of pottery can perhaps be seen as a special occurrence no text from the end of the 20 th Dynasty explicitly records a potters deficit perhaps indicating that there was no longer an expected pattern to delivery

The interpretations presented here are speculative moreover other factors that left no trace may have had an impact on production The deficits entered for year 25 of Ramesses III are difficult to explain except in terms of unknowable production problems specific to the workshops or the personal circumstances of the potters as are the causes for the deficits recorded in the early 19th Dynasty Such deficits cannot be equated with any known problems in the village or the wider Theban area The accounts of the potters Menna and N akhy in the early 19th Dynasty record substantial deficits especially those incurred by Menna in a year 9 where he is in deficit for five months totalling 53 qbw vessels and 575 fbw vessels Further deficit totals perhaps for the other side of the crew are even larger 94 qbw vessels and 992 lbw vessels (0 Berlin P 10840) The

Risborough 1987) 10 This argument may apply only to high quality ceramics considering the ready availability ofNile silt for the production of most basic vessels 140 For example O DeM 47 rto 3 11 vso 4 141 For example the following texts record deficits in year 1 = I prt 30 (0 DeM 47 rto 11) III prt 30 (0 Berlin P 12641 + 12628 7) II smw 20(7) (0 DeM 161 vso 3) O DeM 44 rto 20 records a delivery of 1y bklv for III smw 29 Janssen considers that since no delivery was recorded for day 20 materials may have been scarce at this time Commodity Prices 488

--54 POTTERS

patterns of deficit incurred by the potters that can be traced in the texts cannot generally be Ana correlated with external administrative problems and decay rese

proc sect4 Equations of word and object an analysis offour pot-types A notable feature of the potter texts from Deir el-Medina is the substantial number of vessels 41 delivered to the village every ten days Although the exact number due in each bkw varied the I ha totals of some deliveries indicate that there was a significant and constant need for ceramics in the thrOl community In the lives of the villagers this pottery was essential It was the principal means to mult store prepare and serve food and to carry out many other activities within the domestic and work refer spheres Janssen observes in Commodity Prices that we have virtually no cvidence for the enun exchange value of ceramics beeause price texts generally refer only to metal or stone vessels 142

used Vessels used for a wide variety of domestic purposes would have had a low value and high class turnover millions of pot sherds were found within the rubbish dumps of the village including the offo Grands PuitS 143 Since their role was so essential it is desirable to learn about the various forms of In thl the vessels - their sizes and range of functions - in order to advance our understanding of the lJl villagers daily lives possi

Holthoerl44 noted that most Mesopotamian names of vessels relate directly to their material their function or their capacity but concluded that the Egyptians derived their vessel names from something other than vessel function This conclusion was largely based on the 1935 lexicographic analysis of Egyptian vessels by Robert du Mesnil du Buisson whose study is the only one that covers a wide range of ceramics including some of the vessel names that occur in the Deir el-Medina potter texts He considered that the qbw vessel was connected to qb fresh cool an appropriate concept for a jar145 He equated the gy vessel with the verb gw to be narrow perhaps suggesting a jar with a narrow neck 146

Edward Brovarski has done preliminary work on some Old Kingdom and First Intermediate Period vessel terms147 and Patricia Paice has studies connections between vessel shapes and their functions as depicted in tomb reliefs 148 The most valuable recent examination of the intersection of lexicography and a ceramic corpus is that of Janet Bourriau and Stephen Quirke on the Middle Kingdom ceramic repertoire from Lahun l49

An approach comparable to that taken at Lahun would be ideal for the material from Deir elshy Fig 1 Medina but a full statistical analysis of the archaeological material in relation to the textual data Urk r that is a prerequisite for determining lexicographic relations is beyond the scope of this study

The VI

Jb-nraquo142 407_8 and n 5 lS enu 143 ibid 488

vessel 144 New Kingdom Pharaonic Sites The Pottery 41 see J Bourriau and S Quirke The Late Middle

terminKingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects in Lahun studies ed S Quirke (Reigate 1998) 60shydeterm1 for a more recent discussion of the basis of classifications

145 Les noms et signes egyptiens designant des vases ou objets simiaires (Paris 1935)30 l46 Noms et signes 72 Janssen Commodity Prices 427 considers that du Mesnil du Buissons suggestions 150 FoUl

and explanations for the gly are unconvincing and concludes that no identification of the gly is apparant P Turi Ricardo A Caminos considered it to be an open bowl or cup since it was used more as a container for Howevl

ISl Jansvegetables and flowers than liquids (CLEM 194-5) corresponding to the use of gy vessels for natron 152 Thelotus leaves and fruit in the Medinet Habu festival lists A Spalinger Medinet Habu and Deir el-Yledina IS3 TheCombined in Deir el-Medina in the Third Millennium AD A Tribute to Jac J Janssen eds R 1 Demaree

and A Egberts Egyptologische Uitgaven 14 (Leiden 2000) 314 Although the shape of the gl) remains these m unknown Janssen has determined a capacity of 20 hin Two Ancient Egyptian Ships Logs Papyrus Leiden detenni 1350 verso and Papyrus Turin 2008 + 2016 (Leiden 1961)88 vessel l47 Lexicographical Studies in Egyptian Pottery Bulletin de Liaison du Groupe International dEtude de determi fa Ceramique Egyptienne 7 (1982) 36-7 154 P GJ 14S The Pottery of Daily Life in Ancient Egypt JSSEA 19 (1989) 50-88 bibliogr 149 The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects 60-83 IS5 Com

lly be

essels d the in the ansto lwork Dr the oels142

1 high ngthe rmsof of the

lterial s from

1935 is the

cur in fresh to be

lediate i their ection fiddle

eir elshyt data study

v1iddle 8) 60shy

~stions

Jaranl ler for latron -edina maree mains Leiden

~de de

EQUA TJONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 55

Analysis of the occurrence of vessel types in the potter texts can be related to the present stage of research into vessel shape and size to produce some further insights both into the potters products and into the documentation for the supply of particular ceramic types

41 The basic pots qbw and [bw I have shown above that [bw and qbw vessels formed the basis of deliveries to the village

19th 20ththroughout the and Dynasties Therefore it seems likely that they were simple multipurpose vessels distinct from each another in shape andor size There is a standard way of referring to them in the records qbw vessels precede [bw vessels and many fewer are usually enumerated This relationship points to a qualitative differentiation between the two ISO Both are used as containers for liquids such as beer and waterl5l I consider that these two terms designate classes of vessels rather than fixed single shapes their names perhaps referring to a wider range of forms Difference in size may account for the differentation in numbers delivered in the texts In the following discussion I assess the evidence for these two classes of vessels

Jb lbw) vessels are included among the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak indicating a possible shape for the vessel152

tlBoo~WJ~O 01It 0P L II I I

Fig 1 ob-nw-k vessels in the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak (Wreszinski Atlas II pI 33 Urk IV 636)

The vessel shown is distinctive being beaker-like and wider at the base than at the neck JS3 The ub-nw-k vessel here is the equivalent of the u-m-Icw of P Harris I 36a 7 A significant number is enumerated in this text as containers tor incense perhaps indicating a smaller cup-like vessel l54 Janssen has considered that the [x]-n-k termination which is fairly common in vessel terminology indicates that the vessels were cups the name of the vessel given in the compound determines the shape155 In the inscription of the High Priest Osorkon the Oblb-n-k is written

150 Four texts which enumerate qbw and fbw vessels show a ratio of 15 O Or Inst Chicago 16698 rto 3 P Turin 2070133 134 + frgs rto 10-11 Giornale of year 17 rto B II 1-3 P Turin 1898 rto III 14 However since these are isolated examples it is uncertain how widely applicable such a ratio was 151 Janssen Commodity Prices 433 Valbelle Ouvriers 265 152 The equivalence between the lb andlbw is confirmed in CLEM 186-7 153 The determinative given for a qby vessel in the offering list ofThutmose III at Elcphantine indicates that these may have been quite close in shape to the IJb-nw-h of the Karnak list The simple elongated beaker determinative is quite distinct from the determinatives given for the other vases in the list including the Ub vessel which is shon with a definite neck (Urk IV 828 4) However the occurrence of different determinatives within a single text does not offer a basis for a classification of vessel forms 154 P Grandet Le Papyrus Harris I (EM 9999) BdE 109 (Cairo 1994) I 272 see vol IT 141 n 576 for a bibliography for lbw l55 Commodity Prices 409

I

56 POTTERS

with a goblet detenninative ls6 The vessels recorded in these texts may be smaller cup versions of thai larger Ibw jars with the wide mouth and lack of defined neck perhaps pointing to a vessel associated with food preparation and service 157 The delivery list O DeM 288 records fb-nw-kJ

cor 1

vessels perhaps as a fuller writing of bw or as a distinct fonn vithin the Ibw class Vessels ves categorized as Ibw may have had a generalized function as cups or containers for both liquid and con solid foods A comparison can be made with the ~nw vessels which are recorded in significant 4W numbers in the papyrus documents from Lahun and are equated by Bourriau and Quirke with the 346 drinking cups known from the site the only vessel fonn which they consider could have been used in such numbers 158 The bkw of the Deir el-Medina potters show that Ibw vessels too were

lbw 50

delivered in large quantities the The lower numbers of qbw vessels in the deliveries may be related to their larger size In Poids o

No 5135 3 the weight of a metal qbw vessel is stated to be 20 deben or 18 kg Valbelle betv concludes from this that the qbw was significantly larger than the Ibw 159 That qbw designates a POttl simple storage jar may be indicated by the name itself If the connection suggested by du Mesnil two du Buisson between qbw vessels and qb cool can be accepted it may suggest that qbw vessels were storage jars perhaps for water and other liquids The connection may also suggest the

sigh one

material of manufacture qbw vessels could have been made from marl clay which cools water Helc through evaporation

As storage jars qbw vessels may have been connected in shape or broad function with the qbwshyIf a have

n-wt canopic jar The coincidence of the name suggests some correspondence The simple canopic jar fonns given by Georges Nagel for Tomb 359 seem similar in shape to vessels found in the cellar of a house in the village160 However Nagels sample is so small that any identification is tentative Janssen cautions that the standard shape of a canopic jar was rarely used as the fonn of bronze or pottery vessels 161 This may be a principle of decorum vessels with a funerary purpose not being equated in fonn with ordinary domestic ceramics The connection between qbw and qbw-n-wt may be simply that they were both in one fonn or another storage jars

Although the qbw may have been proportionally larger than the lbw it is very unlikely that

capa temp capa appn meas

Cc vso cannc into i

either fonn had a fixed capacity at Deir el-Medina W W Struve [V V Struve] offered the only attempt to determine the capacity of the qbw (or qby) vessel based largely on Greek evidence and his research on P Boulaq 18162 Wolfgang HeIcks review of this evidence led him to conclude

dOCUJ

repre betw( vesse restril than 1

156 R A Caminos The Chronicle ofPrince Osorkon Analecta Orientalia 37 (Rome 1958) 129 157 p Cairo 58088 indicates that bw could have had a large size in this case accommodating 3 ds measures See also Janssen Commodity Prices 433 n 170 C Daniel Les noms egyptiens de certains types de vases

proba fixed

In

grecs Studia et Acta Orientalia 5-6 (1967) 383-5 equates the lIb vessel with the Greek 10 olt7tW and the vesse

Mycenaean di-pa He notes that the di-pa depicted on a tablet corresponds in shape with the form of the fib indicated by the determinative used for the word The depictions of the di-pa that Daniel cites are not 163 DG

comparable in form with the Ibw depicted in the Karnak offering list D H F Gray Linear Band evidee Archaeology Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies of the UniverSity of London 6 (1959) pI 7 I andDI would argue that the form of the lbw was very flexible 164 It 1

158 Bourriau and Quirke The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects 74 some 159 Catalogues des poids a inscriptions hieratiques de Deir el-Medineh Nos 5001-5423 DFIFAO 16 165 Da~

(Cairo 1973) 18 166 FOI 160 La ceramique du Nouvel Empire aDeir el Medineh DFIFAO 10 (Cairo 1938)35 cf 122 no 38 42 SpaHn 44 167 Da 161 Commodity Prices 412 sugges 162 Mathematischer Papyrus des staatlichen Museums der SchOnen Kunste in Moskau (Berlin 1930) 55 Ceram withn2 25 1itr

lions of vessel

-nw-k

Vessels llid and ilificant vith the Ie been )0 were

n Poids lalbelle ~ates a Mesnil vessels est the s water

le qbwshysimple

s found lat any rarely vessels s The omlor

~ly that Iteonly lce and melude

~asures

le vases and the the b are not Band pI 7 I

AO 16

3842

gt30) 55

EQliAnONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 57

that the qbw had no fixed capacity Rather it seems that vessels such as the Ibw and qbw could correspond to a range of different ds measures 163

Two texts may point to some perhaps proportional equivalence between qbw vessels and dpr vessels In O DeM 135 the record of the accumulated deficits of two potters includes a conversion from dpr vessels into qbw vessels 9 dpr vessels to (=) qbw vessels making Urn) 4Yz (see section 31) Such a conversion may indicate a size ratio between the vessels O DeM 346 vso 3 records 42 dpr vessels [making Urn)] 22 qbt vessels (see n 89 for the restoration) Ibw vessels may also be equated with dpr vessels in O DeM 202 dpr vessels 30 [as] 15 bw 50 (1 3_4)164 The restoration here is problematic and the hypothesis of any equivalence between the two types must remain tentative

O Berlin P 10654 vso displays a similar complexity in possible equivalences this time between qbw vessels and jnJt vessels This text (discussed in section 33) seems to record the potters production of ceramics on days 10 20 and 30 of II bt and day 10 of IIIilt The final two lines state total 230 of (n) qbw vessels [ ] specifying it (wp st) 23 jnJt vessels At first sight such a text seems to point to a proportional relationship between these vessels a qbw being one tenth of ajnJt Such a ratio is quite possible because jnJt vessels do seem to have been large Heicks calculations from O Gardiner 81 indicate that ajnJt vessel was 2 of a mnt-amphora 165

If a mnt had a liquid capacity of c 20 hin and a hin was 048 litres the capacity of a jnlzt would have been c 53 hin or 2551itres O Berlin P 10654 vso would then show that a qbw vessel had a capacity of c 53 hin or 25 litres whieh is a sensible size for a storage jar 166 Although it is tempting to make such equations from this data this evidence is based on assumptions about the capacity of other vessel types so is tentative HeIck estimated that the ds vessel had a eapacity of approximately 3 litres 167 If so the qbw in P Boulaq 18 would have been double the size ofa ds measure in order to contain the 2 ds (e 6 litres)

Contextual study of the equation between qbw vessels and other types in O Berlin P 10654 vso O DeM 135 and O DeM 346 vso indicates some form of size ratio operated although we cannot easily determine the flexibility of that ratio or how it was used A conversion of one vessel into its equivalent of another type is unusual in a text like O Berlin P 10654 vso which seems to document the actual produetion of vessels even their firing If the last two lines of the text represent the total of ceramics produced in this process then the specification of a relationship between the two vessels types is rather strange Perhaps the original order was for 230 qbw vessels and this was then converted into the equivalent in jn~t vessels Ifjn~t vessels had a more restricted even ritual function the equivalence expressed here may be more abstract or complex than a ratio of capacity The size of vessels delivered may have been standardized to some extent probably based on ease of delivery and manageability within a domestic eontext rather than as fixed measures

In such a context a value relationship might well have operated The jnlzt as a specialized vessel may have had a more established value in relation to which the qbw vessels could be set

163 Das Bier im Alten Agypten (Berlin 1971) 47 See also Anthony Spalingers re-evaluation of the evidence for the capacity of these vessels including discussion of O DeM 135 and 202 Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 314 His conclusions largely correspond with mine 164 It may also be possible to read dpr 30 Urnl 15 lbw 50 which would support the hypothesis of some sort ofequivalence 165 Das Bier 47 16lt5 For a review of evidence concerning the capacity of the mnl including discussion of this text see A Spalinger Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 312-3 167 Das Bier 46 R L Miller (is-vessels Beer Mugs Cirrhosis and Casting Slag GM 115 (1990) 64 suggests that the ds was a drinking vessel perhaps to be equated with depictions given in Nagel Ceramique 199-206 Miller identifies a jar found at Saqqara as a ds vessel noting that it had a capacity of 25 litres roughly corresponding to Heicks estimate

58 POTTERS

In O DeM 135 the scribe may well have calculated the value of the vessels owed down to the half vessel A parallel for this is found in O Turin 57062 vso 4 where 2Yz jnJtt vessels are set

dlagainst five vessel types which precede them (their names are lost) The recording of five vessels compared with half that amount in jnJtt vessels producing the unusual amount of a half vessel tt

2again suggests a value equivalence Since vessels do not appear with fixed values in the price

SJtexts their worth may well have been assessed in relation to other vessel types st b42 A specialized vessel jnJzt DApart from the two vessel types or classes that formed the basis of the deliveries of ceramics to rethe village the potter texts also occasionally enumerate other types jnJtt vessels although well

known from other contexts are rare in the potter texts A few texts that may indicate their ritproduction or delivery by the Deir el-Medina potters illuminate aspects of its function and context

of use The pattern of occurrence of jnJtt vessels indicates a specialized vessel type the shape of which is unknown The jnJtt vessel is most widely documented as a storage container for beer and as Walter F Reineke notes outside the data from Deir el-Medina it was often made of gold or silver J68 That this vessel could be supplied as part of the ceramic requirement of the village seems to be indicated by the delivery lists from the early 19th Dynasty (Category E) Some of these lists record jnJzt vessels although they are not always indisputably connected with the smdt potters

In the Category E delivery lists of wood and ceramics jnJtt vessels occur four times their total Ccamount being low in comparison with the other vessels enumerated in these texts In O DeM 1 6 una total of 7 jnlu vessels are delivered 5 of good quality 2 of poor In O DeM 17 4 only 3 jnJzt aUvessels were delivered (2 good 1 poor) in comparison with 290 lbw recorded in the previous intline and in O DeM 15 3 7 jn~lt vessels were delivered as against 295 Ibw vessels 16 jnJzt povessels are documented in O DeM 23 5 (the text is broken and the reading at the end of the line

uncertain)169 bei ve~Only two texts explicitly includejnJtt vessels in pottery deliveries 0 Qurna 6181 records two

jnJtt vessels among the deficit of 55 qbw and 265 Ibw vessels incurred by the potter Menna O IJry Michaelides 33 rto 3-6 J70 This text records for III Jot 30 matching deliveries from a potter to vex

Right and Left among other deliveries of wood and gypsum the potter 1 jnlp vessels 20 (pJ qd 1 jnJzt 20)171 The stroke read as one after the title p qd could refer to the bkw of the potter not

with jnJtt vessels being an addition to the quota delivered 172 jnJtt vessels were therefore a wit gocomponent of the potters repertoire and this fact may complicate the interpretation of other texts

where they occur173 More generally jnJzt vessels are recorded as being delivered filled with beer I thisand thus are probably not associated with ceramic delivery

174 (

Me(J68 Der Zusammenhang der altagyptischen Hohl- und UingenmaBe MID 9 (1963) 146 175( 169 Kitchen restores 16jnli vessels [by the hand of A]meneminet (KRII 367 8 a-b) but there does not 176 1appear to be space for this formula in the break The rest of this text is similar to the other wood and pottery

177pounddelivery lists See the discussion of parallel texts in section 23 170 Goedicke-Wente pJ 67 However I follow CernYs transcription of the text here (Nb 10830)

178 1

Cau171 Contra Goedicke and Wente who restore IT1l ] on line 3 On line 7 Goedicke and Wente read 27 jnlt 197vessels instead of 20 vessels and the restoration for the [plasterer] (Pi q() given by Cerny 179 1

172 Alternatively it could refer to a single potter although this would be unusual in this context (see section Rek21) Compare the reading of this text with that discussed for O DeM 154 rto 15-6 in section 34 Egy

173 Other entries for this day include specialty breads and ds measures of beer (117-8) while the folloVing somentry for IV Jt 1 records a festival of Hathor (1 9) Although an association with a festival context is Dietpossible the delivery of jnlts as discussed by Spahnger is recorded separately from the breads and ds inameasures and is included among more standard delveries Medinet Habu and Dei elmiddotMedina Combined note310-311 Earl

l to the are set vessels vessel e price

mics to ~h well e their ~ontext

mpe of Ir beer of gold village ome of le smdt

ir total M 16 r 3jn~f

revious 16 jn~t he line

ds two mao O )tter to (pJ qd potter fore a r texts th beer

oes not pottery

27 jn~t

section

llowing rrtext is and ds

lbined

EQUATIONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 59

jn~t vessels of beer occur consistently in a series of six Category E ostraca that seem to document the delivery of commodities associated with festival or temple offerings174 Four of these texts state that the commodities were delivered by an individual in O DeM 20 and O DeM 25 the deliveries are made by a local priest Each of these six texts lists items that include speciality foodstuffs and jn~t vessels of beer rather than the fuel and plain unfilled pottery of standard deliveries II smw 12 by the hand of the local priest (w(b Sf) 175 60 large j nJzt vessels of beer entered 56 deficit 4 120 (bundles of) vegetables ISO s(t cakes and 100 rJzs cakes (0 DeM 20) The only exception in this group is O DeM 26 where 30 large jn~1f vessels are recorded 27 are entered (jw) and there is a deficit on No beer is recorded with these vessels

The recto of O DeM 29 may confirm that lists containing such products are associated with rituals or festivals rather than deliveries of materials to the village 176

total of various (sbn)jnl)tvessels of beer 653 [+x] the record of the [ ] which were given as offerings (snw) [] good bread loaves of [ ] s(t cake [x oipeJ rJzs cakes [ J jnJzt vessels of beer [ J beer [ ]

Connections of this vessel type with the temple or festival sphere nmy explain features of the unique and difficult distribution text O BM 50728 discussed in section 23 The text records the allocation ofjnJzt vessels to individual crew members The 10 + 5 jnJzt vessels seem to be grouped into four different categories perhaps accordin~ to quality of the vessel or its contents and possibly its shape or finish 177 5 doubly good (~reg) jnJzt vessels in the fashion of hbny [vessels] being returned (m hyt) 2 for Baky I for Huy 1 (for) (Omek 1 for Qaha totalS (11 5-6) Six vessels given to individuals in line 7 one for each nmn are stated to be middling good (11fr mshyhry-jb) and line 10 enumerates two vessels that also have a designation perhaps reading not (J I~~ 3)very poor _ 1

If the jnJzt vessels were more specialized beer vessels used in festival or ritual contexts then the note of quality either of contents or of the vessel itself would have been important This concern with quality can also be seen in the delivery lists where the jnJzt vessels are described as either good or poor 178

Particularly difficult to understand in this context are the writings of hbny perhaps referring to this well-known amphora-shaped vessel I19 The five doubly goodjnl)t vessels are designated in

174 O DeM 19 20 21 25 26 27 For further discussion of these texts see Spalinger Deir e1middotMedina and Medinet Habu Combined 311

(1 0

175 l=n (1 1) For another writing of this title see O DeM 25 2 176 The verso of this text records only nswt bjty mnmiddotmrtmiddotrr 177 For the use of red ink in this text see p 19 n 75 above

178 O DeM 1 6 174 For discussion of the meaning of snn 1~ in these contexts see D Valbelle Catalogue des poids ainscriptions hieratiques de Deir eAmiddotfedineh Nos 500l-5423 DFIFAO 16 (Cairo 1977)23 179 Wh II 487 There are depictions of the hbnylhbnt vessel in Urk IV 11308 11352 and in the tomb of Rekhmire N de G Davies The Tomb of Rekh-mi-r~ at Thebes The Metropolitan Museum of Art Egyptian Expedition 11 (New York 1943) I pIs 33 34 In these examples it is shaped as an amphora sometimes without handles and often contains honey E A W Budge An Egyptian Hieroglyphic Dictionary (London 1920)446 gave the capacity of a hbnt ndst as one quarter of a hin F G Hilton-Price in an earlier publication Notes on Some Egyptian Antiquities in My Collection TSBA 9 (1886) 353 noted the same capacity for this vessel Here see also T G H James The Heqanakhte Papers and Other Early Middle Kingdom Documents (New York 1962) 118

60 POTTERS

the fashion of hbny vessels (~[]~IlJ1J 0) (vso 5) This seems to express an equivalence between the two vessel types perhaps representing an addition or finish to the jn~lt vessel that increased its value Du Mesnil du Buisson speculated in his discussion of the hhnl vessel that the word related to hbny ebony t ruJ-Oi) and indicated a blackened colour or lustre to the vesseL I80 hbny also occurs as an annotation above the entries of jnit vessels for particular workmen in lines 8-12 of the recto The entry on line 13 (hhny n [ ]) may indicate that hhny vessels themselves were also delivered to the workmen named in the following lines So far as I know hbny vessels do not occur in other Deir el-Medina textsl8J These notations may also refer to some sort of finishing to the j nit vesseL

The inclusion of more unusual designations for the vessels certainly points to the exceptional nature ofthe delivery in O BM 50728 as does the entry of an amount ((i(w) of bJq oil (8) in line lOon the verso after the specification of 10 further jnlJl vessels for particular workmen (pJ WpWl

n plIO n jnlJt n tJ jst) Janssen observes that this oil was rarely used by the workmen as it was too expensive 182 It is possible that the text refers to the delivery of jnit vessels of bJq oil the references to quality therefore referring to the quality of oil rather than the vessel itself The designation hbny may be associated with this as welL

Complicating this analysis is the proposed large size of jnit vessels (discussed in section 41) which may account to some extent for its more restricted function within the vessel repertoire jnlJt vessels occur only rarely in the Medinet Habu festival calendar indicating that even within the temple their use was specialized ls3 The ealculation of the equivalence in contents of the vessels in O Gardiner 81 indicates that we are dealing with a set capacity for these vessel types in this text 184 If the capacity of a jnit was 53 hin or 255 Htres this would equate to a significant quantity ofbJq oil per person 185

O BM 50728 remains a puzzle Despite thc difficulties in interpretation it seems most likely that it records allocation of vessels possibly filled with oil or beer for festival or cultic purposes The careful documentation of such a distribution may also indicate that the vessels were not to be kept by the men perhaps only being used by them for the event and then returned to the temple A large size may serve to explain their more limited and specialized oecurrence in the data perhaps restricted to the religious sphere rather than playing a role in the domestic life of the villagers

In this instance contextual analysis of texts that seem to relate to ceramic deliveries can alter our understanding of these texts and illuminate the role and function of a vessel type in the community For vessels that were delivered more commonly we can observe the potential for flexibility in the classification systems these would repay further detailed study sectS Conclusion Analysis of the texts concerning pottery delivery leaves a number of questions unanswered and areas unexplored the limited number of sources available and problems inherent in them restrict their potential for interpretation However some insights into the organization and administrative structures of Deir el-Medina are fortheoming from the material Within the meticulous record keeping of the village the key theme seems to be flexibility This flexibility is apparent in the

180 Noms et signes 28 181 Janssen did not include them in his chapter on Vessels in Commodity Prices None of the references for the entry in the Wb II 487 has a Deir e1-Medina provenance 182 Commodity Prices 330 183 On the occurrence of the jnltt in the Medinet Hahn festival lists see A Spalinger Medinet Habn and Deir ei-Medina Combined 311-2 ]84 Heick Das Bier 46 185 Even if the mnt was only 10 hin a jnltt would still be of a substantial size c 11-12 iitres Janssen Commodity Prices 434

N

CONCLUSION 61

number of potters assigned to the crew the size and content of the quota required every 10 days and the timing of deliveries The final section of my study also points to the potential flexibility of form size and function of the pots themselves

Although we can find implications in the potter texts for features of society beyond the village itself such as the specifie interpretation of bkw or the occurrence of vessels in royal festival calendars it must be borne in mind that the real value of the Deir el-Medina material lies in its potential to illuminate the lives of ordinary people in Ramessid Egypt For that purpose we need to attend most closely to the village context

Appendix The potters of Deir el-Medina Names of potters in documents relating to the delivery of ceramics

I

Names of potters in documents concerning matters other than the supply of ceramics

I 1 (Omek i Turin Strike Papyrus RAD 476 I

2 Khonsu bull O Turin 57192 1

3 Herunefer bull O DeM 73 rto 2

4 Paaeminet I O Berlin P 12343 vso 3

5 Bakenmut P Turin 2018 A rto la 5 rto IV 17 vso I 6 B rto II 4 D I rto 14 P BM 10068 vso V l3

6 Wenennefer P BM 10068 vso V 14

alence el that 1at the to the ticular thbny ar as I ) refer

ltional in line middotwpwt it was til the f The

1 41) rtoire within of the pes in ificant

likely poses tto be ~mple data of the

1 alter in the ial for

d and estrict rative ecord in the

rences

)U and

nssen

1 I Menna O IFAO 387 1 O Qurna 618i1 O DeM 91 1 O Berlin P 10840 vso 1

2 bull Nakhy I

O IFAO 3874 O DeM 914

3 I Ptahemheb O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O DeM 343 2 P Greg vso B 8 rto A11

4 Parahotep O DeM 868

5 Hori O DeM 868 O DeM 869

6 Herunefer O Cairo 25597 rto 3

7 Neferher O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O Cairo 25633 vso 2

8 Amennakht O DeM 44 rto 8

9 Dmek P Turin 2081+2095 rto 1

10 ltAhawy P Turin 1881 vso V 1 VI 7 VII 1 () Giornale of year 17 rto B II 2 P Turin 2018 A vso 1 12 B rto II 11 B vso II 17 P BM 10068 vso VI 25 P Turin 2014 rto 27-8 P BM 10054 vso II 9

62 POTTERS

Addendnm

Pierre Grandets Catalogue des ostraca hieratiques non litteraires de Deir el-Medineh IXbecame available just as this chapter went to the press This volume contains a number of important potter texts I have included them in the tables on pages 33-7 and provide a short account of them here

O DeM is the longest and most detailed potter account known to me I will be adressing the issues it raises in a further publication It records deliveries made by the potters Ptahemheb Parahotep Hori and Neferher for the months of I bt to I prt of a year 6 The title p qd occurs only in line I in reference to Ptahemheb but probably also covers the other individuals named Ptahemheb and Neferher are known from other potter accounts discussed in this chapter O DeM 869 also published by Grandet and dated to a year 6 records deliveries made by Hori of qbw and lbw vessels to Right Both Hori and Parahotep are not otherwise attested in the potter texts In O DeM 868 details of delivery are grouped according to individual potters In line 13 Neferher delivers vessels to Left (t rj smM this is the only statement concerning Right or Left in this text That four potters deliver during the same general period emphasizes the potential number of potters involved in delivery which is not generally apparent in many of the potter texts Ptahemheb and Neferher make deliveries on different days in IV bt The vessel numbers vary except for those delivered as the making good of deficits by Ptahemheb which are consistent sums (II 3-4) The vessels delivered include qbw and Ibw vessels as well as gy andjnlt this text therefore provides further evidence thatjnJtt vessels were part of the potters repertoire

Grandet follows Gutgesell in assigning a date in the mid-20th Dynasty to O DeM 868 and 869 19thMy assignment of a late Dynasty date to the other account ostraca of Ptahemheb and

Neferher (0 Cairo 25591 O Cairo 25633 and O DeM 343) is based on the record of Ptahemhebs deliveries in P Greg firmly dated by Janssen to the reign of Siptah186 Gutgesell places Ptahemheb in the 20th Dynasty on the basis of the occurrence of this name in P Turin 2006+ 1961 usually dated to year 29 of Ramesses 111 [87 The Ptahemheb in this text is not a potter and so is a different individual I propose that the late 19th Dynasty date of the other documents should therefore be retained and should also be adopted for O DeM 868 and 869

Further texts relevant to potters in Grandets volume include O DeM 877 in which a list of arrears in water supplies are measured in jnlt vessels O DeM 871-3 are sherds bearing the phrase mJ qd Grandet considers these phrases along with the phrase ml m-rJrt p-Jtm-nlr complete by the hand ofPahemnetjerthe priest on O DeM 870 as delivery marks inscribed on the pots themselves18S

186 Janssen Village Varia 115-6 187 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 252 309-12 188 Catalogue des ostraca IX 49-50

UNT

Marel

sectl Eil Die A Papyr Einwc zusHin Verw Angell besch~

Bei suchur wichtil Andre Vortei Juni 2( nicht-li recherc

Beirr allgem

bull Der MaXI

mieh Aufn Doni Sieh~

J Ja grap dazu

2 Sieht tause Peri Gutg Teil1 el ME Held Janss Histo

6 MeD Valb

g Venn Witnl II Ta

10 Ein P II Gutg 12 Allan 13 Held

Page 11: Woodcutters, Potters and Doorkeepers Service Personnel of the Deir El Medina Workmen

--

38 POTTERS

production of some simple forms alongside those produced in the kilns of the state-controlled the workshops47 There is no further evidence for such a practice at Deir el-Medina Dominique con Valbelle also assumed that the potters worked close to the village48 but there is no archaeological evidence for workshops in the vicinity 22

Rostislav Holthoers survey of New Kingdom kiln sites does not include any at Deir elshy Thn Medina However he did record a kiln associated with a 19th to 2200 Dynasty habitation to the left time of the road between Deir el-Medina and Medinet Habu This kiln is small being only 11Ocm wide invc and 70cm high and may be considered too small for the considerable production levels of the orga Deir el-Medina potters49 Nicholson has also noted that the kilns identified by Holthoer at elshy char Amarna were in fact ovens associated with different industries5o This casts some doubt over text~

Holthoers identifications It is also uncertain how far el-Amarna is comparable to Deir elshy IS plt Medina expl

Some textual evidence may indicate that the workshops were located some distance from the S( village The service staff of Deir el-Medina was generally regarded as of the outside their (unp deliveries perhaps made to the gatehouse of the necropolis p lJtm n p lJr from a location DeM external to the village itself although this is nowhere stated in a text concerning pottery but t delivery51 A workshop location on the floodplain also seems appropriate in view of the ostra quantities of water required by potteries The town register on the verso ofP BM 10068 dated to the d year 12 probably of Ramesses XI seems to support such a location52 Three potters are included Ar in the list of houses centred on Medinet Habu two of these rAhawy and Bakenmut are known sumn from contemporaneous journal papyri The potter r Ahawy of the tomb is also included among Pash( those receiving grain who belong to every house [within] the enclosure wall of the temple of Ipuy Usermaatre meriamun These houses are not necessarily to be equated with their workshops relatilt

Potteries are generally regarded as unpleasant and anti-social operations requiring their on th location on the outskirts of settlements53 Such an assumption may sometimes be based on actior imposition of modern concepts of pollution Although the pottery workshop at el-Amarna was on delivf the outskirts of the main city area54 there is ethnographic evidence for pottery workshops sited crew within residential areas55 Be that as it may the location of the pottery workshops which supplied Lefts

whetl1 defici work

47 The Firing of Pottery in An Introduction to Ancient Egyptian Pottery eds D Arnold and 1 Bourriau seem (Mainz 1993) 113 Nicholson The Pottery Workshop at Q 484 at Tell e1-Amarna 67 The S1 48 Ouvriers 265

exam~ 49 New Kingdom Pharaonic Sites The Pottery ed T Siive-Soderbergh vol 51 The Scandanavian joint

twomexpedition to sudanese Nubia (Copenhagen Oslo Stockholm 1977)22

as one 50 The Firing of Pottery 112 Evidence of pottery kilns was also found behind the mortuary temple of

side OJAmenhotep son of Hapu A Varille and C Robichon Quatre nouveaux temples Thebains CdE 10 (1935) L It has been suggested that these kilns were a component of the industrial area which operated put the on behalf of the mortuary temples 1 D Bourriau P T Nicholson and P 1 Rose Pottery in Ancient The Egyptian Materials and Technology eds P T Nicholson and I Shaw (Cambridge 2000) 139-40 found 5l See for example Giornale of year 17 of Ramesses IX (Botti and Peet pI 14) rto B I 11middot12 with 1 seem t Cemy A Community of Workmen at Thebes in the Ramesside period BdE 50 (Cairo 1973) 184-5 but see 25591 now Janssen section 8 For discussion of the role of the p IJtm n p IJr see for example R Ventura On (the) p the Location of the Administrative Outpost of the Conununity of Workmen in Western Thebes JEA 73 (1987) 149middot60 52 J J Janssen A New Kingdom Settlement The Verso of Pap BM 10068 AOF 19 (1992) 8-23 56AL 53 PT Nicholson and H L Patterson Pottery Making in Upper Egypt An Ethnoarchaeological Study Worksh World Archaeology 17 (1985) 226 For a negative description of the potters trade in a literary text 1983) transmitted within Deir el-Medina see W Heick Die Lehre des Dw-M KAT (Wiesbaden 1970)53-58 57 This sect IX of this t 54 The pottery workshop at Q 484 at Tell el-Amarna 61 58 Hene 55 Nessim Henry Henein Poterie et potiers d Al-Qasr oasis de Dakhla BdE 116 (Cairo 1997) 124Fo

trolled Imque ogical

eir elshyhe left tlwide of the at el-

It over eir e1shy

)m the their tcation )ottery of the ated to eluded known among Iple of IpS ~ their jed on vas on s sited pplied

ourriau

iI1 joint

3ple of dE 10 )erated Indent

with J but see ra On rEA 73

Study ry text 53-58

THE ORGANIZATION OF WORK AND DELIVERY 39

the village and their internal organization remains a mystery Only when the potters come into contact with the village through delivery do they become more visible in the record

22 How many potters Throughout the 19th and 20th Dynasties the numbers of potters delivering to the village at anyone time seems to have remained largely stable Potteries are understood to be substantial operations involving probably a master potter and a number of assistants56 Evidence for the wider organization of the workshops on this level as well as any adaptations made in response to changes in the size of the village is not apparent in the data (see above pp 12-15) Where the texts do enumerate numbers of potters we can conclude that two were responsible for delivery it is possible that one potter was assigned to each side of the crew but the texts are not generally explicit concerning this level of the organization

Some evidence for potter numbers is found in the 19th Dynasty account texts O IFAO 387 (unpub) separately records the deficits of two potters that ofMerma preceding that ofNakhy O OeM 91 records a deficit accumulated by Menna in lines 1-3 In line 4 Nakhys name is written but the rest of the line was left blank or erased Cerny noted that three lines on the verso of this ostracon had been erased perhaps indicating that the account was originally intended to record the deliveries of both men57

Another account in this group O Berlin P 10840 is more difficult to interpret The recto summarizes Mennas total deficit for 5 months stating that he is under the authority of the scribe Pashed (r-lJt sf P3-sd) On the verso are three lines of text the first giving the name of a scribe Ipuy Lines 2 and 3 record very high totals of vessels (94 qbw vessels and 992lbw vessels) The relationship between the text on the recto and that on the verso is unclear the numbers of vessels on the verso are almost double the amount of those on the recto Other sources recording the actions of Pashed and Ipuy indicate that they were smdt-scribes responsible for the supervision of deliveries Their separate appearance in this text may indicate that deficits for each side of the crew were enumerated seperately because smdt-scribes seem to have been assigned to Right and Left58 It is not clear whether Menna was responsible to the different sides for both deficits or whether the verso deficits belong to a second potter perhaps Nakhy If the latter is the case the deficits of O DeM 91 and O IF AO 387 may also reflect the division into Right and Left The work organization and administration of the crew was structured by this division so it would seem logical that the work and deliveries of the potters should be organized on this basis as well The situation is often not made explicit and these texts can be interpreted in various ways For example an undated and anonymous account text O OeM 135 records deficit of the potters two men (4t n p3 qd s 2) (1 1) The totals of vessels that follow are not divided into two groups as one might expect It is therefore not clear whether the two men were required to deliver to one side of the crew to the viIIage as a single unit or whether for the sake of expediency the scribe put the totals for each side together

The only clear statements concerning a division of the potters deliveries to Right and Left are found in the account ostraca and the journal papyrus from the late 19th Dynasty These texts also seem to confirm that two potters usually delivered to the village at anyone time In O Cairo 25591 rto 4-5 is recorded receipt of the bkw of (the) potter Ptah[emheb] receipt of the bkw of (the) potter Nefer[her] The text breaks off at the end of these lines so it cannot be ascertained

56 A L Kelley Some Reflections on Pottery and Society in Ancient Egypt in Papers of the Pottery Workshop Third International Congress of Egyptology Toronto Sept 1982 ed A L Kelley (Toronto 1983)30 57 This idea is recorded as a note in Cerny Nb 104l39 No mention of the verso is made in the publication of this text Catalogue des ostraca I pI 54 58 Hence my tentative assignment of this text and O DeM 91 to Category B see also Davies Whos Who 124 For discussion of the role of muil-scribes see section 23 with references

--

v

40 POTTERS

whether these deliveries were made to different sides of the crew The preceding entries concerning units of fuel were separately enumerated for each side Right preceding Left (rto 1-2) tI Perhaps the pottery delivery followed this pattern

Two further texts O Cairo 25633 and O DeM 343 are more explicit O Cairo 25633 vso 1-2 tI records receipt of the bkw of (the) potter Neferher of Left (ssp bkw qd nfr-~r n smM O Il DeM 343 1-2 in contrast records Year 6 I smw 1 receipt by the hand of (the) potter ( Ptahemheb of Right (qd pt~-m-~b n wnmy) Ptahemheb continued to deliver to Right into the B reign of Siptah at the end of the 19th Dynasty as recorded in P Greg rto A 11 potter Ptahemheb f~ of Right to the scribe Pentaweret - 2 bkw59 Other entries in this text (vso B 11-13) also v separately enumerate deliveries of bkw for each side the entry on vso B 8 also recording the Ii name Ptah[ emheb] 60 From these texts we can posit that in the late 19th Dynasty the potters el Ptahemheb and Neferher were probably required to deliver to the right and left sides of the crew re respectively as successors of Menna and Nakhy the only other pair of potters named in the 19tb

Ie Dynasty documentation

In the journal ostraca from the reign of Ramesses II which record deliveries to Right the use of 2~ the singular in the standard entry marking pottery delivery entered by the hand of the potter Uw th m-Ijrt p qd)61 and variants seems to record the activities of only one potter However p qd is a P formulaic way of referring to potters and it is possible that the title may conceal varying numbers th of men pc

The lists of smdt representing Right and Left included on the verso of the Turin Strike Papyrus (RAD 45-7) do not clarify the situation for the mid_20th Dynasty The entry after those who produce pots (nty qd) in the first list (vso 1 19) is lost although there is space for only one name The second list also ineludes only one potter ~Omek (vso 4 11) and the list ends here62 It is possible to interpret these lists as indicating the presence of only one potter for each side of the crew The speech of the door-keeper Khaemwaset entered later in this text where he promises to increase the numbers of potters to 4 men (on) Right and 4 (on) Left total 8 men (vso 2 16) can perhaps be interpreted as pure rhetoric (see above p 13) There is little further evidence for 2 numbers of potters in the journals of year 29 and later but no such increase seems to have As occurred ad

In the papyrus journals from the late 20th Dynasty deliveries of the potters bkw are separately OCI enumerated for each side63 The entries in these texts indicate some variation in numbers of ill potters although we still seem to be dealing with only one or two men In P Turin 2044 vel (unpubl) from year 1 of Ramesses V an entry records Left the two potters [deficit] (sm~ p im qd 2 [4]) (rto I 5) Thus at times two potters may have been expected to deliver to one side

The only potters name recorded in the later papyrus journals is that of ~Ahawy In the Journal De of Year 7 of Ramesses IX (P Turin 1881 Pleyte and Rossi pI 1-8 KRI VI 609-19) pottery SCI deliveries are made by ~Ahawy but there is no indication whether these were made to Right or Ra Left (vso col V 1-3 col VI 7-8) In verso col VII 1-2 the entry for a lost day in III smw the records received by the hand of the potter [ ] Right and Left vessels Ibw-vessels 150 qb(w)shy en1

SCt

Dy 59 Janssen Village Varia 117 Pel 60 ibid 122 61 For this phrase see section 23 62 The potter Omek also occurs in P Turin 2081 +2095 rto 1 (unpubl) from the mid 20th Dynasty The text records a delivery but the details are lost 63 For example P Turin 2070133 134 + 3 frgs rto II 10-11 (KRJ VI 426-8 entered as Cat 2070154) P Turin 1881 (Pleyte and Rossi pI 1-8) vso VII 1-2 P Turin 1900 (KRI VI 619-24) vso II 7 Turin Necropolis Journal Year 3 Ramesses X (P Turin 1898 Botti and Peet pI 50-63 KRIVI 687-99) rto III 9-1013-14 Turin ~ecropolis Journal Year I Ramesses XI (P Turin 1888 Botti and Peet pl 63 KRJVI 850-1) vso dockets A 2-4

mtries 1-2)

101-2 I) O potter Ito the milieb ) also ng the )otters crew le 19th

use of er Uw ldis a rnbers

Strike those lyone

62 Itre of the ises to

~ 16) ce for have

rately ers of 2044

llip3 je

mmal ottery ~ht or smw

b(w)shy

e text

4) P Turin 0 III IVI

INTERPRETING RECEIPT AND DELIVERY 41

vessels 70 It seems likely that (Ahawys name is to be restored here This last entry may indicate that IAha) could be responsible for deliveries to both Right and Left

In P Turin 2018 (KRI VI 851-63) listing payments of grain to the crew and the smdt dating to the end of the 20th Dynasty IAhawy is included in the list of smdt for Left (A vso 1 10-12 B rto II 9-11 B vso II 17) In the list of smdt for Right is recorded the name of the potter Bakenmut (A rto IV 15-17 A vso I 2-6 B rto II 2-4) In one entry in this text he is recorded as potter Bakenmut son of r Ahawy (A rto la 3-5) It is very likely that potting was a skill passed from father to son and here we see a family of craftsmen responsible for delivery of ceramics to the village In contrast with the evidence for the woodcutters (see above p 15) there seems to be little indication of a change in numbers of potters to reflect any decrease in the size of the crew except for the Journal of Year 7 Perhaps IAhawy was assisted in his delivery by his son the responsibility for supply at this time falling to a single family who could be noted in greater or lesser detail in the record64

The potter rAhawy is also entered in a list of potters (m qdw) in P Turin 2014 (UTlpubl) rto 27_865 The text is not dated but his name places it in the late 20th Dynasty As Janssen observes the names of the laundrymen included in the list in this papyrus are different from those listed in P Turin 2018 perhaps indicating some distance in time between the two texts66 The writing of the plural in the title to the list (m qdw) is formulaic and need not indieate that more than one potter is meant

The number of potters delivering to the village at anyone time seems generally to have been stable at two men Some flexibility may be detected in the papyrus documents of the late 20th

Dynasty although the numbers do not seem to vary beyond one or two The potential for flexibility in the numbers of smdt has been noted by Janssen for both the woodcutters and the fishermen (see above p 15) It is possible that the fonnulae used for recording ceramic deliveries in earlier texts may conceal variations in their numbers

23 Interpreting receipt and distribution As Davies has shown in his study of the family histories in the village the smdt were administered by their Oill scribes67 Possibly the earliest explicit attestation of smdt-scribes occurs in a pottery account On the recto of O Berlin P 10840 the potter Menna is said to be under the authority (r-) of the scribe Pashed (I 1) Pashed and the scribe mentioned on the verso of the ostracon (1 1) Ipuy are knovro from other contemporaneous texts to have been involved in smdt-deliveries and the deliveries ofproduce such as dates and loaves to the village68

Scribes also occur with less explicit statements of authority in two other pottery accounts In O OeM 346 quantities of vessels were delivered on II prt 20 and 23 by the hand of (m-4rt) the scribe Amenemope Davies records two smdt-scribes named Amenemope one from the reign of Ramesses II and one from Ramesses IV_V69 I am inclined to assign this text the earlier date on the basis of its similarity to O OeM 623 On the verso of O OeM 623 a number of vessels are entered for I smw 1 On the recto a quantity of wood is entered by the hand Uw m-4rt) of the scribe Pentaweret for the same date Two smdt-scribes named Pentawcret held office in the 19tb

Dynasty one late in the reign of Ramesses II and one at the very end of the dynasty7o The Pentaweret of the late 19tb Dynasty is recorded as receiving 2 b3kw from the potter Ptahemheb (P

64 Compare the family firms of fishermen Janssen Village Varia 40 65 The line numbers given here follow CernYs provisional transcription (171541-6 171725-9) 66 Janssen and Janssen The Laundrymen of the Theban Necropolis 5 67 Whos Who 123-42 68 ibid 124 Davies doubts the equation Cerny made between this Pashed and the like-named draughtsman (Community206) 69 Whos Who 283-4 70 ibid 125-6283

--

42 POTTERS

Greg rto A II) The phrase jw tn-4rt can be used of both potters and scribes In the case of the

scribes it is likely they were involved in receiving and recording the ceramics rathcr than men

physical transportation and delivery The interpretation of tn-4rt is crucial here Although I T

translate the preposition literally it can be understood more flexibly as under the responsibility of which could express a range of levels of responsibility for supply from physical delivery to

seen for (

recording receipt7l

theslWhen pots are delivered or received by the hand of someone who is not given the title

indi(potter or otherwise connected with the stndt the status of the delivery is less clear Valbelle

to innotes the distinction between ceramics brought by the potters and vessels filled with beer and oother commodities provided by institutions72 Usually the content of the latter vessels is given 73

andHowever in some cases the entry is uncertain particularly with the delivery ofjnlt vessels In O

worDeM 23 5 16 jnll vessels are delivered by the hand of Amenemope while in O DeM 26 2-3 the a 30 large jnlt vessels are recorded by the hand of Nebnefer entered 27 deficit 3 Neither of

laquo~(ythese men is given any title and it is possible that they are ordinary workmen 74

(ves~The problems associated with interpreting the deliveries of jnlzt vessels can be best illustrated grou

by O Cairo 25704 which records the delivery ofjnll vessels in year 2 of Sety I no month or day probis given Although Davies connects this delivery with the known smdt-scribe Tjay or the member distn of the smdl Tjiro75 the status of this text remains uncertain Line 2 records the one who brought alloe very largejn~t vessels returned to Tj[ J (nty rdj jnlt (5t sp sn m-hyt mJ 0[ ]) while line 3 lines has the one who brought small () jnlt vessels assigned to [ J (nty rdj jnlt lrj m-Is (5 m-( twtw [ ))76 The non-standard means of entering the delivery nty rdj may indicate that this text 451 d records a more specialized range of vessels not necessarily to be associated vith the smdt-potters O jnlt vessels have a restricted range of occurrence in the Deir el-Medina documentation and are perhsometimes associated with festival deliveries (see the discussion of O BM 50728 below and desigsection 42) Therefore these vessels may not belong with the unfilled ceramics delivered by the desigsmdt-potters text I

There is little evidence in the texts that potters were assisted in the delivery of their wares by there other members of the smdt as is the case with the woodcutters (see above pp 12ff) Entries in the smdt journal OStraca record deliveries by the hand of the potter (m-4rt P5 qd)77 or entered by the In hand of the potter (jw m-4rt P5 qd)78 This may indicate delivery by the potters themselves but meml the use of such formulaic phraseology in recording delivery may conceal a number of possible inclUi alternatives for this aspect of supply Considering the quantities involved and the probable size of (mrw

is no perha

71 For discussion sec P Tallet Deux pretres-sem tMbains de la XXe dynastie BIFAO 99 (1999) 417 An SOlalternative translation of the phrase with similar implications would be arrived by the hand of

proba72 Ouvriers 265 For the representation of such tilled vessels in the ceramic repertoire from Deir el-Medina

delivcsee for example L Bavay S Marchand and P Tallet Les jarres inscrites du Nouvel Empire provenant de Deir aI-Medina CaMers de la Ceramique Egyptienne 6 (2000) 77-86 with references of the 73 For example all deliveries of wine to the village were made in mnt-amphorae Janssen Commodity Prices 350 mnt vessels are only once recorded as part of a potters deliveries In O Or Inst Chicago

79 Tw16998 (unpubL) 30 mnt vessels are entered alongside 30 qbw vessels and 150 Ibw vessels (1 3) The entry

Amenof a wood delivery in line 2 may indicate that this text records deliveries by the smdt For the elite status periodof the mnt see Bourriau Nicholson and Rice Pottery l37 potter

74 O DeM 202 records quantities of dpr and lbw vessels entered by the hand of Wepwawetmose potterAlthough the status of this text can be questioned lbw vessels are a more standard part of the smdt-potters cornprepertoire 80 In 1

75 Whos Who 106 with n 302 referri

76 For the readings of m-hyt mJ and rrt-s mJ see D Valbelle Remarques sur les textes neo-egyptiens meaninon-Iitteraires (sect 6-10) BIFAO 77 (1977) 129-13 L 81 For

77 For example O DeM 159 10 O DeM 39 rto 4 of hig

78 For example O DeM 35 addition above line 7 O DeM 154 rto 15-6 O DeM 38 7 O DeM 47 vso 4 Ramel

e of than

19h I bility ry to

title lbelle rand fenn

InO 2-3 ler of

trated lrday mlber ought line 3 mJ

s text )tters

Id are If and )y the

res by in the )y the es but ISsible ize of

17 An

l1edina venant

modity 1llcago e entry status

trnose )otters

yptiens

vso 4

INTERPRETING RECEIPT AND DELIVERY 43

the vessels the delivery could have involved several trips andor the use of assistants who are not mentioned because they had no responsibility

The distribution of the ceramics among the community is only rarely attested O DeM 337 seems to record numbers of pots owed to particular workmen III ot 10 deficit of 3lbw vessels for (n) Amenemope deficit of I ds vessel 1 dpy vessel and 3 lbw vessels for (n) Nakhy Both these names are common and it is impossible to date the text on this basis79 This text may indicate that not only were records made of the potters debts to the crew in general deficits owed to individual crew members could be documented as well

O BM 50728 dated to year 2 probably of Ramesses II also seems to relate to the processing and distribution of a particular type of ceramic recording vessels delivered to individual workmen as well as deficits owed to them The first five lines of the recto set out the purpose of the account Year 2 [ ] the record of the jn~t vessels for Left (p SOJW m n jn~t n smM - a total (~~~w) of 10 + 5 jn~t vessels Specification (wp s(traquo) for the crew concerning the 10 + 5 (vessels) 80 The numbers of vessels given to each member of the crew are then detailed The first group of five vessels is clearly allocated to four named workmen one for each man Baki probably the foreman of the crew81 received two corresponding to the hierarchal systems of distribution known from accounts of rations and other provisions Lines 7-10 continue with the allocation of different vessel types to named individuals The end of the recto is very broken but lines 11 and 12 seem to have recorded vessels owed to Amenmose (4t n jmn-msw) Pa-[ ] and twtw() and in this the text provides a parallel for O DeM 337 In O BM 50728 rto 11-12 the 41 determinative was crossed out possibly indicating that the debt was paid

O BM 50728 includes some unusual qualifications for the vessels including terms related perhaps to quality (very good jnJt njr nJr middling good jn~t nJr m-~ry-jb) and the designation of certain vessels as being in the fashion of hbny (vessels) (m qd hbny) These designations and the total (~J~w) ofbq oil given in the last line of the recto may indicate that the text records the delivery of filled jnJt vessels for a specific perhaps festival or ritual context I therefore doubt whether the text is concerned with the distribution of ceramics delivered by the smdt potters (see 42 for further discussion of this text)

In contrast O Cairo 25597 dated to year 2 of Ramesses IV records items distributed to members of the smdt The distribution list begins on line 2 with specification (wp-st) and includes a coppersmith a water-carrier as well as the potter Herunefer who received 5 bundles (mrw or ors) the content of these bundles is not stated Although the context for this distribution is not clear this is the only text known to me in which a potter seems to receive a payment perhaps in exchange for work

Some aspects of organization of work such as distribution of pots among the villagers probably did not require the level of administration and documentation needed for the record of delivery Details concerning the processing of delivery remain unclear such as the precise nature of the receipt and distribution of the products However the texts do allow the stages of delivery

79 Two workmen named Nakhy are known from the late 19th Dynasty Janssen Commodity Prices 86 Amenemope is a common name in all periods ibid 42 Although a potter Nakhy is known from this period I doubt whether this text should be understood as referring to the deficits of untitled but named potters instead I read the n as a preposition rather than the indirect genitive It would be very unusual for a potter to be untitled and the text does not follow the standard pattern for potter accounts recording deficits compare O DeM 91 O IFAO 387 O DeM 135 O Gardiner 88 vso 80 In these lines the number 10 is written in black ink while 5 is written in red Some of the numbers referring to allocations to individual workmen in the following lines of the text are also written in red The meaning of the use of red ink in the text requires further investigation 81 For Baki and his family see Davies Whos Who 2-12 If the provision of an extra vessel is an indicator of higher status this text would provide evidence that Baki continued in office into the early years of Ramesses II

I

--44 POTTERS

to be traced illuminating aspects of the organization of the potters work and their relationship the with the community ofDeir el-Medina veSt

may 24 Donkey hire by potters timi Although it can be assumed that donkeys were necessary for the delivery of ceramics to the (see village J know of only one relevant text and that refers only indirectly to the potters use of lOe donkeys There seem to be no hireage texts for potters comparable to those attested for or4 woodcutters and watercarriers

O DeM 73 Ito details a legal case concerning a donkey in the 20 th year of Ramesses III The 32 text records the resolution of a dispute (del) between the potter Herunefer who was the complainant and the workman Anynakht82 Herunefer hired a donkey from Anynakht The

FrO bkI

donkey proved unsatisfactory and an exchange was agreed upon in the presence of (m-blM a scribe of the mat Amennakhe3 The bad donkey was handed over to him Uwtw Ir swd n) and

blk1 Sh01

he gave him Uwf djt) an (other) she-donkey in its place (11 3-4) The text concludes with the resl taking of an oath on account of it (br pbwys) presumably by Anynakht

As Janssen observes in reference to the woodcutters and watercarriers texts about the hireage spec daYE

of donkeys are comparatively rare and are concentrated in the reigns of Ramesses III and IV Those that survive perhaps refer to rather unusual situations as here The distinctive nature of this

smt intel

text lends support to Janssens proposal that there was a pool of donkeys perhaps state or communally owned rather than belonging to the workmen themselves available for deliveries to

pap) was

the village (see above p 29) here T

sect3 Documenting supply 31 The timing ofexpected deliveries Janssen has determined through analysis of the journal OStraca of the reigns of Ramesses TIT and IV that deliveries of ceramics were expected every ten days84 That this was the practice in the early 19th Dynasty is confirmed by the delivery lists of wood and pottery Where the lists are dated these dates usually fall on days 1085 2086 or 3087 of the month which are the days on which deliveries were also recorded later in the 20 th Dynasty

It is likely that vessels were not expected on any particular day within this time frame and could be delivered in smaller amounts throughout the period like the deliveries by the gardeners and fishermen ss P Greg vso B II 8 documents the receipt of bkw of the potter for year 6 of

that for ( the doCl pred of tl gene mixt term

Siptah on the 19th day of IV lvt This delivery is then recorded in the summary information for IV lvt 10 to 20 A journal ostracon of the reign of Ramesses III records that on II smw 7 the potter entered two blkw one (w) for I smw 30 one for II smw 10 (0 DeM 38 7) The account text O DeM 346 of the mid_20th Dynasty documents the receipt of two quantities of vessels within three days On II prt 20 30 qbt vessels and 110 lbw vessels were received or delivered by the hand of

33l The wen O E IIIp scali mad

82 For Anynakht see Davies Whos Who 74-5 The potter Herunefer is also known from O Cairo 25597 39 (1

83 The role of the scribe of the mat (sv n un) in this text has been discussed by Ben Haring The Scribe of the Mat From Agrarian Administration to Local Justice in Deir el-Medina in the Third Millennium

Jans~ 90 b

AD A Tribute to Jac J Janssen eds R J Demaree and A Egberts Egyptologische Uitgaven 14 (Leiden 91 ibi

2000) 149 For the legal status of this text see A G McDowell Jurisdiction in the Workmens Community 92 O

ofDeir el-Medina Egyptologische Uitgaven 5 (Leiden 1990) 146-7 84 Commodity Prices 485-6

B893n

85 O DeM 1 5 7 10 12 13 17 23 O Gardiner 43 94 Fe

86 O DeM 2 8 15 24 O Or lust Chicago 18878 reCOl

87 O DeM 3 4 9 11 12 14 18 22 O DH 6 7 88 J J Janssen bkw From Work to Product SAK 20 (1993)90 n 52

tragI 95 L

lship

)the se of I for

The the The

M a ) and h the

reage i IV fthis te or ies to

I and n the s are fS on

ould sand 6 of

or IV lotter xtO three ndof

97 kribe znium iden lunity

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 45

the scribe Amenemope (rto 11 1-2) On II prt 23 a further 42 dpr vessels making(9 22 qb vessels and 100 tbw vessels were also entered by the scribe Amenemope (vso n 1-4) This text may record part payments of the delivery expected for II prt 20-30 The data concerning the timing of delivery therefore correspond to the evidence discussed by Janssen for the woodcutters (see above pp 18ff) As in the woodcutter texts if the delivery was completed in full during the 10 day period it was recorded as mI Any deficit or shortfall in delivery was entered as (w)gJ(t) or gJ nlr

32 The terminology ofsupply bJkw From the late 19th or early 20 th Dynasties the deliveries of ceramics were recorded in units of bJlnv in both account and journal ostraca Janssen has discussed the use and meaning of the tenn bkw in the Deir el-Medina material blkw in its absolute sense means work but Janssen has shown that in many cases in these documents the meaning can shift from work to the resultproduct of the work90 Within this usage the bkw of the potter seems to have a more specific meaning Janssen has concluded that it signifies a fixed amount that was due every ten days a quota He cites the example ofO DeM 387 where two b3kw were recorded one for I smw 30 one for II smw 10 91 The detenninatives used in the writing of b3lnv support this interpretation Although in the late 19th and early 20th Dynasty texts bkw was detennined by the papyrus roll92 from the middle to the end of the reign of Ramesses III the vessel detenninative was used93 The change to this detenninative from one with a more abstract meaning signals that here bkw is a work requirement consisting of an amount of ceramics

The usage of bkw in the journals and accounts implies that this amount was fixed a quota that would therefore be quantifiable There are records of the entry of two bkw often to make up for overdue deliveries and occasionally even half bkw94 These references certainly imply that the bIlnv was a predetennined amount that could be doubled or halved when necessary The documenting of deficits in the texts also shows that each delivery was expected to consist of a predetermined amount The Category E text O DeM 12 seems to record such a deficit On line 4 of this delivery list is written deficit namely deficit of vessels (4 qrlJt 4)95 Since qrlt is the generic tenn for vessels the implication is that the expected delivery of ceramics probably a mixture of types and quantities was not made To determine the composition of each bkw in terms of vessel types and numbers is however difficult

33 b3kw in the J(jh Dynasty accounts (text categories B C E) The 19th Dynasty accounts of the deficits of the potters Menna and Nakhy indicate that deliveries were pre-determined as amounts that if not delivered in full were recorded to be made up later O Berlin P 10840 records an accumulation of deficits owed by Menna from year 9 III fJt 1 to III prt 30 making 5 months 53 qbt vessels 575 bw vessels (11 2-3) This account shows the scale of thc deficit that the potter could incur over a period of time if complete deliveries were not made

89 Cernys transcription of the text contains an ellipsis and query at this point (Catalogue VII pI 2) Janssen (pers corron) has suggested that the two dashes in the hieratic facsimile could be read as Jr n 90 hkw From Work to Product 89 91 ibid 89-90 nO DeM 606 rto 611 O Cairo 25591 rto 4-5 and O Cairo 25633 vso 1 P Greg rto B 23 A 11 vso B 8 11-12 93 The journal ostraca from the mid_20th Dynasty consistently use this determinative 94 For an examples entries of two bkw see O DeM 154 rto 16 P Greg rto A II 11-12 Half units are recorded in O DeM 44 rto 20 P Turin 1961 (Pleyte and Rossi pI 99) vso II 5 Anonymous Turin fragment (Cerny MSS 3616) 95 t~~lon

46 POTTERS

O DeM 135 is a testimony to the precision with which such deficits were recorded This undated text enumerates the deficit of two potters Deficit of the potters 2 men 96 29 qbw fle)vessels 5 gy vessels 00 Ibw vessels 9 dp(r) vessels to (r) qbw vessels making 4Y2 Total ves making 33Y2 qbw vessels The final two lines seem to indicate that 9 dpr vessels were equivalent mo in some way to 4Yz qbw vessels97 When added to the 29 qbw vessels in line 2 this gives the total ves of 33Y2 Perhaps the potters were initially required to deliver 9 dpr vessels along with the other and vessels but the decision was made to convert these dpr vessels into their equivalent in qbw dprvessels Here it must be borne in mind that this text records deficit rather than delivery It seems forto reflect the scribes accounting mentality precisely recording the precise value of the deficit

forwhich may have been rounded up or down in reality The meticulous record of deficit does imply sigrfixed vessel deliveries with a specific amount being due every ten days

deliAlthough such texts imply the presence of a quota it is difficult to quantify that quota in terms

posof numbers and types of vessels In this context O DeM 135 provides an additional insight The

asklconversion of one vessel type into its equivalent in another type if it is a concrete conversion

therather than a statement of value implies a certain flexibility within the deliveries Perhaps this document shows the superiors of the crew specifying or making adjustments to the amounts of

34ceramics required every ten days in accordance with the needs of the crew

TheSuch an interpretation could explain the range of vessel types and quantities enumerated in the

19th defiDynasty delivery lists while also perhaps accounting for the precise documentation of It isdeficits These ostraca note deliveries of at least eight different vessel types in varying quantities

and combinations including jn~t98 m~t99 qbwIOO kJ-lr-kJ 101 gJy102 Ibw103 dpr104 and dS I05 and imp

Some of these vessel names are very rare in other documentation The dpr vessel although common in these lists and in 19th Dynasty pottery accounts does not appear to occur later 106 This

Ir

pattern could suggest a reduction in the vessel repertoire in the 20th Dyllasty but the contents of IVr Jourdeliveries are not generally enumerated in the later data potentially concealing some vessel types 29Deliveries of lbw vessels are recorded in the majority of the surviving lists and as will be 15-1illustrated below Ibw vessels alongside qbw vessels remained the core of the potters deliveries (conin the 20th Dynasty It is possible that qbw and bw are classes of ceramics rather than distinct samlvessel types so that the terms may cover a wider range of forms (see section 61) DeIlt othe

96 1- ~~~gt5l~I (I 1) reml 97 Compare O DeM 346 where 42 dpr vessels may be the equivalent of 22 qbt vessels (see section 31) day The flexibility of equivalence between the two types may indicate flexibility in the form and valuation of seen these vessels (see section 41) evid 98 Janssen Commodity Prices434 O DeM 16 153 174 23 5

ther99 Wb II 126 W F Reineke Der Zusammenhang der altagptischen Rohl- und LiingenmaBe MfG 9 (1963)148 O DeM 56 7 6 114 100 Janssen Commodity Prices 412-5 qbw is a feminine word and can also be spelt qbt Valbelle Guvriers 18 O DeM J 7 4 5 7 5 104 O DR 5 4 O Gardiner 435 101 Wb V 93 O DeM 28 3 O DR 6 8 lOi 0 102 Janssen Commodity Prices 426-8 O DeM 5 5 9 6 107 225 O DR 8 3 O Gardiner 436 108 0 10J Janssen Commodity Prices 433-4 O DeM 18 3 4 4 6 6 6 8 6 105 116 136 154 16 5 17 109 0 3 226 O DR 5 7 6 9 7 5 84 O Or lnst Chicago 188785 O Gardiner 43 7 O DeM 288 records 110 0 a lbw-n-k~ vessel (see section 41) III 0 104 This vessel is not included in Janssen Commodity Prices or in the Worterbuch It is written lith the 1110

generic term for vessel qrlt confirming its nature as such O DeM 25 3 3 5 7 6 5 9 5 106 165 113 0 O DR 5 6 O Or lnst Chicago 188784 4prt vessels presumably a different orthography of the same 114 C term occur in hieratic inscriptions from the tomb of Tutankhamun 1 Cerny Hieratic lnscriptionsfrom the Il5 t Tomb of TutCankhamun TutCankhamiins Tomb Series II (Oxford 1965) 6 with references See also G 116 Ir Bouvier BlFAG 101 (2001)90 note g PriCE 105 Wb V 485 Janssen Commodity Prices 472-4 O DeM 64 8 5 135 165 22 4 O DR 5 6 74 non-I 1(lj See the documents cited in n 100 also O DeM 346 vso 3 117 Q~

This qbw otal alent total other qbw

eems ficit mply

erms The rsion this Its of

n the m of ttities dS I05

tough This lts of ypes ill be veries stinct

1 31) ion of

1109

vriers

5 17 ecords

ith the 165

same Jm the

Iso G

74

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 47

The degree to which the composition of deliveries could vary from list to list illustrates the flexiblity of the institution On I 3Jt 10 of year 3 of Sety I 7 jn~t vessels (3 good 2 poor) 37 qbw vessels (deficit of 3) and 58 Ibw vessels (deficit of 2) were delivered l07 On the 20th day of that month dpr vessels were delivered (the rest of the text is lost)108 80 dpr vessels and 50 Ibw vessels were delivered on the last day of I 3Jt109 while on the last day of II Jt 40 qbw vessels and 50 Ibw vessels were delivered l1O On day 10 of III Jt 80 g3y vessels 90 m~t vessels and 40 dpr vessels were delivered lll Not only do several vcssel types occur in each delivery but totals for each vessel type also vary considerably as weI Ibw vessels tend to total between 50 and 60 for each list in which they occur1l2 However many of the attested totals documented are significantly larger between 100 and 300 lbw1l3 These texts may point to there being variable deliveries that resulted from commissions in response to specific needs However this is only one possible interpretation based upon a comparatively small group of texts The question must be asked whether a similar understanding can be gained from the qualitatively different sources of the 20th Dynasty

34 Recording b3kw in the 20th Dynasty The recording of pottery deliveries was less explicit in the 20th Dynasty with deliveries and deficits generally noted as b3kw and (w)4(t) of the potter without further clarifying information It is difficult to determine whether the quantities and contents of the deliveries were as flexible and varying as the 19th Dynasty data suggest Indeed as Janssen has concluded it is virtually impossible to prove what was meant by the termbkw l 114

In the rare cases where journal entries on ostraca of the reigns of Ramesses III and Ramesses N record numbers of vessels this information is difficult to interpret O DeM 154 rto recording journal entries in year 31 of Ramesses III documents the delivery made by the potter on II smw 29 entered by the hand of the potter 2 bkw (plus) 50 lbw vessels for II smw 30 deficit 65 (II 15-16) Janssen alternatively translates this part of the text as [e ]ntered from the potter 2 bkw (consisting of) 50 lbw vessels comparing it with O Berlin P 10654 (unpub) vso 1 where the same amount of 50 vessels is also mentioned I IS There is a number of possible readings of O DeM 154 rto The two b3kw may be deliveries owing from earlier in the month116 while on the other hand the 50 Ibw vessels may be an early partial payment for II smw 30 with 65 vessels remaining outstanding Since we do not have the rest of the journal for II smw and the entry for day 20 records neither delivery nor deficit it is difficult to draw firm conclusions Nonetheless it seems unlikely that the b3kw referred to in the text consisted of 50 lbw vessels The supporting evidence of the late 20th Dynasty ostracon O Berlin P 10654 vso is ambiguous also referring to the production of 50 vessels in the first line the numbers are lost thereafter

II Jt 10 the potter fashioned1l7 50 (vessels) day 20 the potter [fashioned x (vessels)]

107 O DeM 16-8 108 O DeM 2 5 109 O DeM 3 3-4 110 O DeM 45-6 1110 DeM 5 5-7 112 O DeM 18 34 8 6 165 O DH 5 7 6 9 O Or Inst Chicago 188785 113 O DeM 6 6 136 22 6 154 173 O DH 76 ll4 Commodity Prices 488 bkw From Work to Product 89 115 bkw From Work to Product 89 116 In a similar situation O DeM 40 14-5 records by the hand of the potter 3 bkw Janssen Commodity Prices 487-8 concludes that two of the bkw were payments for the first two decades although the non-delivery is nowhere stated while the third delivery was due for the five epagomenal days 117 ~~li~IT1l~~o

II

48 POTTERS

day 30 fashioning [x (vessels)] III 11]t 10 while he (fashioned)118 [x (vessels)] 35 b day 20119

Vhel total 230 qbw vessels [ ] the n specifYing it (wp Sf) ~ 23 jn~11 vessels blkw

In recording the actual work of the potters this text is unique While units of 50 vessels seem to statu be specified any connection with a blkw is not made explicit and can only be inferredYo perio

Janssen also cites the example of O DeM 35 on which a note above line 7 recording entries been for IIprt 19 of year 28 of Ramesses III reads entered by the hand of the potter as one b3kw 100 these qbw vessels 45 lbw vessels Although this text indicates that the b3kw consisted of 100 qbw Th vessels and 45 lbw vessels the phrase m w( b3kw could imply that the vessels enumerated were the e those making up this particular delivery perhaps differing from although equivalent to the recor contents of earlier deliveries and the standard b3kw The higher number of qbw vessels than Ibw epagt vessels which is very unusual when compared with other texts enumerating these two types 5 ep suggests that this entry is exceptional not only in its formulation It may be that this delivery ofth required special enumeration perhaps the potter altered the original order and provided an bee) equivalent number of qbw vessels instead of lbw vessels P

The two uneertain entries of O DeM 154 and O DeM 35 are the only texts in which actual Ram vessel types are enumerated in 20u Dynasty journal ostraca O DeM 35 in particular may suggest reads that the composition of b3kw could be flexible Other surviving records of pottery deliveries from An e the reign of Rarnesses III usually state only whether or not the potter entered his deliveries deliv complete or was in deficit O DeM 143 vso 5 datable to year 24 of Ramesses III does fo11o however enter a deficit of lbw vessels for the five epagomenal days Although the exact figures as 65 are lost the final two lines record an unknown total (dnuf) of qbw vessels and a total of 680 lbw char~ vessels these probably being deficits incurred since IV smw 30 the day the potter first fell behind disru in deliveries as the account records In O DeM 165 which largely documents deficits incurred in prt 1 year 30 III prt and thereafter a note to one side records year 29 entered for the five whih (epagomenal) days 30 lbw vessels his deficit 85 (11 4amiddot5a) vesst

Where vessel numbers are enumerated in these 20th Dynasty texts they vary in some cases notin considerably although the relationships of these numbers with the context of the documents must onw be kept in mind The vessel types are less varied than in the 19th Dynasty sources Mostly qbw and that 1 [bw vessels are enumerated in large quantities which confirms that these vessel types were the here basis of the potters b 3kw The deficit accounts from the reign of Ramesses II (group III) record If only qbw and lbw vesselsl2I in contrast with the variety of vessels represented in the delivery deliv lists The delivery lists of the 19th Dynasty appear to be exceptional in the variety of vessel types large they enumerate They may represent deliveries from other specialized workshops or supplies for vess particular purposes The similarity between the 19th Dynasty delivery lists of pottery and wood on en1r) the one hand and of specialty breads and beer on the other hand may indicate that these inter deliveries were in general more specialized they were perhaps associated with festivals Such an here association is illuminated by a study of one of the vessel types less commonly enumerated in A1 these texts (see section 42) However the regularity of delivery in these lists recorded in tenmiddotday b3kJi blocks is closely comparable with the regular b3kw delivery For the 20th Dynasty it must be potu borne in mind that b3kw which is mostly unqualified in the journal ostraca may cover a range of the ( vessel types sing

liS Q0--1i11 122 G ll9 Cerny noted that the line here was left blank 123 J~

120 The specification of jnJz1 vessels may also suggest that this text refers to a specialized perhaps unique lUF

production series For jnJzt see section 42 me 121 0 DeM 91 O Berlin P 10840 vso O IFAO 387 126 C

em to

ntries 100

l qbw were

) the nbw types livery ed an

actual 19gest from veries does

igures 101bw )ehind red in ~ fivc

cases must wand re thc ccord livery types es for odon thcsc Ichan ted in n-day lst be 1ge of

mique

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 49

35 bikw in the late 20th Dynasty papyrus documents Where pottery deliveries are recorded in the journal papyri the numbers of vessels involved and the name of the potter are often included A further contrast with earlier records is that the tenn bkw is rarely employed The more fonnal status of the papyri may explain such differences This status may also be one reason despite the large amount of documentation surviving from this period deliveries of pottery are only recorded occasionally Those that are recorded may have been special deliveries and hence worthy of note When bkw are recorded as in earlier records these may be variable in size and consist largely ofbw and qbw vessels

The recto ofP Turin 2070133 134 + 3 fragments (KRIVI 426-8) contains journal entries for the epagomenal days of the year 2 of a king later than Ramesses IV 122 The entry for the final day records the deliveries of the potter Right the potter - 29 [qb]w vessels 145 lbw vessels Five epagomenal days 100 [+ 45] Ibwvessels [Left] the potter 29 [qbw] vessels 145lbwvessels 5 epagomenal days 145 (Col II 10-11) The deliveries are enumerated separately for each side of the crew although if the restorations are correct the totals are the same for each side As is to be expected qbw and bw vessels are the only vessel types mentioned

P Turin 1881+ (Pleyte and Rossi pI 1-8 KRIVI 609-19) records entries for years 6-8 of Ramesses IX the potter is only mentioned on three occasions in year 7 For IV lu 29 the entry reads received by the hand of the potter ~Ahawy - qbw vessels 65 bw vessels 65 (vso V 1-2) An entry for 65 handfuls of plants follows in this list and seems to be associated with this delivery An entry on the same line also records 2 khar of k3Y (Ulq~ ~ ) probably roe123 The following line records again by his hand (wlm m-fjrtj) (for) I prt 10 100 [b[w] vessels as well as 65 handfuls of plants and an unknown measure of roe It seems that the potter had also been charged with delivering produce to the village perhaps the organization of deliveries was disrupted in this period Other entries record deliveries received by the hand of scribes 124 In III prt 18 almost three months later ~Ahawy made another delivery of 300 Ibw vessels (vso VI 7-8) while in III smw there were received by the hand of the potter (for) Right and Left 1501bw vessels and 70 qbw vessels (vso VII 1-2) P Turin 1881 + is an unusual text which rather than noting events day by day records only a few days from a few months of each year perhaps days on which events occurred that were more significant in the eyes of the scribe Valbelle observes that the scribe was running out of space on the papyrus increasing the likelihood that the entries he recorded were those he considered important125

If the deliveries recorded in this text were the only ones made for year 7 of Ramesses IX the delivery patterns of the potters may have changed Rather than delivering units every decade large deliveries were made every two to three months This would explain the large totals of vessels supplied However as Janssen cautions scribal inaccuracies mean that the absence of an entry in the journal does not necessarily mean that the delivery was not made126 An alternative interpretation is that the standard deliveries were made every ten days and that those recorded here were supplementary and worthy of special mention

An entry in P Turin 1900+ (KRl VI 619-24) vso 117 may indicate that regular deliveries of blkw continued at least in the early years of Ramesses IX Year 9 II 31Jt 19 records Right the potters b3kw [ ] (wnmy p qd n b3kw [ J) The context of this delivery is similar to those of the earlier 20th Dynasty with supply of fuel and gypsum being recorded as well However the single mention of a potters bkw in this entry in the papyrus may be as unique as those in P

122 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 242 123 Janssen Village Varia 53 124 For example vso 2a vso 5 5 vso 5 10 vso 6 1 125 Ouvriers 63-4 126 Commodity Prices 486

l

50 POTTERS

Turin l88l Journal entries from years 10 and 17 of Ramesses IX support this interpretation P A Turin 2071140 (KRIVI 63715) rto 9 records delivery of vegetables and pottery 2l() qb(w) varia vessels 110 [+ x] [bw vessels for day 30 IV smw year 10 The Turin Necropolis Journal of year vana 17 rto B II 2-3 (Botti and Peet pI 16) is the only record of a pottery delivery in this substantial inclu text covering two full months potter rAhawy 33 qbw vessels 165 [bw vessels This may Dyna indicate that the delivery was an unusual hence noteworthy event especially in relation to (HO references to problems with smdt organization earlier in the text (see section 37) the p

Deliveries of varying quantities of pottery are entered a number of times for different sides of recei the crew in the journal of year 3 of Ramesses X (P Turin 1898 + Botti and Peet pI 50-63 KRI Re VI 687-99) On III prt 18 even though the crew was not working because of the foreigners cornr (Omyw) 30 qb(w) vessels and 30 [+ x] [[bw] vessels were delivered to Right (rto I 11) On the wood last day of IV prt 9 qb(w) and 27 ([)bw vessels were delivered to Left (the entry for Right is comp lost rto II 14) The entry for II smw 19 records crew not working Right 28 qb(w) vessels 300 Janss [b(w) vessels Left 28 qb(w) vessels 15 g1(y) vessels 300 [b(w) vessels (rto III 9-10) The entry amou for g1y vessels is unusual in this text Two days later there was a further delivery for Right alone largel the potter - 30 qb(w) vessels 150 [b(w) vessels (rto III 13-14) In the month of III smw qbw Alt and [bw vessels were delivered on two occasions day 5 and day 30127 On IV smw 1 1 qbw was texts

delivered perhaps to Right while 90 [bw vessels were delivered to Left (rto V 18-9) If each are in delivery of vessels to the village was flexible in size and composition the entries in this journal as a c may also illustrate that deliveries to different sides of the crew could be varied as well quant

The journal text of year 1 of Ramesses XI P Turin 1898+ VSO128 records for I 10t 24 Right excep

from the hand of (the) potter [ ] 18 qb(w) vessels 50 [+x] [bw vessels Left from the hand of 37 In(the) potter [ ]y129 10 [+x] (Hh vessels [r~R~~o] [ J (vso Text A 2-4) Again the Otherdelivery is separately enumerated for the different sides of the crew breaks in the text mean that unprethe composition of the delivery is unknown If the entry on line 4 is a variant orthography of a this b type of vessel (1(1130 it may indicate a specialized delivery because (1(1 vessels are not firingotherwise attested in the pottery deliveries l3I Further deliveries are recorded in this journal again therein a very broken context by the hand ofthe potter [ ] lbw vessels 51 [+ x ] (vso dockets B taken5-6) later 18 qbw vessels and 50 lbw vessels are recorded (vso dockets C 2) This is the latest or adrsurviving record of pottery deliveries to the necropolis workmen in the 20th Dynasty deficit Impac36 Conclusion the meanings ofb1kw

TheThe Turin Necropolis journals seem to support the interpretation of the nature of the b1kw found detailein the earlier documentation Despite the possibility that delivery patterns may have altered or that from t some entries may represent extra deliveries these documents indicate that [bw and qbw vessels earlyformed the core of any quota of pottery delivered to the village occasionally supplemented with irregulother vessel types the pa III It

127 On III sectmw 529 qb(w) vessels and 150 bw vessels were delivered to Right Left received 19 qb(w) month vessels and 150 bw vessels (Botti and Peet pI 57 rto IV 15-9) The papyrus is damaged in the entries for III sectmw 30 but the surviving text indicates that deliveries of over 100 bw vessels were made to Right and both fbw and rqlbw vessels were delivered to Left (Botti and Peet pI 59 rto V 17-19) Unusually this latter entry records bw vessels before qbw 132 For 128 Botti and Peet pI 63 KRI VI 850-1 I follow the reassessment of Jtirgen von Beckerath in my reading 34 see of this text Papyrus Turin 1898+ vso SAK21 (1994)29-33 133 Th( 129 Perhaps the name of the potter CAhawy can be restored here 134 C J 130 Wh V 532 W F Reineke Der Zusammenhang der altagyptischen Hohl- und UingenmaBe MID 9 East e (1963)151 observlt 131 4343 vessels are included in a list of products in O Cairo 25678 vso 17 along with fbw vessels (1 18) discuss Valbelle citing this text considers that 4343 vessels could replace qbw vessels and were perhaps be mad synonymous (in her reference Duvriers 265 n 12 read 25678 for 25673) 135 Con

n p b(w) year ntial may m to

es of KRI

yenlers 11 the ht is 300 ~ntry

lone qbw was each lmal

ight ld of I the that ofa not

gain s B atest

lUnd that sels with

b(w) 8 for tand this

ding

[09

18) haps

DOCUMENTIKG SUPPLY 51

A further correspondence between the papyrus documents and the earlier ostraca is the variation in the numbers of vessels being delivered If these figures do represent regular bkw the variation in vessel totals may reflect responses to the changing needs of the crew perhaps including orders made by the superiors of the crew to the potters The use of bkw in one 20th

Dynasty account ostracon exemplifies the flexible character of commissions O Gardiner 80 4-5 (HO 6114) states after recording the complete deliveries during III smw received as the bkw of the potter entered complete like his custom of every day This text implies that the deliveries received during that month constituted the potters commission which he managed to fulfiL

Records survive of other members of the smdt such as gardeners and woodcutters receiving commands to deliver specific amounts132 Janssen notes the commission received by the woodcutter Saroy in year 29 III fJt 7 to deliver 380 units every 10 days This order can be compared with that of Saroys colleague who received a commission to deliver 500 units 133 As Janssen observes the quotas of the woodcutters often deviated quickly from these specified amounts (see above p 20) Such orders might have been regular normal occurrences that are largely invisible in the written record

Although no known text records such an assignment to the potters to deliver specific amounts texts that record varying quantities of ceramics and texts in which vessels other than qbw and tbw are included suggest that such commissions were madc The bkw may therefore be understood as a commission or expected dclivery of a predetermined unit of ceramics Although theoretically quantifiablc the bkw was flexible so that we cannot determinc what amount was expected except in specific deliveries

37 Implications ofdefiCits Other factors may also have operated to produce differential sizes of deliveries Firing was an unpredictable process with a certain amount of wasters inevitably being produced each time On this basis Christopher Eyre has suggested the one bkw may have been the equivalent of one firing which could vary in composition and in success134 Although this hypothesis is viable there is no direct evidence to support it and it is also possible that the needs of the crew were taken into account in each individual bkw or work requirement Where problems in the workshop or administrative breakdowns affected deliveries these are likely to be reflected in the records as deficits By examining patterns of deficit within the documentation it is possible to observe the impact of external problems in the Theban area on the potters deliveries in the mid 20th Dynasty

The journal ostraca of the reigns of Ramesses III and IV (Group I) again provide the most detailed documentation of delivery and deficit although only very general trends can be deduced from the materiaL Janssens analysis of pottery deliveries at the end of Ramesses Ills reign to early Ramesses IV led to the conclusion that deliveries of commodities were generally very irregular at this time whereas in the preceding years they had been more stable 135 The details of the pattern of deficits can be supplemented by a few account ostraca from the reign of Ramesses III It must be borne in mind that the idiosyncrasies of scribal record keeping mean that some months record no deliveries at all even though deliveries were most probably made

132 For the commissioning of the smdt see J J Janssen The Year of the Strikes BSEG 16 (1992) 44 n 34 see also Janssens section 7 in this volume 133 The Year of the Strikes 44-6 134 C J Eyre Work and the Organization of Work in the New Kingdom in Labor in the Ancient Near East ed M A Powell (New Haven 1987) 193 Janssen bkw From Work to Product 90 n observes that if this were the case the potters would have delivered once per decade The limited evidence discussed in 31 and a review of the delivery dates in the texts included in 33 indicate that deliveries could be made on more than one occasion during the ten-day period 135 Commodity Prices 488

52 POTTERS

The account of O Gardiner 80 (HO 61 4) for year 21 of Ramesses III records deliveries that O were made complete for the entire month of III smw the final line entered complete like his bJrn custom of every day although formulaic may be an indicator of a reputation for efficiency and for t punctuality The records from a few years later appear to tarnish this reputation The account text far 11 O DeM 143 datable to year 24 while recording complete deliveries for III smw 30 and IV smw coml 10 and 20 enters deficits for IV smw 30 the five epagomenal days and the first two decades of I appe 3bt (11 1-7) Reasons for the accumulation of such a substantial deficit beyond internal incre production problems are unknown This text warns us that although the relationship between admi administrative problems at Deir el-Medina and deficit is clear at times less easily identifiable in th factors may also have had an impact By year 27 deliveries appear to have returned to normal the p with no deficits being entered and every delivery recorded as complete (0 DeM 33 vso 8 O TI DeM 34 rto 7 16 vso 11) a deficit is however noted for the epagomenal days of year 28 in O agair DeM 156 vso 4 that

From year 29 deficits are again a consistent feature of the record during the time when labour inc01 troubles began to disrupt the community The first hint of delivery problems may be found in the whet problematic O Strasbourg H 26 If the entries on the recto refer to the potter this text records mad~ complete deliveries throughout I and II smw and probably through the epagomenal days and II there 3bt The verso may refer more explicitly to pottery deliveries with the final line recording IV coul Jbt 10 deficit of the [potter) However the reading of qd is based on a restoration (Cerny Nb in thi 3561) and the status of this text as a pottery account could be questioned There are more certain Th references to delivery from later in year 29 In I prt 30 the potter made deliveries to Right and perio Left details of the content of delivery are not given (0 Turin 57007 vso 4-5) The strike action ambi began in the village only ten days later on II prt 10136 The only further entry recording a pottery Peet delivery is in P Turin 1961 (Pleyte and Rossi pI 99) possibly from the end of year 29 IV prt 30 outsi notes for Right the potter I Y while the potter l is noted for Left (vso II 5 7)137 There are there no further records of pottery deliveries until year 30 although the consistent deficits incurred by reorg the woodcutters during year 29 and into year 30 are evidence of the impact of the strikes (see for II above p 21)138 authc

Deficits are recorded in an account text for III prt 30 and probably IV prt 10 of year 30 but a Peet delivery oftvo b3kw was promptly made to remedy this deficit (0 DeM 165 rto 1-2) O DeM ~Aha 154 rto 15-16 of year 31 records the delivery of two b3kw on II smw 29 probably overdue entric payments for days 10 and 20 A number of fbw vessels are also specified I interpret these as and perhaps an early payment for II smw 30 although they may relate to the two b3kw A deficit of 65 speci is noted Complete deliveries are made in IV lJl but since they are noted specifically they may perha have been considered late one b3kw being entered on day 13 for day 10 and one being entered Th for Right only on day 21 (0 DeM 157 8-9 17) From then into the reign of Ramesses IV the may potters made deliveries late or were making good deficits In II smw 7 of year 32 the debt was diffic paid for I smw 30 and at the same time the b3kw was delivered three days early for II smw 10 (0 or the

19thDeM 38 7 17 23) No sooner had these deliveries been made then the potter was in debt again I for the rest of the month Disruptions to pottery and fuel deliveries (see above p 21) throughout wide] year 30 and into year 31 are symptoms of continued labour problems within the village or of subst general administrative problems in the Theban area 139

mont side I

136 RAD 49 15 P J Frandsen Editing reality the Turin Strike Papyrus in Studies in Egyptology presented to Miriam Lichtheim ed S Israelit-Groll (Jerusalem 1990) 166-99 Risbo 137 Janssen considers that the documentation of half units may point to a scarcity of materials Commodity availa Prices 488 A reference to a half unit may also be found in an anonymous papyrus fragment in Turin 140 Fo (Cerny MSS 3616) which records the potter 2h this probably means 2h bJkw 141 Fo 138 Janssen The Year ofthe Strikes 46-8 BerIir B9 Disruptions in local administration may have directly impacted pottery production if as Colin Hope bkw suggests the state provided clay to these workshops Egyptian Pottery Shire Egyptology 5 (princes been ~

8 that ce his yand It text smw

s of ternal tween fiable Irmal 8 O in O

aboUT in the ~cords

md II ~ IV YNb ertain It and ~ction ottery Jrt 30 re are ed by (see

but a DeM erdue se as of65 may

tered the twas 0(0 19ain ~hout or of

~logy

ity

ffope inces

DOCUMENTlIG SUPPLY 53

O DeM 40 rto 15 from I gUt of year 1 of Ramesses IV records that the potter delivered three bgkw on day 24 probably overdue deliveries for days 10 and 20 (the deficits are not noted) and for the epagomenal days for which the deficit was entered in a note in a separate column on the far left A deficit is also recorded for day 30 (vso 9) From this point on the deliveries tend to be complete although often a few days late140 There are still occasional deficits but the deliveries appear to have been generally more regular than in the final years of Ramesses IILI41 The increasing irregularity of delivery is probably a symptom of the general decay of the administration of the Necropolis at the end of a long reign The more regular deliveries beginning in the first year of Ramesses IV perhaps correspond with a renewed interest in the Necropolis on the part of the successor king who was eager to get work on his tomb underway

These documents provide the only opportunity to trace a pattern of deficit in pottery deliveries against well documented changes and problems in the administration of the village They show that such an equation between the two is possible this may have implications for the more incomplete records of the end of the dynasty It is difficult to determine from the papyrus texts whether deliveries continued on a regular basis in the closing years of the 20th Dynasty or were made in large consignments more infrequently as the surviving evidence seems to suggest Since there were significant civil disturbances in the Theban area throughout this period deliveries could have been affected to the point that they became more unusual events and warranted entry in the journals

The Turin Necropolis journal for year 17 of Ramesses IX provides the best example from this period From II prl on the text includes entries concerning the smdt in general from the ambiguous entry taking the smdt of the Tomb of Left by the scribe of the Tomb Hori (Botti and Peet pI 14 rto B I 8) to the entries a few lines later crew not working while the smdt were outside under the authority (rJ(wyraquo of the two scribes of the Necropolis [ ] crew not working there being no smdt outside (rto B I 12) These entries seem to indicate that there was some reorganization of or problem with the smdt although a record of a wood delivery was entered for II prl 15 The entry for II prt 18 records crew not working while their smdt were under the authority of the two scribes of the Tomb of the Outside without any payments (1) (Botti and Peet pI 15 rto B I 18) On II prt 24 a delivery of fish was made and on day 25 the potter rAhawy delivered a number of vessels (Botti and Peet pI 16 rto B II 1-3) Although these entries are difficult to interpret it seems that the crew was facing both deficits in grain delivery and problems with the smdt In this context the delivery of pottery can perhaps be seen as a special occurrence no text from the end of the 20 th Dynasty explicitly records a potters deficit perhaps indicating that there was no longer an expected pattern to delivery

The interpretations presented here are speculative moreover other factors that left no trace may have had an impact on production The deficits entered for year 25 of Ramesses III are difficult to explain except in terms of unknowable production problems specific to the workshops or the personal circumstances of the potters as are the causes for the deficits recorded in the early 19th Dynasty Such deficits cannot be equated with any known problems in the village or the wider Theban area The accounts of the potters Menna and N akhy in the early 19th Dynasty record substantial deficits especially those incurred by Menna in a year 9 where he is in deficit for five months totalling 53 qbw vessels and 575 fbw vessels Further deficit totals perhaps for the other side of the crew are even larger 94 qbw vessels and 992 lbw vessels (0 Berlin P 10840) The

Risborough 1987) 10 This argument may apply only to high quality ceramics considering the ready availability ofNile silt for the production of most basic vessels 140 For example O DeM 47 rto 3 11 vso 4 141 For example the following texts record deficits in year 1 = I prt 30 (0 DeM 47 rto 11) III prt 30 (0 Berlin P 12641 + 12628 7) II smw 20(7) (0 DeM 161 vso 3) O DeM 44 rto 20 records a delivery of 1y bklv for III smw 29 Janssen considers that since no delivery was recorded for day 20 materials may have been scarce at this time Commodity Prices 488

--54 POTTERS

patterns of deficit incurred by the potters that can be traced in the texts cannot generally be Ana correlated with external administrative problems and decay rese

proc sect4 Equations of word and object an analysis offour pot-types A notable feature of the potter texts from Deir el-Medina is the substantial number of vessels 41 delivered to the village every ten days Although the exact number due in each bkw varied the I ha totals of some deliveries indicate that there was a significant and constant need for ceramics in the thrOl community In the lives of the villagers this pottery was essential It was the principal means to mult store prepare and serve food and to carry out many other activities within the domestic and work refer spheres Janssen observes in Commodity Prices that we have virtually no cvidence for the enun exchange value of ceramics beeause price texts generally refer only to metal or stone vessels 142

used Vessels used for a wide variety of domestic purposes would have had a low value and high class turnover millions of pot sherds were found within the rubbish dumps of the village including the offo Grands PuitS 143 Since their role was so essential it is desirable to learn about the various forms of In thl the vessels - their sizes and range of functions - in order to advance our understanding of the lJl villagers daily lives possi

Holthoerl44 noted that most Mesopotamian names of vessels relate directly to their material their function or their capacity but concluded that the Egyptians derived their vessel names from something other than vessel function This conclusion was largely based on the 1935 lexicographic analysis of Egyptian vessels by Robert du Mesnil du Buisson whose study is the only one that covers a wide range of ceramics including some of the vessel names that occur in the Deir el-Medina potter texts He considered that the qbw vessel was connected to qb fresh cool an appropriate concept for a jar145 He equated the gy vessel with the verb gw to be narrow perhaps suggesting a jar with a narrow neck 146

Edward Brovarski has done preliminary work on some Old Kingdom and First Intermediate Period vessel terms147 and Patricia Paice has studies connections between vessel shapes and their functions as depicted in tomb reliefs 148 The most valuable recent examination of the intersection of lexicography and a ceramic corpus is that of Janet Bourriau and Stephen Quirke on the Middle Kingdom ceramic repertoire from Lahun l49

An approach comparable to that taken at Lahun would be ideal for the material from Deir elshy Fig 1 Medina but a full statistical analysis of the archaeological material in relation to the textual data Urk r that is a prerequisite for determining lexicographic relations is beyond the scope of this study

The VI

Jb-nraquo142 407_8 and n 5 lS enu 143 ibid 488

vessel 144 New Kingdom Pharaonic Sites The Pottery 41 see J Bourriau and S Quirke The Late Middle

terminKingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects in Lahun studies ed S Quirke (Reigate 1998) 60shydeterm1 for a more recent discussion of the basis of classifications

145 Les noms et signes egyptiens designant des vases ou objets simiaires (Paris 1935)30 l46 Noms et signes 72 Janssen Commodity Prices 427 considers that du Mesnil du Buissons suggestions 150 FoUl

and explanations for the gly are unconvincing and concludes that no identification of the gly is apparant P Turi Ricardo A Caminos considered it to be an open bowl or cup since it was used more as a container for Howevl

ISl Jansvegetables and flowers than liquids (CLEM 194-5) corresponding to the use of gy vessels for natron 152 Thelotus leaves and fruit in the Medinet Habu festival lists A Spalinger Medinet Habu and Deir el-Yledina IS3 TheCombined in Deir el-Medina in the Third Millennium AD A Tribute to Jac J Janssen eds R 1 Demaree

and A Egberts Egyptologische Uitgaven 14 (Leiden 2000) 314 Although the shape of the gl) remains these m unknown Janssen has determined a capacity of 20 hin Two Ancient Egyptian Ships Logs Papyrus Leiden detenni 1350 verso and Papyrus Turin 2008 + 2016 (Leiden 1961)88 vessel l47 Lexicographical Studies in Egyptian Pottery Bulletin de Liaison du Groupe International dEtude de determi fa Ceramique Egyptienne 7 (1982) 36-7 154 P GJ 14S The Pottery of Daily Life in Ancient Egypt JSSEA 19 (1989) 50-88 bibliogr 149 The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects 60-83 IS5 Com

lly be

essels d the in the ansto lwork Dr the oels142

1 high ngthe rmsof of the

lterial s from

1935 is the

cur in fresh to be

lediate i their ection fiddle

eir elshyt data study

v1iddle 8) 60shy

~stions

Jaranl ler for latron -edina maree mains Leiden

~de de

EQUA TJONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 55

Analysis of the occurrence of vessel types in the potter texts can be related to the present stage of research into vessel shape and size to produce some further insights both into the potters products and into the documentation for the supply of particular ceramic types

41 The basic pots qbw and [bw I have shown above that [bw and qbw vessels formed the basis of deliveries to the village

19th 20ththroughout the and Dynasties Therefore it seems likely that they were simple multipurpose vessels distinct from each another in shape andor size There is a standard way of referring to them in the records qbw vessels precede [bw vessels and many fewer are usually enumerated This relationship points to a qualitative differentiation between the two ISO Both are used as containers for liquids such as beer and waterl5l I consider that these two terms designate classes of vessels rather than fixed single shapes their names perhaps referring to a wider range of forms Difference in size may account for the differentation in numbers delivered in the texts In the following discussion I assess the evidence for these two classes of vessels

Jb lbw) vessels are included among the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak indicating a possible shape for the vessel152

tlBoo~WJ~O 01It 0P L II I I

Fig 1 ob-nw-k vessels in the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak (Wreszinski Atlas II pI 33 Urk IV 636)

The vessel shown is distinctive being beaker-like and wider at the base than at the neck JS3 The ub-nw-k vessel here is the equivalent of the u-m-Icw of P Harris I 36a 7 A significant number is enumerated in this text as containers tor incense perhaps indicating a smaller cup-like vessel l54 Janssen has considered that the [x]-n-k termination which is fairly common in vessel terminology indicates that the vessels were cups the name of the vessel given in the compound determines the shape155 In the inscription of the High Priest Osorkon the Oblb-n-k is written

150 Four texts which enumerate qbw and fbw vessels show a ratio of 15 O Or Inst Chicago 16698 rto 3 P Turin 2070133 134 + frgs rto 10-11 Giornale of year 17 rto B II 1-3 P Turin 1898 rto III 14 However since these are isolated examples it is uncertain how widely applicable such a ratio was 151 Janssen Commodity Prices 433 Valbelle Ouvriers 265 152 The equivalence between the lb andlbw is confirmed in CLEM 186-7 153 The determinative given for a qby vessel in the offering list ofThutmose III at Elcphantine indicates that these may have been quite close in shape to the IJb-nw-h of the Karnak list The simple elongated beaker determinative is quite distinct from the determinatives given for the other vases in the list including the Ub vessel which is shon with a definite neck (Urk IV 828 4) However the occurrence of different determinatives within a single text does not offer a basis for a classification of vessel forms 154 P Grandet Le Papyrus Harris I (EM 9999) BdE 109 (Cairo 1994) I 272 see vol IT 141 n 576 for a bibliography for lbw l55 Commodity Prices 409

I

56 POTTERS

with a goblet detenninative ls6 The vessels recorded in these texts may be smaller cup versions of thai larger Ibw jars with the wide mouth and lack of defined neck perhaps pointing to a vessel associated with food preparation and service 157 The delivery list O DeM 288 records fb-nw-kJ

cor 1

vessels perhaps as a fuller writing of bw or as a distinct fonn vithin the Ibw class Vessels ves categorized as Ibw may have had a generalized function as cups or containers for both liquid and con solid foods A comparison can be made with the ~nw vessels which are recorded in significant 4W numbers in the papyrus documents from Lahun and are equated by Bourriau and Quirke with the 346 drinking cups known from the site the only vessel fonn which they consider could have been used in such numbers 158 The bkw of the Deir el-Medina potters show that Ibw vessels too were

lbw 50

delivered in large quantities the The lower numbers of qbw vessels in the deliveries may be related to their larger size In Poids o

No 5135 3 the weight of a metal qbw vessel is stated to be 20 deben or 18 kg Valbelle betv concludes from this that the qbw was significantly larger than the Ibw 159 That qbw designates a POttl simple storage jar may be indicated by the name itself If the connection suggested by du Mesnil two du Buisson between qbw vessels and qb cool can be accepted it may suggest that qbw vessels were storage jars perhaps for water and other liquids The connection may also suggest the

sigh one

material of manufacture qbw vessels could have been made from marl clay which cools water Helc through evaporation

As storage jars qbw vessels may have been connected in shape or broad function with the qbwshyIf a have

n-wt canopic jar The coincidence of the name suggests some correspondence The simple canopic jar fonns given by Georges Nagel for Tomb 359 seem similar in shape to vessels found in the cellar of a house in the village160 However Nagels sample is so small that any identification is tentative Janssen cautions that the standard shape of a canopic jar was rarely used as the fonn of bronze or pottery vessels 161 This may be a principle of decorum vessels with a funerary purpose not being equated in fonn with ordinary domestic ceramics The connection between qbw and qbw-n-wt may be simply that they were both in one fonn or another storage jars

Although the qbw may have been proportionally larger than the lbw it is very unlikely that

capa temp capa appn meas

Cc vso cannc into i

either fonn had a fixed capacity at Deir el-Medina W W Struve [V V Struve] offered the only attempt to determine the capacity of the qbw (or qby) vessel based largely on Greek evidence and his research on P Boulaq 18162 Wolfgang HeIcks review of this evidence led him to conclude

dOCUJ

repre betw( vesse restril than 1

156 R A Caminos The Chronicle ofPrince Osorkon Analecta Orientalia 37 (Rome 1958) 129 157 p Cairo 58088 indicates that bw could have had a large size in this case accommodating 3 ds measures See also Janssen Commodity Prices 433 n 170 C Daniel Les noms egyptiens de certains types de vases

proba fixed

In

grecs Studia et Acta Orientalia 5-6 (1967) 383-5 equates the lIb vessel with the Greek 10 olt7tW and the vesse

Mycenaean di-pa He notes that the di-pa depicted on a tablet corresponds in shape with the form of the fib indicated by the determinative used for the word The depictions of the di-pa that Daniel cites are not 163 DG

comparable in form with the Ibw depicted in the Karnak offering list D H F Gray Linear Band evidee Archaeology Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies of the UniverSity of London 6 (1959) pI 7 I andDI would argue that the form of the lbw was very flexible 164 It 1

158 Bourriau and Quirke The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects 74 some 159 Catalogues des poids a inscriptions hieratiques de Deir el-Medineh Nos 5001-5423 DFIFAO 16 165 Da~

(Cairo 1973) 18 166 FOI 160 La ceramique du Nouvel Empire aDeir el Medineh DFIFAO 10 (Cairo 1938)35 cf 122 no 38 42 SpaHn 44 167 Da 161 Commodity Prices 412 sugges 162 Mathematischer Papyrus des staatlichen Museums der SchOnen Kunste in Moskau (Berlin 1930) 55 Ceram withn2 25 1itr

lions of vessel

-nw-k

Vessels llid and ilificant vith the Ie been )0 were

n Poids lalbelle ~ates a Mesnil vessels est the s water

le qbwshysimple

s found lat any rarely vessels s The omlor

~ly that Iteonly lce and melude

~asures

le vases and the the b are not Band pI 7 I

AO 16

3842

gt30) 55

EQliAnONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 57

that the qbw had no fixed capacity Rather it seems that vessels such as the Ibw and qbw could correspond to a range of different ds measures 163

Two texts may point to some perhaps proportional equivalence between qbw vessels and dpr vessels In O DeM 135 the record of the accumulated deficits of two potters includes a conversion from dpr vessels into qbw vessels 9 dpr vessels to (=) qbw vessels making Urn) 4Yz (see section 31) Such a conversion may indicate a size ratio between the vessels O DeM 346 vso 3 records 42 dpr vessels [making Urn)] 22 qbt vessels (see n 89 for the restoration) Ibw vessels may also be equated with dpr vessels in O DeM 202 dpr vessels 30 [as] 15 bw 50 (1 3_4)164 The restoration here is problematic and the hypothesis of any equivalence between the two types must remain tentative

O Berlin P 10654 vso displays a similar complexity in possible equivalences this time between qbw vessels and jnJt vessels This text (discussed in section 33) seems to record the potters production of ceramics on days 10 20 and 30 of II bt and day 10 of IIIilt The final two lines state total 230 of (n) qbw vessels [ ] specifying it (wp st) 23 jnJt vessels At first sight such a text seems to point to a proportional relationship between these vessels a qbw being one tenth of ajnJt Such a ratio is quite possible because jnJt vessels do seem to have been large Heicks calculations from O Gardiner 81 indicate that ajnJt vessel was 2 of a mnt-amphora 165

If a mnt had a liquid capacity of c 20 hin and a hin was 048 litres the capacity of a jnlzt would have been c 53 hin or 2551itres O Berlin P 10654 vso would then show that a qbw vessel had a capacity of c 53 hin or 25 litres whieh is a sensible size for a storage jar 166 Although it is tempting to make such equations from this data this evidence is based on assumptions about the capacity of other vessel types so is tentative HeIck estimated that the ds vessel had a eapacity of approximately 3 litres 167 If so the qbw in P Boulaq 18 would have been double the size ofa ds measure in order to contain the 2 ds (e 6 litres)

Contextual study of the equation between qbw vessels and other types in O Berlin P 10654 vso O DeM 135 and O DeM 346 vso indicates some form of size ratio operated although we cannot easily determine the flexibility of that ratio or how it was used A conversion of one vessel into its equivalent of another type is unusual in a text like O Berlin P 10654 vso which seems to document the actual produetion of vessels even their firing If the last two lines of the text represent the total of ceramics produced in this process then the specification of a relationship between the two vessels types is rather strange Perhaps the original order was for 230 qbw vessels and this was then converted into the equivalent in jn~t vessels Ifjn~t vessels had a more restricted even ritual function the equivalence expressed here may be more abstract or complex than a ratio of capacity The size of vessels delivered may have been standardized to some extent probably based on ease of delivery and manageability within a domestic eontext rather than as fixed measures

In such a context a value relationship might well have operated The jnlzt as a specialized vessel may have had a more established value in relation to which the qbw vessels could be set

163 Das Bier im Alten Agypten (Berlin 1971) 47 See also Anthony Spalingers re-evaluation of the evidence for the capacity of these vessels including discussion of O DeM 135 and 202 Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 314 His conclusions largely correspond with mine 164 It may also be possible to read dpr 30 Urnl 15 lbw 50 which would support the hypothesis of some sort ofequivalence 165 Das Bier 47 16lt5 For a review of evidence concerning the capacity of the mnl including discussion of this text see A Spalinger Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 312-3 167 Das Bier 46 R L Miller (is-vessels Beer Mugs Cirrhosis and Casting Slag GM 115 (1990) 64 suggests that the ds was a drinking vessel perhaps to be equated with depictions given in Nagel Ceramique 199-206 Miller identifies a jar found at Saqqara as a ds vessel noting that it had a capacity of 25 litres roughly corresponding to Heicks estimate

58 POTTERS

In O DeM 135 the scribe may well have calculated the value of the vessels owed down to the half vessel A parallel for this is found in O Turin 57062 vso 4 where 2Yz jnJtt vessels are set

dlagainst five vessel types which precede them (their names are lost) The recording of five vessels compared with half that amount in jnJtt vessels producing the unusual amount of a half vessel tt

2again suggests a value equivalence Since vessels do not appear with fixed values in the price

SJtexts their worth may well have been assessed in relation to other vessel types st b42 A specialized vessel jnJzt DApart from the two vessel types or classes that formed the basis of the deliveries of ceramics to rethe village the potter texts also occasionally enumerate other types jnJtt vessels although well

known from other contexts are rare in the potter texts A few texts that may indicate their ritproduction or delivery by the Deir el-Medina potters illuminate aspects of its function and context

of use The pattern of occurrence of jnJtt vessels indicates a specialized vessel type the shape of which is unknown The jnJtt vessel is most widely documented as a storage container for beer and as Walter F Reineke notes outside the data from Deir el-Medina it was often made of gold or silver J68 That this vessel could be supplied as part of the ceramic requirement of the village seems to be indicated by the delivery lists from the early 19th Dynasty (Category E) Some of these lists record jnJzt vessels although they are not always indisputably connected with the smdt potters

In the Category E delivery lists of wood and ceramics jnJtt vessels occur four times their total Ccamount being low in comparison with the other vessels enumerated in these texts In O DeM 1 6 una total of 7 jnlu vessels are delivered 5 of good quality 2 of poor In O DeM 17 4 only 3 jnJzt aUvessels were delivered (2 good 1 poor) in comparison with 290 lbw recorded in the previous intline and in O DeM 15 3 7 jn~lt vessels were delivered as against 295 Ibw vessels 16 jnJzt povessels are documented in O DeM 23 5 (the text is broken and the reading at the end of the line

uncertain)169 bei ve~Only two texts explicitly includejnJtt vessels in pottery deliveries 0 Qurna 6181 records two

jnJtt vessels among the deficit of 55 qbw and 265 Ibw vessels incurred by the potter Menna O IJry Michaelides 33 rto 3-6 J70 This text records for III Jot 30 matching deliveries from a potter to vex

Right and Left among other deliveries of wood and gypsum the potter 1 jnlp vessels 20 (pJ qd 1 jnJzt 20)171 The stroke read as one after the title p qd could refer to the bkw of the potter not

with jnJtt vessels being an addition to the quota delivered 172 jnJtt vessels were therefore a wit gocomponent of the potters repertoire and this fact may complicate the interpretation of other texts

where they occur173 More generally jnJzt vessels are recorded as being delivered filled with beer I thisand thus are probably not associated with ceramic delivery

174 (

Me(J68 Der Zusammenhang der altagyptischen Hohl- und UingenmaBe MID 9 (1963) 146 175( 169 Kitchen restores 16jnli vessels [by the hand of A]meneminet (KRII 367 8 a-b) but there does not 176 1appear to be space for this formula in the break The rest of this text is similar to the other wood and pottery

177pounddelivery lists See the discussion of parallel texts in section 23 170 Goedicke-Wente pJ 67 However I follow CernYs transcription of the text here (Nb 10830)

178 1

Cau171 Contra Goedicke and Wente who restore IT1l ] on line 3 On line 7 Goedicke and Wente read 27 jnlt 197vessels instead of 20 vessels and the restoration for the [plasterer] (Pi q() given by Cerny 179 1

172 Alternatively it could refer to a single potter although this would be unusual in this context (see section Rek21) Compare the reading of this text with that discussed for O DeM 154 rto 15-6 in section 34 Egy

173 Other entries for this day include specialty breads and ds measures of beer (117-8) while the folloVing somentry for IV Jt 1 records a festival of Hathor (1 9) Although an association with a festival context is Dietpossible the delivery of jnlts as discussed by Spahnger is recorded separately from the breads and ds inameasures and is included among more standard delveries Medinet Habu and Dei elmiddotMedina Combined note310-311 Earl

l to the are set vessels vessel e price

mics to ~h well e their ~ontext

mpe of Ir beer of gold village ome of le smdt

ir total M 16 r 3jn~f

revious 16 jn~t he line

ds two mao O )tter to (pJ qd potter fore a r texts th beer

oes not pottery

27 jn~t

section

llowing rrtext is and ds

lbined

EQUATIONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 59

jn~t vessels of beer occur consistently in a series of six Category E ostraca that seem to document the delivery of commodities associated with festival or temple offerings174 Four of these texts state that the commodities were delivered by an individual in O DeM 20 and O DeM 25 the deliveries are made by a local priest Each of these six texts lists items that include speciality foodstuffs and jn~t vessels of beer rather than the fuel and plain unfilled pottery of standard deliveries II smw 12 by the hand of the local priest (w(b Sf) 175 60 large j nJzt vessels of beer entered 56 deficit 4 120 (bundles of) vegetables ISO s(t cakes and 100 rJzs cakes (0 DeM 20) The only exception in this group is O DeM 26 where 30 large jn~1f vessels are recorded 27 are entered (jw) and there is a deficit on No beer is recorded with these vessels

The recto of O DeM 29 may confirm that lists containing such products are associated with rituals or festivals rather than deliveries of materials to the village 176

total of various (sbn)jnl)tvessels of beer 653 [+x] the record of the [ ] which were given as offerings (snw) [] good bread loaves of [ ] s(t cake [x oipeJ rJzs cakes [ J jnJzt vessels of beer [ J beer [ ]

Connections of this vessel type with the temple or festival sphere nmy explain features of the unique and difficult distribution text O BM 50728 discussed in section 23 The text records the allocation ofjnJzt vessels to individual crew members The 10 + 5 jnJzt vessels seem to be grouped into four different categories perhaps accordin~ to quality of the vessel or its contents and possibly its shape or finish 177 5 doubly good (~reg) jnJzt vessels in the fashion of hbny [vessels] being returned (m hyt) 2 for Baky I for Huy 1 (for) (Omek 1 for Qaha totalS (11 5-6) Six vessels given to individuals in line 7 one for each nmn are stated to be middling good (11fr mshyhry-jb) and line 10 enumerates two vessels that also have a designation perhaps reading not (J I~~ 3)very poor _ 1

If the jnJzt vessels were more specialized beer vessels used in festival or ritual contexts then the note of quality either of contents or of the vessel itself would have been important This concern with quality can also be seen in the delivery lists where the jnJzt vessels are described as either good or poor 178

Particularly difficult to understand in this context are the writings of hbny perhaps referring to this well-known amphora-shaped vessel I19 The five doubly goodjnl)t vessels are designated in

174 O DeM 19 20 21 25 26 27 For further discussion of these texts see Spalinger Deir e1middotMedina and Medinet Habu Combined 311

(1 0

175 l=n (1 1) For another writing of this title see O DeM 25 2 176 The verso of this text records only nswt bjty mnmiddotmrtmiddotrr 177 For the use of red ink in this text see p 19 n 75 above

178 O DeM 1 6 174 For discussion of the meaning of snn 1~ in these contexts see D Valbelle Catalogue des poids ainscriptions hieratiques de Deir eAmiddotfedineh Nos 500l-5423 DFIFAO 16 (Cairo 1977)23 179 Wh II 487 There are depictions of the hbnylhbnt vessel in Urk IV 11308 11352 and in the tomb of Rekhmire N de G Davies The Tomb of Rekh-mi-r~ at Thebes The Metropolitan Museum of Art Egyptian Expedition 11 (New York 1943) I pIs 33 34 In these examples it is shaped as an amphora sometimes without handles and often contains honey E A W Budge An Egyptian Hieroglyphic Dictionary (London 1920)446 gave the capacity of a hbnt ndst as one quarter of a hin F G Hilton-Price in an earlier publication Notes on Some Egyptian Antiquities in My Collection TSBA 9 (1886) 353 noted the same capacity for this vessel Here see also T G H James The Heqanakhte Papers and Other Early Middle Kingdom Documents (New York 1962) 118

60 POTTERS

the fashion of hbny vessels (~[]~IlJ1J 0) (vso 5) This seems to express an equivalence between the two vessel types perhaps representing an addition or finish to the jn~lt vessel that increased its value Du Mesnil du Buisson speculated in his discussion of the hhnl vessel that the word related to hbny ebony t ruJ-Oi) and indicated a blackened colour or lustre to the vesseL I80 hbny also occurs as an annotation above the entries of jnit vessels for particular workmen in lines 8-12 of the recto The entry on line 13 (hhny n [ ]) may indicate that hhny vessels themselves were also delivered to the workmen named in the following lines So far as I know hbny vessels do not occur in other Deir el-Medina textsl8J These notations may also refer to some sort of finishing to the j nit vesseL

The inclusion of more unusual designations for the vessels certainly points to the exceptional nature ofthe delivery in O BM 50728 as does the entry of an amount ((i(w) of bJq oil (8) in line lOon the verso after the specification of 10 further jnlJl vessels for particular workmen (pJ WpWl

n plIO n jnlJt n tJ jst) Janssen observes that this oil was rarely used by the workmen as it was too expensive 182 It is possible that the text refers to the delivery of jnit vessels of bJq oil the references to quality therefore referring to the quality of oil rather than the vessel itself The designation hbny may be associated with this as welL

Complicating this analysis is the proposed large size of jnit vessels (discussed in section 41) which may account to some extent for its more restricted function within the vessel repertoire jnlJt vessels occur only rarely in the Medinet Habu festival calendar indicating that even within the temple their use was specialized ls3 The ealculation of the equivalence in contents of the vessels in O Gardiner 81 indicates that we are dealing with a set capacity for these vessel types in this text 184 If the capacity of a jnit was 53 hin or 255 Htres this would equate to a significant quantity ofbJq oil per person 185

O BM 50728 remains a puzzle Despite thc difficulties in interpretation it seems most likely that it records allocation of vessels possibly filled with oil or beer for festival or cultic purposes The careful documentation of such a distribution may also indicate that the vessels were not to be kept by the men perhaps only being used by them for the event and then returned to the temple A large size may serve to explain their more limited and specialized oecurrence in the data perhaps restricted to the religious sphere rather than playing a role in the domestic life of the villagers

In this instance contextual analysis of texts that seem to relate to ceramic deliveries can alter our understanding of these texts and illuminate the role and function of a vessel type in the community For vessels that were delivered more commonly we can observe the potential for flexibility in the classification systems these would repay further detailed study sectS Conclusion Analysis of the texts concerning pottery delivery leaves a number of questions unanswered and areas unexplored the limited number of sources available and problems inherent in them restrict their potential for interpretation However some insights into the organization and administrative structures of Deir el-Medina are fortheoming from the material Within the meticulous record keeping of the village the key theme seems to be flexibility This flexibility is apparent in the

180 Noms et signes 28 181 Janssen did not include them in his chapter on Vessels in Commodity Prices None of the references for the entry in the Wb II 487 has a Deir e1-Medina provenance 182 Commodity Prices 330 183 On the occurrence of the jnltt in the Medinet Hahn festival lists see A Spalinger Medinet Habn and Deir ei-Medina Combined 311-2 ]84 Heick Das Bier 46 185 Even if the mnt was only 10 hin a jnltt would still be of a substantial size c 11-12 iitres Janssen Commodity Prices 434

N

CONCLUSION 61

number of potters assigned to the crew the size and content of the quota required every 10 days and the timing of deliveries The final section of my study also points to the potential flexibility of form size and function of the pots themselves

Although we can find implications in the potter texts for features of society beyond the village itself such as the specifie interpretation of bkw or the occurrence of vessels in royal festival calendars it must be borne in mind that the real value of the Deir el-Medina material lies in its potential to illuminate the lives of ordinary people in Ramessid Egypt For that purpose we need to attend most closely to the village context

Appendix The potters of Deir el-Medina Names of potters in documents relating to the delivery of ceramics

I

Names of potters in documents concerning matters other than the supply of ceramics

I 1 (Omek i Turin Strike Papyrus RAD 476 I

2 Khonsu bull O Turin 57192 1

3 Herunefer bull O DeM 73 rto 2

4 Paaeminet I O Berlin P 12343 vso 3

5 Bakenmut P Turin 2018 A rto la 5 rto IV 17 vso I 6 B rto II 4 D I rto 14 P BM 10068 vso V l3

6 Wenennefer P BM 10068 vso V 14

alence el that 1at the to the ticular thbny ar as I ) refer

ltional in line middotwpwt it was til the f The

1 41) rtoire within of the pes in ificant

likely poses tto be ~mple data of the

1 alter in the ial for

d and estrict rative ecord in the

rences

)U and

nssen

1 I Menna O IFAO 387 1 O Qurna 618i1 O DeM 91 1 O Berlin P 10840 vso 1

2 bull Nakhy I

O IFAO 3874 O DeM 914

3 I Ptahemheb O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O DeM 343 2 P Greg vso B 8 rto A11

4 Parahotep O DeM 868

5 Hori O DeM 868 O DeM 869

6 Herunefer O Cairo 25597 rto 3

7 Neferher O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O Cairo 25633 vso 2

8 Amennakht O DeM 44 rto 8

9 Dmek P Turin 2081+2095 rto 1

10 ltAhawy P Turin 1881 vso V 1 VI 7 VII 1 () Giornale of year 17 rto B II 2 P Turin 2018 A vso 1 12 B rto II 11 B vso II 17 P BM 10068 vso VI 25 P Turin 2014 rto 27-8 P BM 10054 vso II 9

62 POTTERS

Addendnm

Pierre Grandets Catalogue des ostraca hieratiques non litteraires de Deir el-Medineh IXbecame available just as this chapter went to the press This volume contains a number of important potter texts I have included them in the tables on pages 33-7 and provide a short account of them here

O DeM is the longest and most detailed potter account known to me I will be adressing the issues it raises in a further publication It records deliveries made by the potters Ptahemheb Parahotep Hori and Neferher for the months of I bt to I prt of a year 6 The title p qd occurs only in line I in reference to Ptahemheb but probably also covers the other individuals named Ptahemheb and Neferher are known from other potter accounts discussed in this chapter O DeM 869 also published by Grandet and dated to a year 6 records deliveries made by Hori of qbw and lbw vessels to Right Both Hori and Parahotep are not otherwise attested in the potter texts In O DeM 868 details of delivery are grouped according to individual potters In line 13 Neferher delivers vessels to Left (t rj smM this is the only statement concerning Right or Left in this text That four potters deliver during the same general period emphasizes the potential number of potters involved in delivery which is not generally apparent in many of the potter texts Ptahemheb and Neferher make deliveries on different days in IV bt The vessel numbers vary except for those delivered as the making good of deficits by Ptahemheb which are consistent sums (II 3-4) The vessels delivered include qbw and Ibw vessels as well as gy andjnlt this text therefore provides further evidence thatjnJtt vessels were part of the potters repertoire

Grandet follows Gutgesell in assigning a date in the mid-20th Dynasty to O DeM 868 and 869 19thMy assignment of a late Dynasty date to the other account ostraca of Ptahemheb and

Neferher (0 Cairo 25591 O Cairo 25633 and O DeM 343) is based on the record of Ptahemhebs deliveries in P Greg firmly dated by Janssen to the reign of Siptah186 Gutgesell places Ptahemheb in the 20th Dynasty on the basis of the occurrence of this name in P Turin 2006+ 1961 usually dated to year 29 of Ramesses 111 [87 The Ptahemheb in this text is not a potter and so is a different individual I propose that the late 19th Dynasty date of the other documents should therefore be retained and should also be adopted for O DeM 868 and 869

Further texts relevant to potters in Grandets volume include O DeM 877 in which a list of arrears in water supplies are measured in jnlt vessels O DeM 871-3 are sherds bearing the phrase mJ qd Grandet considers these phrases along with the phrase ml m-rJrt p-Jtm-nlr complete by the hand ofPahemnetjerthe priest on O DeM 870 as delivery marks inscribed on the pots themselves18S

186 Janssen Village Varia 115-6 187 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 252 309-12 188 Catalogue des ostraca IX 49-50

UNT

Marel

sectl Eil Die A Papyr Einwc zusHin Verw Angell besch~

Bei suchur wichtil Andre Vortei Juni 2( nicht-li recherc

Beirr allgem

bull Der MaXI

mieh Aufn Doni Sieh~

J Ja grap dazu

2 Sieht tause Peri Gutg Teil1 el ME Held Janss Histo

6 MeD Valb

g Venn Witnl II Ta

10 Ein P II Gutg 12 Allan 13 Held

Page 12: Woodcutters, Potters and Doorkeepers Service Personnel of the Deir El Medina Workmen

trolled Imque ogical

eir elshyhe left tlwide of the at el-

It over eir e1shy

)m the their tcation )ottery of the ated to eluded known among Iple of IpS ~ their jed on vas on s sited pplied

ourriau

iI1 joint

3ple of dE 10 )erated Indent

with J but see ra On rEA 73

Study ry text 53-58

THE ORGANIZATION OF WORK AND DELIVERY 39

the village and their internal organization remains a mystery Only when the potters come into contact with the village through delivery do they become more visible in the record

22 How many potters Throughout the 19th and 20th Dynasties the numbers of potters delivering to the village at anyone time seems to have remained largely stable Potteries are understood to be substantial operations involving probably a master potter and a number of assistants56 Evidence for the wider organization of the workshops on this level as well as any adaptations made in response to changes in the size of the village is not apparent in the data (see above pp 12-15) Where the texts do enumerate numbers of potters we can conclude that two were responsible for delivery it is possible that one potter was assigned to each side of the crew but the texts are not generally explicit concerning this level of the organization

Some evidence for potter numbers is found in the 19th Dynasty account texts O IFAO 387 (unpub) separately records the deficits of two potters that ofMerma preceding that ofNakhy O OeM 91 records a deficit accumulated by Menna in lines 1-3 In line 4 Nakhys name is written but the rest of the line was left blank or erased Cerny noted that three lines on the verso of this ostracon had been erased perhaps indicating that the account was originally intended to record the deliveries of both men57

Another account in this group O Berlin P 10840 is more difficult to interpret The recto summarizes Mennas total deficit for 5 months stating that he is under the authority of the scribe Pashed (r-lJt sf P3-sd) On the verso are three lines of text the first giving the name of a scribe Ipuy Lines 2 and 3 record very high totals of vessels (94 qbw vessels and 992lbw vessels) The relationship between the text on the recto and that on the verso is unclear the numbers of vessels on the verso are almost double the amount of those on the recto Other sources recording the actions of Pashed and Ipuy indicate that they were smdt-scribes responsible for the supervision of deliveries Their separate appearance in this text may indicate that deficits for each side of the crew were enumerated seperately because smdt-scribes seem to have been assigned to Right and Left58 It is not clear whether Menna was responsible to the different sides for both deficits or whether the verso deficits belong to a second potter perhaps Nakhy If the latter is the case the deficits of O DeM 91 and O IF AO 387 may also reflect the division into Right and Left The work organization and administration of the crew was structured by this division so it would seem logical that the work and deliveries of the potters should be organized on this basis as well The situation is often not made explicit and these texts can be interpreted in various ways For example an undated and anonymous account text O OeM 135 records deficit of the potters two men (4t n p3 qd s 2) (1 1) The totals of vessels that follow are not divided into two groups as one might expect It is therefore not clear whether the two men were required to deliver to one side of the crew to the viIIage as a single unit or whether for the sake of expediency the scribe put the totals for each side together

The only clear statements concerning a division of the potters deliveries to Right and Left are found in the account ostraca and the journal papyrus from the late 19th Dynasty These texts also seem to confirm that two potters usually delivered to the village at anyone time In O Cairo 25591 rto 4-5 is recorded receipt of the bkw of (the) potter Ptah[emheb] receipt of the bkw of (the) potter Nefer[her] The text breaks off at the end of these lines so it cannot be ascertained

56 A L Kelley Some Reflections on Pottery and Society in Ancient Egypt in Papers of the Pottery Workshop Third International Congress of Egyptology Toronto Sept 1982 ed A L Kelley (Toronto 1983)30 57 This idea is recorded as a note in Cerny Nb 104l39 No mention of the verso is made in the publication of this text Catalogue des ostraca I pI 54 58 Hence my tentative assignment of this text and O DeM 91 to Category B see also Davies Whos Who 124 For discussion of the role of muil-scribes see section 23 with references

--

v

40 POTTERS

whether these deliveries were made to different sides of the crew The preceding entries concerning units of fuel were separately enumerated for each side Right preceding Left (rto 1-2) tI Perhaps the pottery delivery followed this pattern

Two further texts O Cairo 25633 and O DeM 343 are more explicit O Cairo 25633 vso 1-2 tI records receipt of the bkw of (the) potter Neferher of Left (ssp bkw qd nfr-~r n smM O Il DeM 343 1-2 in contrast records Year 6 I smw 1 receipt by the hand of (the) potter ( Ptahemheb of Right (qd pt~-m-~b n wnmy) Ptahemheb continued to deliver to Right into the B reign of Siptah at the end of the 19th Dynasty as recorded in P Greg rto A 11 potter Ptahemheb f~ of Right to the scribe Pentaweret - 2 bkw59 Other entries in this text (vso B 11-13) also v separately enumerate deliveries of bkw for each side the entry on vso B 8 also recording the Ii name Ptah[ emheb] 60 From these texts we can posit that in the late 19th Dynasty the potters el Ptahemheb and Neferher were probably required to deliver to the right and left sides of the crew re respectively as successors of Menna and Nakhy the only other pair of potters named in the 19tb

Ie Dynasty documentation

In the journal ostraca from the reign of Ramesses II which record deliveries to Right the use of 2~ the singular in the standard entry marking pottery delivery entered by the hand of the potter Uw th m-Ijrt p qd)61 and variants seems to record the activities of only one potter However p qd is a P formulaic way of referring to potters and it is possible that the title may conceal varying numbers th of men pc

The lists of smdt representing Right and Left included on the verso of the Turin Strike Papyrus (RAD 45-7) do not clarify the situation for the mid_20th Dynasty The entry after those who produce pots (nty qd) in the first list (vso 1 19) is lost although there is space for only one name The second list also ineludes only one potter ~Omek (vso 4 11) and the list ends here62 It is possible to interpret these lists as indicating the presence of only one potter for each side of the crew The speech of the door-keeper Khaemwaset entered later in this text where he promises to increase the numbers of potters to 4 men (on) Right and 4 (on) Left total 8 men (vso 2 16) can perhaps be interpreted as pure rhetoric (see above p 13) There is little further evidence for 2 numbers of potters in the journals of year 29 and later but no such increase seems to have As occurred ad

In the papyrus journals from the late 20th Dynasty deliveries of the potters bkw are separately OCI enumerated for each side63 The entries in these texts indicate some variation in numbers of ill potters although we still seem to be dealing with only one or two men In P Turin 2044 vel (unpubl) from year 1 of Ramesses V an entry records Left the two potters [deficit] (sm~ p im qd 2 [4]) (rto I 5) Thus at times two potters may have been expected to deliver to one side

The only potters name recorded in the later papyrus journals is that of ~Ahawy In the Journal De of Year 7 of Ramesses IX (P Turin 1881 Pleyte and Rossi pI 1-8 KRI VI 609-19) pottery SCI deliveries are made by ~Ahawy but there is no indication whether these were made to Right or Ra Left (vso col V 1-3 col VI 7-8) In verso col VII 1-2 the entry for a lost day in III smw the records received by the hand of the potter [ ] Right and Left vessels Ibw-vessels 150 qb(w)shy en1

SCt

Dy 59 Janssen Village Varia 117 Pel 60 ibid 122 61 For this phrase see section 23 62 The potter Omek also occurs in P Turin 2081 +2095 rto 1 (unpubl) from the mid 20th Dynasty The text records a delivery but the details are lost 63 For example P Turin 2070133 134 + 3 frgs rto II 10-11 (KRJ VI 426-8 entered as Cat 2070154) P Turin 1881 (Pleyte and Rossi pI 1-8) vso VII 1-2 P Turin 1900 (KRI VI 619-24) vso II 7 Turin Necropolis Journal Year 3 Ramesses X (P Turin 1898 Botti and Peet pI 50-63 KRIVI 687-99) rto III 9-1013-14 Turin ~ecropolis Journal Year I Ramesses XI (P Turin 1888 Botti and Peet pl 63 KRJVI 850-1) vso dockets A 2-4

mtries 1-2)

101-2 I) O potter Ito the milieb ) also ng the )otters crew le 19th

use of er Uw ldis a rnbers

Strike those lyone

62 Itre of the ises to

~ 16) ce for have

rately ers of 2044

llip3 je

mmal ottery ~ht or smw

b(w)shy

e text

4) P Turin 0 III IVI

INTERPRETING RECEIPT AND DELIVERY 41

vessels 70 It seems likely that (Ahawys name is to be restored here This last entry may indicate that IAha) could be responsible for deliveries to both Right and Left

In P Turin 2018 (KRI VI 851-63) listing payments of grain to the crew and the smdt dating to the end of the 20th Dynasty IAhawy is included in the list of smdt for Left (A vso 1 10-12 B rto II 9-11 B vso II 17) In the list of smdt for Right is recorded the name of the potter Bakenmut (A rto IV 15-17 A vso I 2-6 B rto II 2-4) In one entry in this text he is recorded as potter Bakenmut son of r Ahawy (A rto la 3-5) It is very likely that potting was a skill passed from father to son and here we see a family of craftsmen responsible for delivery of ceramics to the village In contrast with the evidence for the woodcutters (see above p 15) there seems to be little indication of a change in numbers of potters to reflect any decrease in the size of the crew except for the Journal of Year 7 Perhaps IAhawy was assisted in his delivery by his son the responsibility for supply at this time falling to a single family who could be noted in greater or lesser detail in the record64

The potter rAhawy is also entered in a list of potters (m qdw) in P Turin 2014 (UTlpubl) rto 27_865 The text is not dated but his name places it in the late 20th Dynasty As Janssen observes the names of the laundrymen included in the list in this papyrus are different from those listed in P Turin 2018 perhaps indicating some distance in time between the two texts66 The writing of the plural in the title to the list (m qdw) is formulaic and need not indieate that more than one potter is meant

The number of potters delivering to the village at anyone time seems generally to have been stable at two men Some flexibility may be detected in the papyrus documents of the late 20th

Dynasty although the numbers do not seem to vary beyond one or two The potential for flexibility in the numbers of smdt has been noted by Janssen for both the woodcutters and the fishermen (see above p 15) It is possible that the fonnulae used for recording ceramic deliveries in earlier texts may conceal variations in their numbers

23 Interpreting receipt and distribution As Davies has shown in his study of the family histories in the village the smdt were administered by their Oill scribes67 Possibly the earliest explicit attestation of smdt-scribes occurs in a pottery account On the recto of O Berlin P 10840 the potter Menna is said to be under the authority (r-) of the scribe Pashed (I 1) Pashed and the scribe mentioned on the verso of the ostracon (1 1) Ipuy are knovro from other contemporaneous texts to have been involved in smdt-deliveries and the deliveries ofproduce such as dates and loaves to the village68

Scribes also occur with less explicit statements of authority in two other pottery accounts In O OeM 346 quantities of vessels were delivered on II prt 20 and 23 by the hand of (m-4rt) the scribe Amenemope Davies records two smdt-scribes named Amenemope one from the reign of Ramesses II and one from Ramesses IV_V69 I am inclined to assign this text the earlier date on the basis of its similarity to O OeM 623 On the verso of O OeM 623 a number of vessels are entered for I smw 1 On the recto a quantity of wood is entered by the hand Uw m-4rt) of the scribe Pentaweret for the same date Two smdt-scribes named Pentawcret held office in the 19tb

Dynasty one late in the reign of Ramesses II and one at the very end of the dynasty7o The Pentaweret of the late 19tb Dynasty is recorded as receiving 2 b3kw from the potter Ptahemheb (P

64 Compare the family firms of fishermen Janssen Village Varia 40 65 The line numbers given here follow CernYs provisional transcription (171541-6 171725-9) 66 Janssen and Janssen The Laundrymen of the Theban Necropolis 5 67 Whos Who 123-42 68 ibid 124 Davies doubts the equation Cerny made between this Pashed and the like-named draughtsman (Community206) 69 Whos Who 283-4 70 ibid 125-6283

--

42 POTTERS

Greg rto A II) The phrase jw tn-4rt can be used of both potters and scribes In the case of the

scribes it is likely they were involved in receiving and recording the ceramics rathcr than men

physical transportation and delivery The interpretation of tn-4rt is crucial here Although I T

translate the preposition literally it can be understood more flexibly as under the responsibility of which could express a range of levels of responsibility for supply from physical delivery to

seen for (

recording receipt7l

theslWhen pots are delivered or received by the hand of someone who is not given the title

indi(potter or otherwise connected with the stndt the status of the delivery is less clear Valbelle

to innotes the distinction between ceramics brought by the potters and vessels filled with beer and oother commodities provided by institutions72 Usually the content of the latter vessels is given 73

andHowever in some cases the entry is uncertain particularly with the delivery ofjnlt vessels In O

worDeM 23 5 16 jnll vessels are delivered by the hand of Amenemope while in O DeM 26 2-3 the a 30 large jnlt vessels are recorded by the hand of Nebnefer entered 27 deficit 3 Neither of

laquo~(ythese men is given any title and it is possible that they are ordinary workmen 74

(ves~The problems associated with interpreting the deliveries of jnlzt vessels can be best illustrated grou

by O Cairo 25704 which records the delivery ofjnll vessels in year 2 of Sety I no month or day probis given Although Davies connects this delivery with the known smdt-scribe Tjay or the member distn of the smdl Tjiro75 the status of this text remains uncertain Line 2 records the one who brought alloe very largejn~t vessels returned to Tj[ J (nty rdj jnlt (5t sp sn m-hyt mJ 0[ ]) while line 3 lines has the one who brought small () jnlt vessels assigned to [ J (nty rdj jnlt lrj m-Is (5 m-( twtw [ ))76 The non-standard means of entering the delivery nty rdj may indicate that this text 451 d records a more specialized range of vessels not necessarily to be associated vith the smdt-potters O jnlt vessels have a restricted range of occurrence in the Deir el-Medina documentation and are perhsometimes associated with festival deliveries (see the discussion of O BM 50728 below and desigsection 42) Therefore these vessels may not belong with the unfilled ceramics delivered by the desigsmdt-potters text I

There is little evidence in the texts that potters were assisted in the delivery of their wares by there other members of the smdt as is the case with the woodcutters (see above pp 12ff) Entries in the smdt journal OStraca record deliveries by the hand of the potter (m-4rt P5 qd)77 or entered by the In hand of the potter (jw m-4rt P5 qd)78 This may indicate delivery by the potters themselves but meml the use of such formulaic phraseology in recording delivery may conceal a number of possible inclUi alternatives for this aspect of supply Considering the quantities involved and the probable size of (mrw

is no perha

71 For discussion sec P Tallet Deux pretres-sem tMbains de la XXe dynastie BIFAO 99 (1999) 417 An SOlalternative translation of the phrase with similar implications would be arrived by the hand of

proba72 Ouvriers 265 For the representation of such tilled vessels in the ceramic repertoire from Deir el-Medina

delivcsee for example L Bavay S Marchand and P Tallet Les jarres inscrites du Nouvel Empire provenant de Deir aI-Medina CaMers de la Ceramique Egyptienne 6 (2000) 77-86 with references of the 73 For example all deliveries of wine to the village were made in mnt-amphorae Janssen Commodity Prices 350 mnt vessels are only once recorded as part of a potters deliveries In O Or Inst Chicago

79 Tw16998 (unpubL) 30 mnt vessels are entered alongside 30 qbw vessels and 150 Ibw vessels (1 3) The entry

Amenof a wood delivery in line 2 may indicate that this text records deliveries by the smdt For the elite status periodof the mnt see Bourriau Nicholson and Rice Pottery l37 potter

74 O DeM 202 records quantities of dpr and lbw vessels entered by the hand of Wepwawetmose potterAlthough the status of this text can be questioned lbw vessels are a more standard part of the smdt-potters cornprepertoire 80 In 1

75 Whos Who 106 with n 302 referri

76 For the readings of m-hyt mJ and rrt-s mJ see D Valbelle Remarques sur les textes neo-egyptiens meaninon-Iitteraires (sect 6-10) BIFAO 77 (1977) 129-13 L 81 For

77 For example O DeM 159 10 O DeM 39 rto 4 of hig

78 For example O DeM 35 addition above line 7 O DeM 154 rto 15-6 O DeM 38 7 O DeM 47 vso 4 Ramel

e of than

19h I bility ry to

title lbelle rand fenn

InO 2-3 ler of

trated lrday mlber ought line 3 mJ

s text )tters

Id are If and )y the

res by in the )y the es but ISsible ize of

17 An

l1edina venant

modity 1llcago e entry status

trnose )otters

yptiens

vso 4

INTERPRETING RECEIPT AND DELIVERY 43

the vessels the delivery could have involved several trips andor the use of assistants who are not mentioned because they had no responsibility

The distribution of the ceramics among the community is only rarely attested O DeM 337 seems to record numbers of pots owed to particular workmen III ot 10 deficit of 3lbw vessels for (n) Amenemope deficit of I ds vessel 1 dpy vessel and 3 lbw vessels for (n) Nakhy Both these names are common and it is impossible to date the text on this basis79 This text may indicate that not only were records made of the potters debts to the crew in general deficits owed to individual crew members could be documented as well

O BM 50728 dated to year 2 probably of Ramesses II also seems to relate to the processing and distribution of a particular type of ceramic recording vessels delivered to individual workmen as well as deficits owed to them The first five lines of the recto set out the purpose of the account Year 2 [ ] the record of the jn~t vessels for Left (p SOJW m n jn~t n smM - a total (~~~w) of 10 + 5 jn~t vessels Specification (wp s(traquo) for the crew concerning the 10 + 5 (vessels) 80 The numbers of vessels given to each member of the crew are then detailed The first group of five vessels is clearly allocated to four named workmen one for each man Baki probably the foreman of the crew81 received two corresponding to the hierarchal systems of distribution known from accounts of rations and other provisions Lines 7-10 continue with the allocation of different vessel types to named individuals The end of the recto is very broken but lines 11 and 12 seem to have recorded vessels owed to Amenmose (4t n jmn-msw) Pa-[ ] and twtw() and in this the text provides a parallel for O DeM 337 In O BM 50728 rto 11-12 the 41 determinative was crossed out possibly indicating that the debt was paid

O BM 50728 includes some unusual qualifications for the vessels including terms related perhaps to quality (very good jnJt njr nJr middling good jn~t nJr m-~ry-jb) and the designation of certain vessels as being in the fashion of hbny (vessels) (m qd hbny) These designations and the total (~J~w) ofbq oil given in the last line of the recto may indicate that the text records the delivery of filled jnJt vessels for a specific perhaps festival or ritual context I therefore doubt whether the text is concerned with the distribution of ceramics delivered by the smdt potters (see 42 for further discussion of this text)

In contrast O Cairo 25597 dated to year 2 of Ramesses IV records items distributed to members of the smdt The distribution list begins on line 2 with specification (wp-st) and includes a coppersmith a water-carrier as well as the potter Herunefer who received 5 bundles (mrw or ors) the content of these bundles is not stated Although the context for this distribution is not clear this is the only text known to me in which a potter seems to receive a payment perhaps in exchange for work

Some aspects of organization of work such as distribution of pots among the villagers probably did not require the level of administration and documentation needed for the record of delivery Details concerning the processing of delivery remain unclear such as the precise nature of the receipt and distribution of the products However the texts do allow the stages of delivery

79 Two workmen named Nakhy are known from the late 19th Dynasty Janssen Commodity Prices 86 Amenemope is a common name in all periods ibid 42 Although a potter Nakhy is known from this period I doubt whether this text should be understood as referring to the deficits of untitled but named potters instead I read the n as a preposition rather than the indirect genitive It would be very unusual for a potter to be untitled and the text does not follow the standard pattern for potter accounts recording deficits compare O DeM 91 O IFAO 387 O DeM 135 O Gardiner 88 vso 80 In these lines the number 10 is written in black ink while 5 is written in red Some of the numbers referring to allocations to individual workmen in the following lines of the text are also written in red The meaning of the use of red ink in the text requires further investigation 81 For Baki and his family see Davies Whos Who 2-12 If the provision of an extra vessel is an indicator of higher status this text would provide evidence that Baki continued in office into the early years of Ramesses II

I

--44 POTTERS

to be traced illuminating aspects of the organization of the potters work and their relationship the with the community ofDeir el-Medina veSt

may 24 Donkey hire by potters timi Although it can be assumed that donkeys were necessary for the delivery of ceramics to the (see village J know of only one relevant text and that refers only indirectly to the potters use of lOe donkeys There seem to be no hireage texts for potters comparable to those attested for or4 woodcutters and watercarriers

O DeM 73 Ito details a legal case concerning a donkey in the 20 th year of Ramesses III The 32 text records the resolution of a dispute (del) between the potter Herunefer who was the complainant and the workman Anynakht82 Herunefer hired a donkey from Anynakht The

FrO bkI

donkey proved unsatisfactory and an exchange was agreed upon in the presence of (m-blM a scribe of the mat Amennakhe3 The bad donkey was handed over to him Uwtw Ir swd n) and

blk1 Sh01

he gave him Uwf djt) an (other) she-donkey in its place (11 3-4) The text concludes with the resl taking of an oath on account of it (br pbwys) presumably by Anynakht

As Janssen observes in reference to the woodcutters and watercarriers texts about the hireage spec daYE

of donkeys are comparatively rare and are concentrated in the reigns of Ramesses III and IV Those that survive perhaps refer to rather unusual situations as here The distinctive nature of this

smt intel

text lends support to Janssens proposal that there was a pool of donkeys perhaps state or communally owned rather than belonging to the workmen themselves available for deliveries to

pap) was

the village (see above p 29) here T

sect3 Documenting supply 31 The timing ofexpected deliveries Janssen has determined through analysis of the journal OStraca of the reigns of Ramesses TIT and IV that deliveries of ceramics were expected every ten days84 That this was the practice in the early 19th Dynasty is confirmed by the delivery lists of wood and pottery Where the lists are dated these dates usually fall on days 1085 2086 or 3087 of the month which are the days on which deliveries were also recorded later in the 20 th Dynasty

It is likely that vessels were not expected on any particular day within this time frame and could be delivered in smaller amounts throughout the period like the deliveries by the gardeners and fishermen ss P Greg vso B II 8 documents the receipt of bkw of the potter for year 6 of

that for ( the doCl pred of tl gene mixt term

Siptah on the 19th day of IV lvt This delivery is then recorded in the summary information for IV lvt 10 to 20 A journal ostracon of the reign of Ramesses III records that on II smw 7 the potter entered two blkw one (w) for I smw 30 one for II smw 10 (0 DeM 38 7) The account text O DeM 346 of the mid_20th Dynasty documents the receipt of two quantities of vessels within three days On II prt 20 30 qbt vessels and 110 lbw vessels were received or delivered by the hand of

33l The wen O E IIIp scali mad

82 For Anynakht see Davies Whos Who 74-5 The potter Herunefer is also known from O Cairo 25597 39 (1

83 The role of the scribe of the mat (sv n un) in this text has been discussed by Ben Haring The Scribe of the Mat From Agrarian Administration to Local Justice in Deir el-Medina in the Third Millennium

Jans~ 90 b

AD A Tribute to Jac J Janssen eds R J Demaree and A Egberts Egyptologische Uitgaven 14 (Leiden 91 ibi

2000) 149 For the legal status of this text see A G McDowell Jurisdiction in the Workmens Community 92 O

ofDeir el-Medina Egyptologische Uitgaven 5 (Leiden 1990) 146-7 84 Commodity Prices 485-6

B893n

85 O DeM 1 5 7 10 12 13 17 23 O Gardiner 43 94 Fe

86 O DeM 2 8 15 24 O Or lust Chicago 18878 reCOl

87 O DeM 3 4 9 11 12 14 18 22 O DH 6 7 88 J J Janssen bkw From Work to Product SAK 20 (1993)90 n 52

tragI 95 L

lship

)the se of I for

The the The

M a ) and h the

reage i IV fthis te or ies to

I and n the s are fS on

ould sand 6 of

or IV lotter xtO three ndof

97 kribe znium iden lunity

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 45

the scribe Amenemope (rto 11 1-2) On II prt 23 a further 42 dpr vessels making(9 22 qb vessels and 100 tbw vessels were also entered by the scribe Amenemope (vso n 1-4) This text may record part payments of the delivery expected for II prt 20-30 The data concerning the timing of delivery therefore correspond to the evidence discussed by Janssen for the woodcutters (see above pp 18ff) As in the woodcutter texts if the delivery was completed in full during the 10 day period it was recorded as mI Any deficit or shortfall in delivery was entered as (w)gJ(t) or gJ nlr

32 The terminology ofsupply bJkw From the late 19th or early 20 th Dynasties the deliveries of ceramics were recorded in units of bJlnv in both account and journal ostraca Janssen has discussed the use and meaning of the tenn bkw in the Deir el-Medina material blkw in its absolute sense means work but Janssen has shown that in many cases in these documents the meaning can shift from work to the resultproduct of the work90 Within this usage the bkw of the potter seems to have a more specific meaning Janssen has concluded that it signifies a fixed amount that was due every ten days a quota He cites the example ofO DeM 387 where two b3kw were recorded one for I smw 30 one for II smw 10 91 The detenninatives used in the writing of b3lnv support this interpretation Although in the late 19th and early 20th Dynasty texts bkw was detennined by the papyrus roll92 from the middle to the end of the reign of Ramesses III the vessel detenninative was used93 The change to this detenninative from one with a more abstract meaning signals that here bkw is a work requirement consisting of an amount of ceramics

The usage of bkw in the journals and accounts implies that this amount was fixed a quota that would therefore be quantifiable There are records of the entry of two bkw often to make up for overdue deliveries and occasionally even half bkw94 These references certainly imply that the bIlnv was a predetennined amount that could be doubled or halved when necessary The documenting of deficits in the texts also shows that each delivery was expected to consist of a predetermined amount The Category E text O DeM 12 seems to record such a deficit On line 4 of this delivery list is written deficit namely deficit of vessels (4 qrlJt 4)95 Since qrlt is the generic tenn for vessels the implication is that the expected delivery of ceramics probably a mixture of types and quantities was not made To determine the composition of each bkw in terms of vessel types and numbers is however difficult

33 b3kw in the J(jh Dynasty accounts (text categories B C E) The 19th Dynasty accounts of the deficits of the potters Menna and Nakhy indicate that deliveries were pre-determined as amounts that if not delivered in full were recorded to be made up later O Berlin P 10840 records an accumulation of deficits owed by Menna from year 9 III fJt 1 to III prt 30 making 5 months 53 qbt vessels 575 bw vessels (11 2-3) This account shows the scale of thc deficit that the potter could incur over a period of time if complete deliveries were not made

89 Cernys transcription of the text contains an ellipsis and query at this point (Catalogue VII pI 2) Janssen (pers corron) has suggested that the two dashes in the hieratic facsimile could be read as Jr n 90 hkw From Work to Product 89 91 ibid 89-90 nO DeM 606 rto 611 O Cairo 25591 rto 4-5 and O Cairo 25633 vso 1 P Greg rto B 23 A 11 vso B 8 11-12 93 The journal ostraca from the mid_20th Dynasty consistently use this determinative 94 For an examples entries of two bkw see O DeM 154 rto 16 P Greg rto A II 11-12 Half units are recorded in O DeM 44 rto 20 P Turin 1961 (Pleyte and Rossi pI 99) vso II 5 Anonymous Turin fragment (Cerny MSS 3616) 95 t~~lon

46 POTTERS

O DeM 135 is a testimony to the precision with which such deficits were recorded This undated text enumerates the deficit of two potters Deficit of the potters 2 men 96 29 qbw fle)vessels 5 gy vessels 00 Ibw vessels 9 dp(r) vessels to (r) qbw vessels making 4Y2 Total ves making 33Y2 qbw vessels The final two lines seem to indicate that 9 dpr vessels were equivalent mo in some way to 4Yz qbw vessels97 When added to the 29 qbw vessels in line 2 this gives the total ves of 33Y2 Perhaps the potters were initially required to deliver 9 dpr vessels along with the other and vessels but the decision was made to convert these dpr vessels into their equivalent in qbw dprvessels Here it must be borne in mind that this text records deficit rather than delivery It seems forto reflect the scribes accounting mentality precisely recording the precise value of the deficit

forwhich may have been rounded up or down in reality The meticulous record of deficit does imply sigrfixed vessel deliveries with a specific amount being due every ten days

deliAlthough such texts imply the presence of a quota it is difficult to quantify that quota in terms

posof numbers and types of vessels In this context O DeM 135 provides an additional insight The

asklconversion of one vessel type into its equivalent in another type if it is a concrete conversion

therather than a statement of value implies a certain flexibility within the deliveries Perhaps this document shows the superiors of the crew specifying or making adjustments to the amounts of

34ceramics required every ten days in accordance with the needs of the crew

TheSuch an interpretation could explain the range of vessel types and quantities enumerated in the

19th defiDynasty delivery lists while also perhaps accounting for the precise documentation of It isdeficits These ostraca note deliveries of at least eight different vessel types in varying quantities

and combinations including jn~t98 m~t99 qbwIOO kJ-lr-kJ 101 gJy102 Ibw103 dpr104 and dS I05 and imp

Some of these vessel names are very rare in other documentation The dpr vessel although common in these lists and in 19th Dynasty pottery accounts does not appear to occur later 106 This

Ir

pattern could suggest a reduction in the vessel repertoire in the 20th Dyllasty but the contents of IVr Jourdeliveries are not generally enumerated in the later data potentially concealing some vessel types 29Deliveries of lbw vessels are recorded in the majority of the surviving lists and as will be 15-1illustrated below Ibw vessels alongside qbw vessels remained the core of the potters deliveries (conin the 20th Dynasty It is possible that qbw and bw are classes of ceramics rather than distinct samlvessel types so that the terms may cover a wider range of forms (see section 61) DeIlt othe

96 1- ~~~gt5l~I (I 1) reml 97 Compare O DeM 346 where 42 dpr vessels may be the equivalent of 22 qbt vessels (see section 31) day The flexibility of equivalence between the two types may indicate flexibility in the form and valuation of seen these vessels (see section 41) evid 98 Janssen Commodity Prices434 O DeM 16 153 174 23 5

ther99 Wb II 126 W F Reineke Der Zusammenhang der altagptischen Rohl- und LiingenmaBe MfG 9 (1963)148 O DeM 56 7 6 114 100 Janssen Commodity Prices 412-5 qbw is a feminine word and can also be spelt qbt Valbelle Guvriers 18 O DeM J 7 4 5 7 5 104 O DR 5 4 O Gardiner 435 101 Wb V 93 O DeM 28 3 O DR 6 8 lOi 0 102 Janssen Commodity Prices 426-8 O DeM 5 5 9 6 107 225 O DR 8 3 O Gardiner 436 108 0 10J Janssen Commodity Prices 433-4 O DeM 18 3 4 4 6 6 6 8 6 105 116 136 154 16 5 17 109 0 3 226 O DR 5 7 6 9 7 5 84 O Or lnst Chicago 188785 O Gardiner 43 7 O DeM 288 records 110 0 a lbw-n-k~ vessel (see section 41) III 0 104 This vessel is not included in Janssen Commodity Prices or in the Worterbuch It is written lith the 1110

generic term for vessel qrlt confirming its nature as such O DeM 25 3 3 5 7 6 5 9 5 106 165 113 0 O DR 5 6 O Or lnst Chicago 188784 4prt vessels presumably a different orthography of the same 114 C term occur in hieratic inscriptions from the tomb of Tutankhamun 1 Cerny Hieratic lnscriptionsfrom the Il5 t Tomb of TutCankhamun TutCankhamiins Tomb Series II (Oxford 1965) 6 with references See also G 116 Ir Bouvier BlFAG 101 (2001)90 note g PriCE 105 Wb V 485 Janssen Commodity Prices 472-4 O DeM 64 8 5 135 165 22 4 O DR 5 6 74 non-I 1(lj See the documents cited in n 100 also O DeM 346 vso 3 117 Q~

This qbw otal alent total other qbw

eems ficit mply

erms The rsion this Its of

n the m of ttities dS I05

tough This lts of ypes ill be veries stinct

1 31) ion of

1109

vriers

5 17 ecords

ith the 165

same Jm the

Iso G

74

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 47

The degree to which the composition of deliveries could vary from list to list illustrates the flexiblity of the institution On I 3Jt 10 of year 3 of Sety I 7 jn~t vessels (3 good 2 poor) 37 qbw vessels (deficit of 3) and 58 Ibw vessels (deficit of 2) were delivered l07 On the 20th day of that month dpr vessels were delivered (the rest of the text is lost)108 80 dpr vessels and 50 Ibw vessels were delivered on the last day of I 3Jt109 while on the last day of II Jt 40 qbw vessels and 50 Ibw vessels were delivered l1O On day 10 of III Jt 80 g3y vessels 90 m~t vessels and 40 dpr vessels were delivered lll Not only do several vcssel types occur in each delivery but totals for each vessel type also vary considerably as weI Ibw vessels tend to total between 50 and 60 for each list in which they occur1l2 However many of the attested totals documented are significantly larger between 100 and 300 lbw1l3 These texts may point to there being variable deliveries that resulted from commissions in response to specific needs However this is only one possible interpretation based upon a comparatively small group of texts The question must be asked whether a similar understanding can be gained from the qualitatively different sources of the 20th Dynasty

34 Recording b3kw in the 20th Dynasty The recording of pottery deliveries was less explicit in the 20th Dynasty with deliveries and deficits generally noted as b3kw and (w)4(t) of the potter without further clarifying information It is difficult to determine whether the quantities and contents of the deliveries were as flexible and varying as the 19th Dynasty data suggest Indeed as Janssen has concluded it is virtually impossible to prove what was meant by the termbkw l 114

In the rare cases where journal entries on ostraca of the reigns of Ramesses III and Ramesses N record numbers of vessels this information is difficult to interpret O DeM 154 rto recording journal entries in year 31 of Ramesses III documents the delivery made by the potter on II smw 29 entered by the hand of the potter 2 bkw (plus) 50 lbw vessels for II smw 30 deficit 65 (II 15-16) Janssen alternatively translates this part of the text as [e ]ntered from the potter 2 bkw (consisting of) 50 lbw vessels comparing it with O Berlin P 10654 (unpub) vso 1 where the same amount of 50 vessels is also mentioned I IS There is a number of possible readings of O DeM 154 rto The two b3kw may be deliveries owing from earlier in the month116 while on the other hand the 50 Ibw vessels may be an early partial payment for II smw 30 with 65 vessels remaining outstanding Since we do not have the rest of the journal for II smw and the entry for day 20 records neither delivery nor deficit it is difficult to draw firm conclusions Nonetheless it seems unlikely that the b3kw referred to in the text consisted of 50 lbw vessels The supporting evidence of the late 20th Dynasty ostracon O Berlin P 10654 vso is ambiguous also referring to the production of 50 vessels in the first line the numbers are lost thereafter

II Jt 10 the potter fashioned1l7 50 (vessels) day 20 the potter [fashioned x (vessels)]

107 O DeM 16-8 108 O DeM 2 5 109 O DeM 3 3-4 110 O DeM 45-6 1110 DeM 5 5-7 112 O DeM 18 34 8 6 165 O DH 5 7 6 9 O Or Inst Chicago 188785 113 O DeM 6 6 136 22 6 154 173 O DH 76 ll4 Commodity Prices 488 bkw From Work to Product 89 115 bkw From Work to Product 89 116 In a similar situation O DeM 40 14-5 records by the hand of the potter 3 bkw Janssen Commodity Prices 487-8 concludes that two of the bkw were payments for the first two decades although the non-delivery is nowhere stated while the third delivery was due for the five epagomenal days 117 ~~li~IT1l~~o

II

48 POTTERS

day 30 fashioning [x (vessels)] III 11]t 10 while he (fashioned)118 [x (vessels)] 35 b day 20119

Vhel total 230 qbw vessels [ ] the n specifYing it (wp Sf) ~ 23 jn~11 vessels blkw

In recording the actual work of the potters this text is unique While units of 50 vessels seem to statu be specified any connection with a blkw is not made explicit and can only be inferredYo perio

Janssen also cites the example of O DeM 35 on which a note above line 7 recording entries been for IIprt 19 of year 28 of Ramesses III reads entered by the hand of the potter as one b3kw 100 these qbw vessels 45 lbw vessels Although this text indicates that the b3kw consisted of 100 qbw Th vessels and 45 lbw vessels the phrase m w( b3kw could imply that the vessels enumerated were the e those making up this particular delivery perhaps differing from although equivalent to the recor contents of earlier deliveries and the standard b3kw The higher number of qbw vessels than Ibw epagt vessels which is very unusual when compared with other texts enumerating these two types 5 ep suggests that this entry is exceptional not only in its formulation It may be that this delivery ofth required special enumeration perhaps the potter altered the original order and provided an bee) equivalent number of qbw vessels instead of lbw vessels P

The two uneertain entries of O DeM 154 and O DeM 35 are the only texts in which actual Ram vessel types are enumerated in 20u Dynasty journal ostraca O DeM 35 in particular may suggest reads that the composition of b3kw could be flexible Other surviving records of pottery deliveries from An e the reign of Rarnesses III usually state only whether or not the potter entered his deliveries deliv complete or was in deficit O DeM 143 vso 5 datable to year 24 of Ramesses III does fo11o however enter a deficit of lbw vessels for the five epagomenal days Although the exact figures as 65 are lost the final two lines record an unknown total (dnuf) of qbw vessels and a total of 680 lbw char~ vessels these probably being deficits incurred since IV smw 30 the day the potter first fell behind disru in deliveries as the account records In O DeM 165 which largely documents deficits incurred in prt 1 year 30 III prt and thereafter a note to one side records year 29 entered for the five whih (epagomenal) days 30 lbw vessels his deficit 85 (11 4amiddot5a) vesst

Where vessel numbers are enumerated in these 20th Dynasty texts they vary in some cases notin considerably although the relationships of these numbers with the context of the documents must onw be kept in mind The vessel types are less varied than in the 19th Dynasty sources Mostly qbw and that 1 [bw vessels are enumerated in large quantities which confirms that these vessel types were the here basis of the potters b 3kw The deficit accounts from the reign of Ramesses II (group III) record If only qbw and lbw vesselsl2I in contrast with the variety of vessels represented in the delivery deliv lists The delivery lists of the 19th Dynasty appear to be exceptional in the variety of vessel types large they enumerate They may represent deliveries from other specialized workshops or supplies for vess particular purposes The similarity between the 19th Dynasty delivery lists of pottery and wood on en1r) the one hand and of specialty breads and beer on the other hand may indicate that these inter deliveries were in general more specialized they were perhaps associated with festivals Such an here association is illuminated by a study of one of the vessel types less commonly enumerated in A1 these texts (see section 42) However the regularity of delivery in these lists recorded in tenmiddotday b3kJi blocks is closely comparable with the regular b3kw delivery For the 20th Dynasty it must be potu borne in mind that b3kw which is mostly unqualified in the journal ostraca may cover a range of the ( vessel types sing

liS Q0--1i11 122 G ll9 Cerny noted that the line here was left blank 123 J~

120 The specification of jnJz1 vessels may also suggest that this text refers to a specialized perhaps unique lUF

production series For jnJzt see section 42 me 121 0 DeM 91 O Berlin P 10840 vso O IFAO 387 126 C

em to

ntries 100

l qbw were

) the nbw types livery ed an

actual 19gest from veries does

igures 101bw )ehind red in ~ fivc

cases must wand re thc ccord livery types es for odon thcsc Ichan ted in n-day lst be 1ge of

mique

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 49

35 bikw in the late 20th Dynasty papyrus documents Where pottery deliveries are recorded in the journal papyri the numbers of vessels involved and the name of the potter are often included A further contrast with earlier records is that the tenn bkw is rarely employed The more fonnal status of the papyri may explain such differences This status may also be one reason despite the large amount of documentation surviving from this period deliveries of pottery are only recorded occasionally Those that are recorded may have been special deliveries and hence worthy of note When bkw are recorded as in earlier records these may be variable in size and consist largely ofbw and qbw vessels

The recto ofP Turin 2070133 134 + 3 fragments (KRIVI 426-8) contains journal entries for the epagomenal days of the year 2 of a king later than Ramesses IV 122 The entry for the final day records the deliveries of the potter Right the potter - 29 [qb]w vessels 145 lbw vessels Five epagomenal days 100 [+ 45] Ibwvessels [Left] the potter 29 [qbw] vessels 145lbwvessels 5 epagomenal days 145 (Col II 10-11) The deliveries are enumerated separately for each side of the crew although if the restorations are correct the totals are the same for each side As is to be expected qbw and bw vessels are the only vessel types mentioned

P Turin 1881+ (Pleyte and Rossi pI 1-8 KRIVI 609-19) records entries for years 6-8 of Ramesses IX the potter is only mentioned on three occasions in year 7 For IV lu 29 the entry reads received by the hand of the potter ~Ahawy - qbw vessels 65 bw vessels 65 (vso V 1-2) An entry for 65 handfuls of plants follows in this list and seems to be associated with this delivery An entry on the same line also records 2 khar of k3Y (Ulq~ ~ ) probably roe123 The following line records again by his hand (wlm m-fjrtj) (for) I prt 10 100 [b[w] vessels as well as 65 handfuls of plants and an unknown measure of roe It seems that the potter had also been charged with delivering produce to the village perhaps the organization of deliveries was disrupted in this period Other entries record deliveries received by the hand of scribes 124 In III prt 18 almost three months later ~Ahawy made another delivery of 300 Ibw vessels (vso VI 7-8) while in III smw there were received by the hand of the potter (for) Right and Left 1501bw vessels and 70 qbw vessels (vso VII 1-2) P Turin 1881 + is an unusual text which rather than noting events day by day records only a few days from a few months of each year perhaps days on which events occurred that were more significant in the eyes of the scribe Valbelle observes that the scribe was running out of space on the papyrus increasing the likelihood that the entries he recorded were those he considered important125

If the deliveries recorded in this text were the only ones made for year 7 of Ramesses IX the delivery patterns of the potters may have changed Rather than delivering units every decade large deliveries were made every two to three months This would explain the large totals of vessels supplied However as Janssen cautions scribal inaccuracies mean that the absence of an entry in the journal does not necessarily mean that the delivery was not made126 An alternative interpretation is that the standard deliveries were made every ten days and that those recorded here were supplementary and worthy of special mention

An entry in P Turin 1900+ (KRl VI 619-24) vso 117 may indicate that regular deliveries of blkw continued at least in the early years of Ramesses IX Year 9 II 31Jt 19 records Right the potters b3kw [ ] (wnmy p qd n b3kw [ J) The context of this delivery is similar to those of the earlier 20th Dynasty with supply of fuel and gypsum being recorded as well However the single mention of a potters bkw in this entry in the papyrus may be as unique as those in P

122 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 242 123 Janssen Village Varia 53 124 For example vso 2a vso 5 5 vso 5 10 vso 6 1 125 Ouvriers 63-4 126 Commodity Prices 486

l

50 POTTERS

Turin l88l Journal entries from years 10 and 17 of Ramesses IX support this interpretation P A Turin 2071140 (KRIVI 63715) rto 9 records delivery of vegetables and pottery 2l() qb(w) varia vessels 110 [+ x] [bw vessels for day 30 IV smw year 10 The Turin Necropolis Journal of year vana 17 rto B II 2-3 (Botti and Peet pI 16) is the only record of a pottery delivery in this substantial inclu text covering two full months potter rAhawy 33 qbw vessels 165 [bw vessels This may Dyna indicate that the delivery was an unusual hence noteworthy event especially in relation to (HO references to problems with smdt organization earlier in the text (see section 37) the p

Deliveries of varying quantities of pottery are entered a number of times for different sides of recei the crew in the journal of year 3 of Ramesses X (P Turin 1898 + Botti and Peet pI 50-63 KRI Re VI 687-99) On III prt 18 even though the crew was not working because of the foreigners cornr (Omyw) 30 qb(w) vessels and 30 [+ x] [[bw] vessels were delivered to Right (rto I 11) On the wood last day of IV prt 9 qb(w) and 27 ([)bw vessels were delivered to Left (the entry for Right is comp lost rto II 14) The entry for II smw 19 records crew not working Right 28 qb(w) vessels 300 Janss [b(w) vessels Left 28 qb(w) vessels 15 g1(y) vessels 300 [b(w) vessels (rto III 9-10) The entry amou for g1y vessels is unusual in this text Two days later there was a further delivery for Right alone largel the potter - 30 qb(w) vessels 150 [b(w) vessels (rto III 13-14) In the month of III smw qbw Alt and [bw vessels were delivered on two occasions day 5 and day 30127 On IV smw 1 1 qbw was texts

delivered perhaps to Right while 90 [bw vessels were delivered to Left (rto V 18-9) If each are in delivery of vessels to the village was flexible in size and composition the entries in this journal as a c may also illustrate that deliveries to different sides of the crew could be varied as well quant

The journal text of year 1 of Ramesses XI P Turin 1898+ VSO128 records for I 10t 24 Right excep

from the hand of (the) potter [ ] 18 qb(w) vessels 50 [+x] [bw vessels Left from the hand of 37 In(the) potter [ ]y129 10 [+x] (Hh vessels [r~R~~o] [ J (vso Text A 2-4) Again the Otherdelivery is separately enumerated for the different sides of the crew breaks in the text mean that unprethe composition of the delivery is unknown If the entry on line 4 is a variant orthography of a this b type of vessel (1(1130 it may indicate a specialized delivery because (1(1 vessels are not firingotherwise attested in the pottery deliveries l3I Further deliveries are recorded in this journal again therein a very broken context by the hand ofthe potter [ ] lbw vessels 51 [+ x ] (vso dockets B taken5-6) later 18 qbw vessels and 50 lbw vessels are recorded (vso dockets C 2) This is the latest or adrsurviving record of pottery deliveries to the necropolis workmen in the 20th Dynasty deficit Impac36 Conclusion the meanings ofb1kw

TheThe Turin Necropolis journals seem to support the interpretation of the nature of the b1kw found detailein the earlier documentation Despite the possibility that delivery patterns may have altered or that from t some entries may represent extra deliveries these documents indicate that [bw and qbw vessels earlyformed the core of any quota of pottery delivered to the village occasionally supplemented with irregulother vessel types the pa III It

127 On III sectmw 529 qb(w) vessels and 150 bw vessels were delivered to Right Left received 19 qb(w) month vessels and 150 bw vessels (Botti and Peet pI 57 rto IV 15-9) The papyrus is damaged in the entries for III sectmw 30 but the surviving text indicates that deliveries of over 100 bw vessels were made to Right and both fbw and rqlbw vessels were delivered to Left (Botti and Peet pI 59 rto V 17-19) Unusually this latter entry records bw vessels before qbw 132 For 128 Botti and Peet pI 63 KRI VI 850-1 I follow the reassessment of Jtirgen von Beckerath in my reading 34 see of this text Papyrus Turin 1898+ vso SAK21 (1994)29-33 133 Th( 129 Perhaps the name of the potter CAhawy can be restored here 134 C J 130 Wh V 532 W F Reineke Der Zusammenhang der altagyptischen Hohl- und UingenmaBe MID 9 East e (1963)151 observlt 131 4343 vessels are included in a list of products in O Cairo 25678 vso 17 along with fbw vessels (1 18) discuss Valbelle citing this text considers that 4343 vessels could replace qbw vessels and were perhaps be mad synonymous (in her reference Duvriers 265 n 12 read 25678 for 25673) 135 Con

n p b(w) year ntial may m to

es of KRI

yenlers 11 the ht is 300 ~ntry

lone qbw was each lmal

ight ld of I the that ofa not

gain s B atest

lUnd that sels with

b(w) 8 for tand this

ding

[09

18) haps

DOCUMENTIKG SUPPLY 51

A further correspondence between the papyrus documents and the earlier ostraca is the variation in the numbers of vessels being delivered If these figures do represent regular bkw the variation in vessel totals may reflect responses to the changing needs of the crew perhaps including orders made by the superiors of the crew to the potters The use of bkw in one 20th

Dynasty account ostracon exemplifies the flexible character of commissions O Gardiner 80 4-5 (HO 6114) states after recording the complete deliveries during III smw received as the bkw of the potter entered complete like his custom of every day This text implies that the deliveries received during that month constituted the potters commission which he managed to fulfiL

Records survive of other members of the smdt such as gardeners and woodcutters receiving commands to deliver specific amounts132 Janssen notes the commission received by the woodcutter Saroy in year 29 III fJt 7 to deliver 380 units every 10 days This order can be compared with that of Saroys colleague who received a commission to deliver 500 units 133 As Janssen observes the quotas of the woodcutters often deviated quickly from these specified amounts (see above p 20) Such orders might have been regular normal occurrences that are largely invisible in the written record

Although no known text records such an assignment to the potters to deliver specific amounts texts that record varying quantities of ceramics and texts in which vessels other than qbw and tbw are included suggest that such commissions were madc The bkw may therefore be understood as a commission or expected dclivery of a predetermined unit of ceramics Although theoretically quantifiablc the bkw was flexible so that we cannot determinc what amount was expected except in specific deliveries

37 Implications ofdefiCits Other factors may also have operated to produce differential sizes of deliveries Firing was an unpredictable process with a certain amount of wasters inevitably being produced each time On this basis Christopher Eyre has suggested the one bkw may have been the equivalent of one firing which could vary in composition and in success134 Although this hypothesis is viable there is no direct evidence to support it and it is also possible that the needs of the crew were taken into account in each individual bkw or work requirement Where problems in the workshop or administrative breakdowns affected deliveries these are likely to be reflected in the records as deficits By examining patterns of deficit within the documentation it is possible to observe the impact of external problems in the Theban area on the potters deliveries in the mid 20th Dynasty

The journal ostraca of the reigns of Ramesses III and IV (Group I) again provide the most detailed documentation of delivery and deficit although only very general trends can be deduced from the materiaL Janssens analysis of pottery deliveries at the end of Ramesses Ills reign to early Ramesses IV led to the conclusion that deliveries of commodities were generally very irregular at this time whereas in the preceding years they had been more stable 135 The details of the pattern of deficits can be supplemented by a few account ostraca from the reign of Ramesses III It must be borne in mind that the idiosyncrasies of scribal record keeping mean that some months record no deliveries at all even though deliveries were most probably made

132 For the commissioning of the smdt see J J Janssen The Year of the Strikes BSEG 16 (1992) 44 n 34 see also Janssens section 7 in this volume 133 The Year of the Strikes 44-6 134 C J Eyre Work and the Organization of Work in the New Kingdom in Labor in the Ancient Near East ed M A Powell (New Haven 1987) 193 Janssen bkw From Work to Product 90 n observes that if this were the case the potters would have delivered once per decade The limited evidence discussed in 31 and a review of the delivery dates in the texts included in 33 indicate that deliveries could be made on more than one occasion during the ten-day period 135 Commodity Prices 488

52 POTTERS

The account of O Gardiner 80 (HO 61 4) for year 21 of Ramesses III records deliveries that O were made complete for the entire month of III smw the final line entered complete like his bJrn custom of every day although formulaic may be an indicator of a reputation for efficiency and for t punctuality The records from a few years later appear to tarnish this reputation The account text far 11 O DeM 143 datable to year 24 while recording complete deliveries for III smw 30 and IV smw coml 10 and 20 enters deficits for IV smw 30 the five epagomenal days and the first two decades of I appe 3bt (11 1-7) Reasons for the accumulation of such a substantial deficit beyond internal incre production problems are unknown This text warns us that although the relationship between admi administrative problems at Deir el-Medina and deficit is clear at times less easily identifiable in th factors may also have had an impact By year 27 deliveries appear to have returned to normal the p with no deficits being entered and every delivery recorded as complete (0 DeM 33 vso 8 O TI DeM 34 rto 7 16 vso 11) a deficit is however noted for the epagomenal days of year 28 in O agair DeM 156 vso 4 that

From year 29 deficits are again a consistent feature of the record during the time when labour inc01 troubles began to disrupt the community The first hint of delivery problems may be found in the whet problematic O Strasbourg H 26 If the entries on the recto refer to the potter this text records mad~ complete deliveries throughout I and II smw and probably through the epagomenal days and II there 3bt The verso may refer more explicitly to pottery deliveries with the final line recording IV coul Jbt 10 deficit of the [potter) However the reading of qd is based on a restoration (Cerny Nb in thi 3561) and the status of this text as a pottery account could be questioned There are more certain Th references to delivery from later in year 29 In I prt 30 the potter made deliveries to Right and perio Left details of the content of delivery are not given (0 Turin 57007 vso 4-5) The strike action ambi began in the village only ten days later on II prt 10136 The only further entry recording a pottery Peet delivery is in P Turin 1961 (Pleyte and Rossi pI 99) possibly from the end of year 29 IV prt 30 outsi notes for Right the potter I Y while the potter l is noted for Left (vso II 5 7)137 There are there no further records of pottery deliveries until year 30 although the consistent deficits incurred by reorg the woodcutters during year 29 and into year 30 are evidence of the impact of the strikes (see for II above p 21)138 authc

Deficits are recorded in an account text for III prt 30 and probably IV prt 10 of year 30 but a Peet delivery oftvo b3kw was promptly made to remedy this deficit (0 DeM 165 rto 1-2) O DeM ~Aha 154 rto 15-16 of year 31 records the delivery of two b3kw on II smw 29 probably overdue entric payments for days 10 and 20 A number of fbw vessels are also specified I interpret these as and perhaps an early payment for II smw 30 although they may relate to the two b3kw A deficit of 65 speci is noted Complete deliveries are made in IV lJl but since they are noted specifically they may perha have been considered late one b3kw being entered on day 13 for day 10 and one being entered Th for Right only on day 21 (0 DeM 157 8-9 17) From then into the reign of Ramesses IV the may potters made deliveries late or were making good deficits In II smw 7 of year 32 the debt was diffic paid for I smw 30 and at the same time the b3kw was delivered three days early for II smw 10 (0 or the

19thDeM 38 7 17 23) No sooner had these deliveries been made then the potter was in debt again I for the rest of the month Disruptions to pottery and fuel deliveries (see above p 21) throughout wide] year 30 and into year 31 are symptoms of continued labour problems within the village or of subst general administrative problems in the Theban area 139

mont side I

136 RAD 49 15 P J Frandsen Editing reality the Turin Strike Papyrus in Studies in Egyptology presented to Miriam Lichtheim ed S Israelit-Groll (Jerusalem 1990) 166-99 Risbo 137 Janssen considers that the documentation of half units may point to a scarcity of materials Commodity availa Prices 488 A reference to a half unit may also be found in an anonymous papyrus fragment in Turin 140 Fo (Cerny MSS 3616) which records the potter 2h this probably means 2h bJkw 141 Fo 138 Janssen The Year ofthe Strikes 46-8 BerIir B9 Disruptions in local administration may have directly impacted pottery production if as Colin Hope bkw suggests the state provided clay to these workshops Egyptian Pottery Shire Egyptology 5 (princes been ~

8 that ce his yand It text smw

s of ternal tween fiable Irmal 8 O in O

aboUT in the ~cords

md II ~ IV YNb ertain It and ~ction ottery Jrt 30 re are ed by (see

but a DeM erdue se as of65 may

tered the twas 0(0 19ain ~hout or of

~logy

ity

ffope inces

DOCUMENTlIG SUPPLY 53

O DeM 40 rto 15 from I gUt of year 1 of Ramesses IV records that the potter delivered three bgkw on day 24 probably overdue deliveries for days 10 and 20 (the deficits are not noted) and for the epagomenal days for which the deficit was entered in a note in a separate column on the far left A deficit is also recorded for day 30 (vso 9) From this point on the deliveries tend to be complete although often a few days late140 There are still occasional deficits but the deliveries appear to have been generally more regular than in the final years of Ramesses IILI41 The increasing irregularity of delivery is probably a symptom of the general decay of the administration of the Necropolis at the end of a long reign The more regular deliveries beginning in the first year of Ramesses IV perhaps correspond with a renewed interest in the Necropolis on the part of the successor king who was eager to get work on his tomb underway

These documents provide the only opportunity to trace a pattern of deficit in pottery deliveries against well documented changes and problems in the administration of the village They show that such an equation between the two is possible this may have implications for the more incomplete records of the end of the dynasty It is difficult to determine from the papyrus texts whether deliveries continued on a regular basis in the closing years of the 20th Dynasty or were made in large consignments more infrequently as the surviving evidence seems to suggest Since there were significant civil disturbances in the Theban area throughout this period deliveries could have been affected to the point that they became more unusual events and warranted entry in the journals

The Turin Necropolis journal for year 17 of Ramesses IX provides the best example from this period From II prl on the text includes entries concerning the smdt in general from the ambiguous entry taking the smdt of the Tomb of Left by the scribe of the Tomb Hori (Botti and Peet pI 14 rto B I 8) to the entries a few lines later crew not working while the smdt were outside under the authority (rJ(wyraquo of the two scribes of the Necropolis [ ] crew not working there being no smdt outside (rto B I 12) These entries seem to indicate that there was some reorganization of or problem with the smdt although a record of a wood delivery was entered for II prl 15 The entry for II prt 18 records crew not working while their smdt were under the authority of the two scribes of the Tomb of the Outside without any payments (1) (Botti and Peet pI 15 rto B I 18) On II prt 24 a delivery of fish was made and on day 25 the potter rAhawy delivered a number of vessels (Botti and Peet pI 16 rto B II 1-3) Although these entries are difficult to interpret it seems that the crew was facing both deficits in grain delivery and problems with the smdt In this context the delivery of pottery can perhaps be seen as a special occurrence no text from the end of the 20 th Dynasty explicitly records a potters deficit perhaps indicating that there was no longer an expected pattern to delivery

The interpretations presented here are speculative moreover other factors that left no trace may have had an impact on production The deficits entered for year 25 of Ramesses III are difficult to explain except in terms of unknowable production problems specific to the workshops or the personal circumstances of the potters as are the causes for the deficits recorded in the early 19th Dynasty Such deficits cannot be equated with any known problems in the village or the wider Theban area The accounts of the potters Menna and N akhy in the early 19th Dynasty record substantial deficits especially those incurred by Menna in a year 9 where he is in deficit for five months totalling 53 qbw vessels and 575 fbw vessels Further deficit totals perhaps for the other side of the crew are even larger 94 qbw vessels and 992 lbw vessels (0 Berlin P 10840) The

Risborough 1987) 10 This argument may apply only to high quality ceramics considering the ready availability ofNile silt for the production of most basic vessels 140 For example O DeM 47 rto 3 11 vso 4 141 For example the following texts record deficits in year 1 = I prt 30 (0 DeM 47 rto 11) III prt 30 (0 Berlin P 12641 + 12628 7) II smw 20(7) (0 DeM 161 vso 3) O DeM 44 rto 20 records a delivery of 1y bklv for III smw 29 Janssen considers that since no delivery was recorded for day 20 materials may have been scarce at this time Commodity Prices 488

--54 POTTERS

patterns of deficit incurred by the potters that can be traced in the texts cannot generally be Ana correlated with external administrative problems and decay rese

proc sect4 Equations of word and object an analysis offour pot-types A notable feature of the potter texts from Deir el-Medina is the substantial number of vessels 41 delivered to the village every ten days Although the exact number due in each bkw varied the I ha totals of some deliveries indicate that there was a significant and constant need for ceramics in the thrOl community In the lives of the villagers this pottery was essential It was the principal means to mult store prepare and serve food and to carry out many other activities within the domestic and work refer spheres Janssen observes in Commodity Prices that we have virtually no cvidence for the enun exchange value of ceramics beeause price texts generally refer only to metal or stone vessels 142

used Vessels used for a wide variety of domestic purposes would have had a low value and high class turnover millions of pot sherds were found within the rubbish dumps of the village including the offo Grands PuitS 143 Since their role was so essential it is desirable to learn about the various forms of In thl the vessels - their sizes and range of functions - in order to advance our understanding of the lJl villagers daily lives possi

Holthoerl44 noted that most Mesopotamian names of vessels relate directly to their material their function or their capacity but concluded that the Egyptians derived their vessel names from something other than vessel function This conclusion was largely based on the 1935 lexicographic analysis of Egyptian vessels by Robert du Mesnil du Buisson whose study is the only one that covers a wide range of ceramics including some of the vessel names that occur in the Deir el-Medina potter texts He considered that the qbw vessel was connected to qb fresh cool an appropriate concept for a jar145 He equated the gy vessel with the verb gw to be narrow perhaps suggesting a jar with a narrow neck 146

Edward Brovarski has done preliminary work on some Old Kingdom and First Intermediate Period vessel terms147 and Patricia Paice has studies connections between vessel shapes and their functions as depicted in tomb reliefs 148 The most valuable recent examination of the intersection of lexicography and a ceramic corpus is that of Janet Bourriau and Stephen Quirke on the Middle Kingdom ceramic repertoire from Lahun l49

An approach comparable to that taken at Lahun would be ideal for the material from Deir elshy Fig 1 Medina but a full statistical analysis of the archaeological material in relation to the textual data Urk r that is a prerequisite for determining lexicographic relations is beyond the scope of this study

The VI

Jb-nraquo142 407_8 and n 5 lS enu 143 ibid 488

vessel 144 New Kingdom Pharaonic Sites The Pottery 41 see J Bourriau and S Quirke The Late Middle

terminKingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects in Lahun studies ed S Quirke (Reigate 1998) 60shydeterm1 for a more recent discussion of the basis of classifications

145 Les noms et signes egyptiens designant des vases ou objets simiaires (Paris 1935)30 l46 Noms et signes 72 Janssen Commodity Prices 427 considers that du Mesnil du Buissons suggestions 150 FoUl

and explanations for the gly are unconvincing and concludes that no identification of the gly is apparant P Turi Ricardo A Caminos considered it to be an open bowl or cup since it was used more as a container for Howevl

ISl Jansvegetables and flowers than liquids (CLEM 194-5) corresponding to the use of gy vessels for natron 152 Thelotus leaves and fruit in the Medinet Habu festival lists A Spalinger Medinet Habu and Deir el-Yledina IS3 TheCombined in Deir el-Medina in the Third Millennium AD A Tribute to Jac J Janssen eds R 1 Demaree

and A Egberts Egyptologische Uitgaven 14 (Leiden 2000) 314 Although the shape of the gl) remains these m unknown Janssen has determined a capacity of 20 hin Two Ancient Egyptian Ships Logs Papyrus Leiden detenni 1350 verso and Papyrus Turin 2008 + 2016 (Leiden 1961)88 vessel l47 Lexicographical Studies in Egyptian Pottery Bulletin de Liaison du Groupe International dEtude de determi fa Ceramique Egyptienne 7 (1982) 36-7 154 P GJ 14S The Pottery of Daily Life in Ancient Egypt JSSEA 19 (1989) 50-88 bibliogr 149 The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects 60-83 IS5 Com

lly be

essels d the in the ansto lwork Dr the oels142

1 high ngthe rmsof of the

lterial s from

1935 is the

cur in fresh to be

lediate i their ection fiddle

eir elshyt data study

v1iddle 8) 60shy

~stions

Jaranl ler for latron -edina maree mains Leiden

~de de

EQUA TJONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 55

Analysis of the occurrence of vessel types in the potter texts can be related to the present stage of research into vessel shape and size to produce some further insights both into the potters products and into the documentation for the supply of particular ceramic types

41 The basic pots qbw and [bw I have shown above that [bw and qbw vessels formed the basis of deliveries to the village

19th 20ththroughout the and Dynasties Therefore it seems likely that they were simple multipurpose vessels distinct from each another in shape andor size There is a standard way of referring to them in the records qbw vessels precede [bw vessels and many fewer are usually enumerated This relationship points to a qualitative differentiation between the two ISO Both are used as containers for liquids such as beer and waterl5l I consider that these two terms designate classes of vessels rather than fixed single shapes their names perhaps referring to a wider range of forms Difference in size may account for the differentation in numbers delivered in the texts In the following discussion I assess the evidence for these two classes of vessels

Jb lbw) vessels are included among the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak indicating a possible shape for the vessel152

tlBoo~WJ~O 01It 0P L II I I

Fig 1 ob-nw-k vessels in the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak (Wreszinski Atlas II pI 33 Urk IV 636)

The vessel shown is distinctive being beaker-like and wider at the base than at the neck JS3 The ub-nw-k vessel here is the equivalent of the u-m-Icw of P Harris I 36a 7 A significant number is enumerated in this text as containers tor incense perhaps indicating a smaller cup-like vessel l54 Janssen has considered that the [x]-n-k termination which is fairly common in vessel terminology indicates that the vessels were cups the name of the vessel given in the compound determines the shape155 In the inscription of the High Priest Osorkon the Oblb-n-k is written

150 Four texts which enumerate qbw and fbw vessels show a ratio of 15 O Or Inst Chicago 16698 rto 3 P Turin 2070133 134 + frgs rto 10-11 Giornale of year 17 rto B II 1-3 P Turin 1898 rto III 14 However since these are isolated examples it is uncertain how widely applicable such a ratio was 151 Janssen Commodity Prices 433 Valbelle Ouvriers 265 152 The equivalence between the lb andlbw is confirmed in CLEM 186-7 153 The determinative given for a qby vessel in the offering list ofThutmose III at Elcphantine indicates that these may have been quite close in shape to the IJb-nw-h of the Karnak list The simple elongated beaker determinative is quite distinct from the determinatives given for the other vases in the list including the Ub vessel which is shon with a definite neck (Urk IV 828 4) However the occurrence of different determinatives within a single text does not offer a basis for a classification of vessel forms 154 P Grandet Le Papyrus Harris I (EM 9999) BdE 109 (Cairo 1994) I 272 see vol IT 141 n 576 for a bibliography for lbw l55 Commodity Prices 409

I

56 POTTERS

with a goblet detenninative ls6 The vessels recorded in these texts may be smaller cup versions of thai larger Ibw jars with the wide mouth and lack of defined neck perhaps pointing to a vessel associated with food preparation and service 157 The delivery list O DeM 288 records fb-nw-kJ

cor 1

vessels perhaps as a fuller writing of bw or as a distinct fonn vithin the Ibw class Vessels ves categorized as Ibw may have had a generalized function as cups or containers for both liquid and con solid foods A comparison can be made with the ~nw vessels which are recorded in significant 4W numbers in the papyrus documents from Lahun and are equated by Bourriau and Quirke with the 346 drinking cups known from the site the only vessel fonn which they consider could have been used in such numbers 158 The bkw of the Deir el-Medina potters show that Ibw vessels too were

lbw 50

delivered in large quantities the The lower numbers of qbw vessels in the deliveries may be related to their larger size In Poids o

No 5135 3 the weight of a metal qbw vessel is stated to be 20 deben or 18 kg Valbelle betv concludes from this that the qbw was significantly larger than the Ibw 159 That qbw designates a POttl simple storage jar may be indicated by the name itself If the connection suggested by du Mesnil two du Buisson between qbw vessels and qb cool can be accepted it may suggest that qbw vessels were storage jars perhaps for water and other liquids The connection may also suggest the

sigh one

material of manufacture qbw vessels could have been made from marl clay which cools water Helc through evaporation

As storage jars qbw vessels may have been connected in shape or broad function with the qbwshyIf a have

n-wt canopic jar The coincidence of the name suggests some correspondence The simple canopic jar fonns given by Georges Nagel for Tomb 359 seem similar in shape to vessels found in the cellar of a house in the village160 However Nagels sample is so small that any identification is tentative Janssen cautions that the standard shape of a canopic jar was rarely used as the fonn of bronze or pottery vessels 161 This may be a principle of decorum vessels with a funerary purpose not being equated in fonn with ordinary domestic ceramics The connection between qbw and qbw-n-wt may be simply that they were both in one fonn or another storage jars

Although the qbw may have been proportionally larger than the lbw it is very unlikely that

capa temp capa appn meas

Cc vso cannc into i

either fonn had a fixed capacity at Deir el-Medina W W Struve [V V Struve] offered the only attempt to determine the capacity of the qbw (or qby) vessel based largely on Greek evidence and his research on P Boulaq 18162 Wolfgang HeIcks review of this evidence led him to conclude

dOCUJ

repre betw( vesse restril than 1

156 R A Caminos The Chronicle ofPrince Osorkon Analecta Orientalia 37 (Rome 1958) 129 157 p Cairo 58088 indicates that bw could have had a large size in this case accommodating 3 ds measures See also Janssen Commodity Prices 433 n 170 C Daniel Les noms egyptiens de certains types de vases

proba fixed

In

grecs Studia et Acta Orientalia 5-6 (1967) 383-5 equates the lIb vessel with the Greek 10 olt7tW and the vesse

Mycenaean di-pa He notes that the di-pa depicted on a tablet corresponds in shape with the form of the fib indicated by the determinative used for the word The depictions of the di-pa that Daniel cites are not 163 DG

comparable in form with the Ibw depicted in the Karnak offering list D H F Gray Linear Band evidee Archaeology Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies of the UniverSity of London 6 (1959) pI 7 I andDI would argue that the form of the lbw was very flexible 164 It 1

158 Bourriau and Quirke The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects 74 some 159 Catalogues des poids a inscriptions hieratiques de Deir el-Medineh Nos 5001-5423 DFIFAO 16 165 Da~

(Cairo 1973) 18 166 FOI 160 La ceramique du Nouvel Empire aDeir el Medineh DFIFAO 10 (Cairo 1938)35 cf 122 no 38 42 SpaHn 44 167 Da 161 Commodity Prices 412 sugges 162 Mathematischer Papyrus des staatlichen Museums der SchOnen Kunste in Moskau (Berlin 1930) 55 Ceram withn2 25 1itr

lions of vessel

-nw-k

Vessels llid and ilificant vith the Ie been )0 were

n Poids lalbelle ~ates a Mesnil vessels est the s water

le qbwshysimple

s found lat any rarely vessels s The omlor

~ly that Iteonly lce and melude

~asures

le vases and the the b are not Band pI 7 I

AO 16

3842

gt30) 55

EQliAnONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 57

that the qbw had no fixed capacity Rather it seems that vessels such as the Ibw and qbw could correspond to a range of different ds measures 163

Two texts may point to some perhaps proportional equivalence between qbw vessels and dpr vessels In O DeM 135 the record of the accumulated deficits of two potters includes a conversion from dpr vessels into qbw vessels 9 dpr vessels to (=) qbw vessels making Urn) 4Yz (see section 31) Such a conversion may indicate a size ratio between the vessels O DeM 346 vso 3 records 42 dpr vessels [making Urn)] 22 qbt vessels (see n 89 for the restoration) Ibw vessels may also be equated with dpr vessels in O DeM 202 dpr vessels 30 [as] 15 bw 50 (1 3_4)164 The restoration here is problematic and the hypothesis of any equivalence between the two types must remain tentative

O Berlin P 10654 vso displays a similar complexity in possible equivalences this time between qbw vessels and jnJt vessels This text (discussed in section 33) seems to record the potters production of ceramics on days 10 20 and 30 of II bt and day 10 of IIIilt The final two lines state total 230 of (n) qbw vessels [ ] specifying it (wp st) 23 jnJt vessels At first sight such a text seems to point to a proportional relationship between these vessels a qbw being one tenth of ajnJt Such a ratio is quite possible because jnJt vessels do seem to have been large Heicks calculations from O Gardiner 81 indicate that ajnJt vessel was 2 of a mnt-amphora 165

If a mnt had a liquid capacity of c 20 hin and a hin was 048 litres the capacity of a jnlzt would have been c 53 hin or 2551itres O Berlin P 10654 vso would then show that a qbw vessel had a capacity of c 53 hin or 25 litres whieh is a sensible size for a storage jar 166 Although it is tempting to make such equations from this data this evidence is based on assumptions about the capacity of other vessel types so is tentative HeIck estimated that the ds vessel had a eapacity of approximately 3 litres 167 If so the qbw in P Boulaq 18 would have been double the size ofa ds measure in order to contain the 2 ds (e 6 litres)

Contextual study of the equation between qbw vessels and other types in O Berlin P 10654 vso O DeM 135 and O DeM 346 vso indicates some form of size ratio operated although we cannot easily determine the flexibility of that ratio or how it was used A conversion of one vessel into its equivalent of another type is unusual in a text like O Berlin P 10654 vso which seems to document the actual produetion of vessels even their firing If the last two lines of the text represent the total of ceramics produced in this process then the specification of a relationship between the two vessels types is rather strange Perhaps the original order was for 230 qbw vessels and this was then converted into the equivalent in jn~t vessels Ifjn~t vessels had a more restricted even ritual function the equivalence expressed here may be more abstract or complex than a ratio of capacity The size of vessels delivered may have been standardized to some extent probably based on ease of delivery and manageability within a domestic eontext rather than as fixed measures

In such a context a value relationship might well have operated The jnlzt as a specialized vessel may have had a more established value in relation to which the qbw vessels could be set

163 Das Bier im Alten Agypten (Berlin 1971) 47 See also Anthony Spalingers re-evaluation of the evidence for the capacity of these vessels including discussion of O DeM 135 and 202 Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 314 His conclusions largely correspond with mine 164 It may also be possible to read dpr 30 Urnl 15 lbw 50 which would support the hypothesis of some sort ofequivalence 165 Das Bier 47 16lt5 For a review of evidence concerning the capacity of the mnl including discussion of this text see A Spalinger Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 312-3 167 Das Bier 46 R L Miller (is-vessels Beer Mugs Cirrhosis and Casting Slag GM 115 (1990) 64 suggests that the ds was a drinking vessel perhaps to be equated with depictions given in Nagel Ceramique 199-206 Miller identifies a jar found at Saqqara as a ds vessel noting that it had a capacity of 25 litres roughly corresponding to Heicks estimate

58 POTTERS

In O DeM 135 the scribe may well have calculated the value of the vessels owed down to the half vessel A parallel for this is found in O Turin 57062 vso 4 where 2Yz jnJtt vessels are set

dlagainst five vessel types which precede them (their names are lost) The recording of five vessels compared with half that amount in jnJtt vessels producing the unusual amount of a half vessel tt

2again suggests a value equivalence Since vessels do not appear with fixed values in the price

SJtexts their worth may well have been assessed in relation to other vessel types st b42 A specialized vessel jnJzt DApart from the two vessel types or classes that formed the basis of the deliveries of ceramics to rethe village the potter texts also occasionally enumerate other types jnJtt vessels although well

known from other contexts are rare in the potter texts A few texts that may indicate their ritproduction or delivery by the Deir el-Medina potters illuminate aspects of its function and context

of use The pattern of occurrence of jnJtt vessels indicates a specialized vessel type the shape of which is unknown The jnJtt vessel is most widely documented as a storage container for beer and as Walter F Reineke notes outside the data from Deir el-Medina it was often made of gold or silver J68 That this vessel could be supplied as part of the ceramic requirement of the village seems to be indicated by the delivery lists from the early 19th Dynasty (Category E) Some of these lists record jnJzt vessels although they are not always indisputably connected with the smdt potters

In the Category E delivery lists of wood and ceramics jnJtt vessels occur four times their total Ccamount being low in comparison with the other vessels enumerated in these texts In O DeM 1 6 una total of 7 jnlu vessels are delivered 5 of good quality 2 of poor In O DeM 17 4 only 3 jnJzt aUvessels were delivered (2 good 1 poor) in comparison with 290 lbw recorded in the previous intline and in O DeM 15 3 7 jn~lt vessels were delivered as against 295 Ibw vessels 16 jnJzt povessels are documented in O DeM 23 5 (the text is broken and the reading at the end of the line

uncertain)169 bei ve~Only two texts explicitly includejnJtt vessels in pottery deliveries 0 Qurna 6181 records two

jnJtt vessels among the deficit of 55 qbw and 265 Ibw vessels incurred by the potter Menna O IJry Michaelides 33 rto 3-6 J70 This text records for III Jot 30 matching deliveries from a potter to vex

Right and Left among other deliveries of wood and gypsum the potter 1 jnlp vessels 20 (pJ qd 1 jnJzt 20)171 The stroke read as one after the title p qd could refer to the bkw of the potter not

with jnJtt vessels being an addition to the quota delivered 172 jnJtt vessels were therefore a wit gocomponent of the potters repertoire and this fact may complicate the interpretation of other texts

where they occur173 More generally jnJzt vessels are recorded as being delivered filled with beer I thisand thus are probably not associated with ceramic delivery

174 (

Me(J68 Der Zusammenhang der altagyptischen Hohl- und UingenmaBe MID 9 (1963) 146 175( 169 Kitchen restores 16jnli vessels [by the hand of A]meneminet (KRII 367 8 a-b) but there does not 176 1appear to be space for this formula in the break The rest of this text is similar to the other wood and pottery

177pounddelivery lists See the discussion of parallel texts in section 23 170 Goedicke-Wente pJ 67 However I follow CernYs transcription of the text here (Nb 10830)

178 1

Cau171 Contra Goedicke and Wente who restore IT1l ] on line 3 On line 7 Goedicke and Wente read 27 jnlt 197vessels instead of 20 vessels and the restoration for the [plasterer] (Pi q() given by Cerny 179 1

172 Alternatively it could refer to a single potter although this would be unusual in this context (see section Rek21) Compare the reading of this text with that discussed for O DeM 154 rto 15-6 in section 34 Egy

173 Other entries for this day include specialty breads and ds measures of beer (117-8) while the folloVing somentry for IV Jt 1 records a festival of Hathor (1 9) Although an association with a festival context is Dietpossible the delivery of jnlts as discussed by Spahnger is recorded separately from the breads and ds inameasures and is included among more standard delveries Medinet Habu and Dei elmiddotMedina Combined note310-311 Earl

l to the are set vessels vessel e price

mics to ~h well e their ~ontext

mpe of Ir beer of gold village ome of le smdt

ir total M 16 r 3jn~f

revious 16 jn~t he line

ds two mao O )tter to (pJ qd potter fore a r texts th beer

oes not pottery

27 jn~t

section

llowing rrtext is and ds

lbined

EQUATIONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 59

jn~t vessels of beer occur consistently in a series of six Category E ostraca that seem to document the delivery of commodities associated with festival or temple offerings174 Four of these texts state that the commodities were delivered by an individual in O DeM 20 and O DeM 25 the deliveries are made by a local priest Each of these six texts lists items that include speciality foodstuffs and jn~t vessels of beer rather than the fuel and plain unfilled pottery of standard deliveries II smw 12 by the hand of the local priest (w(b Sf) 175 60 large j nJzt vessels of beer entered 56 deficit 4 120 (bundles of) vegetables ISO s(t cakes and 100 rJzs cakes (0 DeM 20) The only exception in this group is O DeM 26 where 30 large jn~1f vessels are recorded 27 are entered (jw) and there is a deficit on No beer is recorded with these vessels

The recto of O DeM 29 may confirm that lists containing such products are associated with rituals or festivals rather than deliveries of materials to the village 176

total of various (sbn)jnl)tvessels of beer 653 [+x] the record of the [ ] which were given as offerings (snw) [] good bread loaves of [ ] s(t cake [x oipeJ rJzs cakes [ J jnJzt vessels of beer [ J beer [ ]

Connections of this vessel type with the temple or festival sphere nmy explain features of the unique and difficult distribution text O BM 50728 discussed in section 23 The text records the allocation ofjnJzt vessels to individual crew members The 10 + 5 jnJzt vessels seem to be grouped into four different categories perhaps accordin~ to quality of the vessel or its contents and possibly its shape or finish 177 5 doubly good (~reg) jnJzt vessels in the fashion of hbny [vessels] being returned (m hyt) 2 for Baky I for Huy 1 (for) (Omek 1 for Qaha totalS (11 5-6) Six vessels given to individuals in line 7 one for each nmn are stated to be middling good (11fr mshyhry-jb) and line 10 enumerates two vessels that also have a designation perhaps reading not (J I~~ 3)very poor _ 1

If the jnJzt vessels were more specialized beer vessels used in festival or ritual contexts then the note of quality either of contents or of the vessel itself would have been important This concern with quality can also be seen in the delivery lists where the jnJzt vessels are described as either good or poor 178

Particularly difficult to understand in this context are the writings of hbny perhaps referring to this well-known amphora-shaped vessel I19 The five doubly goodjnl)t vessels are designated in

174 O DeM 19 20 21 25 26 27 For further discussion of these texts see Spalinger Deir e1middotMedina and Medinet Habu Combined 311

(1 0

175 l=n (1 1) For another writing of this title see O DeM 25 2 176 The verso of this text records only nswt bjty mnmiddotmrtmiddotrr 177 For the use of red ink in this text see p 19 n 75 above

178 O DeM 1 6 174 For discussion of the meaning of snn 1~ in these contexts see D Valbelle Catalogue des poids ainscriptions hieratiques de Deir eAmiddotfedineh Nos 500l-5423 DFIFAO 16 (Cairo 1977)23 179 Wh II 487 There are depictions of the hbnylhbnt vessel in Urk IV 11308 11352 and in the tomb of Rekhmire N de G Davies The Tomb of Rekh-mi-r~ at Thebes The Metropolitan Museum of Art Egyptian Expedition 11 (New York 1943) I pIs 33 34 In these examples it is shaped as an amphora sometimes without handles and often contains honey E A W Budge An Egyptian Hieroglyphic Dictionary (London 1920)446 gave the capacity of a hbnt ndst as one quarter of a hin F G Hilton-Price in an earlier publication Notes on Some Egyptian Antiquities in My Collection TSBA 9 (1886) 353 noted the same capacity for this vessel Here see also T G H James The Heqanakhte Papers and Other Early Middle Kingdom Documents (New York 1962) 118

60 POTTERS

the fashion of hbny vessels (~[]~IlJ1J 0) (vso 5) This seems to express an equivalence between the two vessel types perhaps representing an addition or finish to the jn~lt vessel that increased its value Du Mesnil du Buisson speculated in his discussion of the hhnl vessel that the word related to hbny ebony t ruJ-Oi) and indicated a blackened colour or lustre to the vesseL I80 hbny also occurs as an annotation above the entries of jnit vessels for particular workmen in lines 8-12 of the recto The entry on line 13 (hhny n [ ]) may indicate that hhny vessels themselves were also delivered to the workmen named in the following lines So far as I know hbny vessels do not occur in other Deir el-Medina textsl8J These notations may also refer to some sort of finishing to the j nit vesseL

The inclusion of more unusual designations for the vessels certainly points to the exceptional nature ofthe delivery in O BM 50728 as does the entry of an amount ((i(w) of bJq oil (8) in line lOon the verso after the specification of 10 further jnlJl vessels for particular workmen (pJ WpWl

n plIO n jnlJt n tJ jst) Janssen observes that this oil was rarely used by the workmen as it was too expensive 182 It is possible that the text refers to the delivery of jnit vessels of bJq oil the references to quality therefore referring to the quality of oil rather than the vessel itself The designation hbny may be associated with this as welL

Complicating this analysis is the proposed large size of jnit vessels (discussed in section 41) which may account to some extent for its more restricted function within the vessel repertoire jnlJt vessels occur only rarely in the Medinet Habu festival calendar indicating that even within the temple their use was specialized ls3 The ealculation of the equivalence in contents of the vessels in O Gardiner 81 indicates that we are dealing with a set capacity for these vessel types in this text 184 If the capacity of a jnit was 53 hin or 255 Htres this would equate to a significant quantity ofbJq oil per person 185

O BM 50728 remains a puzzle Despite thc difficulties in interpretation it seems most likely that it records allocation of vessels possibly filled with oil or beer for festival or cultic purposes The careful documentation of such a distribution may also indicate that the vessels were not to be kept by the men perhaps only being used by them for the event and then returned to the temple A large size may serve to explain their more limited and specialized oecurrence in the data perhaps restricted to the religious sphere rather than playing a role in the domestic life of the villagers

In this instance contextual analysis of texts that seem to relate to ceramic deliveries can alter our understanding of these texts and illuminate the role and function of a vessel type in the community For vessels that were delivered more commonly we can observe the potential for flexibility in the classification systems these would repay further detailed study sectS Conclusion Analysis of the texts concerning pottery delivery leaves a number of questions unanswered and areas unexplored the limited number of sources available and problems inherent in them restrict their potential for interpretation However some insights into the organization and administrative structures of Deir el-Medina are fortheoming from the material Within the meticulous record keeping of the village the key theme seems to be flexibility This flexibility is apparent in the

180 Noms et signes 28 181 Janssen did not include them in his chapter on Vessels in Commodity Prices None of the references for the entry in the Wb II 487 has a Deir e1-Medina provenance 182 Commodity Prices 330 183 On the occurrence of the jnltt in the Medinet Hahn festival lists see A Spalinger Medinet Habn and Deir ei-Medina Combined 311-2 ]84 Heick Das Bier 46 185 Even if the mnt was only 10 hin a jnltt would still be of a substantial size c 11-12 iitres Janssen Commodity Prices 434

N

CONCLUSION 61

number of potters assigned to the crew the size and content of the quota required every 10 days and the timing of deliveries The final section of my study also points to the potential flexibility of form size and function of the pots themselves

Although we can find implications in the potter texts for features of society beyond the village itself such as the specifie interpretation of bkw or the occurrence of vessels in royal festival calendars it must be borne in mind that the real value of the Deir el-Medina material lies in its potential to illuminate the lives of ordinary people in Ramessid Egypt For that purpose we need to attend most closely to the village context

Appendix The potters of Deir el-Medina Names of potters in documents relating to the delivery of ceramics

I

Names of potters in documents concerning matters other than the supply of ceramics

I 1 (Omek i Turin Strike Papyrus RAD 476 I

2 Khonsu bull O Turin 57192 1

3 Herunefer bull O DeM 73 rto 2

4 Paaeminet I O Berlin P 12343 vso 3

5 Bakenmut P Turin 2018 A rto la 5 rto IV 17 vso I 6 B rto II 4 D I rto 14 P BM 10068 vso V l3

6 Wenennefer P BM 10068 vso V 14

alence el that 1at the to the ticular thbny ar as I ) refer

ltional in line middotwpwt it was til the f The

1 41) rtoire within of the pes in ificant

likely poses tto be ~mple data of the

1 alter in the ial for

d and estrict rative ecord in the

rences

)U and

nssen

1 I Menna O IFAO 387 1 O Qurna 618i1 O DeM 91 1 O Berlin P 10840 vso 1

2 bull Nakhy I

O IFAO 3874 O DeM 914

3 I Ptahemheb O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O DeM 343 2 P Greg vso B 8 rto A11

4 Parahotep O DeM 868

5 Hori O DeM 868 O DeM 869

6 Herunefer O Cairo 25597 rto 3

7 Neferher O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O Cairo 25633 vso 2

8 Amennakht O DeM 44 rto 8

9 Dmek P Turin 2081+2095 rto 1

10 ltAhawy P Turin 1881 vso V 1 VI 7 VII 1 () Giornale of year 17 rto B II 2 P Turin 2018 A vso 1 12 B rto II 11 B vso II 17 P BM 10068 vso VI 25 P Turin 2014 rto 27-8 P BM 10054 vso II 9

62 POTTERS

Addendnm

Pierre Grandets Catalogue des ostraca hieratiques non litteraires de Deir el-Medineh IXbecame available just as this chapter went to the press This volume contains a number of important potter texts I have included them in the tables on pages 33-7 and provide a short account of them here

O DeM is the longest and most detailed potter account known to me I will be adressing the issues it raises in a further publication It records deliveries made by the potters Ptahemheb Parahotep Hori and Neferher for the months of I bt to I prt of a year 6 The title p qd occurs only in line I in reference to Ptahemheb but probably also covers the other individuals named Ptahemheb and Neferher are known from other potter accounts discussed in this chapter O DeM 869 also published by Grandet and dated to a year 6 records deliveries made by Hori of qbw and lbw vessels to Right Both Hori and Parahotep are not otherwise attested in the potter texts In O DeM 868 details of delivery are grouped according to individual potters In line 13 Neferher delivers vessels to Left (t rj smM this is the only statement concerning Right or Left in this text That four potters deliver during the same general period emphasizes the potential number of potters involved in delivery which is not generally apparent in many of the potter texts Ptahemheb and Neferher make deliveries on different days in IV bt The vessel numbers vary except for those delivered as the making good of deficits by Ptahemheb which are consistent sums (II 3-4) The vessels delivered include qbw and Ibw vessels as well as gy andjnlt this text therefore provides further evidence thatjnJtt vessels were part of the potters repertoire

Grandet follows Gutgesell in assigning a date in the mid-20th Dynasty to O DeM 868 and 869 19thMy assignment of a late Dynasty date to the other account ostraca of Ptahemheb and

Neferher (0 Cairo 25591 O Cairo 25633 and O DeM 343) is based on the record of Ptahemhebs deliveries in P Greg firmly dated by Janssen to the reign of Siptah186 Gutgesell places Ptahemheb in the 20th Dynasty on the basis of the occurrence of this name in P Turin 2006+ 1961 usually dated to year 29 of Ramesses 111 [87 The Ptahemheb in this text is not a potter and so is a different individual I propose that the late 19th Dynasty date of the other documents should therefore be retained and should also be adopted for O DeM 868 and 869

Further texts relevant to potters in Grandets volume include O DeM 877 in which a list of arrears in water supplies are measured in jnlt vessels O DeM 871-3 are sherds bearing the phrase mJ qd Grandet considers these phrases along with the phrase ml m-rJrt p-Jtm-nlr complete by the hand ofPahemnetjerthe priest on O DeM 870 as delivery marks inscribed on the pots themselves18S

186 Janssen Village Varia 115-6 187 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 252 309-12 188 Catalogue des ostraca IX 49-50

UNT

Marel

sectl Eil Die A Papyr Einwc zusHin Verw Angell besch~

Bei suchur wichtil Andre Vortei Juni 2( nicht-li recherc

Beirr allgem

bull Der MaXI

mieh Aufn Doni Sieh~

J Ja grap dazu

2 Sieht tause Peri Gutg Teil1 el ME Held Janss Histo

6 MeD Valb

g Venn Witnl II Ta

10 Ein P II Gutg 12 Allan 13 Held

Page 13: Woodcutters, Potters and Doorkeepers Service Personnel of the Deir El Medina Workmen

--

v

40 POTTERS

whether these deliveries were made to different sides of the crew The preceding entries concerning units of fuel were separately enumerated for each side Right preceding Left (rto 1-2) tI Perhaps the pottery delivery followed this pattern

Two further texts O Cairo 25633 and O DeM 343 are more explicit O Cairo 25633 vso 1-2 tI records receipt of the bkw of (the) potter Neferher of Left (ssp bkw qd nfr-~r n smM O Il DeM 343 1-2 in contrast records Year 6 I smw 1 receipt by the hand of (the) potter ( Ptahemheb of Right (qd pt~-m-~b n wnmy) Ptahemheb continued to deliver to Right into the B reign of Siptah at the end of the 19th Dynasty as recorded in P Greg rto A 11 potter Ptahemheb f~ of Right to the scribe Pentaweret - 2 bkw59 Other entries in this text (vso B 11-13) also v separately enumerate deliveries of bkw for each side the entry on vso B 8 also recording the Ii name Ptah[ emheb] 60 From these texts we can posit that in the late 19th Dynasty the potters el Ptahemheb and Neferher were probably required to deliver to the right and left sides of the crew re respectively as successors of Menna and Nakhy the only other pair of potters named in the 19tb

Ie Dynasty documentation

In the journal ostraca from the reign of Ramesses II which record deliveries to Right the use of 2~ the singular in the standard entry marking pottery delivery entered by the hand of the potter Uw th m-Ijrt p qd)61 and variants seems to record the activities of only one potter However p qd is a P formulaic way of referring to potters and it is possible that the title may conceal varying numbers th of men pc

The lists of smdt representing Right and Left included on the verso of the Turin Strike Papyrus (RAD 45-7) do not clarify the situation for the mid_20th Dynasty The entry after those who produce pots (nty qd) in the first list (vso 1 19) is lost although there is space for only one name The second list also ineludes only one potter ~Omek (vso 4 11) and the list ends here62 It is possible to interpret these lists as indicating the presence of only one potter for each side of the crew The speech of the door-keeper Khaemwaset entered later in this text where he promises to increase the numbers of potters to 4 men (on) Right and 4 (on) Left total 8 men (vso 2 16) can perhaps be interpreted as pure rhetoric (see above p 13) There is little further evidence for 2 numbers of potters in the journals of year 29 and later but no such increase seems to have As occurred ad

In the papyrus journals from the late 20th Dynasty deliveries of the potters bkw are separately OCI enumerated for each side63 The entries in these texts indicate some variation in numbers of ill potters although we still seem to be dealing with only one or two men In P Turin 2044 vel (unpubl) from year 1 of Ramesses V an entry records Left the two potters [deficit] (sm~ p im qd 2 [4]) (rto I 5) Thus at times two potters may have been expected to deliver to one side

The only potters name recorded in the later papyrus journals is that of ~Ahawy In the Journal De of Year 7 of Ramesses IX (P Turin 1881 Pleyte and Rossi pI 1-8 KRI VI 609-19) pottery SCI deliveries are made by ~Ahawy but there is no indication whether these were made to Right or Ra Left (vso col V 1-3 col VI 7-8) In verso col VII 1-2 the entry for a lost day in III smw the records received by the hand of the potter [ ] Right and Left vessels Ibw-vessels 150 qb(w)shy en1

SCt

Dy 59 Janssen Village Varia 117 Pel 60 ibid 122 61 For this phrase see section 23 62 The potter Omek also occurs in P Turin 2081 +2095 rto 1 (unpubl) from the mid 20th Dynasty The text records a delivery but the details are lost 63 For example P Turin 2070133 134 + 3 frgs rto II 10-11 (KRJ VI 426-8 entered as Cat 2070154) P Turin 1881 (Pleyte and Rossi pI 1-8) vso VII 1-2 P Turin 1900 (KRI VI 619-24) vso II 7 Turin Necropolis Journal Year 3 Ramesses X (P Turin 1898 Botti and Peet pI 50-63 KRIVI 687-99) rto III 9-1013-14 Turin ~ecropolis Journal Year I Ramesses XI (P Turin 1888 Botti and Peet pl 63 KRJVI 850-1) vso dockets A 2-4

mtries 1-2)

101-2 I) O potter Ito the milieb ) also ng the )otters crew le 19th

use of er Uw ldis a rnbers

Strike those lyone

62 Itre of the ises to

~ 16) ce for have

rately ers of 2044

llip3 je

mmal ottery ~ht or smw

b(w)shy

e text

4) P Turin 0 III IVI

INTERPRETING RECEIPT AND DELIVERY 41

vessels 70 It seems likely that (Ahawys name is to be restored here This last entry may indicate that IAha) could be responsible for deliveries to both Right and Left

In P Turin 2018 (KRI VI 851-63) listing payments of grain to the crew and the smdt dating to the end of the 20th Dynasty IAhawy is included in the list of smdt for Left (A vso 1 10-12 B rto II 9-11 B vso II 17) In the list of smdt for Right is recorded the name of the potter Bakenmut (A rto IV 15-17 A vso I 2-6 B rto II 2-4) In one entry in this text he is recorded as potter Bakenmut son of r Ahawy (A rto la 3-5) It is very likely that potting was a skill passed from father to son and here we see a family of craftsmen responsible for delivery of ceramics to the village In contrast with the evidence for the woodcutters (see above p 15) there seems to be little indication of a change in numbers of potters to reflect any decrease in the size of the crew except for the Journal of Year 7 Perhaps IAhawy was assisted in his delivery by his son the responsibility for supply at this time falling to a single family who could be noted in greater or lesser detail in the record64

The potter rAhawy is also entered in a list of potters (m qdw) in P Turin 2014 (UTlpubl) rto 27_865 The text is not dated but his name places it in the late 20th Dynasty As Janssen observes the names of the laundrymen included in the list in this papyrus are different from those listed in P Turin 2018 perhaps indicating some distance in time between the two texts66 The writing of the plural in the title to the list (m qdw) is formulaic and need not indieate that more than one potter is meant

The number of potters delivering to the village at anyone time seems generally to have been stable at two men Some flexibility may be detected in the papyrus documents of the late 20th

Dynasty although the numbers do not seem to vary beyond one or two The potential for flexibility in the numbers of smdt has been noted by Janssen for both the woodcutters and the fishermen (see above p 15) It is possible that the fonnulae used for recording ceramic deliveries in earlier texts may conceal variations in their numbers

23 Interpreting receipt and distribution As Davies has shown in his study of the family histories in the village the smdt were administered by their Oill scribes67 Possibly the earliest explicit attestation of smdt-scribes occurs in a pottery account On the recto of O Berlin P 10840 the potter Menna is said to be under the authority (r-) of the scribe Pashed (I 1) Pashed and the scribe mentioned on the verso of the ostracon (1 1) Ipuy are knovro from other contemporaneous texts to have been involved in smdt-deliveries and the deliveries ofproduce such as dates and loaves to the village68

Scribes also occur with less explicit statements of authority in two other pottery accounts In O OeM 346 quantities of vessels were delivered on II prt 20 and 23 by the hand of (m-4rt) the scribe Amenemope Davies records two smdt-scribes named Amenemope one from the reign of Ramesses II and one from Ramesses IV_V69 I am inclined to assign this text the earlier date on the basis of its similarity to O OeM 623 On the verso of O OeM 623 a number of vessels are entered for I smw 1 On the recto a quantity of wood is entered by the hand Uw m-4rt) of the scribe Pentaweret for the same date Two smdt-scribes named Pentawcret held office in the 19tb

Dynasty one late in the reign of Ramesses II and one at the very end of the dynasty7o The Pentaweret of the late 19tb Dynasty is recorded as receiving 2 b3kw from the potter Ptahemheb (P

64 Compare the family firms of fishermen Janssen Village Varia 40 65 The line numbers given here follow CernYs provisional transcription (171541-6 171725-9) 66 Janssen and Janssen The Laundrymen of the Theban Necropolis 5 67 Whos Who 123-42 68 ibid 124 Davies doubts the equation Cerny made between this Pashed and the like-named draughtsman (Community206) 69 Whos Who 283-4 70 ibid 125-6283

--

42 POTTERS

Greg rto A II) The phrase jw tn-4rt can be used of both potters and scribes In the case of the

scribes it is likely they were involved in receiving and recording the ceramics rathcr than men

physical transportation and delivery The interpretation of tn-4rt is crucial here Although I T

translate the preposition literally it can be understood more flexibly as under the responsibility of which could express a range of levels of responsibility for supply from physical delivery to

seen for (

recording receipt7l

theslWhen pots are delivered or received by the hand of someone who is not given the title

indi(potter or otherwise connected with the stndt the status of the delivery is less clear Valbelle

to innotes the distinction between ceramics brought by the potters and vessels filled with beer and oother commodities provided by institutions72 Usually the content of the latter vessels is given 73

andHowever in some cases the entry is uncertain particularly with the delivery ofjnlt vessels In O

worDeM 23 5 16 jnll vessels are delivered by the hand of Amenemope while in O DeM 26 2-3 the a 30 large jnlt vessels are recorded by the hand of Nebnefer entered 27 deficit 3 Neither of

laquo~(ythese men is given any title and it is possible that they are ordinary workmen 74

(ves~The problems associated with interpreting the deliveries of jnlzt vessels can be best illustrated grou

by O Cairo 25704 which records the delivery ofjnll vessels in year 2 of Sety I no month or day probis given Although Davies connects this delivery with the known smdt-scribe Tjay or the member distn of the smdl Tjiro75 the status of this text remains uncertain Line 2 records the one who brought alloe very largejn~t vessels returned to Tj[ J (nty rdj jnlt (5t sp sn m-hyt mJ 0[ ]) while line 3 lines has the one who brought small () jnlt vessels assigned to [ J (nty rdj jnlt lrj m-Is (5 m-( twtw [ ))76 The non-standard means of entering the delivery nty rdj may indicate that this text 451 d records a more specialized range of vessels not necessarily to be associated vith the smdt-potters O jnlt vessels have a restricted range of occurrence in the Deir el-Medina documentation and are perhsometimes associated with festival deliveries (see the discussion of O BM 50728 below and desigsection 42) Therefore these vessels may not belong with the unfilled ceramics delivered by the desigsmdt-potters text I

There is little evidence in the texts that potters were assisted in the delivery of their wares by there other members of the smdt as is the case with the woodcutters (see above pp 12ff) Entries in the smdt journal OStraca record deliveries by the hand of the potter (m-4rt P5 qd)77 or entered by the In hand of the potter (jw m-4rt P5 qd)78 This may indicate delivery by the potters themselves but meml the use of such formulaic phraseology in recording delivery may conceal a number of possible inclUi alternatives for this aspect of supply Considering the quantities involved and the probable size of (mrw

is no perha

71 For discussion sec P Tallet Deux pretres-sem tMbains de la XXe dynastie BIFAO 99 (1999) 417 An SOlalternative translation of the phrase with similar implications would be arrived by the hand of

proba72 Ouvriers 265 For the representation of such tilled vessels in the ceramic repertoire from Deir el-Medina

delivcsee for example L Bavay S Marchand and P Tallet Les jarres inscrites du Nouvel Empire provenant de Deir aI-Medina CaMers de la Ceramique Egyptienne 6 (2000) 77-86 with references of the 73 For example all deliveries of wine to the village were made in mnt-amphorae Janssen Commodity Prices 350 mnt vessels are only once recorded as part of a potters deliveries In O Or Inst Chicago

79 Tw16998 (unpubL) 30 mnt vessels are entered alongside 30 qbw vessels and 150 Ibw vessels (1 3) The entry

Amenof a wood delivery in line 2 may indicate that this text records deliveries by the smdt For the elite status periodof the mnt see Bourriau Nicholson and Rice Pottery l37 potter

74 O DeM 202 records quantities of dpr and lbw vessels entered by the hand of Wepwawetmose potterAlthough the status of this text can be questioned lbw vessels are a more standard part of the smdt-potters cornprepertoire 80 In 1

75 Whos Who 106 with n 302 referri

76 For the readings of m-hyt mJ and rrt-s mJ see D Valbelle Remarques sur les textes neo-egyptiens meaninon-Iitteraires (sect 6-10) BIFAO 77 (1977) 129-13 L 81 For

77 For example O DeM 159 10 O DeM 39 rto 4 of hig

78 For example O DeM 35 addition above line 7 O DeM 154 rto 15-6 O DeM 38 7 O DeM 47 vso 4 Ramel

e of than

19h I bility ry to

title lbelle rand fenn

InO 2-3 ler of

trated lrday mlber ought line 3 mJ

s text )tters

Id are If and )y the

res by in the )y the es but ISsible ize of

17 An

l1edina venant

modity 1llcago e entry status

trnose )otters

yptiens

vso 4

INTERPRETING RECEIPT AND DELIVERY 43

the vessels the delivery could have involved several trips andor the use of assistants who are not mentioned because they had no responsibility

The distribution of the ceramics among the community is only rarely attested O DeM 337 seems to record numbers of pots owed to particular workmen III ot 10 deficit of 3lbw vessels for (n) Amenemope deficit of I ds vessel 1 dpy vessel and 3 lbw vessels for (n) Nakhy Both these names are common and it is impossible to date the text on this basis79 This text may indicate that not only were records made of the potters debts to the crew in general deficits owed to individual crew members could be documented as well

O BM 50728 dated to year 2 probably of Ramesses II also seems to relate to the processing and distribution of a particular type of ceramic recording vessels delivered to individual workmen as well as deficits owed to them The first five lines of the recto set out the purpose of the account Year 2 [ ] the record of the jn~t vessels for Left (p SOJW m n jn~t n smM - a total (~~~w) of 10 + 5 jn~t vessels Specification (wp s(traquo) for the crew concerning the 10 + 5 (vessels) 80 The numbers of vessels given to each member of the crew are then detailed The first group of five vessels is clearly allocated to four named workmen one for each man Baki probably the foreman of the crew81 received two corresponding to the hierarchal systems of distribution known from accounts of rations and other provisions Lines 7-10 continue with the allocation of different vessel types to named individuals The end of the recto is very broken but lines 11 and 12 seem to have recorded vessels owed to Amenmose (4t n jmn-msw) Pa-[ ] and twtw() and in this the text provides a parallel for O DeM 337 In O BM 50728 rto 11-12 the 41 determinative was crossed out possibly indicating that the debt was paid

O BM 50728 includes some unusual qualifications for the vessels including terms related perhaps to quality (very good jnJt njr nJr middling good jn~t nJr m-~ry-jb) and the designation of certain vessels as being in the fashion of hbny (vessels) (m qd hbny) These designations and the total (~J~w) ofbq oil given in the last line of the recto may indicate that the text records the delivery of filled jnJt vessels for a specific perhaps festival or ritual context I therefore doubt whether the text is concerned with the distribution of ceramics delivered by the smdt potters (see 42 for further discussion of this text)

In contrast O Cairo 25597 dated to year 2 of Ramesses IV records items distributed to members of the smdt The distribution list begins on line 2 with specification (wp-st) and includes a coppersmith a water-carrier as well as the potter Herunefer who received 5 bundles (mrw or ors) the content of these bundles is not stated Although the context for this distribution is not clear this is the only text known to me in which a potter seems to receive a payment perhaps in exchange for work

Some aspects of organization of work such as distribution of pots among the villagers probably did not require the level of administration and documentation needed for the record of delivery Details concerning the processing of delivery remain unclear such as the precise nature of the receipt and distribution of the products However the texts do allow the stages of delivery

79 Two workmen named Nakhy are known from the late 19th Dynasty Janssen Commodity Prices 86 Amenemope is a common name in all periods ibid 42 Although a potter Nakhy is known from this period I doubt whether this text should be understood as referring to the deficits of untitled but named potters instead I read the n as a preposition rather than the indirect genitive It would be very unusual for a potter to be untitled and the text does not follow the standard pattern for potter accounts recording deficits compare O DeM 91 O IFAO 387 O DeM 135 O Gardiner 88 vso 80 In these lines the number 10 is written in black ink while 5 is written in red Some of the numbers referring to allocations to individual workmen in the following lines of the text are also written in red The meaning of the use of red ink in the text requires further investigation 81 For Baki and his family see Davies Whos Who 2-12 If the provision of an extra vessel is an indicator of higher status this text would provide evidence that Baki continued in office into the early years of Ramesses II

I

--44 POTTERS

to be traced illuminating aspects of the organization of the potters work and their relationship the with the community ofDeir el-Medina veSt

may 24 Donkey hire by potters timi Although it can be assumed that donkeys were necessary for the delivery of ceramics to the (see village J know of only one relevant text and that refers only indirectly to the potters use of lOe donkeys There seem to be no hireage texts for potters comparable to those attested for or4 woodcutters and watercarriers

O DeM 73 Ito details a legal case concerning a donkey in the 20 th year of Ramesses III The 32 text records the resolution of a dispute (del) between the potter Herunefer who was the complainant and the workman Anynakht82 Herunefer hired a donkey from Anynakht The

FrO bkI

donkey proved unsatisfactory and an exchange was agreed upon in the presence of (m-blM a scribe of the mat Amennakhe3 The bad donkey was handed over to him Uwtw Ir swd n) and

blk1 Sh01

he gave him Uwf djt) an (other) she-donkey in its place (11 3-4) The text concludes with the resl taking of an oath on account of it (br pbwys) presumably by Anynakht

As Janssen observes in reference to the woodcutters and watercarriers texts about the hireage spec daYE

of donkeys are comparatively rare and are concentrated in the reigns of Ramesses III and IV Those that survive perhaps refer to rather unusual situations as here The distinctive nature of this

smt intel

text lends support to Janssens proposal that there was a pool of donkeys perhaps state or communally owned rather than belonging to the workmen themselves available for deliveries to

pap) was

the village (see above p 29) here T

sect3 Documenting supply 31 The timing ofexpected deliveries Janssen has determined through analysis of the journal OStraca of the reigns of Ramesses TIT and IV that deliveries of ceramics were expected every ten days84 That this was the practice in the early 19th Dynasty is confirmed by the delivery lists of wood and pottery Where the lists are dated these dates usually fall on days 1085 2086 or 3087 of the month which are the days on which deliveries were also recorded later in the 20 th Dynasty

It is likely that vessels were not expected on any particular day within this time frame and could be delivered in smaller amounts throughout the period like the deliveries by the gardeners and fishermen ss P Greg vso B II 8 documents the receipt of bkw of the potter for year 6 of

that for ( the doCl pred of tl gene mixt term

Siptah on the 19th day of IV lvt This delivery is then recorded in the summary information for IV lvt 10 to 20 A journal ostracon of the reign of Ramesses III records that on II smw 7 the potter entered two blkw one (w) for I smw 30 one for II smw 10 (0 DeM 38 7) The account text O DeM 346 of the mid_20th Dynasty documents the receipt of two quantities of vessels within three days On II prt 20 30 qbt vessels and 110 lbw vessels were received or delivered by the hand of

33l The wen O E IIIp scali mad

82 For Anynakht see Davies Whos Who 74-5 The potter Herunefer is also known from O Cairo 25597 39 (1

83 The role of the scribe of the mat (sv n un) in this text has been discussed by Ben Haring The Scribe of the Mat From Agrarian Administration to Local Justice in Deir el-Medina in the Third Millennium

Jans~ 90 b

AD A Tribute to Jac J Janssen eds R J Demaree and A Egberts Egyptologische Uitgaven 14 (Leiden 91 ibi

2000) 149 For the legal status of this text see A G McDowell Jurisdiction in the Workmens Community 92 O

ofDeir el-Medina Egyptologische Uitgaven 5 (Leiden 1990) 146-7 84 Commodity Prices 485-6

B893n

85 O DeM 1 5 7 10 12 13 17 23 O Gardiner 43 94 Fe

86 O DeM 2 8 15 24 O Or lust Chicago 18878 reCOl

87 O DeM 3 4 9 11 12 14 18 22 O DH 6 7 88 J J Janssen bkw From Work to Product SAK 20 (1993)90 n 52

tragI 95 L

lship

)the se of I for

The the The

M a ) and h the

reage i IV fthis te or ies to

I and n the s are fS on

ould sand 6 of

or IV lotter xtO three ndof

97 kribe znium iden lunity

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 45

the scribe Amenemope (rto 11 1-2) On II prt 23 a further 42 dpr vessels making(9 22 qb vessels and 100 tbw vessels were also entered by the scribe Amenemope (vso n 1-4) This text may record part payments of the delivery expected for II prt 20-30 The data concerning the timing of delivery therefore correspond to the evidence discussed by Janssen for the woodcutters (see above pp 18ff) As in the woodcutter texts if the delivery was completed in full during the 10 day period it was recorded as mI Any deficit or shortfall in delivery was entered as (w)gJ(t) or gJ nlr

32 The terminology ofsupply bJkw From the late 19th or early 20 th Dynasties the deliveries of ceramics were recorded in units of bJlnv in both account and journal ostraca Janssen has discussed the use and meaning of the tenn bkw in the Deir el-Medina material blkw in its absolute sense means work but Janssen has shown that in many cases in these documents the meaning can shift from work to the resultproduct of the work90 Within this usage the bkw of the potter seems to have a more specific meaning Janssen has concluded that it signifies a fixed amount that was due every ten days a quota He cites the example ofO DeM 387 where two b3kw were recorded one for I smw 30 one for II smw 10 91 The detenninatives used in the writing of b3lnv support this interpretation Although in the late 19th and early 20th Dynasty texts bkw was detennined by the papyrus roll92 from the middle to the end of the reign of Ramesses III the vessel detenninative was used93 The change to this detenninative from one with a more abstract meaning signals that here bkw is a work requirement consisting of an amount of ceramics

The usage of bkw in the journals and accounts implies that this amount was fixed a quota that would therefore be quantifiable There are records of the entry of two bkw often to make up for overdue deliveries and occasionally even half bkw94 These references certainly imply that the bIlnv was a predetennined amount that could be doubled or halved when necessary The documenting of deficits in the texts also shows that each delivery was expected to consist of a predetermined amount The Category E text O DeM 12 seems to record such a deficit On line 4 of this delivery list is written deficit namely deficit of vessels (4 qrlJt 4)95 Since qrlt is the generic tenn for vessels the implication is that the expected delivery of ceramics probably a mixture of types and quantities was not made To determine the composition of each bkw in terms of vessel types and numbers is however difficult

33 b3kw in the J(jh Dynasty accounts (text categories B C E) The 19th Dynasty accounts of the deficits of the potters Menna and Nakhy indicate that deliveries were pre-determined as amounts that if not delivered in full were recorded to be made up later O Berlin P 10840 records an accumulation of deficits owed by Menna from year 9 III fJt 1 to III prt 30 making 5 months 53 qbt vessels 575 bw vessels (11 2-3) This account shows the scale of thc deficit that the potter could incur over a period of time if complete deliveries were not made

89 Cernys transcription of the text contains an ellipsis and query at this point (Catalogue VII pI 2) Janssen (pers corron) has suggested that the two dashes in the hieratic facsimile could be read as Jr n 90 hkw From Work to Product 89 91 ibid 89-90 nO DeM 606 rto 611 O Cairo 25591 rto 4-5 and O Cairo 25633 vso 1 P Greg rto B 23 A 11 vso B 8 11-12 93 The journal ostraca from the mid_20th Dynasty consistently use this determinative 94 For an examples entries of two bkw see O DeM 154 rto 16 P Greg rto A II 11-12 Half units are recorded in O DeM 44 rto 20 P Turin 1961 (Pleyte and Rossi pI 99) vso II 5 Anonymous Turin fragment (Cerny MSS 3616) 95 t~~lon

46 POTTERS

O DeM 135 is a testimony to the precision with which such deficits were recorded This undated text enumerates the deficit of two potters Deficit of the potters 2 men 96 29 qbw fle)vessels 5 gy vessels 00 Ibw vessels 9 dp(r) vessels to (r) qbw vessels making 4Y2 Total ves making 33Y2 qbw vessels The final two lines seem to indicate that 9 dpr vessels were equivalent mo in some way to 4Yz qbw vessels97 When added to the 29 qbw vessels in line 2 this gives the total ves of 33Y2 Perhaps the potters were initially required to deliver 9 dpr vessels along with the other and vessels but the decision was made to convert these dpr vessels into their equivalent in qbw dprvessels Here it must be borne in mind that this text records deficit rather than delivery It seems forto reflect the scribes accounting mentality precisely recording the precise value of the deficit

forwhich may have been rounded up or down in reality The meticulous record of deficit does imply sigrfixed vessel deliveries with a specific amount being due every ten days

deliAlthough such texts imply the presence of a quota it is difficult to quantify that quota in terms

posof numbers and types of vessels In this context O DeM 135 provides an additional insight The

asklconversion of one vessel type into its equivalent in another type if it is a concrete conversion

therather than a statement of value implies a certain flexibility within the deliveries Perhaps this document shows the superiors of the crew specifying or making adjustments to the amounts of

34ceramics required every ten days in accordance with the needs of the crew

TheSuch an interpretation could explain the range of vessel types and quantities enumerated in the

19th defiDynasty delivery lists while also perhaps accounting for the precise documentation of It isdeficits These ostraca note deliveries of at least eight different vessel types in varying quantities

and combinations including jn~t98 m~t99 qbwIOO kJ-lr-kJ 101 gJy102 Ibw103 dpr104 and dS I05 and imp

Some of these vessel names are very rare in other documentation The dpr vessel although common in these lists and in 19th Dynasty pottery accounts does not appear to occur later 106 This

Ir

pattern could suggest a reduction in the vessel repertoire in the 20th Dyllasty but the contents of IVr Jourdeliveries are not generally enumerated in the later data potentially concealing some vessel types 29Deliveries of lbw vessels are recorded in the majority of the surviving lists and as will be 15-1illustrated below Ibw vessels alongside qbw vessels remained the core of the potters deliveries (conin the 20th Dynasty It is possible that qbw and bw are classes of ceramics rather than distinct samlvessel types so that the terms may cover a wider range of forms (see section 61) DeIlt othe

96 1- ~~~gt5l~I (I 1) reml 97 Compare O DeM 346 where 42 dpr vessels may be the equivalent of 22 qbt vessels (see section 31) day The flexibility of equivalence between the two types may indicate flexibility in the form and valuation of seen these vessels (see section 41) evid 98 Janssen Commodity Prices434 O DeM 16 153 174 23 5

ther99 Wb II 126 W F Reineke Der Zusammenhang der altagptischen Rohl- und LiingenmaBe MfG 9 (1963)148 O DeM 56 7 6 114 100 Janssen Commodity Prices 412-5 qbw is a feminine word and can also be spelt qbt Valbelle Guvriers 18 O DeM J 7 4 5 7 5 104 O DR 5 4 O Gardiner 435 101 Wb V 93 O DeM 28 3 O DR 6 8 lOi 0 102 Janssen Commodity Prices 426-8 O DeM 5 5 9 6 107 225 O DR 8 3 O Gardiner 436 108 0 10J Janssen Commodity Prices 433-4 O DeM 18 3 4 4 6 6 6 8 6 105 116 136 154 16 5 17 109 0 3 226 O DR 5 7 6 9 7 5 84 O Or lnst Chicago 188785 O Gardiner 43 7 O DeM 288 records 110 0 a lbw-n-k~ vessel (see section 41) III 0 104 This vessel is not included in Janssen Commodity Prices or in the Worterbuch It is written lith the 1110

generic term for vessel qrlt confirming its nature as such O DeM 25 3 3 5 7 6 5 9 5 106 165 113 0 O DR 5 6 O Or lnst Chicago 188784 4prt vessels presumably a different orthography of the same 114 C term occur in hieratic inscriptions from the tomb of Tutankhamun 1 Cerny Hieratic lnscriptionsfrom the Il5 t Tomb of TutCankhamun TutCankhamiins Tomb Series II (Oxford 1965) 6 with references See also G 116 Ir Bouvier BlFAG 101 (2001)90 note g PriCE 105 Wb V 485 Janssen Commodity Prices 472-4 O DeM 64 8 5 135 165 22 4 O DR 5 6 74 non-I 1(lj See the documents cited in n 100 also O DeM 346 vso 3 117 Q~

This qbw otal alent total other qbw

eems ficit mply

erms The rsion this Its of

n the m of ttities dS I05

tough This lts of ypes ill be veries stinct

1 31) ion of

1109

vriers

5 17 ecords

ith the 165

same Jm the

Iso G

74

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 47

The degree to which the composition of deliveries could vary from list to list illustrates the flexiblity of the institution On I 3Jt 10 of year 3 of Sety I 7 jn~t vessels (3 good 2 poor) 37 qbw vessels (deficit of 3) and 58 Ibw vessels (deficit of 2) were delivered l07 On the 20th day of that month dpr vessels were delivered (the rest of the text is lost)108 80 dpr vessels and 50 Ibw vessels were delivered on the last day of I 3Jt109 while on the last day of II Jt 40 qbw vessels and 50 Ibw vessels were delivered l1O On day 10 of III Jt 80 g3y vessels 90 m~t vessels and 40 dpr vessels were delivered lll Not only do several vcssel types occur in each delivery but totals for each vessel type also vary considerably as weI Ibw vessels tend to total between 50 and 60 for each list in which they occur1l2 However many of the attested totals documented are significantly larger between 100 and 300 lbw1l3 These texts may point to there being variable deliveries that resulted from commissions in response to specific needs However this is only one possible interpretation based upon a comparatively small group of texts The question must be asked whether a similar understanding can be gained from the qualitatively different sources of the 20th Dynasty

34 Recording b3kw in the 20th Dynasty The recording of pottery deliveries was less explicit in the 20th Dynasty with deliveries and deficits generally noted as b3kw and (w)4(t) of the potter without further clarifying information It is difficult to determine whether the quantities and contents of the deliveries were as flexible and varying as the 19th Dynasty data suggest Indeed as Janssen has concluded it is virtually impossible to prove what was meant by the termbkw l 114

In the rare cases where journal entries on ostraca of the reigns of Ramesses III and Ramesses N record numbers of vessels this information is difficult to interpret O DeM 154 rto recording journal entries in year 31 of Ramesses III documents the delivery made by the potter on II smw 29 entered by the hand of the potter 2 bkw (plus) 50 lbw vessels for II smw 30 deficit 65 (II 15-16) Janssen alternatively translates this part of the text as [e ]ntered from the potter 2 bkw (consisting of) 50 lbw vessels comparing it with O Berlin P 10654 (unpub) vso 1 where the same amount of 50 vessels is also mentioned I IS There is a number of possible readings of O DeM 154 rto The two b3kw may be deliveries owing from earlier in the month116 while on the other hand the 50 Ibw vessels may be an early partial payment for II smw 30 with 65 vessels remaining outstanding Since we do not have the rest of the journal for II smw and the entry for day 20 records neither delivery nor deficit it is difficult to draw firm conclusions Nonetheless it seems unlikely that the b3kw referred to in the text consisted of 50 lbw vessels The supporting evidence of the late 20th Dynasty ostracon O Berlin P 10654 vso is ambiguous also referring to the production of 50 vessels in the first line the numbers are lost thereafter

II Jt 10 the potter fashioned1l7 50 (vessels) day 20 the potter [fashioned x (vessels)]

107 O DeM 16-8 108 O DeM 2 5 109 O DeM 3 3-4 110 O DeM 45-6 1110 DeM 5 5-7 112 O DeM 18 34 8 6 165 O DH 5 7 6 9 O Or Inst Chicago 188785 113 O DeM 6 6 136 22 6 154 173 O DH 76 ll4 Commodity Prices 488 bkw From Work to Product 89 115 bkw From Work to Product 89 116 In a similar situation O DeM 40 14-5 records by the hand of the potter 3 bkw Janssen Commodity Prices 487-8 concludes that two of the bkw were payments for the first two decades although the non-delivery is nowhere stated while the third delivery was due for the five epagomenal days 117 ~~li~IT1l~~o

II

48 POTTERS

day 30 fashioning [x (vessels)] III 11]t 10 while he (fashioned)118 [x (vessels)] 35 b day 20119

Vhel total 230 qbw vessels [ ] the n specifYing it (wp Sf) ~ 23 jn~11 vessels blkw

In recording the actual work of the potters this text is unique While units of 50 vessels seem to statu be specified any connection with a blkw is not made explicit and can only be inferredYo perio

Janssen also cites the example of O DeM 35 on which a note above line 7 recording entries been for IIprt 19 of year 28 of Ramesses III reads entered by the hand of the potter as one b3kw 100 these qbw vessels 45 lbw vessels Although this text indicates that the b3kw consisted of 100 qbw Th vessels and 45 lbw vessels the phrase m w( b3kw could imply that the vessels enumerated were the e those making up this particular delivery perhaps differing from although equivalent to the recor contents of earlier deliveries and the standard b3kw The higher number of qbw vessels than Ibw epagt vessels which is very unusual when compared with other texts enumerating these two types 5 ep suggests that this entry is exceptional not only in its formulation It may be that this delivery ofth required special enumeration perhaps the potter altered the original order and provided an bee) equivalent number of qbw vessels instead of lbw vessels P

The two uneertain entries of O DeM 154 and O DeM 35 are the only texts in which actual Ram vessel types are enumerated in 20u Dynasty journal ostraca O DeM 35 in particular may suggest reads that the composition of b3kw could be flexible Other surviving records of pottery deliveries from An e the reign of Rarnesses III usually state only whether or not the potter entered his deliveries deliv complete or was in deficit O DeM 143 vso 5 datable to year 24 of Ramesses III does fo11o however enter a deficit of lbw vessels for the five epagomenal days Although the exact figures as 65 are lost the final two lines record an unknown total (dnuf) of qbw vessels and a total of 680 lbw char~ vessels these probably being deficits incurred since IV smw 30 the day the potter first fell behind disru in deliveries as the account records In O DeM 165 which largely documents deficits incurred in prt 1 year 30 III prt and thereafter a note to one side records year 29 entered for the five whih (epagomenal) days 30 lbw vessels his deficit 85 (11 4amiddot5a) vesst

Where vessel numbers are enumerated in these 20th Dynasty texts they vary in some cases notin considerably although the relationships of these numbers with the context of the documents must onw be kept in mind The vessel types are less varied than in the 19th Dynasty sources Mostly qbw and that 1 [bw vessels are enumerated in large quantities which confirms that these vessel types were the here basis of the potters b 3kw The deficit accounts from the reign of Ramesses II (group III) record If only qbw and lbw vesselsl2I in contrast with the variety of vessels represented in the delivery deliv lists The delivery lists of the 19th Dynasty appear to be exceptional in the variety of vessel types large they enumerate They may represent deliveries from other specialized workshops or supplies for vess particular purposes The similarity between the 19th Dynasty delivery lists of pottery and wood on en1r) the one hand and of specialty breads and beer on the other hand may indicate that these inter deliveries were in general more specialized they were perhaps associated with festivals Such an here association is illuminated by a study of one of the vessel types less commonly enumerated in A1 these texts (see section 42) However the regularity of delivery in these lists recorded in tenmiddotday b3kJi blocks is closely comparable with the regular b3kw delivery For the 20th Dynasty it must be potu borne in mind that b3kw which is mostly unqualified in the journal ostraca may cover a range of the ( vessel types sing

liS Q0--1i11 122 G ll9 Cerny noted that the line here was left blank 123 J~

120 The specification of jnJz1 vessels may also suggest that this text refers to a specialized perhaps unique lUF

production series For jnJzt see section 42 me 121 0 DeM 91 O Berlin P 10840 vso O IFAO 387 126 C

em to

ntries 100

l qbw were

) the nbw types livery ed an

actual 19gest from veries does

igures 101bw )ehind red in ~ fivc

cases must wand re thc ccord livery types es for odon thcsc Ichan ted in n-day lst be 1ge of

mique

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 49

35 bikw in the late 20th Dynasty papyrus documents Where pottery deliveries are recorded in the journal papyri the numbers of vessels involved and the name of the potter are often included A further contrast with earlier records is that the tenn bkw is rarely employed The more fonnal status of the papyri may explain such differences This status may also be one reason despite the large amount of documentation surviving from this period deliveries of pottery are only recorded occasionally Those that are recorded may have been special deliveries and hence worthy of note When bkw are recorded as in earlier records these may be variable in size and consist largely ofbw and qbw vessels

The recto ofP Turin 2070133 134 + 3 fragments (KRIVI 426-8) contains journal entries for the epagomenal days of the year 2 of a king later than Ramesses IV 122 The entry for the final day records the deliveries of the potter Right the potter - 29 [qb]w vessels 145 lbw vessels Five epagomenal days 100 [+ 45] Ibwvessels [Left] the potter 29 [qbw] vessels 145lbwvessels 5 epagomenal days 145 (Col II 10-11) The deliveries are enumerated separately for each side of the crew although if the restorations are correct the totals are the same for each side As is to be expected qbw and bw vessels are the only vessel types mentioned

P Turin 1881+ (Pleyte and Rossi pI 1-8 KRIVI 609-19) records entries for years 6-8 of Ramesses IX the potter is only mentioned on three occasions in year 7 For IV lu 29 the entry reads received by the hand of the potter ~Ahawy - qbw vessels 65 bw vessels 65 (vso V 1-2) An entry for 65 handfuls of plants follows in this list and seems to be associated with this delivery An entry on the same line also records 2 khar of k3Y (Ulq~ ~ ) probably roe123 The following line records again by his hand (wlm m-fjrtj) (for) I prt 10 100 [b[w] vessels as well as 65 handfuls of plants and an unknown measure of roe It seems that the potter had also been charged with delivering produce to the village perhaps the organization of deliveries was disrupted in this period Other entries record deliveries received by the hand of scribes 124 In III prt 18 almost three months later ~Ahawy made another delivery of 300 Ibw vessels (vso VI 7-8) while in III smw there were received by the hand of the potter (for) Right and Left 1501bw vessels and 70 qbw vessels (vso VII 1-2) P Turin 1881 + is an unusual text which rather than noting events day by day records only a few days from a few months of each year perhaps days on which events occurred that were more significant in the eyes of the scribe Valbelle observes that the scribe was running out of space on the papyrus increasing the likelihood that the entries he recorded were those he considered important125

If the deliveries recorded in this text were the only ones made for year 7 of Ramesses IX the delivery patterns of the potters may have changed Rather than delivering units every decade large deliveries were made every two to three months This would explain the large totals of vessels supplied However as Janssen cautions scribal inaccuracies mean that the absence of an entry in the journal does not necessarily mean that the delivery was not made126 An alternative interpretation is that the standard deliveries were made every ten days and that those recorded here were supplementary and worthy of special mention

An entry in P Turin 1900+ (KRl VI 619-24) vso 117 may indicate that regular deliveries of blkw continued at least in the early years of Ramesses IX Year 9 II 31Jt 19 records Right the potters b3kw [ ] (wnmy p qd n b3kw [ J) The context of this delivery is similar to those of the earlier 20th Dynasty with supply of fuel and gypsum being recorded as well However the single mention of a potters bkw in this entry in the papyrus may be as unique as those in P

122 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 242 123 Janssen Village Varia 53 124 For example vso 2a vso 5 5 vso 5 10 vso 6 1 125 Ouvriers 63-4 126 Commodity Prices 486

l

50 POTTERS

Turin l88l Journal entries from years 10 and 17 of Ramesses IX support this interpretation P A Turin 2071140 (KRIVI 63715) rto 9 records delivery of vegetables and pottery 2l() qb(w) varia vessels 110 [+ x] [bw vessels for day 30 IV smw year 10 The Turin Necropolis Journal of year vana 17 rto B II 2-3 (Botti and Peet pI 16) is the only record of a pottery delivery in this substantial inclu text covering two full months potter rAhawy 33 qbw vessels 165 [bw vessels This may Dyna indicate that the delivery was an unusual hence noteworthy event especially in relation to (HO references to problems with smdt organization earlier in the text (see section 37) the p

Deliveries of varying quantities of pottery are entered a number of times for different sides of recei the crew in the journal of year 3 of Ramesses X (P Turin 1898 + Botti and Peet pI 50-63 KRI Re VI 687-99) On III prt 18 even though the crew was not working because of the foreigners cornr (Omyw) 30 qb(w) vessels and 30 [+ x] [[bw] vessels were delivered to Right (rto I 11) On the wood last day of IV prt 9 qb(w) and 27 ([)bw vessels were delivered to Left (the entry for Right is comp lost rto II 14) The entry for II smw 19 records crew not working Right 28 qb(w) vessels 300 Janss [b(w) vessels Left 28 qb(w) vessels 15 g1(y) vessels 300 [b(w) vessels (rto III 9-10) The entry amou for g1y vessels is unusual in this text Two days later there was a further delivery for Right alone largel the potter - 30 qb(w) vessels 150 [b(w) vessels (rto III 13-14) In the month of III smw qbw Alt and [bw vessels were delivered on two occasions day 5 and day 30127 On IV smw 1 1 qbw was texts

delivered perhaps to Right while 90 [bw vessels were delivered to Left (rto V 18-9) If each are in delivery of vessels to the village was flexible in size and composition the entries in this journal as a c may also illustrate that deliveries to different sides of the crew could be varied as well quant

The journal text of year 1 of Ramesses XI P Turin 1898+ VSO128 records for I 10t 24 Right excep

from the hand of (the) potter [ ] 18 qb(w) vessels 50 [+x] [bw vessels Left from the hand of 37 In(the) potter [ ]y129 10 [+x] (Hh vessels [r~R~~o] [ J (vso Text A 2-4) Again the Otherdelivery is separately enumerated for the different sides of the crew breaks in the text mean that unprethe composition of the delivery is unknown If the entry on line 4 is a variant orthography of a this b type of vessel (1(1130 it may indicate a specialized delivery because (1(1 vessels are not firingotherwise attested in the pottery deliveries l3I Further deliveries are recorded in this journal again therein a very broken context by the hand ofthe potter [ ] lbw vessels 51 [+ x ] (vso dockets B taken5-6) later 18 qbw vessels and 50 lbw vessels are recorded (vso dockets C 2) This is the latest or adrsurviving record of pottery deliveries to the necropolis workmen in the 20th Dynasty deficit Impac36 Conclusion the meanings ofb1kw

TheThe Turin Necropolis journals seem to support the interpretation of the nature of the b1kw found detailein the earlier documentation Despite the possibility that delivery patterns may have altered or that from t some entries may represent extra deliveries these documents indicate that [bw and qbw vessels earlyformed the core of any quota of pottery delivered to the village occasionally supplemented with irregulother vessel types the pa III It

127 On III sectmw 529 qb(w) vessels and 150 bw vessels were delivered to Right Left received 19 qb(w) month vessels and 150 bw vessels (Botti and Peet pI 57 rto IV 15-9) The papyrus is damaged in the entries for III sectmw 30 but the surviving text indicates that deliveries of over 100 bw vessels were made to Right and both fbw and rqlbw vessels were delivered to Left (Botti and Peet pI 59 rto V 17-19) Unusually this latter entry records bw vessels before qbw 132 For 128 Botti and Peet pI 63 KRI VI 850-1 I follow the reassessment of Jtirgen von Beckerath in my reading 34 see of this text Papyrus Turin 1898+ vso SAK21 (1994)29-33 133 Th( 129 Perhaps the name of the potter CAhawy can be restored here 134 C J 130 Wh V 532 W F Reineke Der Zusammenhang der altagyptischen Hohl- und UingenmaBe MID 9 East e (1963)151 observlt 131 4343 vessels are included in a list of products in O Cairo 25678 vso 17 along with fbw vessels (1 18) discuss Valbelle citing this text considers that 4343 vessels could replace qbw vessels and were perhaps be mad synonymous (in her reference Duvriers 265 n 12 read 25678 for 25673) 135 Con

n p b(w) year ntial may m to

es of KRI

yenlers 11 the ht is 300 ~ntry

lone qbw was each lmal

ight ld of I the that ofa not

gain s B atest

lUnd that sels with

b(w) 8 for tand this

ding

[09

18) haps

DOCUMENTIKG SUPPLY 51

A further correspondence between the papyrus documents and the earlier ostraca is the variation in the numbers of vessels being delivered If these figures do represent regular bkw the variation in vessel totals may reflect responses to the changing needs of the crew perhaps including orders made by the superiors of the crew to the potters The use of bkw in one 20th

Dynasty account ostracon exemplifies the flexible character of commissions O Gardiner 80 4-5 (HO 6114) states after recording the complete deliveries during III smw received as the bkw of the potter entered complete like his custom of every day This text implies that the deliveries received during that month constituted the potters commission which he managed to fulfiL

Records survive of other members of the smdt such as gardeners and woodcutters receiving commands to deliver specific amounts132 Janssen notes the commission received by the woodcutter Saroy in year 29 III fJt 7 to deliver 380 units every 10 days This order can be compared with that of Saroys colleague who received a commission to deliver 500 units 133 As Janssen observes the quotas of the woodcutters often deviated quickly from these specified amounts (see above p 20) Such orders might have been regular normal occurrences that are largely invisible in the written record

Although no known text records such an assignment to the potters to deliver specific amounts texts that record varying quantities of ceramics and texts in which vessels other than qbw and tbw are included suggest that such commissions were madc The bkw may therefore be understood as a commission or expected dclivery of a predetermined unit of ceramics Although theoretically quantifiablc the bkw was flexible so that we cannot determinc what amount was expected except in specific deliveries

37 Implications ofdefiCits Other factors may also have operated to produce differential sizes of deliveries Firing was an unpredictable process with a certain amount of wasters inevitably being produced each time On this basis Christopher Eyre has suggested the one bkw may have been the equivalent of one firing which could vary in composition and in success134 Although this hypothesis is viable there is no direct evidence to support it and it is also possible that the needs of the crew were taken into account in each individual bkw or work requirement Where problems in the workshop or administrative breakdowns affected deliveries these are likely to be reflected in the records as deficits By examining patterns of deficit within the documentation it is possible to observe the impact of external problems in the Theban area on the potters deliveries in the mid 20th Dynasty

The journal ostraca of the reigns of Ramesses III and IV (Group I) again provide the most detailed documentation of delivery and deficit although only very general trends can be deduced from the materiaL Janssens analysis of pottery deliveries at the end of Ramesses Ills reign to early Ramesses IV led to the conclusion that deliveries of commodities were generally very irregular at this time whereas in the preceding years they had been more stable 135 The details of the pattern of deficits can be supplemented by a few account ostraca from the reign of Ramesses III It must be borne in mind that the idiosyncrasies of scribal record keeping mean that some months record no deliveries at all even though deliveries were most probably made

132 For the commissioning of the smdt see J J Janssen The Year of the Strikes BSEG 16 (1992) 44 n 34 see also Janssens section 7 in this volume 133 The Year of the Strikes 44-6 134 C J Eyre Work and the Organization of Work in the New Kingdom in Labor in the Ancient Near East ed M A Powell (New Haven 1987) 193 Janssen bkw From Work to Product 90 n observes that if this were the case the potters would have delivered once per decade The limited evidence discussed in 31 and a review of the delivery dates in the texts included in 33 indicate that deliveries could be made on more than one occasion during the ten-day period 135 Commodity Prices 488

52 POTTERS

The account of O Gardiner 80 (HO 61 4) for year 21 of Ramesses III records deliveries that O were made complete for the entire month of III smw the final line entered complete like his bJrn custom of every day although formulaic may be an indicator of a reputation for efficiency and for t punctuality The records from a few years later appear to tarnish this reputation The account text far 11 O DeM 143 datable to year 24 while recording complete deliveries for III smw 30 and IV smw coml 10 and 20 enters deficits for IV smw 30 the five epagomenal days and the first two decades of I appe 3bt (11 1-7) Reasons for the accumulation of such a substantial deficit beyond internal incre production problems are unknown This text warns us that although the relationship between admi administrative problems at Deir el-Medina and deficit is clear at times less easily identifiable in th factors may also have had an impact By year 27 deliveries appear to have returned to normal the p with no deficits being entered and every delivery recorded as complete (0 DeM 33 vso 8 O TI DeM 34 rto 7 16 vso 11) a deficit is however noted for the epagomenal days of year 28 in O agair DeM 156 vso 4 that

From year 29 deficits are again a consistent feature of the record during the time when labour inc01 troubles began to disrupt the community The first hint of delivery problems may be found in the whet problematic O Strasbourg H 26 If the entries on the recto refer to the potter this text records mad~ complete deliveries throughout I and II smw and probably through the epagomenal days and II there 3bt The verso may refer more explicitly to pottery deliveries with the final line recording IV coul Jbt 10 deficit of the [potter) However the reading of qd is based on a restoration (Cerny Nb in thi 3561) and the status of this text as a pottery account could be questioned There are more certain Th references to delivery from later in year 29 In I prt 30 the potter made deliveries to Right and perio Left details of the content of delivery are not given (0 Turin 57007 vso 4-5) The strike action ambi began in the village only ten days later on II prt 10136 The only further entry recording a pottery Peet delivery is in P Turin 1961 (Pleyte and Rossi pI 99) possibly from the end of year 29 IV prt 30 outsi notes for Right the potter I Y while the potter l is noted for Left (vso II 5 7)137 There are there no further records of pottery deliveries until year 30 although the consistent deficits incurred by reorg the woodcutters during year 29 and into year 30 are evidence of the impact of the strikes (see for II above p 21)138 authc

Deficits are recorded in an account text for III prt 30 and probably IV prt 10 of year 30 but a Peet delivery oftvo b3kw was promptly made to remedy this deficit (0 DeM 165 rto 1-2) O DeM ~Aha 154 rto 15-16 of year 31 records the delivery of two b3kw on II smw 29 probably overdue entric payments for days 10 and 20 A number of fbw vessels are also specified I interpret these as and perhaps an early payment for II smw 30 although they may relate to the two b3kw A deficit of 65 speci is noted Complete deliveries are made in IV lJl but since they are noted specifically they may perha have been considered late one b3kw being entered on day 13 for day 10 and one being entered Th for Right only on day 21 (0 DeM 157 8-9 17) From then into the reign of Ramesses IV the may potters made deliveries late or were making good deficits In II smw 7 of year 32 the debt was diffic paid for I smw 30 and at the same time the b3kw was delivered three days early for II smw 10 (0 or the

19thDeM 38 7 17 23) No sooner had these deliveries been made then the potter was in debt again I for the rest of the month Disruptions to pottery and fuel deliveries (see above p 21) throughout wide] year 30 and into year 31 are symptoms of continued labour problems within the village or of subst general administrative problems in the Theban area 139

mont side I

136 RAD 49 15 P J Frandsen Editing reality the Turin Strike Papyrus in Studies in Egyptology presented to Miriam Lichtheim ed S Israelit-Groll (Jerusalem 1990) 166-99 Risbo 137 Janssen considers that the documentation of half units may point to a scarcity of materials Commodity availa Prices 488 A reference to a half unit may also be found in an anonymous papyrus fragment in Turin 140 Fo (Cerny MSS 3616) which records the potter 2h this probably means 2h bJkw 141 Fo 138 Janssen The Year ofthe Strikes 46-8 BerIir B9 Disruptions in local administration may have directly impacted pottery production if as Colin Hope bkw suggests the state provided clay to these workshops Egyptian Pottery Shire Egyptology 5 (princes been ~

8 that ce his yand It text smw

s of ternal tween fiable Irmal 8 O in O

aboUT in the ~cords

md II ~ IV YNb ertain It and ~ction ottery Jrt 30 re are ed by (see

but a DeM erdue se as of65 may

tered the twas 0(0 19ain ~hout or of

~logy

ity

ffope inces

DOCUMENTlIG SUPPLY 53

O DeM 40 rto 15 from I gUt of year 1 of Ramesses IV records that the potter delivered three bgkw on day 24 probably overdue deliveries for days 10 and 20 (the deficits are not noted) and for the epagomenal days for which the deficit was entered in a note in a separate column on the far left A deficit is also recorded for day 30 (vso 9) From this point on the deliveries tend to be complete although often a few days late140 There are still occasional deficits but the deliveries appear to have been generally more regular than in the final years of Ramesses IILI41 The increasing irregularity of delivery is probably a symptom of the general decay of the administration of the Necropolis at the end of a long reign The more regular deliveries beginning in the first year of Ramesses IV perhaps correspond with a renewed interest in the Necropolis on the part of the successor king who was eager to get work on his tomb underway

These documents provide the only opportunity to trace a pattern of deficit in pottery deliveries against well documented changes and problems in the administration of the village They show that such an equation between the two is possible this may have implications for the more incomplete records of the end of the dynasty It is difficult to determine from the papyrus texts whether deliveries continued on a regular basis in the closing years of the 20th Dynasty or were made in large consignments more infrequently as the surviving evidence seems to suggest Since there were significant civil disturbances in the Theban area throughout this period deliveries could have been affected to the point that they became more unusual events and warranted entry in the journals

The Turin Necropolis journal for year 17 of Ramesses IX provides the best example from this period From II prl on the text includes entries concerning the smdt in general from the ambiguous entry taking the smdt of the Tomb of Left by the scribe of the Tomb Hori (Botti and Peet pI 14 rto B I 8) to the entries a few lines later crew not working while the smdt were outside under the authority (rJ(wyraquo of the two scribes of the Necropolis [ ] crew not working there being no smdt outside (rto B I 12) These entries seem to indicate that there was some reorganization of or problem with the smdt although a record of a wood delivery was entered for II prl 15 The entry for II prt 18 records crew not working while their smdt were under the authority of the two scribes of the Tomb of the Outside without any payments (1) (Botti and Peet pI 15 rto B I 18) On II prt 24 a delivery of fish was made and on day 25 the potter rAhawy delivered a number of vessels (Botti and Peet pI 16 rto B II 1-3) Although these entries are difficult to interpret it seems that the crew was facing both deficits in grain delivery and problems with the smdt In this context the delivery of pottery can perhaps be seen as a special occurrence no text from the end of the 20 th Dynasty explicitly records a potters deficit perhaps indicating that there was no longer an expected pattern to delivery

The interpretations presented here are speculative moreover other factors that left no trace may have had an impact on production The deficits entered for year 25 of Ramesses III are difficult to explain except in terms of unknowable production problems specific to the workshops or the personal circumstances of the potters as are the causes for the deficits recorded in the early 19th Dynasty Such deficits cannot be equated with any known problems in the village or the wider Theban area The accounts of the potters Menna and N akhy in the early 19th Dynasty record substantial deficits especially those incurred by Menna in a year 9 where he is in deficit for five months totalling 53 qbw vessels and 575 fbw vessels Further deficit totals perhaps for the other side of the crew are even larger 94 qbw vessels and 992 lbw vessels (0 Berlin P 10840) The

Risborough 1987) 10 This argument may apply only to high quality ceramics considering the ready availability ofNile silt for the production of most basic vessels 140 For example O DeM 47 rto 3 11 vso 4 141 For example the following texts record deficits in year 1 = I prt 30 (0 DeM 47 rto 11) III prt 30 (0 Berlin P 12641 + 12628 7) II smw 20(7) (0 DeM 161 vso 3) O DeM 44 rto 20 records a delivery of 1y bklv for III smw 29 Janssen considers that since no delivery was recorded for day 20 materials may have been scarce at this time Commodity Prices 488

--54 POTTERS

patterns of deficit incurred by the potters that can be traced in the texts cannot generally be Ana correlated with external administrative problems and decay rese

proc sect4 Equations of word and object an analysis offour pot-types A notable feature of the potter texts from Deir el-Medina is the substantial number of vessels 41 delivered to the village every ten days Although the exact number due in each bkw varied the I ha totals of some deliveries indicate that there was a significant and constant need for ceramics in the thrOl community In the lives of the villagers this pottery was essential It was the principal means to mult store prepare and serve food and to carry out many other activities within the domestic and work refer spheres Janssen observes in Commodity Prices that we have virtually no cvidence for the enun exchange value of ceramics beeause price texts generally refer only to metal or stone vessels 142

used Vessels used for a wide variety of domestic purposes would have had a low value and high class turnover millions of pot sherds were found within the rubbish dumps of the village including the offo Grands PuitS 143 Since their role was so essential it is desirable to learn about the various forms of In thl the vessels - their sizes and range of functions - in order to advance our understanding of the lJl villagers daily lives possi

Holthoerl44 noted that most Mesopotamian names of vessels relate directly to their material their function or their capacity but concluded that the Egyptians derived their vessel names from something other than vessel function This conclusion was largely based on the 1935 lexicographic analysis of Egyptian vessels by Robert du Mesnil du Buisson whose study is the only one that covers a wide range of ceramics including some of the vessel names that occur in the Deir el-Medina potter texts He considered that the qbw vessel was connected to qb fresh cool an appropriate concept for a jar145 He equated the gy vessel with the verb gw to be narrow perhaps suggesting a jar with a narrow neck 146

Edward Brovarski has done preliminary work on some Old Kingdom and First Intermediate Period vessel terms147 and Patricia Paice has studies connections between vessel shapes and their functions as depicted in tomb reliefs 148 The most valuable recent examination of the intersection of lexicography and a ceramic corpus is that of Janet Bourriau and Stephen Quirke on the Middle Kingdom ceramic repertoire from Lahun l49

An approach comparable to that taken at Lahun would be ideal for the material from Deir elshy Fig 1 Medina but a full statistical analysis of the archaeological material in relation to the textual data Urk r that is a prerequisite for determining lexicographic relations is beyond the scope of this study

The VI

Jb-nraquo142 407_8 and n 5 lS enu 143 ibid 488

vessel 144 New Kingdom Pharaonic Sites The Pottery 41 see J Bourriau and S Quirke The Late Middle

terminKingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects in Lahun studies ed S Quirke (Reigate 1998) 60shydeterm1 for a more recent discussion of the basis of classifications

145 Les noms et signes egyptiens designant des vases ou objets simiaires (Paris 1935)30 l46 Noms et signes 72 Janssen Commodity Prices 427 considers that du Mesnil du Buissons suggestions 150 FoUl

and explanations for the gly are unconvincing and concludes that no identification of the gly is apparant P Turi Ricardo A Caminos considered it to be an open bowl or cup since it was used more as a container for Howevl

ISl Jansvegetables and flowers than liquids (CLEM 194-5) corresponding to the use of gy vessels for natron 152 Thelotus leaves and fruit in the Medinet Habu festival lists A Spalinger Medinet Habu and Deir el-Yledina IS3 TheCombined in Deir el-Medina in the Third Millennium AD A Tribute to Jac J Janssen eds R 1 Demaree

and A Egberts Egyptologische Uitgaven 14 (Leiden 2000) 314 Although the shape of the gl) remains these m unknown Janssen has determined a capacity of 20 hin Two Ancient Egyptian Ships Logs Papyrus Leiden detenni 1350 verso and Papyrus Turin 2008 + 2016 (Leiden 1961)88 vessel l47 Lexicographical Studies in Egyptian Pottery Bulletin de Liaison du Groupe International dEtude de determi fa Ceramique Egyptienne 7 (1982) 36-7 154 P GJ 14S The Pottery of Daily Life in Ancient Egypt JSSEA 19 (1989) 50-88 bibliogr 149 The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects 60-83 IS5 Com

lly be

essels d the in the ansto lwork Dr the oels142

1 high ngthe rmsof of the

lterial s from

1935 is the

cur in fresh to be

lediate i their ection fiddle

eir elshyt data study

v1iddle 8) 60shy

~stions

Jaranl ler for latron -edina maree mains Leiden

~de de

EQUA TJONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 55

Analysis of the occurrence of vessel types in the potter texts can be related to the present stage of research into vessel shape and size to produce some further insights both into the potters products and into the documentation for the supply of particular ceramic types

41 The basic pots qbw and [bw I have shown above that [bw and qbw vessels formed the basis of deliveries to the village

19th 20ththroughout the and Dynasties Therefore it seems likely that they were simple multipurpose vessels distinct from each another in shape andor size There is a standard way of referring to them in the records qbw vessels precede [bw vessels and many fewer are usually enumerated This relationship points to a qualitative differentiation between the two ISO Both are used as containers for liquids such as beer and waterl5l I consider that these two terms designate classes of vessels rather than fixed single shapes their names perhaps referring to a wider range of forms Difference in size may account for the differentation in numbers delivered in the texts In the following discussion I assess the evidence for these two classes of vessels

Jb lbw) vessels are included among the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak indicating a possible shape for the vessel152

tlBoo~WJ~O 01It 0P L II I I

Fig 1 ob-nw-k vessels in the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak (Wreszinski Atlas II pI 33 Urk IV 636)

The vessel shown is distinctive being beaker-like and wider at the base than at the neck JS3 The ub-nw-k vessel here is the equivalent of the u-m-Icw of P Harris I 36a 7 A significant number is enumerated in this text as containers tor incense perhaps indicating a smaller cup-like vessel l54 Janssen has considered that the [x]-n-k termination which is fairly common in vessel terminology indicates that the vessels were cups the name of the vessel given in the compound determines the shape155 In the inscription of the High Priest Osorkon the Oblb-n-k is written

150 Four texts which enumerate qbw and fbw vessels show a ratio of 15 O Or Inst Chicago 16698 rto 3 P Turin 2070133 134 + frgs rto 10-11 Giornale of year 17 rto B II 1-3 P Turin 1898 rto III 14 However since these are isolated examples it is uncertain how widely applicable such a ratio was 151 Janssen Commodity Prices 433 Valbelle Ouvriers 265 152 The equivalence between the lb andlbw is confirmed in CLEM 186-7 153 The determinative given for a qby vessel in the offering list ofThutmose III at Elcphantine indicates that these may have been quite close in shape to the IJb-nw-h of the Karnak list The simple elongated beaker determinative is quite distinct from the determinatives given for the other vases in the list including the Ub vessel which is shon with a definite neck (Urk IV 828 4) However the occurrence of different determinatives within a single text does not offer a basis for a classification of vessel forms 154 P Grandet Le Papyrus Harris I (EM 9999) BdE 109 (Cairo 1994) I 272 see vol IT 141 n 576 for a bibliography for lbw l55 Commodity Prices 409

I

56 POTTERS

with a goblet detenninative ls6 The vessels recorded in these texts may be smaller cup versions of thai larger Ibw jars with the wide mouth and lack of defined neck perhaps pointing to a vessel associated with food preparation and service 157 The delivery list O DeM 288 records fb-nw-kJ

cor 1

vessels perhaps as a fuller writing of bw or as a distinct fonn vithin the Ibw class Vessels ves categorized as Ibw may have had a generalized function as cups or containers for both liquid and con solid foods A comparison can be made with the ~nw vessels which are recorded in significant 4W numbers in the papyrus documents from Lahun and are equated by Bourriau and Quirke with the 346 drinking cups known from the site the only vessel fonn which they consider could have been used in such numbers 158 The bkw of the Deir el-Medina potters show that Ibw vessels too were

lbw 50

delivered in large quantities the The lower numbers of qbw vessels in the deliveries may be related to their larger size In Poids o

No 5135 3 the weight of a metal qbw vessel is stated to be 20 deben or 18 kg Valbelle betv concludes from this that the qbw was significantly larger than the Ibw 159 That qbw designates a POttl simple storage jar may be indicated by the name itself If the connection suggested by du Mesnil two du Buisson between qbw vessels and qb cool can be accepted it may suggest that qbw vessels were storage jars perhaps for water and other liquids The connection may also suggest the

sigh one

material of manufacture qbw vessels could have been made from marl clay which cools water Helc through evaporation

As storage jars qbw vessels may have been connected in shape or broad function with the qbwshyIf a have

n-wt canopic jar The coincidence of the name suggests some correspondence The simple canopic jar fonns given by Georges Nagel for Tomb 359 seem similar in shape to vessels found in the cellar of a house in the village160 However Nagels sample is so small that any identification is tentative Janssen cautions that the standard shape of a canopic jar was rarely used as the fonn of bronze or pottery vessels 161 This may be a principle of decorum vessels with a funerary purpose not being equated in fonn with ordinary domestic ceramics The connection between qbw and qbw-n-wt may be simply that they were both in one fonn or another storage jars

Although the qbw may have been proportionally larger than the lbw it is very unlikely that

capa temp capa appn meas

Cc vso cannc into i

either fonn had a fixed capacity at Deir el-Medina W W Struve [V V Struve] offered the only attempt to determine the capacity of the qbw (or qby) vessel based largely on Greek evidence and his research on P Boulaq 18162 Wolfgang HeIcks review of this evidence led him to conclude

dOCUJ

repre betw( vesse restril than 1

156 R A Caminos The Chronicle ofPrince Osorkon Analecta Orientalia 37 (Rome 1958) 129 157 p Cairo 58088 indicates that bw could have had a large size in this case accommodating 3 ds measures See also Janssen Commodity Prices 433 n 170 C Daniel Les noms egyptiens de certains types de vases

proba fixed

In

grecs Studia et Acta Orientalia 5-6 (1967) 383-5 equates the lIb vessel with the Greek 10 olt7tW and the vesse

Mycenaean di-pa He notes that the di-pa depicted on a tablet corresponds in shape with the form of the fib indicated by the determinative used for the word The depictions of the di-pa that Daniel cites are not 163 DG

comparable in form with the Ibw depicted in the Karnak offering list D H F Gray Linear Band evidee Archaeology Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies of the UniverSity of London 6 (1959) pI 7 I andDI would argue that the form of the lbw was very flexible 164 It 1

158 Bourriau and Quirke The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects 74 some 159 Catalogues des poids a inscriptions hieratiques de Deir el-Medineh Nos 5001-5423 DFIFAO 16 165 Da~

(Cairo 1973) 18 166 FOI 160 La ceramique du Nouvel Empire aDeir el Medineh DFIFAO 10 (Cairo 1938)35 cf 122 no 38 42 SpaHn 44 167 Da 161 Commodity Prices 412 sugges 162 Mathematischer Papyrus des staatlichen Museums der SchOnen Kunste in Moskau (Berlin 1930) 55 Ceram withn2 25 1itr

lions of vessel

-nw-k

Vessels llid and ilificant vith the Ie been )0 were

n Poids lalbelle ~ates a Mesnil vessels est the s water

le qbwshysimple

s found lat any rarely vessels s The omlor

~ly that Iteonly lce and melude

~asures

le vases and the the b are not Band pI 7 I

AO 16

3842

gt30) 55

EQliAnONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 57

that the qbw had no fixed capacity Rather it seems that vessels such as the Ibw and qbw could correspond to a range of different ds measures 163

Two texts may point to some perhaps proportional equivalence between qbw vessels and dpr vessels In O DeM 135 the record of the accumulated deficits of two potters includes a conversion from dpr vessels into qbw vessels 9 dpr vessels to (=) qbw vessels making Urn) 4Yz (see section 31) Such a conversion may indicate a size ratio between the vessels O DeM 346 vso 3 records 42 dpr vessels [making Urn)] 22 qbt vessels (see n 89 for the restoration) Ibw vessels may also be equated with dpr vessels in O DeM 202 dpr vessels 30 [as] 15 bw 50 (1 3_4)164 The restoration here is problematic and the hypothesis of any equivalence between the two types must remain tentative

O Berlin P 10654 vso displays a similar complexity in possible equivalences this time between qbw vessels and jnJt vessels This text (discussed in section 33) seems to record the potters production of ceramics on days 10 20 and 30 of II bt and day 10 of IIIilt The final two lines state total 230 of (n) qbw vessels [ ] specifying it (wp st) 23 jnJt vessels At first sight such a text seems to point to a proportional relationship between these vessels a qbw being one tenth of ajnJt Such a ratio is quite possible because jnJt vessels do seem to have been large Heicks calculations from O Gardiner 81 indicate that ajnJt vessel was 2 of a mnt-amphora 165

If a mnt had a liquid capacity of c 20 hin and a hin was 048 litres the capacity of a jnlzt would have been c 53 hin or 2551itres O Berlin P 10654 vso would then show that a qbw vessel had a capacity of c 53 hin or 25 litres whieh is a sensible size for a storage jar 166 Although it is tempting to make such equations from this data this evidence is based on assumptions about the capacity of other vessel types so is tentative HeIck estimated that the ds vessel had a eapacity of approximately 3 litres 167 If so the qbw in P Boulaq 18 would have been double the size ofa ds measure in order to contain the 2 ds (e 6 litres)

Contextual study of the equation between qbw vessels and other types in O Berlin P 10654 vso O DeM 135 and O DeM 346 vso indicates some form of size ratio operated although we cannot easily determine the flexibility of that ratio or how it was used A conversion of one vessel into its equivalent of another type is unusual in a text like O Berlin P 10654 vso which seems to document the actual produetion of vessels even their firing If the last two lines of the text represent the total of ceramics produced in this process then the specification of a relationship between the two vessels types is rather strange Perhaps the original order was for 230 qbw vessels and this was then converted into the equivalent in jn~t vessels Ifjn~t vessels had a more restricted even ritual function the equivalence expressed here may be more abstract or complex than a ratio of capacity The size of vessels delivered may have been standardized to some extent probably based on ease of delivery and manageability within a domestic eontext rather than as fixed measures

In such a context a value relationship might well have operated The jnlzt as a specialized vessel may have had a more established value in relation to which the qbw vessels could be set

163 Das Bier im Alten Agypten (Berlin 1971) 47 See also Anthony Spalingers re-evaluation of the evidence for the capacity of these vessels including discussion of O DeM 135 and 202 Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 314 His conclusions largely correspond with mine 164 It may also be possible to read dpr 30 Urnl 15 lbw 50 which would support the hypothesis of some sort ofequivalence 165 Das Bier 47 16lt5 For a review of evidence concerning the capacity of the mnl including discussion of this text see A Spalinger Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 312-3 167 Das Bier 46 R L Miller (is-vessels Beer Mugs Cirrhosis and Casting Slag GM 115 (1990) 64 suggests that the ds was a drinking vessel perhaps to be equated with depictions given in Nagel Ceramique 199-206 Miller identifies a jar found at Saqqara as a ds vessel noting that it had a capacity of 25 litres roughly corresponding to Heicks estimate

58 POTTERS

In O DeM 135 the scribe may well have calculated the value of the vessels owed down to the half vessel A parallel for this is found in O Turin 57062 vso 4 where 2Yz jnJtt vessels are set

dlagainst five vessel types which precede them (their names are lost) The recording of five vessels compared with half that amount in jnJtt vessels producing the unusual amount of a half vessel tt

2again suggests a value equivalence Since vessels do not appear with fixed values in the price

SJtexts their worth may well have been assessed in relation to other vessel types st b42 A specialized vessel jnJzt DApart from the two vessel types or classes that formed the basis of the deliveries of ceramics to rethe village the potter texts also occasionally enumerate other types jnJtt vessels although well

known from other contexts are rare in the potter texts A few texts that may indicate their ritproduction or delivery by the Deir el-Medina potters illuminate aspects of its function and context

of use The pattern of occurrence of jnJtt vessels indicates a specialized vessel type the shape of which is unknown The jnJtt vessel is most widely documented as a storage container for beer and as Walter F Reineke notes outside the data from Deir el-Medina it was often made of gold or silver J68 That this vessel could be supplied as part of the ceramic requirement of the village seems to be indicated by the delivery lists from the early 19th Dynasty (Category E) Some of these lists record jnJzt vessels although they are not always indisputably connected with the smdt potters

In the Category E delivery lists of wood and ceramics jnJtt vessels occur four times their total Ccamount being low in comparison with the other vessels enumerated in these texts In O DeM 1 6 una total of 7 jnlu vessels are delivered 5 of good quality 2 of poor In O DeM 17 4 only 3 jnJzt aUvessels were delivered (2 good 1 poor) in comparison with 290 lbw recorded in the previous intline and in O DeM 15 3 7 jn~lt vessels were delivered as against 295 Ibw vessels 16 jnJzt povessels are documented in O DeM 23 5 (the text is broken and the reading at the end of the line

uncertain)169 bei ve~Only two texts explicitly includejnJtt vessels in pottery deliveries 0 Qurna 6181 records two

jnJtt vessels among the deficit of 55 qbw and 265 Ibw vessels incurred by the potter Menna O IJry Michaelides 33 rto 3-6 J70 This text records for III Jot 30 matching deliveries from a potter to vex

Right and Left among other deliveries of wood and gypsum the potter 1 jnlp vessels 20 (pJ qd 1 jnJzt 20)171 The stroke read as one after the title p qd could refer to the bkw of the potter not

with jnJtt vessels being an addition to the quota delivered 172 jnJtt vessels were therefore a wit gocomponent of the potters repertoire and this fact may complicate the interpretation of other texts

where they occur173 More generally jnJzt vessels are recorded as being delivered filled with beer I thisand thus are probably not associated with ceramic delivery

174 (

Me(J68 Der Zusammenhang der altagyptischen Hohl- und UingenmaBe MID 9 (1963) 146 175( 169 Kitchen restores 16jnli vessels [by the hand of A]meneminet (KRII 367 8 a-b) but there does not 176 1appear to be space for this formula in the break The rest of this text is similar to the other wood and pottery

177pounddelivery lists See the discussion of parallel texts in section 23 170 Goedicke-Wente pJ 67 However I follow CernYs transcription of the text here (Nb 10830)

178 1

Cau171 Contra Goedicke and Wente who restore IT1l ] on line 3 On line 7 Goedicke and Wente read 27 jnlt 197vessels instead of 20 vessels and the restoration for the [plasterer] (Pi q() given by Cerny 179 1

172 Alternatively it could refer to a single potter although this would be unusual in this context (see section Rek21) Compare the reading of this text with that discussed for O DeM 154 rto 15-6 in section 34 Egy

173 Other entries for this day include specialty breads and ds measures of beer (117-8) while the folloVing somentry for IV Jt 1 records a festival of Hathor (1 9) Although an association with a festival context is Dietpossible the delivery of jnlts as discussed by Spahnger is recorded separately from the breads and ds inameasures and is included among more standard delveries Medinet Habu and Dei elmiddotMedina Combined note310-311 Earl

l to the are set vessels vessel e price

mics to ~h well e their ~ontext

mpe of Ir beer of gold village ome of le smdt

ir total M 16 r 3jn~f

revious 16 jn~t he line

ds two mao O )tter to (pJ qd potter fore a r texts th beer

oes not pottery

27 jn~t

section

llowing rrtext is and ds

lbined

EQUATIONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 59

jn~t vessels of beer occur consistently in a series of six Category E ostraca that seem to document the delivery of commodities associated with festival or temple offerings174 Four of these texts state that the commodities were delivered by an individual in O DeM 20 and O DeM 25 the deliveries are made by a local priest Each of these six texts lists items that include speciality foodstuffs and jn~t vessels of beer rather than the fuel and plain unfilled pottery of standard deliveries II smw 12 by the hand of the local priest (w(b Sf) 175 60 large j nJzt vessels of beer entered 56 deficit 4 120 (bundles of) vegetables ISO s(t cakes and 100 rJzs cakes (0 DeM 20) The only exception in this group is O DeM 26 where 30 large jn~1f vessels are recorded 27 are entered (jw) and there is a deficit on No beer is recorded with these vessels

The recto of O DeM 29 may confirm that lists containing such products are associated with rituals or festivals rather than deliveries of materials to the village 176

total of various (sbn)jnl)tvessels of beer 653 [+x] the record of the [ ] which were given as offerings (snw) [] good bread loaves of [ ] s(t cake [x oipeJ rJzs cakes [ J jnJzt vessels of beer [ J beer [ ]

Connections of this vessel type with the temple or festival sphere nmy explain features of the unique and difficult distribution text O BM 50728 discussed in section 23 The text records the allocation ofjnJzt vessels to individual crew members The 10 + 5 jnJzt vessels seem to be grouped into four different categories perhaps accordin~ to quality of the vessel or its contents and possibly its shape or finish 177 5 doubly good (~reg) jnJzt vessels in the fashion of hbny [vessels] being returned (m hyt) 2 for Baky I for Huy 1 (for) (Omek 1 for Qaha totalS (11 5-6) Six vessels given to individuals in line 7 one for each nmn are stated to be middling good (11fr mshyhry-jb) and line 10 enumerates two vessels that also have a designation perhaps reading not (J I~~ 3)very poor _ 1

If the jnJzt vessels were more specialized beer vessels used in festival or ritual contexts then the note of quality either of contents or of the vessel itself would have been important This concern with quality can also be seen in the delivery lists where the jnJzt vessels are described as either good or poor 178

Particularly difficult to understand in this context are the writings of hbny perhaps referring to this well-known amphora-shaped vessel I19 The five doubly goodjnl)t vessels are designated in

174 O DeM 19 20 21 25 26 27 For further discussion of these texts see Spalinger Deir e1middotMedina and Medinet Habu Combined 311

(1 0

175 l=n (1 1) For another writing of this title see O DeM 25 2 176 The verso of this text records only nswt bjty mnmiddotmrtmiddotrr 177 For the use of red ink in this text see p 19 n 75 above

178 O DeM 1 6 174 For discussion of the meaning of snn 1~ in these contexts see D Valbelle Catalogue des poids ainscriptions hieratiques de Deir eAmiddotfedineh Nos 500l-5423 DFIFAO 16 (Cairo 1977)23 179 Wh II 487 There are depictions of the hbnylhbnt vessel in Urk IV 11308 11352 and in the tomb of Rekhmire N de G Davies The Tomb of Rekh-mi-r~ at Thebes The Metropolitan Museum of Art Egyptian Expedition 11 (New York 1943) I pIs 33 34 In these examples it is shaped as an amphora sometimes without handles and often contains honey E A W Budge An Egyptian Hieroglyphic Dictionary (London 1920)446 gave the capacity of a hbnt ndst as one quarter of a hin F G Hilton-Price in an earlier publication Notes on Some Egyptian Antiquities in My Collection TSBA 9 (1886) 353 noted the same capacity for this vessel Here see also T G H James The Heqanakhte Papers and Other Early Middle Kingdom Documents (New York 1962) 118

60 POTTERS

the fashion of hbny vessels (~[]~IlJ1J 0) (vso 5) This seems to express an equivalence between the two vessel types perhaps representing an addition or finish to the jn~lt vessel that increased its value Du Mesnil du Buisson speculated in his discussion of the hhnl vessel that the word related to hbny ebony t ruJ-Oi) and indicated a blackened colour or lustre to the vesseL I80 hbny also occurs as an annotation above the entries of jnit vessels for particular workmen in lines 8-12 of the recto The entry on line 13 (hhny n [ ]) may indicate that hhny vessels themselves were also delivered to the workmen named in the following lines So far as I know hbny vessels do not occur in other Deir el-Medina textsl8J These notations may also refer to some sort of finishing to the j nit vesseL

The inclusion of more unusual designations for the vessels certainly points to the exceptional nature ofthe delivery in O BM 50728 as does the entry of an amount ((i(w) of bJq oil (8) in line lOon the verso after the specification of 10 further jnlJl vessels for particular workmen (pJ WpWl

n plIO n jnlJt n tJ jst) Janssen observes that this oil was rarely used by the workmen as it was too expensive 182 It is possible that the text refers to the delivery of jnit vessels of bJq oil the references to quality therefore referring to the quality of oil rather than the vessel itself The designation hbny may be associated with this as welL

Complicating this analysis is the proposed large size of jnit vessels (discussed in section 41) which may account to some extent for its more restricted function within the vessel repertoire jnlJt vessels occur only rarely in the Medinet Habu festival calendar indicating that even within the temple their use was specialized ls3 The ealculation of the equivalence in contents of the vessels in O Gardiner 81 indicates that we are dealing with a set capacity for these vessel types in this text 184 If the capacity of a jnit was 53 hin or 255 Htres this would equate to a significant quantity ofbJq oil per person 185

O BM 50728 remains a puzzle Despite thc difficulties in interpretation it seems most likely that it records allocation of vessels possibly filled with oil or beer for festival or cultic purposes The careful documentation of such a distribution may also indicate that the vessels were not to be kept by the men perhaps only being used by them for the event and then returned to the temple A large size may serve to explain their more limited and specialized oecurrence in the data perhaps restricted to the religious sphere rather than playing a role in the domestic life of the villagers

In this instance contextual analysis of texts that seem to relate to ceramic deliveries can alter our understanding of these texts and illuminate the role and function of a vessel type in the community For vessels that were delivered more commonly we can observe the potential for flexibility in the classification systems these would repay further detailed study sectS Conclusion Analysis of the texts concerning pottery delivery leaves a number of questions unanswered and areas unexplored the limited number of sources available and problems inherent in them restrict their potential for interpretation However some insights into the organization and administrative structures of Deir el-Medina are fortheoming from the material Within the meticulous record keeping of the village the key theme seems to be flexibility This flexibility is apparent in the

180 Noms et signes 28 181 Janssen did not include them in his chapter on Vessels in Commodity Prices None of the references for the entry in the Wb II 487 has a Deir e1-Medina provenance 182 Commodity Prices 330 183 On the occurrence of the jnltt in the Medinet Hahn festival lists see A Spalinger Medinet Habn and Deir ei-Medina Combined 311-2 ]84 Heick Das Bier 46 185 Even if the mnt was only 10 hin a jnltt would still be of a substantial size c 11-12 iitres Janssen Commodity Prices 434

N

CONCLUSION 61

number of potters assigned to the crew the size and content of the quota required every 10 days and the timing of deliveries The final section of my study also points to the potential flexibility of form size and function of the pots themselves

Although we can find implications in the potter texts for features of society beyond the village itself such as the specifie interpretation of bkw or the occurrence of vessels in royal festival calendars it must be borne in mind that the real value of the Deir el-Medina material lies in its potential to illuminate the lives of ordinary people in Ramessid Egypt For that purpose we need to attend most closely to the village context

Appendix The potters of Deir el-Medina Names of potters in documents relating to the delivery of ceramics

I

Names of potters in documents concerning matters other than the supply of ceramics

I 1 (Omek i Turin Strike Papyrus RAD 476 I

2 Khonsu bull O Turin 57192 1

3 Herunefer bull O DeM 73 rto 2

4 Paaeminet I O Berlin P 12343 vso 3

5 Bakenmut P Turin 2018 A rto la 5 rto IV 17 vso I 6 B rto II 4 D I rto 14 P BM 10068 vso V l3

6 Wenennefer P BM 10068 vso V 14

alence el that 1at the to the ticular thbny ar as I ) refer

ltional in line middotwpwt it was til the f The

1 41) rtoire within of the pes in ificant

likely poses tto be ~mple data of the

1 alter in the ial for

d and estrict rative ecord in the

rences

)U and

nssen

1 I Menna O IFAO 387 1 O Qurna 618i1 O DeM 91 1 O Berlin P 10840 vso 1

2 bull Nakhy I

O IFAO 3874 O DeM 914

3 I Ptahemheb O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O DeM 343 2 P Greg vso B 8 rto A11

4 Parahotep O DeM 868

5 Hori O DeM 868 O DeM 869

6 Herunefer O Cairo 25597 rto 3

7 Neferher O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O Cairo 25633 vso 2

8 Amennakht O DeM 44 rto 8

9 Dmek P Turin 2081+2095 rto 1

10 ltAhawy P Turin 1881 vso V 1 VI 7 VII 1 () Giornale of year 17 rto B II 2 P Turin 2018 A vso 1 12 B rto II 11 B vso II 17 P BM 10068 vso VI 25 P Turin 2014 rto 27-8 P BM 10054 vso II 9

62 POTTERS

Addendnm

Pierre Grandets Catalogue des ostraca hieratiques non litteraires de Deir el-Medineh IXbecame available just as this chapter went to the press This volume contains a number of important potter texts I have included them in the tables on pages 33-7 and provide a short account of them here

O DeM is the longest and most detailed potter account known to me I will be adressing the issues it raises in a further publication It records deliveries made by the potters Ptahemheb Parahotep Hori and Neferher for the months of I bt to I prt of a year 6 The title p qd occurs only in line I in reference to Ptahemheb but probably also covers the other individuals named Ptahemheb and Neferher are known from other potter accounts discussed in this chapter O DeM 869 also published by Grandet and dated to a year 6 records deliveries made by Hori of qbw and lbw vessels to Right Both Hori and Parahotep are not otherwise attested in the potter texts In O DeM 868 details of delivery are grouped according to individual potters In line 13 Neferher delivers vessels to Left (t rj smM this is the only statement concerning Right or Left in this text That four potters deliver during the same general period emphasizes the potential number of potters involved in delivery which is not generally apparent in many of the potter texts Ptahemheb and Neferher make deliveries on different days in IV bt The vessel numbers vary except for those delivered as the making good of deficits by Ptahemheb which are consistent sums (II 3-4) The vessels delivered include qbw and Ibw vessels as well as gy andjnlt this text therefore provides further evidence thatjnJtt vessels were part of the potters repertoire

Grandet follows Gutgesell in assigning a date in the mid-20th Dynasty to O DeM 868 and 869 19thMy assignment of a late Dynasty date to the other account ostraca of Ptahemheb and

Neferher (0 Cairo 25591 O Cairo 25633 and O DeM 343) is based on the record of Ptahemhebs deliveries in P Greg firmly dated by Janssen to the reign of Siptah186 Gutgesell places Ptahemheb in the 20th Dynasty on the basis of the occurrence of this name in P Turin 2006+ 1961 usually dated to year 29 of Ramesses 111 [87 The Ptahemheb in this text is not a potter and so is a different individual I propose that the late 19th Dynasty date of the other documents should therefore be retained and should also be adopted for O DeM 868 and 869

Further texts relevant to potters in Grandets volume include O DeM 877 in which a list of arrears in water supplies are measured in jnlt vessels O DeM 871-3 are sherds bearing the phrase mJ qd Grandet considers these phrases along with the phrase ml m-rJrt p-Jtm-nlr complete by the hand ofPahemnetjerthe priest on O DeM 870 as delivery marks inscribed on the pots themselves18S

186 Janssen Village Varia 115-6 187 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 252 309-12 188 Catalogue des ostraca IX 49-50

UNT

Marel

sectl Eil Die A Papyr Einwc zusHin Verw Angell besch~

Bei suchur wichtil Andre Vortei Juni 2( nicht-li recherc

Beirr allgem

bull Der MaXI

mieh Aufn Doni Sieh~

J Ja grap dazu

2 Sieht tause Peri Gutg Teil1 el ME Held Janss Histo

6 MeD Valb

g Venn Witnl II Ta

10 Ein P II Gutg 12 Allan 13 Held

Page 14: Woodcutters, Potters and Doorkeepers Service Personnel of the Deir El Medina Workmen

mtries 1-2)

101-2 I) O potter Ito the milieb ) also ng the )otters crew le 19th

use of er Uw ldis a rnbers

Strike those lyone

62 Itre of the ises to

~ 16) ce for have

rately ers of 2044

llip3 je

mmal ottery ~ht or smw

b(w)shy

e text

4) P Turin 0 III IVI

INTERPRETING RECEIPT AND DELIVERY 41

vessels 70 It seems likely that (Ahawys name is to be restored here This last entry may indicate that IAha) could be responsible for deliveries to both Right and Left

In P Turin 2018 (KRI VI 851-63) listing payments of grain to the crew and the smdt dating to the end of the 20th Dynasty IAhawy is included in the list of smdt for Left (A vso 1 10-12 B rto II 9-11 B vso II 17) In the list of smdt for Right is recorded the name of the potter Bakenmut (A rto IV 15-17 A vso I 2-6 B rto II 2-4) In one entry in this text he is recorded as potter Bakenmut son of r Ahawy (A rto la 3-5) It is very likely that potting was a skill passed from father to son and here we see a family of craftsmen responsible for delivery of ceramics to the village In contrast with the evidence for the woodcutters (see above p 15) there seems to be little indication of a change in numbers of potters to reflect any decrease in the size of the crew except for the Journal of Year 7 Perhaps IAhawy was assisted in his delivery by his son the responsibility for supply at this time falling to a single family who could be noted in greater or lesser detail in the record64

The potter rAhawy is also entered in a list of potters (m qdw) in P Turin 2014 (UTlpubl) rto 27_865 The text is not dated but his name places it in the late 20th Dynasty As Janssen observes the names of the laundrymen included in the list in this papyrus are different from those listed in P Turin 2018 perhaps indicating some distance in time between the two texts66 The writing of the plural in the title to the list (m qdw) is formulaic and need not indieate that more than one potter is meant

The number of potters delivering to the village at anyone time seems generally to have been stable at two men Some flexibility may be detected in the papyrus documents of the late 20th

Dynasty although the numbers do not seem to vary beyond one or two The potential for flexibility in the numbers of smdt has been noted by Janssen for both the woodcutters and the fishermen (see above p 15) It is possible that the fonnulae used for recording ceramic deliveries in earlier texts may conceal variations in their numbers

23 Interpreting receipt and distribution As Davies has shown in his study of the family histories in the village the smdt were administered by their Oill scribes67 Possibly the earliest explicit attestation of smdt-scribes occurs in a pottery account On the recto of O Berlin P 10840 the potter Menna is said to be under the authority (r-) of the scribe Pashed (I 1) Pashed and the scribe mentioned on the verso of the ostracon (1 1) Ipuy are knovro from other contemporaneous texts to have been involved in smdt-deliveries and the deliveries ofproduce such as dates and loaves to the village68

Scribes also occur with less explicit statements of authority in two other pottery accounts In O OeM 346 quantities of vessels were delivered on II prt 20 and 23 by the hand of (m-4rt) the scribe Amenemope Davies records two smdt-scribes named Amenemope one from the reign of Ramesses II and one from Ramesses IV_V69 I am inclined to assign this text the earlier date on the basis of its similarity to O OeM 623 On the verso of O OeM 623 a number of vessels are entered for I smw 1 On the recto a quantity of wood is entered by the hand Uw m-4rt) of the scribe Pentaweret for the same date Two smdt-scribes named Pentawcret held office in the 19tb

Dynasty one late in the reign of Ramesses II and one at the very end of the dynasty7o The Pentaweret of the late 19tb Dynasty is recorded as receiving 2 b3kw from the potter Ptahemheb (P

64 Compare the family firms of fishermen Janssen Village Varia 40 65 The line numbers given here follow CernYs provisional transcription (171541-6 171725-9) 66 Janssen and Janssen The Laundrymen of the Theban Necropolis 5 67 Whos Who 123-42 68 ibid 124 Davies doubts the equation Cerny made between this Pashed and the like-named draughtsman (Community206) 69 Whos Who 283-4 70 ibid 125-6283

--

42 POTTERS

Greg rto A II) The phrase jw tn-4rt can be used of both potters and scribes In the case of the

scribes it is likely they were involved in receiving and recording the ceramics rathcr than men

physical transportation and delivery The interpretation of tn-4rt is crucial here Although I T

translate the preposition literally it can be understood more flexibly as under the responsibility of which could express a range of levels of responsibility for supply from physical delivery to

seen for (

recording receipt7l

theslWhen pots are delivered or received by the hand of someone who is not given the title

indi(potter or otherwise connected with the stndt the status of the delivery is less clear Valbelle

to innotes the distinction between ceramics brought by the potters and vessels filled with beer and oother commodities provided by institutions72 Usually the content of the latter vessels is given 73

andHowever in some cases the entry is uncertain particularly with the delivery ofjnlt vessels In O

worDeM 23 5 16 jnll vessels are delivered by the hand of Amenemope while in O DeM 26 2-3 the a 30 large jnlt vessels are recorded by the hand of Nebnefer entered 27 deficit 3 Neither of

laquo~(ythese men is given any title and it is possible that they are ordinary workmen 74

(ves~The problems associated with interpreting the deliveries of jnlzt vessels can be best illustrated grou

by O Cairo 25704 which records the delivery ofjnll vessels in year 2 of Sety I no month or day probis given Although Davies connects this delivery with the known smdt-scribe Tjay or the member distn of the smdl Tjiro75 the status of this text remains uncertain Line 2 records the one who brought alloe very largejn~t vessels returned to Tj[ J (nty rdj jnlt (5t sp sn m-hyt mJ 0[ ]) while line 3 lines has the one who brought small () jnlt vessels assigned to [ J (nty rdj jnlt lrj m-Is (5 m-( twtw [ ))76 The non-standard means of entering the delivery nty rdj may indicate that this text 451 d records a more specialized range of vessels not necessarily to be associated vith the smdt-potters O jnlt vessels have a restricted range of occurrence in the Deir el-Medina documentation and are perhsometimes associated with festival deliveries (see the discussion of O BM 50728 below and desigsection 42) Therefore these vessels may not belong with the unfilled ceramics delivered by the desigsmdt-potters text I

There is little evidence in the texts that potters were assisted in the delivery of their wares by there other members of the smdt as is the case with the woodcutters (see above pp 12ff) Entries in the smdt journal OStraca record deliveries by the hand of the potter (m-4rt P5 qd)77 or entered by the In hand of the potter (jw m-4rt P5 qd)78 This may indicate delivery by the potters themselves but meml the use of such formulaic phraseology in recording delivery may conceal a number of possible inclUi alternatives for this aspect of supply Considering the quantities involved and the probable size of (mrw

is no perha

71 For discussion sec P Tallet Deux pretres-sem tMbains de la XXe dynastie BIFAO 99 (1999) 417 An SOlalternative translation of the phrase with similar implications would be arrived by the hand of

proba72 Ouvriers 265 For the representation of such tilled vessels in the ceramic repertoire from Deir el-Medina

delivcsee for example L Bavay S Marchand and P Tallet Les jarres inscrites du Nouvel Empire provenant de Deir aI-Medina CaMers de la Ceramique Egyptienne 6 (2000) 77-86 with references of the 73 For example all deliveries of wine to the village were made in mnt-amphorae Janssen Commodity Prices 350 mnt vessels are only once recorded as part of a potters deliveries In O Or Inst Chicago

79 Tw16998 (unpubL) 30 mnt vessels are entered alongside 30 qbw vessels and 150 Ibw vessels (1 3) The entry

Amenof a wood delivery in line 2 may indicate that this text records deliveries by the smdt For the elite status periodof the mnt see Bourriau Nicholson and Rice Pottery l37 potter

74 O DeM 202 records quantities of dpr and lbw vessels entered by the hand of Wepwawetmose potterAlthough the status of this text can be questioned lbw vessels are a more standard part of the smdt-potters cornprepertoire 80 In 1

75 Whos Who 106 with n 302 referri

76 For the readings of m-hyt mJ and rrt-s mJ see D Valbelle Remarques sur les textes neo-egyptiens meaninon-Iitteraires (sect 6-10) BIFAO 77 (1977) 129-13 L 81 For

77 For example O DeM 159 10 O DeM 39 rto 4 of hig

78 For example O DeM 35 addition above line 7 O DeM 154 rto 15-6 O DeM 38 7 O DeM 47 vso 4 Ramel

e of than

19h I bility ry to

title lbelle rand fenn

InO 2-3 ler of

trated lrday mlber ought line 3 mJ

s text )tters

Id are If and )y the

res by in the )y the es but ISsible ize of

17 An

l1edina venant

modity 1llcago e entry status

trnose )otters

yptiens

vso 4

INTERPRETING RECEIPT AND DELIVERY 43

the vessels the delivery could have involved several trips andor the use of assistants who are not mentioned because they had no responsibility

The distribution of the ceramics among the community is only rarely attested O DeM 337 seems to record numbers of pots owed to particular workmen III ot 10 deficit of 3lbw vessels for (n) Amenemope deficit of I ds vessel 1 dpy vessel and 3 lbw vessels for (n) Nakhy Both these names are common and it is impossible to date the text on this basis79 This text may indicate that not only were records made of the potters debts to the crew in general deficits owed to individual crew members could be documented as well

O BM 50728 dated to year 2 probably of Ramesses II also seems to relate to the processing and distribution of a particular type of ceramic recording vessels delivered to individual workmen as well as deficits owed to them The first five lines of the recto set out the purpose of the account Year 2 [ ] the record of the jn~t vessels for Left (p SOJW m n jn~t n smM - a total (~~~w) of 10 + 5 jn~t vessels Specification (wp s(traquo) for the crew concerning the 10 + 5 (vessels) 80 The numbers of vessels given to each member of the crew are then detailed The first group of five vessels is clearly allocated to four named workmen one for each man Baki probably the foreman of the crew81 received two corresponding to the hierarchal systems of distribution known from accounts of rations and other provisions Lines 7-10 continue with the allocation of different vessel types to named individuals The end of the recto is very broken but lines 11 and 12 seem to have recorded vessels owed to Amenmose (4t n jmn-msw) Pa-[ ] and twtw() and in this the text provides a parallel for O DeM 337 In O BM 50728 rto 11-12 the 41 determinative was crossed out possibly indicating that the debt was paid

O BM 50728 includes some unusual qualifications for the vessels including terms related perhaps to quality (very good jnJt njr nJr middling good jn~t nJr m-~ry-jb) and the designation of certain vessels as being in the fashion of hbny (vessels) (m qd hbny) These designations and the total (~J~w) ofbq oil given in the last line of the recto may indicate that the text records the delivery of filled jnJt vessels for a specific perhaps festival or ritual context I therefore doubt whether the text is concerned with the distribution of ceramics delivered by the smdt potters (see 42 for further discussion of this text)

In contrast O Cairo 25597 dated to year 2 of Ramesses IV records items distributed to members of the smdt The distribution list begins on line 2 with specification (wp-st) and includes a coppersmith a water-carrier as well as the potter Herunefer who received 5 bundles (mrw or ors) the content of these bundles is not stated Although the context for this distribution is not clear this is the only text known to me in which a potter seems to receive a payment perhaps in exchange for work

Some aspects of organization of work such as distribution of pots among the villagers probably did not require the level of administration and documentation needed for the record of delivery Details concerning the processing of delivery remain unclear such as the precise nature of the receipt and distribution of the products However the texts do allow the stages of delivery

79 Two workmen named Nakhy are known from the late 19th Dynasty Janssen Commodity Prices 86 Amenemope is a common name in all periods ibid 42 Although a potter Nakhy is known from this period I doubt whether this text should be understood as referring to the deficits of untitled but named potters instead I read the n as a preposition rather than the indirect genitive It would be very unusual for a potter to be untitled and the text does not follow the standard pattern for potter accounts recording deficits compare O DeM 91 O IFAO 387 O DeM 135 O Gardiner 88 vso 80 In these lines the number 10 is written in black ink while 5 is written in red Some of the numbers referring to allocations to individual workmen in the following lines of the text are also written in red The meaning of the use of red ink in the text requires further investigation 81 For Baki and his family see Davies Whos Who 2-12 If the provision of an extra vessel is an indicator of higher status this text would provide evidence that Baki continued in office into the early years of Ramesses II

I

--44 POTTERS

to be traced illuminating aspects of the organization of the potters work and their relationship the with the community ofDeir el-Medina veSt

may 24 Donkey hire by potters timi Although it can be assumed that donkeys were necessary for the delivery of ceramics to the (see village J know of only one relevant text and that refers only indirectly to the potters use of lOe donkeys There seem to be no hireage texts for potters comparable to those attested for or4 woodcutters and watercarriers

O DeM 73 Ito details a legal case concerning a donkey in the 20 th year of Ramesses III The 32 text records the resolution of a dispute (del) between the potter Herunefer who was the complainant and the workman Anynakht82 Herunefer hired a donkey from Anynakht The

FrO bkI

donkey proved unsatisfactory and an exchange was agreed upon in the presence of (m-blM a scribe of the mat Amennakhe3 The bad donkey was handed over to him Uwtw Ir swd n) and

blk1 Sh01

he gave him Uwf djt) an (other) she-donkey in its place (11 3-4) The text concludes with the resl taking of an oath on account of it (br pbwys) presumably by Anynakht

As Janssen observes in reference to the woodcutters and watercarriers texts about the hireage spec daYE

of donkeys are comparatively rare and are concentrated in the reigns of Ramesses III and IV Those that survive perhaps refer to rather unusual situations as here The distinctive nature of this

smt intel

text lends support to Janssens proposal that there was a pool of donkeys perhaps state or communally owned rather than belonging to the workmen themselves available for deliveries to

pap) was

the village (see above p 29) here T

sect3 Documenting supply 31 The timing ofexpected deliveries Janssen has determined through analysis of the journal OStraca of the reigns of Ramesses TIT and IV that deliveries of ceramics were expected every ten days84 That this was the practice in the early 19th Dynasty is confirmed by the delivery lists of wood and pottery Where the lists are dated these dates usually fall on days 1085 2086 or 3087 of the month which are the days on which deliveries were also recorded later in the 20 th Dynasty

It is likely that vessels were not expected on any particular day within this time frame and could be delivered in smaller amounts throughout the period like the deliveries by the gardeners and fishermen ss P Greg vso B II 8 documents the receipt of bkw of the potter for year 6 of

that for ( the doCl pred of tl gene mixt term

Siptah on the 19th day of IV lvt This delivery is then recorded in the summary information for IV lvt 10 to 20 A journal ostracon of the reign of Ramesses III records that on II smw 7 the potter entered two blkw one (w) for I smw 30 one for II smw 10 (0 DeM 38 7) The account text O DeM 346 of the mid_20th Dynasty documents the receipt of two quantities of vessels within three days On II prt 20 30 qbt vessels and 110 lbw vessels were received or delivered by the hand of

33l The wen O E IIIp scali mad

82 For Anynakht see Davies Whos Who 74-5 The potter Herunefer is also known from O Cairo 25597 39 (1

83 The role of the scribe of the mat (sv n un) in this text has been discussed by Ben Haring The Scribe of the Mat From Agrarian Administration to Local Justice in Deir el-Medina in the Third Millennium

Jans~ 90 b

AD A Tribute to Jac J Janssen eds R J Demaree and A Egberts Egyptologische Uitgaven 14 (Leiden 91 ibi

2000) 149 For the legal status of this text see A G McDowell Jurisdiction in the Workmens Community 92 O

ofDeir el-Medina Egyptologische Uitgaven 5 (Leiden 1990) 146-7 84 Commodity Prices 485-6

B893n

85 O DeM 1 5 7 10 12 13 17 23 O Gardiner 43 94 Fe

86 O DeM 2 8 15 24 O Or lust Chicago 18878 reCOl

87 O DeM 3 4 9 11 12 14 18 22 O DH 6 7 88 J J Janssen bkw From Work to Product SAK 20 (1993)90 n 52

tragI 95 L

lship

)the se of I for

The the The

M a ) and h the

reage i IV fthis te or ies to

I and n the s are fS on

ould sand 6 of

or IV lotter xtO three ndof

97 kribe znium iden lunity

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 45

the scribe Amenemope (rto 11 1-2) On II prt 23 a further 42 dpr vessels making(9 22 qb vessels and 100 tbw vessels were also entered by the scribe Amenemope (vso n 1-4) This text may record part payments of the delivery expected for II prt 20-30 The data concerning the timing of delivery therefore correspond to the evidence discussed by Janssen for the woodcutters (see above pp 18ff) As in the woodcutter texts if the delivery was completed in full during the 10 day period it was recorded as mI Any deficit or shortfall in delivery was entered as (w)gJ(t) or gJ nlr

32 The terminology ofsupply bJkw From the late 19th or early 20 th Dynasties the deliveries of ceramics were recorded in units of bJlnv in both account and journal ostraca Janssen has discussed the use and meaning of the tenn bkw in the Deir el-Medina material blkw in its absolute sense means work but Janssen has shown that in many cases in these documents the meaning can shift from work to the resultproduct of the work90 Within this usage the bkw of the potter seems to have a more specific meaning Janssen has concluded that it signifies a fixed amount that was due every ten days a quota He cites the example ofO DeM 387 where two b3kw were recorded one for I smw 30 one for II smw 10 91 The detenninatives used in the writing of b3lnv support this interpretation Although in the late 19th and early 20th Dynasty texts bkw was detennined by the papyrus roll92 from the middle to the end of the reign of Ramesses III the vessel detenninative was used93 The change to this detenninative from one with a more abstract meaning signals that here bkw is a work requirement consisting of an amount of ceramics

The usage of bkw in the journals and accounts implies that this amount was fixed a quota that would therefore be quantifiable There are records of the entry of two bkw often to make up for overdue deliveries and occasionally even half bkw94 These references certainly imply that the bIlnv was a predetennined amount that could be doubled or halved when necessary The documenting of deficits in the texts also shows that each delivery was expected to consist of a predetermined amount The Category E text O DeM 12 seems to record such a deficit On line 4 of this delivery list is written deficit namely deficit of vessels (4 qrlJt 4)95 Since qrlt is the generic tenn for vessels the implication is that the expected delivery of ceramics probably a mixture of types and quantities was not made To determine the composition of each bkw in terms of vessel types and numbers is however difficult

33 b3kw in the J(jh Dynasty accounts (text categories B C E) The 19th Dynasty accounts of the deficits of the potters Menna and Nakhy indicate that deliveries were pre-determined as amounts that if not delivered in full were recorded to be made up later O Berlin P 10840 records an accumulation of deficits owed by Menna from year 9 III fJt 1 to III prt 30 making 5 months 53 qbt vessels 575 bw vessels (11 2-3) This account shows the scale of thc deficit that the potter could incur over a period of time if complete deliveries were not made

89 Cernys transcription of the text contains an ellipsis and query at this point (Catalogue VII pI 2) Janssen (pers corron) has suggested that the two dashes in the hieratic facsimile could be read as Jr n 90 hkw From Work to Product 89 91 ibid 89-90 nO DeM 606 rto 611 O Cairo 25591 rto 4-5 and O Cairo 25633 vso 1 P Greg rto B 23 A 11 vso B 8 11-12 93 The journal ostraca from the mid_20th Dynasty consistently use this determinative 94 For an examples entries of two bkw see O DeM 154 rto 16 P Greg rto A II 11-12 Half units are recorded in O DeM 44 rto 20 P Turin 1961 (Pleyte and Rossi pI 99) vso II 5 Anonymous Turin fragment (Cerny MSS 3616) 95 t~~lon

46 POTTERS

O DeM 135 is a testimony to the precision with which such deficits were recorded This undated text enumerates the deficit of two potters Deficit of the potters 2 men 96 29 qbw fle)vessels 5 gy vessels 00 Ibw vessels 9 dp(r) vessels to (r) qbw vessels making 4Y2 Total ves making 33Y2 qbw vessels The final two lines seem to indicate that 9 dpr vessels were equivalent mo in some way to 4Yz qbw vessels97 When added to the 29 qbw vessels in line 2 this gives the total ves of 33Y2 Perhaps the potters were initially required to deliver 9 dpr vessels along with the other and vessels but the decision was made to convert these dpr vessels into their equivalent in qbw dprvessels Here it must be borne in mind that this text records deficit rather than delivery It seems forto reflect the scribes accounting mentality precisely recording the precise value of the deficit

forwhich may have been rounded up or down in reality The meticulous record of deficit does imply sigrfixed vessel deliveries with a specific amount being due every ten days

deliAlthough such texts imply the presence of a quota it is difficult to quantify that quota in terms

posof numbers and types of vessels In this context O DeM 135 provides an additional insight The

asklconversion of one vessel type into its equivalent in another type if it is a concrete conversion

therather than a statement of value implies a certain flexibility within the deliveries Perhaps this document shows the superiors of the crew specifying or making adjustments to the amounts of

34ceramics required every ten days in accordance with the needs of the crew

TheSuch an interpretation could explain the range of vessel types and quantities enumerated in the

19th defiDynasty delivery lists while also perhaps accounting for the precise documentation of It isdeficits These ostraca note deliveries of at least eight different vessel types in varying quantities

and combinations including jn~t98 m~t99 qbwIOO kJ-lr-kJ 101 gJy102 Ibw103 dpr104 and dS I05 and imp

Some of these vessel names are very rare in other documentation The dpr vessel although common in these lists and in 19th Dynasty pottery accounts does not appear to occur later 106 This

Ir

pattern could suggest a reduction in the vessel repertoire in the 20th Dyllasty but the contents of IVr Jourdeliveries are not generally enumerated in the later data potentially concealing some vessel types 29Deliveries of lbw vessels are recorded in the majority of the surviving lists and as will be 15-1illustrated below Ibw vessels alongside qbw vessels remained the core of the potters deliveries (conin the 20th Dynasty It is possible that qbw and bw are classes of ceramics rather than distinct samlvessel types so that the terms may cover a wider range of forms (see section 61) DeIlt othe

96 1- ~~~gt5l~I (I 1) reml 97 Compare O DeM 346 where 42 dpr vessels may be the equivalent of 22 qbt vessels (see section 31) day The flexibility of equivalence between the two types may indicate flexibility in the form and valuation of seen these vessels (see section 41) evid 98 Janssen Commodity Prices434 O DeM 16 153 174 23 5

ther99 Wb II 126 W F Reineke Der Zusammenhang der altagptischen Rohl- und LiingenmaBe MfG 9 (1963)148 O DeM 56 7 6 114 100 Janssen Commodity Prices 412-5 qbw is a feminine word and can also be spelt qbt Valbelle Guvriers 18 O DeM J 7 4 5 7 5 104 O DR 5 4 O Gardiner 435 101 Wb V 93 O DeM 28 3 O DR 6 8 lOi 0 102 Janssen Commodity Prices 426-8 O DeM 5 5 9 6 107 225 O DR 8 3 O Gardiner 436 108 0 10J Janssen Commodity Prices 433-4 O DeM 18 3 4 4 6 6 6 8 6 105 116 136 154 16 5 17 109 0 3 226 O DR 5 7 6 9 7 5 84 O Or lnst Chicago 188785 O Gardiner 43 7 O DeM 288 records 110 0 a lbw-n-k~ vessel (see section 41) III 0 104 This vessel is not included in Janssen Commodity Prices or in the Worterbuch It is written lith the 1110

generic term for vessel qrlt confirming its nature as such O DeM 25 3 3 5 7 6 5 9 5 106 165 113 0 O DR 5 6 O Or lnst Chicago 188784 4prt vessels presumably a different orthography of the same 114 C term occur in hieratic inscriptions from the tomb of Tutankhamun 1 Cerny Hieratic lnscriptionsfrom the Il5 t Tomb of TutCankhamun TutCankhamiins Tomb Series II (Oxford 1965) 6 with references See also G 116 Ir Bouvier BlFAG 101 (2001)90 note g PriCE 105 Wb V 485 Janssen Commodity Prices 472-4 O DeM 64 8 5 135 165 22 4 O DR 5 6 74 non-I 1(lj See the documents cited in n 100 also O DeM 346 vso 3 117 Q~

This qbw otal alent total other qbw

eems ficit mply

erms The rsion this Its of

n the m of ttities dS I05

tough This lts of ypes ill be veries stinct

1 31) ion of

1109

vriers

5 17 ecords

ith the 165

same Jm the

Iso G

74

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 47

The degree to which the composition of deliveries could vary from list to list illustrates the flexiblity of the institution On I 3Jt 10 of year 3 of Sety I 7 jn~t vessels (3 good 2 poor) 37 qbw vessels (deficit of 3) and 58 Ibw vessels (deficit of 2) were delivered l07 On the 20th day of that month dpr vessels were delivered (the rest of the text is lost)108 80 dpr vessels and 50 Ibw vessels were delivered on the last day of I 3Jt109 while on the last day of II Jt 40 qbw vessels and 50 Ibw vessels were delivered l1O On day 10 of III Jt 80 g3y vessels 90 m~t vessels and 40 dpr vessels were delivered lll Not only do several vcssel types occur in each delivery but totals for each vessel type also vary considerably as weI Ibw vessels tend to total between 50 and 60 for each list in which they occur1l2 However many of the attested totals documented are significantly larger between 100 and 300 lbw1l3 These texts may point to there being variable deliveries that resulted from commissions in response to specific needs However this is only one possible interpretation based upon a comparatively small group of texts The question must be asked whether a similar understanding can be gained from the qualitatively different sources of the 20th Dynasty

34 Recording b3kw in the 20th Dynasty The recording of pottery deliveries was less explicit in the 20th Dynasty with deliveries and deficits generally noted as b3kw and (w)4(t) of the potter without further clarifying information It is difficult to determine whether the quantities and contents of the deliveries were as flexible and varying as the 19th Dynasty data suggest Indeed as Janssen has concluded it is virtually impossible to prove what was meant by the termbkw l 114

In the rare cases where journal entries on ostraca of the reigns of Ramesses III and Ramesses N record numbers of vessels this information is difficult to interpret O DeM 154 rto recording journal entries in year 31 of Ramesses III documents the delivery made by the potter on II smw 29 entered by the hand of the potter 2 bkw (plus) 50 lbw vessels for II smw 30 deficit 65 (II 15-16) Janssen alternatively translates this part of the text as [e ]ntered from the potter 2 bkw (consisting of) 50 lbw vessels comparing it with O Berlin P 10654 (unpub) vso 1 where the same amount of 50 vessels is also mentioned I IS There is a number of possible readings of O DeM 154 rto The two b3kw may be deliveries owing from earlier in the month116 while on the other hand the 50 Ibw vessels may be an early partial payment for II smw 30 with 65 vessels remaining outstanding Since we do not have the rest of the journal for II smw and the entry for day 20 records neither delivery nor deficit it is difficult to draw firm conclusions Nonetheless it seems unlikely that the b3kw referred to in the text consisted of 50 lbw vessels The supporting evidence of the late 20th Dynasty ostracon O Berlin P 10654 vso is ambiguous also referring to the production of 50 vessels in the first line the numbers are lost thereafter

II Jt 10 the potter fashioned1l7 50 (vessels) day 20 the potter [fashioned x (vessels)]

107 O DeM 16-8 108 O DeM 2 5 109 O DeM 3 3-4 110 O DeM 45-6 1110 DeM 5 5-7 112 O DeM 18 34 8 6 165 O DH 5 7 6 9 O Or Inst Chicago 188785 113 O DeM 6 6 136 22 6 154 173 O DH 76 ll4 Commodity Prices 488 bkw From Work to Product 89 115 bkw From Work to Product 89 116 In a similar situation O DeM 40 14-5 records by the hand of the potter 3 bkw Janssen Commodity Prices 487-8 concludes that two of the bkw were payments for the first two decades although the non-delivery is nowhere stated while the third delivery was due for the five epagomenal days 117 ~~li~IT1l~~o

II

48 POTTERS

day 30 fashioning [x (vessels)] III 11]t 10 while he (fashioned)118 [x (vessels)] 35 b day 20119

Vhel total 230 qbw vessels [ ] the n specifYing it (wp Sf) ~ 23 jn~11 vessels blkw

In recording the actual work of the potters this text is unique While units of 50 vessels seem to statu be specified any connection with a blkw is not made explicit and can only be inferredYo perio

Janssen also cites the example of O DeM 35 on which a note above line 7 recording entries been for IIprt 19 of year 28 of Ramesses III reads entered by the hand of the potter as one b3kw 100 these qbw vessels 45 lbw vessels Although this text indicates that the b3kw consisted of 100 qbw Th vessels and 45 lbw vessels the phrase m w( b3kw could imply that the vessels enumerated were the e those making up this particular delivery perhaps differing from although equivalent to the recor contents of earlier deliveries and the standard b3kw The higher number of qbw vessels than Ibw epagt vessels which is very unusual when compared with other texts enumerating these two types 5 ep suggests that this entry is exceptional not only in its formulation It may be that this delivery ofth required special enumeration perhaps the potter altered the original order and provided an bee) equivalent number of qbw vessels instead of lbw vessels P

The two uneertain entries of O DeM 154 and O DeM 35 are the only texts in which actual Ram vessel types are enumerated in 20u Dynasty journal ostraca O DeM 35 in particular may suggest reads that the composition of b3kw could be flexible Other surviving records of pottery deliveries from An e the reign of Rarnesses III usually state only whether or not the potter entered his deliveries deliv complete or was in deficit O DeM 143 vso 5 datable to year 24 of Ramesses III does fo11o however enter a deficit of lbw vessels for the five epagomenal days Although the exact figures as 65 are lost the final two lines record an unknown total (dnuf) of qbw vessels and a total of 680 lbw char~ vessels these probably being deficits incurred since IV smw 30 the day the potter first fell behind disru in deliveries as the account records In O DeM 165 which largely documents deficits incurred in prt 1 year 30 III prt and thereafter a note to one side records year 29 entered for the five whih (epagomenal) days 30 lbw vessels his deficit 85 (11 4amiddot5a) vesst

Where vessel numbers are enumerated in these 20th Dynasty texts they vary in some cases notin considerably although the relationships of these numbers with the context of the documents must onw be kept in mind The vessel types are less varied than in the 19th Dynasty sources Mostly qbw and that 1 [bw vessels are enumerated in large quantities which confirms that these vessel types were the here basis of the potters b 3kw The deficit accounts from the reign of Ramesses II (group III) record If only qbw and lbw vesselsl2I in contrast with the variety of vessels represented in the delivery deliv lists The delivery lists of the 19th Dynasty appear to be exceptional in the variety of vessel types large they enumerate They may represent deliveries from other specialized workshops or supplies for vess particular purposes The similarity between the 19th Dynasty delivery lists of pottery and wood on en1r) the one hand and of specialty breads and beer on the other hand may indicate that these inter deliveries were in general more specialized they were perhaps associated with festivals Such an here association is illuminated by a study of one of the vessel types less commonly enumerated in A1 these texts (see section 42) However the regularity of delivery in these lists recorded in tenmiddotday b3kJi blocks is closely comparable with the regular b3kw delivery For the 20th Dynasty it must be potu borne in mind that b3kw which is mostly unqualified in the journal ostraca may cover a range of the ( vessel types sing

liS Q0--1i11 122 G ll9 Cerny noted that the line here was left blank 123 J~

120 The specification of jnJz1 vessels may also suggest that this text refers to a specialized perhaps unique lUF

production series For jnJzt see section 42 me 121 0 DeM 91 O Berlin P 10840 vso O IFAO 387 126 C

em to

ntries 100

l qbw were

) the nbw types livery ed an

actual 19gest from veries does

igures 101bw )ehind red in ~ fivc

cases must wand re thc ccord livery types es for odon thcsc Ichan ted in n-day lst be 1ge of

mique

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 49

35 bikw in the late 20th Dynasty papyrus documents Where pottery deliveries are recorded in the journal papyri the numbers of vessels involved and the name of the potter are often included A further contrast with earlier records is that the tenn bkw is rarely employed The more fonnal status of the papyri may explain such differences This status may also be one reason despite the large amount of documentation surviving from this period deliveries of pottery are only recorded occasionally Those that are recorded may have been special deliveries and hence worthy of note When bkw are recorded as in earlier records these may be variable in size and consist largely ofbw and qbw vessels

The recto ofP Turin 2070133 134 + 3 fragments (KRIVI 426-8) contains journal entries for the epagomenal days of the year 2 of a king later than Ramesses IV 122 The entry for the final day records the deliveries of the potter Right the potter - 29 [qb]w vessels 145 lbw vessels Five epagomenal days 100 [+ 45] Ibwvessels [Left] the potter 29 [qbw] vessels 145lbwvessels 5 epagomenal days 145 (Col II 10-11) The deliveries are enumerated separately for each side of the crew although if the restorations are correct the totals are the same for each side As is to be expected qbw and bw vessels are the only vessel types mentioned

P Turin 1881+ (Pleyte and Rossi pI 1-8 KRIVI 609-19) records entries for years 6-8 of Ramesses IX the potter is only mentioned on three occasions in year 7 For IV lu 29 the entry reads received by the hand of the potter ~Ahawy - qbw vessels 65 bw vessels 65 (vso V 1-2) An entry for 65 handfuls of plants follows in this list and seems to be associated with this delivery An entry on the same line also records 2 khar of k3Y (Ulq~ ~ ) probably roe123 The following line records again by his hand (wlm m-fjrtj) (for) I prt 10 100 [b[w] vessels as well as 65 handfuls of plants and an unknown measure of roe It seems that the potter had also been charged with delivering produce to the village perhaps the organization of deliveries was disrupted in this period Other entries record deliveries received by the hand of scribes 124 In III prt 18 almost three months later ~Ahawy made another delivery of 300 Ibw vessels (vso VI 7-8) while in III smw there were received by the hand of the potter (for) Right and Left 1501bw vessels and 70 qbw vessels (vso VII 1-2) P Turin 1881 + is an unusual text which rather than noting events day by day records only a few days from a few months of each year perhaps days on which events occurred that were more significant in the eyes of the scribe Valbelle observes that the scribe was running out of space on the papyrus increasing the likelihood that the entries he recorded were those he considered important125

If the deliveries recorded in this text were the only ones made for year 7 of Ramesses IX the delivery patterns of the potters may have changed Rather than delivering units every decade large deliveries were made every two to three months This would explain the large totals of vessels supplied However as Janssen cautions scribal inaccuracies mean that the absence of an entry in the journal does not necessarily mean that the delivery was not made126 An alternative interpretation is that the standard deliveries were made every ten days and that those recorded here were supplementary and worthy of special mention

An entry in P Turin 1900+ (KRl VI 619-24) vso 117 may indicate that regular deliveries of blkw continued at least in the early years of Ramesses IX Year 9 II 31Jt 19 records Right the potters b3kw [ ] (wnmy p qd n b3kw [ J) The context of this delivery is similar to those of the earlier 20th Dynasty with supply of fuel and gypsum being recorded as well However the single mention of a potters bkw in this entry in the papyrus may be as unique as those in P

122 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 242 123 Janssen Village Varia 53 124 For example vso 2a vso 5 5 vso 5 10 vso 6 1 125 Ouvriers 63-4 126 Commodity Prices 486

l

50 POTTERS

Turin l88l Journal entries from years 10 and 17 of Ramesses IX support this interpretation P A Turin 2071140 (KRIVI 63715) rto 9 records delivery of vegetables and pottery 2l() qb(w) varia vessels 110 [+ x] [bw vessels for day 30 IV smw year 10 The Turin Necropolis Journal of year vana 17 rto B II 2-3 (Botti and Peet pI 16) is the only record of a pottery delivery in this substantial inclu text covering two full months potter rAhawy 33 qbw vessels 165 [bw vessels This may Dyna indicate that the delivery was an unusual hence noteworthy event especially in relation to (HO references to problems with smdt organization earlier in the text (see section 37) the p

Deliveries of varying quantities of pottery are entered a number of times for different sides of recei the crew in the journal of year 3 of Ramesses X (P Turin 1898 + Botti and Peet pI 50-63 KRI Re VI 687-99) On III prt 18 even though the crew was not working because of the foreigners cornr (Omyw) 30 qb(w) vessels and 30 [+ x] [[bw] vessels were delivered to Right (rto I 11) On the wood last day of IV prt 9 qb(w) and 27 ([)bw vessels were delivered to Left (the entry for Right is comp lost rto II 14) The entry for II smw 19 records crew not working Right 28 qb(w) vessels 300 Janss [b(w) vessels Left 28 qb(w) vessels 15 g1(y) vessels 300 [b(w) vessels (rto III 9-10) The entry amou for g1y vessels is unusual in this text Two days later there was a further delivery for Right alone largel the potter - 30 qb(w) vessels 150 [b(w) vessels (rto III 13-14) In the month of III smw qbw Alt and [bw vessels were delivered on two occasions day 5 and day 30127 On IV smw 1 1 qbw was texts

delivered perhaps to Right while 90 [bw vessels were delivered to Left (rto V 18-9) If each are in delivery of vessels to the village was flexible in size and composition the entries in this journal as a c may also illustrate that deliveries to different sides of the crew could be varied as well quant

The journal text of year 1 of Ramesses XI P Turin 1898+ VSO128 records for I 10t 24 Right excep

from the hand of (the) potter [ ] 18 qb(w) vessels 50 [+x] [bw vessels Left from the hand of 37 In(the) potter [ ]y129 10 [+x] (Hh vessels [r~R~~o] [ J (vso Text A 2-4) Again the Otherdelivery is separately enumerated for the different sides of the crew breaks in the text mean that unprethe composition of the delivery is unknown If the entry on line 4 is a variant orthography of a this b type of vessel (1(1130 it may indicate a specialized delivery because (1(1 vessels are not firingotherwise attested in the pottery deliveries l3I Further deliveries are recorded in this journal again therein a very broken context by the hand ofthe potter [ ] lbw vessels 51 [+ x ] (vso dockets B taken5-6) later 18 qbw vessels and 50 lbw vessels are recorded (vso dockets C 2) This is the latest or adrsurviving record of pottery deliveries to the necropolis workmen in the 20th Dynasty deficit Impac36 Conclusion the meanings ofb1kw

TheThe Turin Necropolis journals seem to support the interpretation of the nature of the b1kw found detailein the earlier documentation Despite the possibility that delivery patterns may have altered or that from t some entries may represent extra deliveries these documents indicate that [bw and qbw vessels earlyformed the core of any quota of pottery delivered to the village occasionally supplemented with irregulother vessel types the pa III It

127 On III sectmw 529 qb(w) vessels and 150 bw vessels were delivered to Right Left received 19 qb(w) month vessels and 150 bw vessels (Botti and Peet pI 57 rto IV 15-9) The papyrus is damaged in the entries for III sectmw 30 but the surviving text indicates that deliveries of over 100 bw vessels were made to Right and both fbw and rqlbw vessels were delivered to Left (Botti and Peet pI 59 rto V 17-19) Unusually this latter entry records bw vessels before qbw 132 For 128 Botti and Peet pI 63 KRI VI 850-1 I follow the reassessment of Jtirgen von Beckerath in my reading 34 see of this text Papyrus Turin 1898+ vso SAK21 (1994)29-33 133 Th( 129 Perhaps the name of the potter CAhawy can be restored here 134 C J 130 Wh V 532 W F Reineke Der Zusammenhang der altagyptischen Hohl- und UingenmaBe MID 9 East e (1963)151 observlt 131 4343 vessels are included in a list of products in O Cairo 25678 vso 17 along with fbw vessels (1 18) discuss Valbelle citing this text considers that 4343 vessels could replace qbw vessels and were perhaps be mad synonymous (in her reference Duvriers 265 n 12 read 25678 for 25673) 135 Con

n p b(w) year ntial may m to

es of KRI

yenlers 11 the ht is 300 ~ntry

lone qbw was each lmal

ight ld of I the that ofa not

gain s B atest

lUnd that sels with

b(w) 8 for tand this

ding

[09

18) haps

DOCUMENTIKG SUPPLY 51

A further correspondence between the papyrus documents and the earlier ostraca is the variation in the numbers of vessels being delivered If these figures do represent regular bkw the variation in vessel totals may reflect responses to the changing needs of the crew perhaps including orders made by the superiors of the crew to the potters The use of bkw in one 20th

Dynasty account ostracon exemplifies the flexible character of commissions O Gardiner 80 4-5 (HO 6114) states after recording the complete deliveries during III smw received as the bkw of the potter entered complete like his custom of every day This text implies that the deliveries received during that month constituted the potters commission which he managed to fulfiL

Records survive of other members of the smdt such as gardeners and woodcutters receiving commands to deliver specific amounts132 Janssen notes the commission received by the woodcutter Saroy in year 29 III fJt 7 to deliver 380 units every 10 days This order can be compared with that of Saroys colleague who received a commission to deliver 500 units 133 As Janssen observes the quotas of the woodcutters often deviated quickly from these specified amounts (see above p 20) Such orders might have been regular normal occurrences that are largely invisible in the written record

Although no known text records such an assignment to the potters to deliver specific amounts texts that record varying quantities of ceramics and texts in which vessels other than qbw and tbw are included suggest that such commissions were madc The bkw may therefore be understood as a commission or expected dclivery of a predetermined unit of ceramics Although theoretically quantifiablc the bkw was flexible so that we cannot determinc what amount was expected except in specific deliveries

37 Implications ofdefiCits Other factors may also have operated to produce differential sizes of deliveries Firing was an unpredictable process with a certain amount of wasters inevitably being produced each time On this basis Christopher Eyre has suggested the one bkw may have been the equivalent of one firing which could vary in composition and in success134 Although this hypothesis is viable there is no direct evidence to support it and it is also possible that the needs of the crew were taken into account in each individual bkw or work requirement Where problems in the workshop or administrative breakdowns affected deliveries these are likely to be reflected in the records as deficits By examining patterns of deficit within the documentation it is possible to observe the impact of external problems in the Theban area on the potters deliveries in the mid 20th Dynasty

The journal ostraca of the reigns of Ramesses III and IV (Group I) again provide the most detailed documentation of delivery and deficit although only very general trends can be deduced from the materiaL Janssens analysis of pottery deliveries at the end of Ramesses Ills reign to early Ramesses IV led to the conclusion that deliveries of commodities were generally very irregular at this time whereas in the preceding years they had been more stable 135 The details of the pattern of deficits can be supplemented by a few account ostraca from the reign of Ramesses III It must be borne in mind that the idiosyncrasies of scribal record keeping mean that some months record no deliveries at all even though deliveries were most probably made

132 For the commissioning of the smdt see J J Janssen The Year of the Strikes BSEG 16 (1992) 44 n 34 see also Janssens section 7 in this volume 133 The Year of the Strikes 44-6 134 C J Eyre Work and the Organization of Work in the New Kingdom in Labor in the Ancient Near East ed M A Powell (New Haven 1987) 193 Janssen bkw From Work to Product 90 n observes that if this were the case the potters would have delivered once per decade The limited evidence discussed in 31 and a review of the delivery dates in the texts included in 33 indicate that deliveries could be made on more than one occasion during the ten-day period 135 Commodity Prices 488

52 POTTERS

The account of O Gardiner 80 (HO 61 4) for year 21 of Ramesses III records deliveries that O were made complete for the entire month of III smw the final line entered complete like his bJrn custom of every day although formulaic may be an indicator of a reputation for efficiency and for t punctuality The records from a few years later appear to tarnish this reputation The account text far 11 O DeM 143 datable to year 24 while recording complete deliveries for III smw 30 and IV smw coml 10 and 20 enters deficits for IV smw 30 the five epagomenal days and the first two decades of I appe 3bt (11 1-7) Reasons for the accumulation of such a substantial deficit beyond internal incre production problems are unknown This text warns us that although the relationship between admi administrative problems at Deir el-Medina and deficit is clear at times less easily identifiable in th factors may also have had an impact By year 27 deliveries appear to have returned to normal the p with no deficits being entered and every delivery recorded as complete (0 DeM 33 vso 8 O TI DeM 34 rto 7 16 vso 11) a deficit is however noted for the epagomenal days of year 28 in O agair DeM 156 vso 4 that

From year 29 deficits are again a consistent feature of the record during the time when labour inc01 troubles began to disrupt the community The first hint of delivery problems may be found in the whet problematic O Strasbourg H 26 If the entries on the recto refer to the potter this text records mad~ complete deliveries throughout I and II smw and probably through the epagomenal days and II there 3bt The verso may refer more explicitly to pottery deliveries with the final line recording IV coul Jbt 10 deficit of the [potter) However the reading of qd is based on a restoration (Cerny Nb in thi 3561) and the status of this text as a pottery account could be questioned There are more certain Th references to delivery from later in year 29 In I prt 30 the potter made deliveries to Right and perio Left details of the content of delivery are not given (0 Turin 57007 vso 4-5) The strike action ambi began in the village only ten days later on II prt 10136 The only further entry recording a pottery Peet delivery is in P Turin 1961 (Pleyte and Rossi pI 99) possibly from the end of year 29 IV prt 30 outsi notes for Right the potter I Y while the potter l is noted for Left (vso II 5 7)137 There are there no further records of pottery deliveries until year 30 although the consistent deficits incurred by reorg the woodcutters during year 29 and into year 30 are evidence of the impact of the strikes (see for II above p 21)138 authc

Deficits are recorded in an account text for III prt 30 and probably IV prt 10 of year 30 but a Peet delivery oftvo b3kw was promptly made to remedy this deficit (0 DeM 165 rto 1-2) O DeM ~Aha 154 rto 15-16 of year 31 records the delivery of two b3kw on II smw 29 probably overdue entric payments for days 10 and 20 A number of fbw vessels are also specified I interpret these as and perhaps an early payment for II smw 30 although they may relate to the two b3kw A deficit of 65 speci is noted Complete deliveries are made in IV lJl but since they are noted specifically they may perha have been considered late one b3kw being entered on day 13 for day 10 and one being entered Th for Right only on day 21 (0 DeM 157 8-9 17) From then into the reign of Ramesses IV the may potters made deliveries late or were making good deficits In II smw 7 of year 32 the debt was diffic paid for I smw 30 and at the same time the b3kw was delivered three days early for II smw 10 (0 or the

19thDeM 38 7 17 23) No sooner had these deliveries been made then the potter was in debt again I for the rest of the month Disruptions to pottery and fuel deliveries (see above p 21) throughout wide] year 30 and into year 31 are symptoms of continued labour problems within the village or of subst general administrative problems in the Theban area 139

mont side I

136 RAD 49 15 P J Frandsen Editing reality the Turin Strike Papyrus in Studies in Egyptology presented to Miriam Lichtheim ed S Israelit-Groll (Jerusalem 1990) 166-99 Risbo 137 Janssen considers that the documentation of half units may point to a scarcity of materials Commodity availa Prices 488 A reference to a half unit may also be found in an anonymous papyrus fragment in Turin 140 Fo (Cerny MSS 3616) which records the potter 2h this probably means 2h bJkw 141 Fo 138 Janssen The Year ofthe Strikes 46-8 BerIir B9 Disruptions in local administration may have directly impacted pottery production if as Colin Hope bkw suggests the state provided clay to these workshops Egyptian Pottery Shire Egyptology 5 (princes been ~

8 that ce his yand It text smw

s of ternal tween fiable Irmal 8 O in O

aboUT in the ~cords

md II ~ IV YNb ertain It and ~ction ottery Jrt 30 re are ed by (see

but a DeM erdue se as of65 may

tered the twas 0(0 19ain ~hout or of

~logy

ity

ffope inces

DOCUMENTlIG SUPPLY 53

O DeM 40 rto 15 from I gUt of year 1 of Ramesses IV records that the potter delivered three bgkw on day 24 probably overdue deliveries for days 10 and 20 (the deficits are not noted) and for the epagomenal days for which the deficit was entered in a note in a separate column on the far left A deficit is also recorded for day 30 (vso 9) From this point on the deliveries tend to be complete although often a few days late140 There are still occasional deficits but the deliveries appear to have been generally more regular than in the final years of Ramesses IILI41 The increasing irregularity of delivery is probably a symptom of the general decay of the administration of the Necropolis at the end of a long reign The more regular deliveries beginning in the first year of Ramesses IV perhaps correspond with a renewed interest in the Necropolis on the part of the successor king who was eager to get work on his tomb underway

These documents provide the only opportunity to trace a pattern of deficit in pottery deliveries against well documented changes and problems in the administration of the village They show that such an equation between the two is possible this may have implications for the more incomplete records of the end of the dynasty It is difficult to determine from the papyrus texts whether deliveries continued on a regular basis in the closing years of the 20th Dynasty or were made in large consignments more infrequently as the surviving evidence seems to suggest Since there were significant civil disturbances in the Theban area throughout this period deliveries could have been affected to the point that they became more unusual events and warranted entry in the journals

The Turin Necropolis journal for year 17 of Ramesses IX provides the best example from this period From II prl on the text includes entries concerning the smdt in general from the ambiguous entry taking the smdt of the Tomb of Left by the scribe of the Tomb Hori (Botti and Peet pI 14 rto B I 8) to the entries a few lines later crew not working while the smdt were outside under the authority (rJ(wyraquo of the two scribes of the Necropolis [ ] crew not working there being no smdt outside (rto B I 12) These entries seem to indicate that there was some reorganization of or problem with the smdt although a record of a wood delivery was entered for II prl 15 The entry for II prt 18 records crew not working while their smdt were under the authority of the two scribes of the Tomb of the Outside without any payments (1) (Botti and Peet pI 15 rto B I 18) On II prt 24 a delivery of fish was made and on day 25 the potter rAhawy delivered a number of vessels (Botti and Peet pI 16 rto B II 1-3) Although these entries are difficult to interpret it seems that the crew was facing both deficits in grain delivery and problems with the smdt In this context the delivery of pottery can perhaps be seen as a special occurrence no text from the end of the 20 th Dynasty explicitly records a potters deficit perhaps indicating that there was no longer an expected pattern to delivery

The interpretations presented here are speculative moreover other factors that left no trace may have had an impact on production The deficits entered for year 25 of Ramesses III are difficult to explain except in terms of unknowable production problems specific to the workshops or the personal circumstances of the potters as are the causes for the deficits recorded in the early 19th Dynasty Such deficits cannot be equated with any known problems in the village or the wider Theban area The accounts of the potters Menna and N akhy in the early 19th Dynasty record substantial deficits especially those incurred by Menna in a year 9 where he is in deficit for five months totalling 53 qbw vessels and 575 fbw vessels Further deficit totals perhaps for the other side of the crew are even larger 94 qbw vessels and 992 lbw vessels (0 Berlin P 10840) The

Risborough 1987) 10 This argument may apply only to high quality ceramics considering the ready availability ofNile silt for the production of most basic vessels 140 For example O DeM 47 rto 3 11 vso 4 141 For example the following texts record deficits in year 1 = I prt 30 (0 DeM 47 rto 11) III prt 30 (0 Berlin P 12641 + 12628 7) II smw 20(7) (0 DeM 161 vso 3) O DeM 44 rto 20 records a delivery of 1y bklv for III smw 29 Janssen considers that since no delivery was recorded for day 20 materials may have been scarce at this time Commodity Prices 488

--54 POTTERS

patterns of deficit incurred by the potters that can be traced in the texts cannot generally be Ana correlated with external administrative problems and decay rese

proc sect4 Equations of word and object an analysis offour pot-types A notable feature of the potter texts from Deir el-Medina is the substantial number of vessels 41 delivered to the village every ten days Although the exact number due in each bkw varied the I ha totals of some deliveries indicate that there was a significant and constant need for ceramics in the thrOl community In the lives of the villagers this pottery was essential It was the principal means to mult store prepare and serve food and to carry out many other activities within the domestic and work refer spheres Janssen observes in Commodity Prices that we have virtually no cvidence for the enun exchange value of ceramics beeause price texts generally refer only to metal or stone vessels 142

used Vessels used for a wide variety of domestic purposes would have had a low value and high class turnover millions of pot sherds were found within the rubbish dumps of the village including the offo Grands PuitS 143 Since their role was so essential it is desirable to learn about the various forms of In thl the vessels - their sizes and range of functions - in order to advance our understanding of the lJl villagers daily lives possi

Holthoerl44 noted that most Mesopotamian names of vessels relate directly to their material their function or their capacity but concluded that the Egyptians derived their vessel names from something other than vessel function This conclusion was largely based on the 1935 lexicographic analysis of Egyptian vessels by Robert du Mesnil du Buisson whose study is the only one that covers a wide range of ceramics including some of the vessel names that occur in the Deir el-Medina potter texts He considered that the qbw vessel was connected to qb fresh cool an appropriate concept for a jar145 He equated the gy vessel with the verb gw to be narrow perhaps suggesting a jar with a narrow neck 146

Edward Brovarski has done preliminary work on some Old Kingdom and First Intermediate Period vessel terms147 and Patricia Paice has studies connections between vessel shapes and their functions as depicted in tomb reliefs 148 The most valuable recent examination of the intersection of lexicography and a ceramic corpus is that of Janet Bourriau and Stephen Quirke on the Middle Kingdom ceramic repertoire from Lahun l49

An approach comparable to that taken at Lahun would be ideal for the material from Deir elshy Fig 1 Medina but a full statistical analysis of the archaeological material in relation to the textual data Urk r that is a prerequisite for determining lexicographic relations is beyond the scope of this study

The VI

Jb-nraquo142 407_8 and n 5 lS enu 143 ibid 488

vessel 144 New Kingdom Pharaonic Sites The Pottery 41 see J Bourriau and S Quirke The Late Middle

terminKingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects in Lahun studies ed S Quirke (Reigate 1998) 60shydeterm1 for a more recent discussion of the basis of classifications

145 Les noms et signes egyptiens designant des vases ou objets simiaires (Paris 1935)30 l46 Noms et signes 72 Janssen Commodity Prices 427 considers that du Mesnil du Buissons suggestions 150 FoUl

and explanations for the gly are unconvincing and concludes that no identification of the gly is apparant P Turi Ricardo A Caminos considered it to be an open bowl or cup since it was used more as a container for Howevl

ISl Jansvegetables and flowers than liquids (CLEM 194-5) corresponding to the use of gy vessels for natron 152 Thelotus leaves and fruit in the Medinet Habu festival lists A Spalinger Medinet Habu and Deir el-Yledina IS3 TheCombined in Deir el-Medina in the Third Millennium AD A Tribute to Jac J Janssen eds R 1 Demaree

and A Egberts Egyptologische Uitgaven 14 (Leiden 2000) 314 Although the shape of the gl) remains these m unknown Janssen has determined a capacity of 20 hin Two Ancient Egyptian Ships Logs Papyrus Leiden detenni 1350 verso and Papyrus Turin 2008 + 2016 (Leiden 1961)88 vessel l47 Lexicographical Studies in Egyptian Pottery Bulletin de Liaison du Groupe International dEtude de determi fa Ceramique Egyptienne 7 (1982) 36-7 154 P GJ 14S The Pottery of Daily Life in Ancient Egypt JSSEA 19 (1989) 50-88 bibliogr 149 The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects 60-83 IS5 Com

lly be

essels d the in the ansto lwork Dr the oels142

1 high ngthe rmsof of the

lterial s from

1935 is the

cur in fresh to be

lediate i their ection fiddle

eir elshyt data study

v1iddle 8) 60shy

~stions

Jaranl ler for latron -edina maree mains Leiden

~de de

EQUA TJONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 55

Analysis of the occurrence of vessel types in the potter texts can be related to the present stage of research into vessel shape and size to produce some further insights both into the potters products and into the documentation for the supply of particular ceramic types

41 The basic pots qbw and [bw I have shown above that [bw and qbw vessels formed the basis of deliveries to the village

19th 20ththroughout the and Dynasties Therefore it seems likely that they were simple multipurpose vessels distinct from each another in shape andor size There is a standard way of referring to them in the records qbw vessels precede [bw vessels and many fewer are usually enumerated This relationship points to a qualitative differentiation between the two ISO Both are used as containers for liquids such as beer and waterl5l I consider that these two terms designate classes of vessels rather than fixed single shapes their names perhaps referring to a wider range of forms Difference in size may account for the differentation in numbers delivered in the texts In the following discussion I assess the evidence for these two classes of vessels

Jb lbw) vessels are included among the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak indicating a possible shape for the vessel152

tlBoo~WJ~O 01It 0P L II I I

Fig 1 ob-nw-k vessels in the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak (Wreszinski Atlas II pI 33 Urk IV 636)

The vessel shown is distinctive being beaker-like and wider at the base than at the neck JS3 The ub-nw-k vessel here is the equivalent of the u-m-Icw of P Harris I 36a 7 A significant number is enumerated in this text as containers tor incense perhaps indicating a smaller cup-like vessel l54 Janssen has considered that the [x]-n-k termination which is fairly common in vessel terminology indicates that the vessels were cups the name of the vessel given in the compound determines the shape155 In the inscription of the High Priest Osorkon the Oblb-n-k is written

150 Four texts which enumerate qbw and fbw vessels show a ratio of 15 O Or Inst Chicago 16698 rto 3 P Turin 2070133 134 + frgs rto 10-11 Giornale of year 17 rto B II 1-3 P Turin 1898 rto III 14 However since these are isolated examples it is uncertain how widely applicable such a ratio was 151 Janssen Commodity Prices 433 Valbelle Ouvriers 265 152 The equivalence between the lb andlbw is confirmed in CLEM 186-7 153 The determinative given for a qby vessel in the offering list ofThutmose III at Elcphantine indicates that these may have been quite close in shape to the IJb-nw-h of the Karnak list The simple elongated beaker determinative is quite distinct from the determinatives given for the other vases in the list including the Ub vessel which is shon with a definite neck (Urk IV 828 4) However the occurrence of different determinatives within a single text does not offer a basis for a classification of vessel forms 154 P Grandet Le Papyrus Harris I (EM 9999) BdE 109 (Cairo 1994) I 272 see vol IT 141 n 576 for a bibliography for lbw l55 Commodity Prices 409

I

56 POTTERS

with a goblet detenninative ls6 The vessels recorded in these texts may be smaller cup versions of thai larger Ibw jars with the wide mouth and lack of defined neck perhaps pointing to a vessel associated with food preparation and service 157 The delivery list O DeM 288 records fb-nw-kJ

cor 1

vessels perhaps as a fuller writing of bw or as a distinct fonn vithin the Ibw class Vessels ves categorized as Ibw may have had a generalized function as cups or containers for both liquid and con solid foods A comparison can be made with the ~nw vessels which are recorded in significant 4W numbers in the papyrus documents from Lahun and are equated by Bourriau and Quirke with the 346 drinking cups known from the site the only vessel fonn which they consider could have been used in such numbers 158 The bkw of the Deir el-Medina potters show that Ibw vessels too were

lbw 50

delivered in large quantities the The lower numbers of qbw vessels in the deliveries may be related to their larger size In Poids o

No 5135 3 the weight of a metal qbw vessel is stated to be 20 deben or 18 kg Valbelle betv concludes from this that the qbw was significantly larger than the Ibw 159 That qbw designates a POttl simple storage jar may be indicated by the name itself If the connection suggested by du Mesnil two du Buisson between qbw vessels and qb cool can be accepted it may suggest that qbw vessels were storage jars perhaps for water and other liquids The connection may also suggest the

sigh one

material of manufacture qbw vessels could have been made from marl clay which cools water Helc through evaporation

As storage jars qbw vessels may have been connected in shape or broad function with the qbwshyIf a have

n-wt canopic jar The coincidence of the name suggests some correspondence The simple canopic jar fonns given by Georges Nagel for Tomb 359 seem similar in shape to vessels found in the cellar of a house in the village160 However Nagels sample is so small that any identification is tentative Janssen cautions that the standard shape of a canopic jar was rarely used as the fonn of bronze or pottery vessels 161 This may be a principle of decorum vessels with a funerary purpose not being equated in fonn with ordinary domestic ceramics The connection between qbw and qbw-n-wt may be simply that they were both in one fonn or another storage jars

Although the qbw may have been proportionally larger than the lbw it is very unlikely that

capa temp capa appn meas

Cc vso cannc into i

either fonn had a fixed capacity at Deir el-Medina W W Struve [V V Struve] offered the only attempt to determine the capacity of the qbw (or qby) vessel based largely on Greek evidence and his research on P Boulaq 18162 Wolfgang HeIcks review of this evidence led him to conclude

dOCUJ

repre betw( vesse restril than 1

156 R A Caminos The Chronicle ofPrince Osorkon Analecta Orientalia 37 (Rome 1958) 129 157 p Cairo 58088 indicates that bw could have had a large size in this case accommodating 3 ds measures See also Janssen Commodity Prices 433 n 170 C Daniel Les noms egyptiens de certains types de vases

proba fixed

In

grecs Studia et Acta Orientalia 5-6 (1967) 383-5 equates the lIb vessel with the Greek 10 olt7tW and the vesse

Mycenaean di-pa He notes that the di-pa depicted on a tablet corresponds in shape with the form of the fib indicated by the determinative used for the word The depictions of the di-pa that Daniel cites are not 163 DG

comparable in form with the Ibw depicted in the Karnak offering list D H F Gray Linear Band evidee Archaeology Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies of the UniverSity of London 6 (1959) pI 7 I andDI would argue that the form of the lbw was very flexible 164 It 1

158 Bourriau and Quirke The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects 74 some 159 Catalogues des poids a inscriptions hieratiques de Deir el-Medineh Nos 5001-5423 DFIFAO 16 165 Da~

(Cairo 1973) 18 166 FOI 160 La ceramique du Nouvel Empire aDeir el Medineh DFIFAO 10 (Cairo 1938)35 cf 122 no 38 42 SpaHn 44 167 Da 161 Commodity Prices 412 sugges 162 Mathematischer Papyrus des staatlichen Museums der SchOnen Kunste in Moskau (Berlin 1930) 55 Ceram withn2 25 1itr

lions of vessel

-nw-k

Vessels llid and ilificant vith the Ie been )0 were

n Poids lalbelle ~ates a Mesnil vessels est the s water

le qbwshysimple

s found lat any rarely vessels s The omlor

~ly that Iteonly lce and melude

~asures

le vases and the the b are not Band pI 7 I

AO 16

3842

gt30) 55

EQliAnONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 57

that the qbw had no fixed capacity Rather it seems that vessels such as the Ibw and qbw could correspond to a range of different ds measures 163

Two texts may point to some perhaps proportional equivalence between qbw vessels and dpr vessels In O DeM 135 the record of the accumulated deficits of two potters includes a conversion from dpr vessels into qbw vessels 9 dpr vessels to (=) qbw vessels making Urn) 4Yz (see section 31) Such a conversion may indicate a size ratio between the vessels O DeM 346 vso 3 records 42 dpr vessels [making Urn)] 22 qbt vessels (see n 89 for the restoration) Ibw vessels may also be equated with dpr vessels in O DeM 202 dpr vessels 30 [as] 15 bw 50 (1 3_4)164 The restoration here is problematic and the hypothesis of any equivalence between the two types must remain tentative

O Berlin P 10654 vso displays a similar complexity in possible equivalences this time between qbw vessels and jnJt vessels This text (discussed in section 33) seems to record the potters production of ceramics on days 10 20 and 30 of II bt and day 10 of IIIilt The final two lines state total 230 of (n) qbw vessels [ ] specifying it (wp st) 23 jnJt vessels At first sight such a text seems to point to a proportional relationship between these vessels a qbw being one tenth of ajnJt Such a ratio is quite possible because jnJt vessels do seem to have been large Heicks calculations from O Gardiner 81 indicate that ajnJt vessel was 2 of a mnt-amphora 165

If a mnt had a liquid capacity of c 20 hin and a hin was 048 litres the capacity of a jnlzt would have been c 53 hin or 2551itres O Berlin P 10654 vso would then show that a qbw vessel had a capacity of c 53 hin or 25 litres whieh is a sensible size for a storage jar 166 Although it is tempting to make such equations from this data this evidence is based on assumptions about the capacity of other vessel types so is tentative HeIck estimated that the ds vessel had a eapacity of approximately 3 litres 167 If so the qbw in P Boulaq 18 would have been double the size ofa ds measure in order to contain the 2 ds (e 6 litres)

Contextual study of the equation between qbw vessels and other types in O Berlin P 10654 vso O DeM 135 and O DeM 346 vso indicates some form of size ratio operated although we cannot easily determine the flexibility of that ratio or how it was used A conversion of one vessel into its equivalent of another type is unusual in a text like O Berlin P 10654 vso which seems to document the actual produetion of vessels even their firing If the last two lines of the text represent the total of ceramics produced in this process then the specification of a relationship between the two vessels types is rather strange Perhaps the original order was for 230 qbw vessels and this was then converted into the equivalent in jn~t vessels Ifjn~t vessels had a more restricted even ritual function the equivalence expressed here may be more abstract or complex than a ratio of capacity The size of vessels delivered may have been standardized to some extent probably based on ease of delivery and manageability within a domestic eontext rather than as fixed measures

In such a context a value relationship might well have operated The jnlzt as a specialized vessel may have had a more established value in relation to which the qbw vessels could be set

163 Das Bier im Alten Agypten (Berlin 1971) 47 See also Anthony Spalingers re-evaluation of the evidence for the capacity of these vessels including discussion of O DeM 135 and 202 Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 314 His conclusions largely correspond with mine 164 It may also be possible to read dpr 30 Urnl 15 lbw 50 which would support the hypothesis of some sort ofequivalence 165 Das Bier 47 16lt5 For a review of evidence concerning the capacity of the mnl including discussion of this text see A Spalinger Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 312-3 167 Das Bier 46 R L Miller (is-vessels Beer Mugs Cirrhosis and Casting Slag GM 115 (1990) 64 suggests that the ds was a drinking vessel perhaps to be equated with depictions given in Nagel Ceramique 199-206 Miller identifies a jar found at Saqqara as a ds vessel noting that it had a capacity of 25 litres roughly corresponding to Heicks estimate

58 POTTERS

In O DeM 135 the scribe may well have calculated the value of the vessels owed down to the half vessel A parallel for this is found in O Turin 57062 vso 4 where 2Yz jnJtt vessels are set

dlagainst five vessel types which precede them (their names are lost) The recording of five vessels compared with half that amount in jnJtt vessels producing the unusual amount of a half vessel tt

2again suggests a value equivalence Since vessels do not appear with fixed values in the price

SJtexts their worth may well have been assessed in relation to other vessel types st b42 A specialized vessel jnJzt DApart from the two vessel types or classes that formed the basis of the deliveries of ceramics to rethe village the potter texts also occasionally enumerate other types jnJtt vessels although well

known from other contexts are rare in the potter texts A few texts that may indicate their ritproduction or delivery by the Deir el-Medina potters illuminate aspects of its function and context

of use The pattern of occurrence of jnJtt vessels indicates a specialized vessel type the shape of which is unknown The jnJtt vessel is most widely documented as a storage container for beer and as Walter F Reineke notes outside the data from Deir el-Medina it was often made of gold or silver J68 That this vessel could be supplied as part of the ceramic requirement of the village seems to be indicated by the delivery lists from the early 19th Dynasty (Category E) Some of these lists record jnJzt vessels although they are not always indisputably connected with the smdt potters

In the Category E delivery lists of wood and ceramics jnJtt vessels occur four times their total Ccamount being low in comparison with the other vessels enumerated in these texts In O DeM 1 6 una total of 7 jnlu vessels are delivered 5 of good quality 2 of poor In O DeM 17 4 only 3 jnJzt aUvessels were delivered (2 good 1 poor) in comparison with 290 lbw recorded in the previous intline and in O DeM 15 3 7 jn~lt vessels were delivered as against 295 Ibw vessels 16 jnJzt povessels are documented in O DeM 23 5 (the text is broken and the reading at the end of the line

uncertain)169 bei ve~Only two texts explicitly includejnJtt vessels in pottery deliveries 0 Qurna 6181 records two

jnJtt vessels among the deficit of 55 qbw and 265 Ibw vessels incurred by the potter Menna O IJry Michaelides 33 rto 3-6 J70 This text records for III Jot 30 matching deliveries from a potter to vex

Right and Left among other deliveries of wood and gypsum the potter 1 jnlp vessels 20 (pJ qd 1 jnJzt 20)171 The stroke read as one after the title p qd could refer to the bkw of the potter not

with jnJtt vessels being an addition to the quota delivered 172 jnJtt vessels were therefore a wit gocomponent of the potters repertoire and this fact may complicate the interpretation of other texts

where they occur173 More generally jnJzt vessels are recorded as being delivered filled with beer I thisand thus are probably not associated with ceramic delivery

174 (

Me(J68 Der Zusammenhang der altagyptischen Hohl- und UingenmaBe MID 9 (1963) 146 175( 169 Kitchen restores 16jnli vessels [by the hand of A]meneminet (KRII 367 8 a-b) but there does not 176 1appear to be space for this formula in the break The rest of this text is similar to the other wood and pottery

177pounddelivery lists See the discussion of parallel texts in section 23 170 Goedicke-Wente pJ 67 However I follow CernYs transcription of the text here (Nb 10830)

178 1

Cau171 Contra Goedicke and Wente who restore IT1l ] on line 3 On line 7 Goedicke and Wente read 27 jnlt 197vessels instead of 20 vessels and the restoration for the [plasterer] (Pi q() given by Cerny 179 1

172 Alternatively it could refer to a single potter although this would be unusual in this context (see section Rek21) Compare the reading of this text with that discussed for O DeM 154 rto 15-6 in section 34 Egy

173 Other entries for this day include specialty breads and ds measures of beer (117-8) while the folloVing somentry for IV Jt 1 records a festival of Hathor (1 9) Although an association with a festival context is Dietpossible the delivery of jnlts as discussed by Spahnger is recorded separately from the breads and ds inameasures and is included among more standard delveries Medinet Habu and Dei elmiddotMedina Combined note310-311 Earl

l to the are set vessels vessel e price

mics to ~h well e their ~ontext

mpe of Ir beer of gold village ome of le smdt

ir total M 16 r 3jn~f

revious 16 jn~t he line

ds two mao O )tter to (pJ qd potter fore a r texts th beer

oes not pottery

27 jn~t

section

llowing rrtext is and ds

lbined

EQUATIONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 59

jn~t vessels of beer occur consistently in a series of six Category E ostraca that seem to document the delivery of commodities associated with festival or temple offerings174 Four of these texts state that the commodities were delivered by an individual in O DeM 20 and O DeM 25 the deliveries are made by a local priest Each of these six texts lists items that include speciality foodstuffs and jn~t vessels of beer rather than the fuel and plain unfilled pottery of standard deliveries II smw 12 by the hand of the local priest (w(b Sf) 175 60 large j nJzt vessels of beer entered 56 deficit 4 120 (bundles of) vegetables ISO s(t cakes and 100 rJzs cakes (0 DeM 20) The only exception in this group is O DeM 26 where 30 large jn~1f vessels are recorded 27 are entered (jw) and there is a deficit on No beer is recorded with these vessels

The recto of O DeM 29 may confirm that lists containing such products are associated with rituals or festivals rather than deliveries of materials to the village 176

total of various (sbn)jnl)tvessels of beer 653 [+x] the record of the [ ] which were given as offerings (snw) [] good bread loaves of [ ] s(t cake [x oipeJ rJzs cakes [ J jnJzt vessels of beer [ J beer [ ]

Connections of this vessel type with the temple or festival sphere nmy explain features of the unique and difficult distribution text O BM 50728 discussed in section 23 The text records the allocation ofjnJzt vessels to individual crew members The 10 + 5 jnJzt vessels seem to be grouped into four different categories perhaps accordin~ to quality of the vessel or its contents and possibly its shape or finish 177 5 doubly good (~reg) jnJzt vessels in the fashion of hbny [vessels] being returned (m hyt) 2 for Baky I for Huy 1 (for) (Omek 1 for Qaha totalS (11 5-6) Six vessels given to individuals in line 7 one for each nmn are stated to be middling good (11fr mshyhry-jb) and line 10 enumerates two vessels that also have a designation perhaps reading not (J I~~ 3)very poor _ 1

If the jnJzt vessels were more specialized beer vessels used in festival or ritual contexts then the note of quality either of contents or of the vessel itself would have been important This concern with quality can also be seen in the delivery lists where the jnJzt vessels are described as either good or poor 178

Particularly difficult to understand in this context are the writings of hbny perhaps referring to this well-known amphora-shaped vessel I19 The five doubly goodjnl)t vessels are designated in

174 O DeM 19 20 21 25 26 27 For further discussion of these texts see Spalinger Deir e1middotMedina and Medinet Habu Combined 311

(1 0

175 l=n (1 1) For another writing of this title see O DeM 25 2 176 The verso of this text records only nswt bjty mnmiddotmrtmiddotrr 177 For the use of red ink in this text see p 19 n 75 above

178 O DeM 1 6 174 For discussion of the meaning of snn 1~ in these contexts see D Valbelle Catalogue des poids ainscriptions hieratiques de Deir eAmiddotfedineh Nos 500l-5423 DFIFAO 16 (Cairo 1977)23 179 Wh II 487 There are depictions of the hbnylhbnt vessel in Urk IV 11308 11352 and in the tomb of Rekhmire N de G Davies The Tomb of Rekh-mi-r~ at Thebes The Metropolitan Museum of Art Egyptian Expedition 11 (New York 1943) I pIs 33 34 In these examples it is shaped as an amphora sometimes without handles and often contains honey E A W Budge An Egyptian Hieroglyphic Dictionary (London 1920)446 gave the capacity of a hbnt ndst as one quarter of a hin F G Hilton-Price in an earlier publication Notes on Some Egyptian Antiquities in My Collection TSBA 9 (1886) 353 noted the same capacity for this vessel Here see also T G H James The Heqanakhte Papers and Other Early Middle Kingdom Documents (New York 1962) 118

60 POTTERS

the fashion of hbny vessels (~[]~IlJ1J 0) (vso 5) This seems to express an equivalence between the two vessel types perhaps representing an addition or finish to the jn~lt vessel that increased its value Du Mesnil du Buisson speculated in his discussion of the hhnl vessel that the word related to hbny ebony t ruJ-Oi) and indicated a blackened colour or lustre to the vesseL I80 hbny also occurs as an annotation above the entries of jnit vessels for particular workmen in lines 8-12 of the recto The entry on line 13 (hhny n [ ]) may indicate that hhny vessels themselves were also delivered to the workmen named in the following lines So far as I know hbny vessels do not occur in other Deir el-Medina textsl8J These notations may also refer to some sort of finishing to the j nit vesseL

The inclusion of more unusual designations for the vessels certainly points to the exceptional nature ofthe delivery in O BM 50728 as does the entry of an amount ((i(w) of bJq oil (8) in line lOon the verso after the specification of 10 further jnlJl vessels for particular workmen (pJ WpWl

n plIO n jnlJt n tJ jst) Janssen observes that this oil was rarely used by the workmen as it was too expensive 182 It is possible that the text refers to the delivery of jnit vessels of bJq oil the references to quality therefore referring to the quality of oil rather than the vessel itself The designation hbny may be associated with this as welL

Complicating this analysis is the proposed large size of jnit vessels (discussed in section 41) which may account to some extent for its more restricted function within the vessel repertoire jnlJt vessels occur only rarely in the Medinet Habu festival calendar indicating that even within the temple their use was specialized ls3 The ealculation of the equivalence in contents of the vessels in O Gardiner 81 indicates that we are dealing with a set capacity for these vessel types in this text 184 If the capacity of a jnit was 53 hin or 255 Htres this would equate to a significant quantity ofbJq oil per person 185

O BM 50728 remains a puzzle Despite thc difficulties in interpretation it seems most likely that it records allocation of vessels possibly filled with oil or beer for festival or cultic purposes The careful documentation of such a distribution may also indicate that the vessels were not to be kept by the men perhaps only being used by them for the event and then returned to the temple A large size may serve to explain their more limited and specialized oecurrence in the data perhaps restricted to the religious sphere rather than playing a role in the domestic life of the villagers

In this instance contextual analysis of texts that seem to relate to ceramic deliveries can alter our understanding of these texts and illuminate the role and function of a vessel type in the community For vessels that were delivered more commonly we can observe the potential for flexibility in the classification systems these would repay further detailed study sectS Conclusion Analysis of the texts concerning pottery delivery leaves a number of questions unanswered and areas unexplored the limited number of sources available and problems inherent in them restrict their potential for interpretation However some insights into the organization and administrative structures of Deir el-Medina are fortheoming from the material Within the meticulous record keeping of the village the key theme seems to be flexibility This flexibility is apparent in the

180 Noms et signes 28 181 Janssen did not include them in his chapter on Vessels in Commodity Prices None of the references for the entry in the Wb II 487 has a Deir e1-Medina provenance 182 Commodity Prices 330 183 On the occurrence of the jnltt in the Medinet Hahn festival lists see A Spalinger Medinet Habn and Deir ei-Medina Combined 311-2 ]84 Heick Das Bier 46 185 Even if the mnt was only 10 hin a jnltt would still be of a substantial size c 11-12 iitres Janssen Commodity Prices 434

N

CONCLUSION 61

number of potters assigned to the crew the size and content of the quota required every 10 days and the timing of deliveries The final section of my study also points to the potential flexibility of form size and function of the pots themselves

Although we can find implications in the potter texts for features of society beyond the village itself such as the specifie interpretation of bkw or the occurrence of vessels in royal festival calendars it must be borne in mind that the real value of the Deir el-Medina material lies in its potential to illuminate the lives of ordinary people in Ramessid Egypt For that purpose we need to attend most closely to the village context

Appendix The potters of Deir el-Medina Names of potters in documents relating to the delivery of ceramics

I

Names of potters in documents concerning matters other than the supply of ceramics

I 1 (Omek i Turin Strike Papyrus RAD 476 I

2 Khonsu bull O Turin 57192 1

3 Herunefer bull O DeM 73 rto 2

4 Paaeminet I O Berlin P 12343 vso 3

5 Bakenmut P Turin 2018 A rto la 5 rto IV 17 vso I 6 B rto II 4 D I rto 14 P BM 10068 vso V l3

6 Wenennefer P BM 10068 vso V 14

alence el that 1at the to the ticular thbny ar as I ) refer

ltional in line middotwpwt it was til the f The

1 41) rtoire within of the pes in ificant

likely poses tto be ~mple data of the

1 alter in the ial for

d and estrict rative ecord in the

rences

)U and

nssen

1 I Menna O IFAO 387 1 O Qurna 618i1 O DeM 91 1 O Berlin P 10840 vso 1

2 bull Nakhy I

O IFAO 3874 O DeM 914

3 I Ptahemheb O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O DeM 343 2 P Greg vso B 8 rto A11

4 Parahotep O DeM 868

5 Hori O DeM 868 O DeM 869

6 Herunefer O Cairo 25597 rto 3

7 Neferher O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O Cairo 25633 vso 2

8 Amennakht O DeM 44 rto 8

9 Dmek P Turin 2081+2095 rto 1

10 ltAhawy P Turin 1881 vso V 1 VI 7 VII 1 () Giornale of year 17 rto B II 2 P Turin 2018 A vso 1 12 B rto II 11 B vso II 17 P BM 10068 vso VI 25 P Turin 2014 rto 27-8 P BM 10054 vso II 9

62 POTTERS

Addendnm

Pierre Grandets Catalogue des ostraca hieratiques non litteraires de Deir el-Medineh IXbecame available just as this chapter went to the press This volume contains a number of important potter texts I have included them in the tables on pages 33-7 and provide a short account of them here

O DeM is the longest and most detailed potter account known to me I will be adressing the issues it raises in a further publication It records deliveries made by the potters Ptahemheb Parahotep Hori and Neferher for the months of I bt to I prt of a year 6 The title p qd occurs only in line I in reference to Ptahemheb but probably also covers the other individuals named Ptahemheb and Neferher are known from other potter accounts discussed in this chapter O DeM 869 also published by Grandet and dated to a year 6 records deliveries made by Hori of qbw and lbw vessels to Right Both Hori and Parahotep are not otherwise attested in the potter texts In O DeM 868 details of delivery are grouped according to individual potters In line 13 Neferher delivers vessels to Left (t rj smM this is the only statement concerning Right or Left in this text That four potters deliver during the same general period emphasizes the potential number of potters involved in delivery which is not generally apparent in many of the potter texts Ptahemheb and Neferher make deliveries on different days in IV bt The vessel numbers vary except for those delivered as the making good of deficits by Ptahemheb which are consistent sums (II 3-4) The vessels delivered include qbw and Ibw vessels as well as gy andjnlt this text therefore provides further evidence thatjnJtt vessels were part of the potters repertoire

Grandet follows Gutgesell in assigning a date in the mid-20th Dynasty to O DeM 868 and 869 19thMy assignment of a late Dynasty date to the other account ostraca of Ptahemheb and

Neferher (0 Cairo 25591 O Cairo 25633 and O DeM 343) is based on the record of Ptahemhebs deliveries in P Greg firmly dated by Janssen to the reign of Siptah186 Gutgesell places Ptahemheb in the 20th Dynasty on the basis of the occurrence of this name in P Turin 2006+ 1961 usually dated to year 29 of Ramesses 111 [87 The Ptahemheb in this text is not a potter and so is a different individual I propose that the late 19th Dynasty date of the other documents should therefore be retained and should also be adopted for O DeM 868 and 869

Further texts relevant to potters in Grandets volume include O DeM 877 in which a list of arrears in water supplies are measured in jnlt vessels O DeM 871-3 are sherds bearing the phrase mJ qd Grandet considers these phrases along with the phrase ml m-rJrt p-Jtm-nlr complete by the hand ofPahemnetjerthe priest on O DeM 870 as delivery marks inscribed on the pots themselves18S

186 Janssen Village Varia 115-6 187 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 252 309-12 188 Catalogue des ostraca IX 49-50

UNT

Marel

sectl Eil Die A Papyr Einwc zusHin Verw Angell besch~

Bei suchur wichtil Andre Vortei Juni 2( nicht-li recherc

Beirr allgem

bull Der MaXI

mieh Aufn Doni Sieh~

J Ja grap dazu

2 Sieht tause Peri Gutg Teil1 el ME Held Janss Histo

6 MeD Valb

g Venn Witnl II Ta

10 Ein P II Gutg 12 Allan 13 Held

Page 15: Woodcutters, Potters and Doorkeepers Service Personnel of the Deir El Medina Workmen

--

42 POTTERS

Greg rto A II) The phrase jw tn-4rt can be used of both potters and scribes In the case of the

scribes it is likely they were involved in receiving and recording the ceramics rathcr than men

physical transportation and delivery The interpretation of tn-4rt is crucial here Although I T

translate the preposition literally it can be understood more flexibly as under the responsibility of which could express a range of levels of responsibility for supply from physical delivery to

seen for (

recording receipt7l

theslWhen pots are delivered or received by the hand of someone who is not given the title

indi(potter or otherwise connected with the stndt the status of the delivery is less clear Valbelle

to innotes the distinction between ceramics brought by the potters and vessels filled with beer and oother commodities provided by institutions72 Usually the content of the latter vessels is given 73

andHowever in some cases the entry is uncertain particularly with the delivery ofjnlt vessels In O

worDeM 23 5 16 jnll vessels are delivered by the hand of Amenemope while in O DeM 26 2-3 the a 30 large jnlt vessels are recorded by the hand of Nebnefer entered 27 deficit 3 Neither of

laquo~(ythese men is given any title and it is possible that they are ordinary workmen 74

(ves~The problems associated with interpreting the deliveries of jnlzt vessels can be best illustrated grou

by O Cairo 25704 which records the delivery ofjnll vessels in year 2 of Sety I no month or day probis given Although Davies connects this delivery with the known smdt-scribe Tjay or the member distn of the smdl Tjiro75 the status of this text remains uncertain Line 2 records the one who brought alloe very largejn~t vessels returned to Tj[ J (nty rdj jnlt (5t sp sn m-hyt mJ 0[ ]) while line 3 lines has the one who brought small () jnlt vessels assigned to [ J (nty rdj jnlt lrj m-Is (5 m-( twtw [ ))76 The non-standard means of entering the delivery nty rdj may indicate that this text 451 d records a more specialized range of vessels not necessarily to be associated vith the smdt-potters O jnlt vessels have a restricted range of occurrence in the Deir el-Medina documentation and are perhsometimes associated with festival deliveries (see the discussion of O BM 50728 below and desigsection 42) Therefore these vessels may not belong with the unfilled ceramics delivered by the desigsmdt-potters text I

There is little evidence in the texts that potters were assisted in the delivery of their wares by there other members of the smdt as is the case with the woodcutters (see above pp 12ff) Entries in the smdt journal OStraca record deliveries by the hand of the potter (m-4rt P5 qd)77 or entered by the In hand of the potter (jw m-4rt P5 qd)78 This may indicate delivery by the potters themselves but meml the use of such formulaic phraseology in recording delivery may conceal a number of possible inclUi alternatives for this aspect of supply Considering the quantities involved and the probable size of (mrw

is no perha

71 For discussion sec P Tallet Deux pretres-sem tMbains de la XXe dynastie BIFAO 99 (1999) 417 An SOlalternative translation of the phrase with similar implications would be arrived by the hand of

proba72 Ouvriers 265 For the representation of such tilled vessels in the ceramic repertoire from Deir el-Medina

delivcsee for example L Bavay S Marchand and P Tallet Les jarres inscrites du Nouvel Empire provenant de Deir aI-Medina CaMers de la Ceramique Egyptienne 6 (2000) 77-86 with references of the 73 For example all deliveries of wine to the village were made in mnt-amphorae Janssen Commodity Prices 350 mnt vessels are only once recorded as part of a potters deliveries In O Or Inst Chicago

79 Tw16998 (unpubL) 30 mnt vessels are entered alongside 30 qbw vessels and 150 Ibw vessels (1 3) The entry

Amenof a wood delivery in line 2 may indicate that this text records deliveries by the smdt For the elite status periodof the mnt see Bourriau Nicholson and Rice Pottery l37 potter

74 O DeM 202 records quantities of dpr and lbw vessels entered by the hand of Wepwawetmose potterAlthough the status of this text can be questioned lbw vessels are a more standard part of the smdt-potters cornprepertoire 80 In 1

75 Whos Who 106 with n 302 referri

76 For the readings of m-hyt mJ and rrt-s mJ see D Valbelle Remarques sur les textes neo-egyptiens meaninon-Iitteraires (sect 6-10) BIFAO 77 (1977) 129-13 L 81 For

77 For example O DeM 159 10 O DeM 39 rto 4 of hig

78 For example O DeM 35 addition above line 7 O DeM 154 rto 15-6 O DeM 38 7 O DeM 47 vso 4 Ramel

e of than

19h I bility ry to

title lbelle rand fenn

InO 2-3 ler of

trated lrday mlber ought line 3 mJ

s text )tters

Id are If and )y the

res by in the )y the es but ISsible ize of

17 An

l1edina venant

modity 1llcago e entry status

trnose )otters

yptiens

vso 4

INTERPRETING RECEIPT AND DELIVERY 43

the vessels the delivery could have involved several trips andor the use of assistants who are not mentioned because they had no responsibility

The distribution of the ceramics among the community is only rarely attested O DeM 337 seems to record numbers of pots owed to particular workmen III ot 10 deficit of 3lbw vessels for (n) Amenemope deficit of I ds vessel 1 dpy vessel and 3 lbw vessels for (n) Nakhy Both these names are common and it is impossible to date the text on this basis79 This text may indicate that not only were records made of the potters debts to the crew in general deficits owed to individual crew members could be documented as well

O BM 50728 dated to year 2 probably of Ramesses II also seems to relate to the processing and distribution of a particular type of ceramic recording vessels delivered to individual workmen as well as deficits owed to them The first five lines of the recto set out the purpose of the account Year 2 [ ] the record of the jn~t vessels for Left (p SOJW m n jn~t n smM - a total (~~~w) of 10 + 5 jn~t vessels Specification (wp s(traquo) for the crew concerning the 10 + 5 (vessels) 80 The numbers of vessels given to each member of the crew are then detailed The first group of five vessels is clearly allocated to four named workmen one for each man Baki probably the foreman of the crew81 received two corresponding to the hierarchal systems of distribution known from accounts of rations and other provisions Lines 7-10 continue with the allocation of different vessel types to named individuals The end of the recto is very broken but lines 11 and 12 seem to have recorded vessels owed to Amenmose (4t n jmn-msw) Pa-[ ] and twtw() and in this the text provides a parallel for O DeM 337 In O BM 50728 rto 11-12 the 41 determinative was crossed out possibly indicating that the debt was paid

O BM 50728 includes some unusual qualifications for the vessels including terms related perhaps to quality (very good jnJt njr nJr middling good jn~t nJr m-~ry-jb) and the designation of certain vessels as being in the fashion of hbny (vessels) (m qd hbny) These designations and the total (~J~w) ofbq oil given in the last line of the recto may indicate that the text records the delivery of filled jnJt vessels for a specific perhaps festival or ritual context I therefore doubt whether the text is concerned with the distribution of ceramics delivered by the smdt potters (see 42 for further discussion of this text)

In contrast O Cairo 25597 dated to year 2 of Ramesses IV records items distributed to members of the smdt The distribution list begins on line 2 with specification (wp-st) and includes a coppersmith a water-carrier as well as the potter Herunefer who received 5 bundles (mrw or ors) the content of these bundles is not stated Although the context for this distribution is not clear this is the only text known to me in which a potter seems to receive a payment perhaps in exchange for work

Some aspects of organization of work such as distribution of pots among the villagers probably did not require the level of administration and documentation needed for the record of delivery Details concerning the processing of delivery remain unclear such as the precise nature of the receipt and distribution of the products However the texts do allow the stages of delivery

79 Two workmen named Nakhy are known from the late 19th Dynasty Janssen Commodity Prices 86 Amenemope is a common name in all periods ibid 42 Although a potter Nakhy is known from this period I doubt whether this text should be understood as referring to the deficits of untitled but named potters instead I read the n as a preposition rather than the indirect genitive It would be very unusual for a potter to be untitled and the text does not follow the standard pattern for potter accounts recording deficits compare O DeM 91 O IFAO 387 O DeM 135 O Gardiner 88 vso 80 In these lines the number 10 is written in black ink while 5 is written in red Some of the numbers referring to allocations to individual workmen in the following lines of the text are also written in red The meaning of the use of red ink in the text requires further investigation 81 For Baki and his family see Davies Whos Who 2-12 If the provision of an extra vessel is an indicator of higher status this text would provide evidence that Baki continued in office into the early years of Ramesses II

I

--44 POTTERS

to be traced illuminating aspects of the organization of the potters work and their relationship the with the community ofDeir el-Medina veSt

may 24 Donkey hire by potters timi Although it can be assumed that donkeys were necessary for the delivery of ceramics to the (see village J know of only one relevant text and that refers only indirectly to the potters use of lOe donkeys There seem to be no hireage texts for potters comparable to those attested for or4 woodcutters and watercarriers

O DeM 73 Ito details a legal case concerning a donkey in the 20 th year of Ramesses III The 32 text records the resolution of a dispute (del) between the potter Herunefer who was the complainant and the workman Anynakht82 Herunefer hired a donkey from Anynakht The

FrO bkI

donkey proved unsatisfactory and an exchange was agreed upon in the presence of (m-blM a scribe of the mat Amennakhe3 The bad donkey was handed over to him Uwtw Ir swd n) and

blk1 Sh01

he gave him Uwf djt) an (other) she-donkey in its place (11 3-4) The text concludes with the resl taking of an oath on account of it (br pbwys) presumably by Anynakht

As Janssen observes in reference to the woodcutters and watercarriers texts about the hireage spec daYE

of donkeys are comparatively rare and are concentrated in the reigns of Ramesses III and IV Those that survive perhaps refer to rather unusual situations as here The distinctive nature of this

smt intel

text lends support to Janssens proposal that there was a pool of donkeys perhaps state or communally owned rather than belonging to the workmen themselves available for deliveries to

pap) was

the village (see above p 29) here T

sect3 Documenting supply 31 The timing ofexpected deliveries Janssen has determined through analysis of the journal OStraca of the reigns of Ramesses TIT and IV that deliveries of ceramics were expected every ten days84 That this was the practice in the early 19th Dynasty is confirmed by the delivery lists of wood and pottery Where the lists are dated these dates usually fall on days 1085 2086 or 3087 of the month which are the days on which deliveries were also recorded later in the 20 th Dynasty

It is likely that vessels were not expected on any particular day within this time frame and could be delivered in smaller amounts throughout the period like the deliveries by the gardeners and fishermen ss P Greg vso B II 8 documents the receipt of bkw of the potter for year 6 of

that for ( the doCl pred of tl gene mixt term

Siptah on the 19th day of IV lvt This delivery is then recorded in the summary information for IV lvt 10 to 20 A journal ostracon of the reign of Ramesses III records that on II smw 7 the potter entered two blkw one (w) for I smw 30 one for II smw 10 (0 DeM 38 7) The account text O DeM 346 of the mid_20th Dynasty documents the receipt of two quantities of vessels within three days On II prt 20 30 qbt vessels and 110 lbw vessels were received or delivered by the hand of

33l The wen O E IIIp scali mad

82 For Anynakht see Davies Whos Who 74-5 The potter Herunefer is also known from O Cairo 25597 39 (1

83 The role of the scribe of the mat (sv n un) in this text has been discussed by Ben Haring The Scribe of the Mat From Agrarian Administration to Local Justice in Deir el-Medina in the Third Millennium

Jans~ 90 b

AD A Tribute to Jac J Janssen eds R J Demaree and A Egberts Egyptologische Uitgaven 14 (Leiden 91 ibi

2000) 149 For the legal status of this text see A G McDowell Jurisdiction in the Workmens Community 92 O

ofDeir el-Medina Egyptologische Uitgaven 5 (Leiden 1990) 146-7 84 Commodity Prices 485-6

B893n

85 O DeM 1 5 7 10 12 13 17 23 O Gardiner 43 94 Fe

86 O DeM 2 8 15 24 O Or lust Chicago 18878 reCOl

87 O DeM 3 4 9 11 12 14 18 22 O DH 6 7 88 J J Janssen bkw From Work to Product SAK 20 (1993)90 n 52

tragI 95 L

lship

)the se of I for

The the The

M a ) and h the

reage i IV fthis te or ies to

I and n the s are fS on

ould sand 6 of

or IV lotter xtO three ndof

97 kribe znium iden lunity

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 45

the scribe Amenemope (rto 11 1-2) On II prt 23 a further 42 dpr vessels making(9 22 qb vessels and 100 tbw vessels were also entered by the scribe Amenemope (vso n 1-4) This text may record part payments of the delivery expected for II prt 20-30 The data concerning the timing of delivery therefore correspond to the evidence discussed by Janssen for the woodcutters (see above pp 18ff) As in the woodcutter texts if the delivery was completed in full during the 10 day period it was recorded as mI Any deficit or shortfall in delivery was entered as (w)gJ(t) or gJ nlr

32 The terminology ofsupply bJkw From the late 19th or early 20 th Dynasties the deliveries of ceramics were recorded in units of bJlnv in both account and journal ostraca Janssen has discussed the use and meaning of the tenn bkw in the Deir el-Medina material blkw in its absolute sense means work but Janssen has shown that in many cases in these documents the meaning can shift from work to the resultproduct of the work90 Within this usage the bkw of the potter seems to have a more specific meaning Janssen has concluded that it signifies a fixed amount that was due every ten days a quota He cites the example ofO DeM 387 where two b3kw were recorded one for I smw 30 one for II smw 10 91 The detenninatives used in the writing of b3lnv support this interpretation Although in the late 19th and early 20th Dynasty texts bkw was detennined by the papyrus roll92 from the middle to the end of the reign of Ramesses III the vessel detenninative was used93 The change to this detenninative from one with a more abstract meaning signals that here bkw is a work requirement consisting of an amount of ceramics

The usage of bkw in the journals and accounts implies that this amount was fixed a quota that would therefore be quantifiable There are records of the entry of two bkw often to make up for overdue deliveries and occasionally even half bkw94 These references certainly imply that the bIlnv was a predetennined amount that could be doubled or halved when necessary The documenting of deficits in the texts also shows that each delivery was expected to consist of a predetermined amount The Category E text O DeM 12 seems to record such a deficit On line 4 of this delivery list is written deficit namely deficit of vessels (4 qrlJt 4)95 Since qrlt is the generic tenn for vessels the implication is that the expected delivery of ceramics probably a mixture of types and quantities was not made To determine the composition of each bkw in terms of vessel types and numbers is however difficult

33 b3kw in the J(jh Dynasty accounts (text categories B C E) The 19th Dynasty accounts of the deficits of the potters Menna and Nakhy indicate that deliveries were pre-determined as amounts that if not delivered in full were recorded to be made up later O Berlin P 10840 records an accumulation of deficits owed by Menna from year 9 III fJt 1 to III prt 30 making 5 months 53 qbt vessels 575 bw vessels (11 2-3) This account shows the scale of thc deficit that the potter could incur over a period of time if complete deliveries were not made

89 Cernys transcription of the text contains an ellipsis and query at this point (Catalogue VII pI 2) Janssen (pers corron) has suggested that the two dashes in the hieratic facsimile could be read as Jr n 90 hkw From Work to Product 89 91 ibid 89-90 nO DeM 606 rto 611 O Cairo 25591 rto 4-5 and O Cairo 25633 vso 1 P Greg rto B 23 A 11 vso B 8 11-12 93 The journal ostraca from the mid_20th Dynasty consistently use this determinative 94 For an examples entries of two bkw see O DeM 154 rto 16 P Greg rto A II 11-12 Half units are recorded in O DeM 44 rto 20 P Turin 1961 (Pleyte and Rossi pI 99) vso II 5 Anonymous Turin fragment (Cerny MSS 3616) 95 t~~lon

46 POTTERS

O DeM 135 is a testimony to the precision with which such deficits were recorded This undated text enumerates the deficit of two potters Deficit of the potters 2 men 96 29 qbw fle)vessels 5 gy vessels 00 Ibw vessels 9 dp(r) vessels to (r) qbw vessels making 4Y2 Total ves making 33Y2 qbw vessels The final two lines seem to indicate that 9 dpr vessels were equivalent mo in some way to 4Yz qbw vessels97 When added to the 29 qbw vessels in line 2 this gives the total ves of 33Y2 Perhaps the potters were initially required to deliver 9 dpr vessels along with the other and vessels but the decision was made to convert these dpr vessels into their equivalent in qbw dprvessels Here it must be borne in mind that this text records deficit rather than delivery It seems forto reflect the scribes accounting mentality precisely recording the precise value of the deficit

forwhich may have been rounded up or down in reality The meticulous record of deficit does imply sigrfixed vessel deliveries with a specific amount being due every ten days

deliAlthough such texts imply the presence of a quota it is difficult to quantify that quota in terms

posof numbers and types of vessels In this context O DeM 135 provides an additional insight The

asklconversion of one vessel type into its equivalent in another type if it is a concrete conversion

therather than a statement of value implies a certain flexibility within the deliveries Perhaps this document shows the superiors of the crew specifying or making adjustments to the amounts of

34ceramics required every ten days in accordance with the needs of the crew

TheSuch an interpretation could explain the range of vessel types and quantities enumerated in the

19th defiDynasty delivery lists while also perhaps accounting for the precise documentation of It isdeficits These ostraca note deliveries of at least eight different vessel types in varying quantities

and combinations including jn~t98 m~t99 qbwIOO kJ-lr-kJ 101 gJy102 Ibw103 dpr104 and dS I05 and imp

Some of these vessel names are very rare in other documentation The dpr vessel although common in these lists and in 19th Dynasty pottery accounts does not appear to occur later 106 This

Ir

pattern could suggest a reduction in the vessel repertoire in the 20th Dyllasty but the contents of IVr Jourdeliveries are not generally enumerated in the later data potentially concealing some vessel types 29Deliveries of lbw vessels are recorded in the majority of the surviving lists and as will be 15-1illustrated below Ibw vessels alongside qbw vessels remained the core of the potters deliveries (conin the 20th Dynasty It is possible that qbw and bw are classes of ceramics rather than distinct samlvessel types so that the terms may cover a wider range of forms (see section 61) DeIlt othe

96 1- ~~~gt5l~I (I 1) reml 97 Compare O DeM 346 where 42 dpr vessels may be the equivalent of 22 qbt vessels (see section 31) day The flexibility of equivalence between the two types may indicate flexibility in the form and valuation of seen these vessels (see section 41) evid 98 Janssen Commodity Prices434 O DeM 16 153 174 23 5

ther99 Wb II 126 W F Reineke Der Zusammenhang der altagptischen Rohl- und LiingenmaBe MfG 9 (1963)148 O DeM 56 7 6 114 100 Janssen Commodity Prices 412-5 qbw is a feminine word and can also be spelt qbt Valbelle Guvriers 18 O DeM J 7 4 5 7 5 104 O DR 5 4 O Gardiner 435 101 Wb V 93 O DeM 28 3 O DR 6 8 lOi 0 102 Janssen Commodity Prices 426-8 O DeM 5 5 9 6 107 225 O DR 8 3 O Gardiner 436 108 0 10J Janssen Commodity Prices 433-4 O DeM 18 3 4 4 6 6 6 8 6 105 116 136 154 16 5 17 109 0 3 226 O DR 5 7 6 9 7 5 84 O Or lnst Chicago 188785 O Gardiner 43 7 O DeM 288 records 110 0 a lbw-n-k~ vessel (see section 41) III 0 104 This vessel is not included in Janssen Commodity Prices or in the Worterbuch It is written lith the 1110

generic term for vessel qrlt confirming its nature as such O DeM 25 3 3 5 7 6 5 9 5 106 165 113 0 O DR 5 6 O Or lnst Chicago 188784 4prt vessels presumably a different orthography of the same 114 C term occur in hieratic inscriptions from the tomb of Tutankhamun 1 Cerny Hieratic lnscriptionsfrom the Il5 t Tomb of TutCankhamun TutCankhamiins Tomb Series II (Oxford 1965) 6 with references See also G 116 Ir Bouvier BlFAG 101 (2001)90 note g PriCE 105 Wb V 485 Janssen Commodity Prices 472-4 O DeM 64 8 5 135 165 22 4 O DR 5 6 74 non-I 1(lj See the documents cited in n 100 also O DeM 346 vso 3 117 Q~

This qbw otal alent total other qbw

eems ficit mply

erms The rsion this Its of

n the m of ttities dS I05

tough This lts of ypes ill be veries stinct

1 31) ion of

1109

vriers

5 17 ecords

ith the 165

same Jm the

Iso G

74

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 47

The degree to which the composition of deliveries could vary from list to list illustrates the flexiblity of the institution On I 3Jt 10 of year 3 of Sety I 7 jn~t vessels (3 good 2 poor) 37 qbw vessels (deficit of 3) and 58 Ibw vessels (deficit of 2) were delivered l07 On the 20th day of that month dpr vessels were delivered (the rest of the text is lost)108 80 dpr vessels and 50 Ibw vessels were delivered on the last day of I 3Jt109 while on the last day of II Jt 40 qbw vessels and 50 Ibw vessels were delivered l1O On day 10 of III Jt 80 g3y vessels 90 m~t vessels and 40 dpr vessels were delivered lll Not only do several vcssel types occur in each delivery but totals for each vessel type also vary considerably as weI Ibw vessels tend to total between 50 and 60 for each list in which they occur1l2 However many of the attested totals documented are significantly larger between 100 and 300 lbw1l3 These texts may point to there being variable deliveries that resulted from commissions in response to specific needs However this is only one possible interpretation based upon a comparatively small group of texts The question must be asked whether a similar understanding can be gained from the qualitatively different sources of the 20th Dynasty

34 Recording b3kw in the 20th Dynasty The recording of pottery deliveries was less explicit in the 20th Dynasty with deliveries and deficits generally noted as b3kw and (w)4(t) of the potter without further clarifying information It is difficult to determine whether the quantities and contents of the deliveries were as flexible and varying as the 19th Dynasty data suggest Indeed as Janssen has concluded it is virtually impossible to prove what was meant by the termbkw l 114

In the rare cases where journal entries on ostraca of the reigns of Ramesses III and Ramesses N record numbers of vessels this information is difficult to interpret O DeM 154 rto recording journal entries in year 31 of Ramesses III documents the delivery made by the potter on II smw 29 entered by the hand of the potter 2 bkw (plus) 50 lbw vessels for II smw 30 deficit 65 (II 15-16) Janssen alternatively translates this part of the text as [e ]ntered from the potter 2 bkw (consisting of) 50 lbw vessels comparing it with O Berlin P 10654 (unpub) vso 1 where the same amount of 50 vessels is also mentioned I IS There is a number of possible readings of O DeM 154 rto The two b3kw may be deliveries owing from earlier in the month116 while on the other hand the 50 Ibw vessels may be an early partial payment for II smw 30 with 65 vessels remaining outstanding Since we do not have the rest of the journal for II smw and the entry for day 20 records neither delivery nor deficit it is difficult to draw firm conclusions Nonetheless it seems unlikely that the b3kw referred to in the text consisted of 50 lbw vessels The supporting evidence of the late 20th Dynasty ostracon O Berlin P 10654 vso is ambiguous also referring to the production of 50 vessels in the first line the numbers are lost thereafter

II Jt 10 the potter fashioned1l7 50 (vessels) day 20 the potter [fashioned x (vessels)]

107 O DeM 16-8 108 O DeM 2 5 109 O DeM 3 3-4 110 O DeM 45-6 1110 DeM 5 5-7 112 O DeM 18 34 8 6 165 O DH 5 7 6 9 O Or Inst Chicago 188785 113 O DeM 6 6 136 22 6 154 173 O DH 76 ll4 Commodity Prices 488 bkw From Work to Product 89 115 bkw From Work to Product 89 116 In a similar situation O DeM 40 14-5 records by the hand of the potter 3 bkw Janssen Commodity Prices 487-8 concludes that two of the bkw were payments for the first two decades although the non-delivery is nowhere stated while the third delivery was due for the five epagomenal days 117 ~~li~IT1l~~o

II

48 POTTERS

day 30 fashioning [x (vessels)] III 11]t 10 while he (fashioned)118 [x (vessels)] 35 b day 20119

Vhel total 230 qbw vessels [ ] the n specifYing it (wp Sf) ~ 23 jn~11 vessels blkw

In recording the actual work of the potters this text is unique While units of 50 vessels seem to statu be specified any connection with a blkw is not made explicit and can only be inferredYo perio

Janssen also cites the example of O DeM 35 on which a note above line 7 recording entries been for IIprt 19 of year 28 of Ramesses III reads entered by the hand of the potter as one b3kw 100 these qbw vessels 45 lbw vessels Although this text indicates that the b3kw consisted of 100 qbw Th vessels and 45 lbw vessels the phrase m w( b3kw could imply that the vessels enumerated were the e those making up this particular delivery perhaps differing from although equivalent to the recor contents of earlier deliveries and the standard b3kw The higher number of qbw vessels than Ibw epagt vessels which is very unusual when compared with other texts enumerating these two types 5 ep suggests that this entry is exceptional not only in its formulation It may be that this delivery ofth required special enumeration perhaps the potter altered the original order and provided an bee) equivalent number of qbw vessels instead of lbw vessels P

The two uneertain entries of O DeM 154 and O DeM 35 are the only texts in which actual Ram vessel types are enumerated in 20u Dynasty journal ostraca O DeM 35 in particular may suggest reads that the composition of b3kw could be flexible Other surviving records of pottery deliveries from An e the reign of Rarnesses III usually state only whether or not the potter entered his deliveries deliv complete or was in deficit O DeM 143 vso 5 datable to year 24 of Ramesses III does fo11o however enter a deficit of lbw vessels for the five epagomenal days Although the exact figures as 65 are lost the final two lines record an unknown total (dnuf) of qbw vessels and a total of 680 lbw char~ vessels these probably being deficits incurred since IV smw 30 the day the potter first fell behind disru in deliveries as the account records In O DeM 165 which largely documents deficits incurred in prt 1 year 30 III prt and thereafter a note to one side records year 29 entered for the five whih (epagomenal) days 30 lbw vessels his deficit 85 (11 4amiddot5a) vesst

Where vessel numbers are enumerated in these 20th Dynasty texts they vary in some cases notin considerably although the relationships of these numbers with the context of the documents must onw be kept in mind The vessel types are less varied than in the 19th Dynasty sources Mostly qbw and that 1 [bw vessels are enumerated in large quantities which confirms that these vessel types were the here basis of the potters b 3kw The deficit accounts from the reign of Ramesses II (group III) record If only qbw and lbw vesselsl2I in contrast with the variety of vessels represented in the delivery deliv lists The delivery lists of the 19th Dynasty appear to be exceptional in the variety of vessel types large they enumerate They may represent deliveries from other specialized workshops or supplies for vess particular purposes The similarity between the 19th Dynasty delivery lists of pottery and wood on en1r) the one hand and of specialty breads and beer on the other hand may indicate that these inter deliveries were in general more specialized they were perhaps associated with festivals Such an here association is illuminated by a study of one of the vessel types less commonly enumerated in A1 these texts (see section 42) However the regularity of delivery in these lists recorded in tenmiddotday b3kJi blocks is closely comparable with the regular b3kw delivery For the 20th Dynasty it must be potu borne in mind that b3kw which is mostly unqualified in the journal ostraca may cover a range of the ( vessel types sing

liS Q0--1i11 122 G ll9 Cerny noted that the line here was left blank 123 J~

120 The specification of jnJz1 vessels may also suggest that this text refers to a specialized perhaps unique lUF

production series For jnJzt see section 42 me 121 0 DeM 91 O Berlin P 10840 vso O IFAO 387 126 C

em to

ntries 100

l qbw were

) the nbw types livery ed an

actual 19gest from veries does

igures 101bw )ehind red in ~ fivc

cases must wand re thc ccord livery types es for odon thcsc Ichan ted in n-day lst be 1ge of

mique

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 49

35 bikw in the late 20th Dynasty papyrus documents Where pottery deliveries are recorded in the journal papyri the numbers of vessels involved and the name of the potter are often included A further contrast with earlier records is that the tenn bkw is rarely employed The more fonnal status of the papyri may explain such differences This status may also be one reason despite the large amount of documentation surviving from this period deliveries of pottery are only recorded occasionally Those that are recorded may have been special deliveries and hence worthy of note When bkw are recorded as in earlier records these may be variable in size and consist largely ofbw and qbw vessels

The recto ofP Turin 2070133 134 + 3 fragments (KRIVI 426-8) contains journal entries for the epagomenal days of the year 2 of a king later than Ramesses IV 122 The entry for the final day records the deliveries of the potter Right the potter - 29 [qb]w vessels 145 lbw vessels Five epagomenal days 100 [+ 45] Ibwvessels [Left] the potter 29 [qbw] vessels 145lbwvessels 5 epagomenal days 145 (Col II 10-11) The deliveries are enumerated separately for each side of the crew although if the restorations are correct the totals are the same for each side As is to be expected qbw and bw vessels are the only vessel types mentioned

P Turin 1881+ (Pleyte and Rossi pI 1-8 KRIVI 609-19) records entries for years 6-8 of Ramesses IX the potter is only mentioned on three occasions in year 7 For IV lu 29 the entry reads received by the hand of the potter ~Ahawy - qbw vessels 65 bw vessels 65 (vso V 1-2) An entry for 65 handfuls of plants follows in this list and seems to be associated with this delivery An entry on the same line also records 2 khar of k3Y (Ulq~ ~ ) probably roe123 The following line records again by his hand (wlm m-fjrtj) (for) I prt 10 100 [b[w] vessels as well as 65 handfuls of plants and an unknown measure of roe It seems that the potter had also been charged with delivering produce to the village perhaps the organization of deliveries was disrupted in this period Other entries record deliveries received by the hand of scribes 124 In III prt 18 almost three months later ~Ahawy made another delivery of 300 Ibw vessels (vso VI 7-8) while in III smw there were received by the hand of the potter (for) Right and Left 1501bw vessels and 70 qbw vessels (vso VII 1-2) P Turin 1881 + is an unusual text which rather than noting events day by day records only a few days from a few months of each year perhaps days on which events occurred that were more significant in the eyes of the scribe Valbelle observes that the scribe was running out of space on the papyrus increasing the likelihood that the entries he recorded were those he considered important125

If the deliveries recorded in this text were the only ones made for year 7 of Ramesses IX the delivery patterns of the potters may have changed Rather than delivering units every decade large deliveries were made every two to three months This would explain the large totals of vessels supplied However as Janssen cautions scribal inaccuracies mean that the absence of an entry in the journal does not necessarily mean that the delivery was not made126 An alternative interpretation is that the standard deliveries were made every ten days and that those recorded here were supplementary and worthy of special mention

An entry in P Turin 1900+ (KRl VI 619-24) vso 117 may indicate that regular deliveries of blkw continued at least in the early years of Ramesses IX Year 9 II 31Jt 19 records Right the potters b3kw [ ] (wnmy p qd n b3kw [ J) The context of this delivery is similar to those of the earlier 20th Dynasty with supply of fuel and gypsum being recorded as well However the single mention of a potters bkw in this entry in the papyrus may be as unique as those in P

122 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 242 123 Janssen Village Varia 53 124 For example vso 2a vso 5 5 vso 5 10 vso 6 1 125 Ouvriers 63-4 126 Commodity Prices 486

l

50 POTTERS

Turin l88l Journal entries from years 10 and 17 of Ramesses IX support this interpretation P A Turin 2071140 (KRIVI 63715) rto 9 records delivery of vegetables and pottery 2l() qb(w) varia vessels 110 [+ x] [bw vessels for day 30 IV smw year 10 The Turin Necropolis Journal of year vana 17 rto B II 2-3 (Botti and Peet pI 16) is the only record of a pottery delivery in this substantial inclu text covering two full months potter rAhawy 33 qbw vessels 165 [bw vessels This may Dyna indicate that the delivery was an unusual hence noteworthy event especially in relation to (HO references to problems with smdt organization earlier in the text (see section 37) the p

Deliveries of varying quantities of pottery are entered a number of times for different sides of recei the crew in the journal of year 3 of Ramesses X (P Turin 1898 + Botti and Peet pI 50-63 KRI Re VI 687-99) On III prt 18 even though the crew was not working because of the foreigners cornr (Omyw) 30 qb(w) vessels and 30 [+ x] [[bw] vessels were delivered to Right (rto I 11) On the wood last day of IV prt 9 qb(w) and 27 ([)bw vessels were delivered to Left (the entry for Right is comp lost rto II 14) The entry for II smw 19 records crew not working Right 28 qb(w) vessels 300 Janss [b(w) vessels Left 28 qb(w) vessels 15 g1(y) vessels 300 [b(w) vessels (rto III 9-10) The entry amou for g1y vessels is unusual in this text Two days later there was a further delivery for Right alone largel the potter - 30 qb(w) vessels 150 [b(w) vessels (rto III 13-14) In the month of III smw qbw Alt and [bw vessels were delivered on two occasions day 5 and day 30127 On IV smw 1 1 qbw was texts

delivered perhaps to Right while 90 [bw vessels were delivered to Left (rto V 18-9) If each are in delivery of vessels to the village was flexible in size and composition the entries in this journal as a c may also illustrate that deliveries to different sides of the crew could be varied as well quant

The journal text of year 1 of Ramesses XI P Turin 1898+ VSO128 records for I 10t 24 Right excep

from the hand of (the) potter [ ] 18 qb(w) vessels 50 [+x] [bw vessels Left from the hand of 37 In(the) potter [ ]y129 10 [+x] (Hh vessels [r~R~~o] [ J (vso Text A 2-4) Again the Otherdelivery is separately enumerated for the different sides of the crew breaks in the text mean that unprethe composition of the delivery is unknown If the entry on line 4 is a variant orthography of a this b type of vessel (1(1130 it may indicate a specialized delivery because (1(1 vessels are not firingotherwise attested in the pottery deliveries l3I Further deliveries are recorded in this journal again therein a very broken context by the hand ofthe potter [ ] lbw vessels 51 [+ x ] (vso dockets B taken5-6) later 18 qbw vessels and 50 lbw vessels are recorded (vso dockets C 2) This is the latest or adrsurviving record of pottery deliveries to the necropolis workmen in the 20th Dynasty deficit Impac36 Conclusion the meanings ofb1kw

TheThe Turin Necropolis journals seem to support the interpretation of the nature of the b1kw found detailein the earlier documentation Despite the possibility that delivery patterns may have altered or that from t some entries may represent extra deliveries these documents indicate that [bw and qbw vessels earlyformed the core of any quota of pottery delivered to the village occasionally supplemented with irregulother vessel types the pa III It

127 On III sectmw 529 qb(w) vessels and 150 bw vessels were delivered to Right Left received 19 qb(w) month vessels and 150 bw vessels (Botti and Peet pI 57 rto IV 15-9) The papyrus is damaged in the entries for III sectmw 30 but the surviving text indicates that deliveries of over 100 bw vessels were made to Right and both fbw and rqlbw vessels were delivered to Left (Botti and Peet pI 59 rto V 17-19) Unusually this latter entry records bw vessels before qbw 132 For 128 Botti and Peet pI 63 KRI VI 850-1 I follow the reassessment of Jtirgen von Beckerath in my reading 34 see of this text Papyrus Turin 1898+ vso SAK21 (1994)29-33 133 Th( 129 Perhaps the name of the potter CAhawy can be restored here 134 C J 130 Wh V 532 W F Reineke Der Zusammenhang der altagyptischen Hohl- und UingenmaBe MID 9 East e (1963)151 observlt 131 4343 vessels are included in a list of products in O Cairo 25678 vso 17 along with fbw vessels (1 18) discuss Valbelle citing this text considers that 4343 vessels could replace qbw vessels and were perhaps be mad synonymous (in her reference Duvriers 265 n 12 read 25678 for 25673) 135 Con

n p b(w) year ntial may m to

es of KRI

yenlers 11 the ht is 300 ~ntry

lone qbw was each lmal

ight ld of I the that ofa not

gain s B atest

lUnd that sels with

b(w) 8 for tand this

ding

[09

18) haps

DOCUMENTIKG SUPPLY 51

A further correspondence between the papyrus documents and the earlier ostraca is the variation in the numbers of vessels being delivered If these figures do represent regular bkw the variation in vessel totals may reflect responses to the changing needs of the crew perhaps including orders made by the superiors of the crew to the potters The use of bkw in one 20th

Dynasty account ostracon exemplifies the flexible character of commissions O Gardiner 80 4-5 (HO 6114) states after recording the complete deliveries during III smw received as the bkw of the potter entered complete like his custom of every day This text implies that the deliveries received during that month constituted the potters commission which he managed to fulfiL

Records survive of other members of the smdt such as gardeners and woodcutters receiving commands to deliver specific amounts132 Janssen notes the commission received by the woodcutter Saroy in year 29 III fJt 7 to deliver 380 units every 10 days This order can be compared with that of Saroys colleague who received a commission to deliver 500 units 133 As Janssen observes the quotas of the woodcutters often deviated quickly from these specified amounts (see above p 20) Such orders might have been regular normal occurrences that are largely invisible in the written record

Although no known text records such an assignment to the potters to deliver specific amounts texts that record varying quantities of ceramics and texts in which vessels other than qbw and tbw are included suggest that such commissions were madc The bkw may therefore be understood as a commission or expected dclivery of a predetermined unit of ceramics Although theoretically quantifiablc the bkw was flexible so that we cannot determinc what amount was expected except in specific deliveries

37 Implications ofdefiCits Other factors may also have operated to produce differential sizes of deliveries Firing was an unpredictable process with a certain amount of wasters inevitably being produced each time On this basis Christopher Eyre has suggested the one bkw may have been the equivalent of one firing which could vary in composition and in success134 Although this hypothesis is viable there is no direct evidence to support it and it is also possible that the needs of the crew were taken into account in each individual bkw or work requirement Where problems in the workshop or administrative breakdowns affected deliveries these are likely to be reflected in the records as deficits By examining patterns of deficit within the documentation it is possible to observe the impact of external problems in the Theban area on the potters deliveries in the mid 20th Dynasty

The journal ostraca of the reigns of Ramesses III and IV (Group I) again provide the most detailed documentation of delivery and deficit although only very general trends can be deduced from the materiaL Janssens analysis of pottery deliveries at the end of Ramesses Ills reign to early Ramesses IV led to the conclusion that deliveries of commodities were generally very irregular at this time whereas in the preceding years they had been more stable 135 The details of the pattern of deficits can be supplemented by a few account ostraca from the reign of Ramesses III It must be borne in mind that the idiosyncrasies of scribal record keeping mean that some months record no deliveries at all even though deliveries were most probably made

132 For the commissioning of the smdt see J J Janssen The Year of the Strikes BSEG 16 (1992) 44 n 34 see also Janssens section 7 in this volume 133 The Year of the Strikes 44-6 134 C J Eyre Work and the Organization of Work in the New Kingdom in Labor in the Ancient Near East ed M A Powell (New Haven 1987) 193 Janssen bkw From Work to Product 90 n observes that if this were the case the potters would have delivered once per decade The limited evidence discussed in 31 and a review of the delivery dates in the texts included in 33 indicate that deliveries could be made on more than one occasion during the ten-day period 135 Commodity Prices 488

52 POTTERS

The account of O Gardiner 80 (HO 61 4) for year 21 of Ramesses III records deliveries that O were made complete for the entire month of III smw the final line entered complete like his bJrn custom of every day although formulaic may be an indicator of a reputation for efficiency and for t punctuality The records from a few years later appear to tarnish this reputation The account text far 11 O DeM 143 datable to year 24 while recording complete deliveries for III smw 30 and IV smw coml 10 and 20 enters deficits for IV smw 30 the five epagomenal days and the first two decades of I appe 3bt (11 1-7) Reasons for the accumulation of such a substantial deficit beyond internal incre production problems are unknown This text warns us that although the relationship between admi administrative problems at Deir el-Medina and deficit is clear at times less easily identifiable in th factors may also have had an impact By year 27 deliveries appear to have returned to normal the p with no deficits being entered and every delivery recorded as complete (0 DeM 33 vso 8 O TI DeM 34 rto 7 16 vso 11) a deficit is however noted for the epagomenal days of year 28 in O agair DeM 156 vso 4 that

From year 29 deficits are again a consistent feature of the record during the time when labour inc01 troubles began to disrupt the community The first hint of delivery problems may be found in the whet problematic O Strasbourg H 26 If the entries on the recto refer to the potter this text records mad~ complete deliveries throughout I and II smw and probably through the epagomenal days and II there 3bt The verso may refer more explicitly to pottery deliveries with the final line recording IV coul Jbt 10 deficit of the [potter) However the reading of qd is based on a restoration (Cerny Nb in thi 3561) and the status of this text as a pottery account could be questioned There are more certain Th references to delivery from later in year 29 In I prt 30 the potter made deliveries to Right and perio Left details of the content of delivery are not given (0 Turin 57007 vso 4-5) The strike action ambi began in the village only ten days later on II prt 10136 The only further entry recording a pottery Peet delivery is in P Turin 1961 (Pleyte and Rossi pI 99) possibly from the end of year 29 IV prt 30 outsi notes for Right the potter I Y while the potter l is noted for Left (vso II 5 7)137 There are there no further records of pottery deliveries until year 30 although the consistent deficits incurred by reorg the woodcutters during year 29 and into year 30 are evidence of the impact of the strikes (see for II above p 21)138 authc

Deficits are recorded in an account text for III prt 30 and probably IV prt 10 of year 30 but a Peet delivery oftvo b3kw was promptly made to remedy this deficit (0 DeM 165 rto 1-2) O DeM ~Aha 154 rto 15-16 of year 31 records the delivery of two b3kw on II smw 29 probably overdue entric payments for days 10 and 20 A number of fbw vessels are also specified I interpret these as and perhaps an early payment for II smw 30 although they may relate to the two b3kw A deficit of 65 speci is noted Complete deliveries are made in IV lJl but since they are noted specifically they may perha have been considered late one b3kw being entered on day 13 for day 10 and one being entered Th for Right only on day 21 (0 DeM 157 8-9 17) From then into the reign of Ramesses IV the may potters made deliveries late or were making good deficits In II smw 7 of year 32 the debt was diffic paid for I smw 30 and at the same time the b3kw was delivered three days early for II smw 10 (0 or the

19thDeM 38 7 17 23) No sooner had these deliveries been made then the potter was in debt again I for the rest of the month Disruptions to pottery and fuel deliveries (see above p 21) throughout wide] year 30 and into year 31 are symptoms of continued labour problems within the village or of subst general administrative problems in the Theban area 139

mont side I

136 RAD 49 15 P J Frandsen Editing reality the Turin Strike Papyrus in Studies in Egyptology presented to Miriam Lichtheim ed S Israelit-Groll (Jerusalem 1990) 166-99 Risbo 137 Janssen considers that the documentation of half units may point to a scarcity of materials Commodity availa Prices 488 A reference to a half unit may also be found in an anonymous papyrus fragment in Turin 140 Fo (Cerny MSS 3616) which records the potter 2h this probably means 2h bJkw 141 Fo 138 Janssen The Year ofthe Strikes 46-8 BerIir B9 Disruptions in local administration may have directly impacted pottery production if as Colin Hope bkw suggests the state provided clay to these workshops Egyptian Pottery Shire Egyptology 5 (princes been ~

8 that ce his yand It text smw

s of ternal tween fiable Irmal 8 O in O

aboUT in the ~cords

md II ~ IV YNb ertain It and ~ction ottery Jrt 30 re are ed by (see

but a DeM erdue se as of65 may

tered the twas 0(0 19ain ~hout or of

~logy

ity

ffope inces

DOCUMENTlIG SUPPLY 53

O DeM 40 rto 15 from I gUt of year 1 of Ramesses IV records that the potter delivered three bgkw on day 24 probably overdue deliveries for days 10 and 20 (the deficits are not noted) and for the epagomenal days for which the deficit was entered in a note in a separate column on the far left A deficit is also recorded for day 30 (vso 9) From this point on the deliveries tend to be complete although often a few days late140 There are still occasional deficits but the deliveries appear to have been generally more regular than in the final years of Ramesses IILI41 The increasing irregularity of delivery is probably a symptom of the general decay of the administration of the Necropolis at the end of a long reign The more regular deliveries beginning in the first year of Ramesses IV perhaps correspond with a renewed interest in the Necropolis on the part of the successor king who was eager to get work on his tomb underway

These documents provide the only opportunity to trace a pattern of deficit in pottery deliveries against well documented changes and problems in the administration of the village They show that such an equation between the two is possible this may have implications for the more incomplete records of the end of the dynasty It is difficult to determine from the papyrus texts whether deliveries continued on a regular basis in the closing years of the 20th Dynasty or were made in large consignments more infrequently as the surviving evidence seems to suggest Since there were significant civil disturbances in the Theban area throughout this period deliveries could have been affected to the point that they became more unusual events and warranted entry in the journals

The Turin Necropolis journal for year 17 of Ramesses IX provides the best example from this period From II prl on the text includes entries concerning the smdt in general from the ambiguous entry taking the smdt of the Tomb of Left by the scribe of the Tomb Hori (Botti and Peet pI 14 rto B I 8) to the entries a few lines later crew not working while the smdt were outside under the authority (rJ(wyraquo of the two scribes of the Necropolis [ ] crew not working there being no smdt outside (rto B I 12) These entries seem to indicate that there was some reorganization of or problem with the smdt although a record of a wood delivery was entered for II prl 15 The entry for II prt 18 records crew not working while their smdt were under the authority of the two scribes of the Tomb of the Outside without any payments (1) (Botti and Peet pI 15 rto B I 18) On II prt 24 a delivery of fish was made and on day 25 the potter rAhawy delivered a number of vessels (Botti and Peet pI 16 rto B II 1-3) Although these entries are difficult to interpret it seems that the crew was facing both deficits in grain delivery and problems with the smdt In this context the delivery of pottery can perhaps be seen as a special occurrence no text from the end of the 20 th Dynasty explicitly records a potters deficit perhaps indicating that there was no longer an expected pattern to delivery

The interpretations presented here are speculative moreover other factors that left no trace may have had an impact on production The deficits entered for year 25 of Ramesses III are difficult to explain except in terms of unknowable production problems specific to the workshops or the personal circumstances of the potters as are the causes for the deficits recorded in the early 19th Dynasty Such deficits cannot be equated with any known problems in the village or the wider Theban area The accounts of the potters Menna and N akhy in the early 19th Dynasty record substantial deficits especially those incurred by Menna in a year 9 where he is in deficit for five months totalling 53 qbw vessels and 575 fbw vessels Further deficit totals perhaps for the other side of the crew are even larger 94 qbw vessels and 992 lbw vessels (0 Berlin P 10840) The

Risborough 1987) 10 This argument may apply only to high quality ceramics considering the ready availability ofNile silt for the production of most basic vessels 140 For example O DeM 47 rto 3 11 vso 4 141 For example the following texts record deficits in year 1 = I prt 30 (0 DeM 47 rto 11) III prt 30 (0 Berlin P 12641 + 12628 7) II smw 20(7) (0 DeM 161 vso 3) O DeM 44 rto 20 records a delivery of 1y bklv for III smw 29 Janssen considers that since no delivery was recorded for day 20 materials may have been scarce at this time Commodity Prices 488

--54 POTTERS

patterns of deficit incurred by the potters that can be traced in the texts cannot generally be Ana correlated with external administrative problems and decay rese

proc sect4 Equations of word and object an analysis offour pot-types A notable feature of the potter texts from Deir el-Medina is the substantial number of vessels 41 delivered to the village every ten days Although the exact number due in each bkw varied the I ha totals of some deliveries indicate that there was a significant and constant need for ceramics in the thrOl community In the lives of the villagers this pottery was essential It was the principal means to mult store prepare and serve food and to carry out many other activities within the domestic and work refer spheres Janssen observes in Commodity Prices that we have virtually no cvidence for the enun exchange value of ceramics beeause price texts generally refer only to metal or stone vessels 142

used Vessels used for a wide variety of domestic purposes would have had a low value and high class turnover millions of pot sherds were found within the rubbish dumps of the village including the offo Grands PuitS 143 Since their role was so essential it is desirable to learn about the various forms of In thl the vessels - their sizes and range of functions - in order to advance our understanding of the lJl villagers daily lives possi

Holthoerl44 noted that most Mesopotamian names of vessels relate directly to their material their function or their capacity but concluded that the Egyptians derived their vessel names from something other than vessel function This conclusion was largely based on the 1935 lexicographic analysis of Egyptian vessels by Robert du Mesnil du Buisson whose study is the only one that covers a wide range of ceramics including some of the vessel names that occur in the Deir el-Medina potter texts He considered that the qbw vessel was connected to qb fresh cool an appropriate concept for a jar145 He equated the gy vessel with the verb gw to be narrow perhaps suggesting a jar with a narrow neck 146

Edward Brovarski has done preliminary work on some Old Kingdom and First Intermediate Period vessel terms147 and Patricia Paice has studies connections between vessel shapes and their functions as depicted in tomb reliefs 148 The most valuable recent examination of the intersection of lexicography and a ceramic corpus is that of Janet Bourriau and Stephen Quirke on the Middle Kingdom ceramic repertoire from Lahun l49

An approach comparable to that taken at Lahun would be ideal for the material from Deir elshy Fig 1 Medina but a full statistical analysis of the archaeological material in relation to the textual data Urk r that is a prerequisite for determining lexicographic relations is beyond the scope of this study

The VI

Jb-nraquo142 407_8 and n 5 lS enu 143 ibid 488

vessel 144 New Kingdom Pharaonic Sites The Pottery 41 see J Bourriau and S Quirke The Late Middle

terminKingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects in Lahun studies ed S Quirke (Reigate 1998) 60shydeterm1 for a more recent discussion of the basis of classifications

145 Les noms et signes egyptiens designant des vases ou objets simiaires (Paris 1935)30 l46 Noms et signes 72 Janssen Commodity Prices 427 considers that du Mesnil du Buissons suggestions 150 FoUl

and explanations for the gly are unconvincing and concludes that no identification of the gly is apparant P Turi Ricardo A Caminos considered it to be an open bowl or cup since it was used more as a container for Howevl

ISl Jansvegetables and flowers than liquids (CLEM 194-5) corresponding to the use of gy vessels for natron 152 Thelotus leaves and fruit in the Medinet Habu festival lists A Spalinger Medinet Habu and Deir el-Yledina IS3 TheCombined in Deir el-Medina in the Third Millennium AD A Tribute to Jac J Janssen eds R 1 Demaree

and A Egberts Egyptologische Uitgaven 14 (Leiden 2000) 314 Although the shape of the gl) remains these m unknown Janssen has determined a capacity of 20 hin Two Ancient Egyptian Ships Logs Papyrus Leiden detenni 1350 verso and Papyrus Turin 2008 + 2016 (Leiden 1961)88 vessel l47 Lexicographical Studies in Egyptian Pottery Bulletin de Liaison du Groupe International dEtude de determi fa Ceramique Egyptienne 7 (1982) 36-7 154 P GJ 14S The Pottery of Daily Life in Ancient Egypt JSSEA 19 (1989) 50-88 bibliogr 149 The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects 60-83 IS5 Com

lly be

essels d the in the ansto lwork Dr the oels142

1 high ngthe rmsof of the

lterial s from

1935 is the

cur in fresh to be

lediate i their ection fiddle

eir elshyt data study

v1iddle 8) 60shy

~stions

Jaranl ler for latron -edina maree mains Leiden

~de de

EQUA TJONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 55

Analysis of the occurrence of vessel types in the potter texts can be related to the present stage of research into vessel shape and size to produce some further insights both into the potters products and into the documentation for the supply of particular ceramic types

41 The basic pots qbw and [bw I have shown above that [bw and qbw vessels formed the basis of deliveries to the village

19th 20ththroughout the and Dynasties Therefore it seems likely that they were simple multipurpose vessels distinct from each another in shape andor size There is a standard way of referring to them in the records qbw vessels precede [bw vessels and many fewer are usually enumerated This relationship points to a qualitative differentiation between the two ISO Both are used as containers for liquids such as beer and waterl5l I consider that these two terms designate classes of vessels rather than fixed single shapes their names perhaps referring to a wider range of forms Difference in size may account for the differentation in numbers delivered in the texts In the following discussion I assess the evidence for these two classes of vessels

Jb lbw) vessels are included among the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak indicating a possible shape for the vessel152

tlBoo~WJ~O 01It 0P L II I I

Fig 1 ob-nw-k vessels in the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak (Wreszinski Atlas II pI 33 Urk IV 636)

The vessel shown is distinctive being beaker-like and wider at the base than at the neck JS3 The ub-nw-k vessel here is the equivalent of the u-m-Icw of P Harris I 36a 7 A significant number is enumerated in this text as containers tor incense perhaps indicating a smaller cup-like vessel l54 Janssen has considered that the [x]-n-k termination which is fairly common in vessel terminology indicates that the vessels were cups the name of the vessel given in the compound determines the shape155 In the inscription of the High Priest Osorkon the Oblb-n-k is written

150 Four texts which enumerate qbw and fbw vessels show a ratio of 15 O Or Inst Chicago 16698 rto 3 P Turin 2070133 134 + frgs rto 10-11 Giornale of year 17 rto B II 1-3 P Turin 1898 rto III 14 However since these are isolated examples it is uncertain how widely applicable such a ratio was 151 Janssen Commodity Prices 433 Valbelle Ouvriers 265 152 The equivalence between the lb andlbw is confirmed in CLEM 186-7 153 The determinative given for a qby vessel in the offering list ofThutmose III at Elcphantine indicates that these may have been quite close in shape to the IJb-nw-h of the Karnak list The simple elongated beaker determinative is quite distinct from the determinatives given for the other vases in the list including the Ub vessel which is shon with a definite neck (Urk IV 828 4) However the occurrence of different determinatives within a single text does not offer a basis for a classification of vessel forms 154 P Grandet Le Papyrus Harris I (EM 9999) BdE 109 (Cairo 1994) I 272 see vol IT 141 n 576 for a bibliography for lbw l55 Commodity Prices 409

I

56 POTTERS

with a goblet detenninative ls6 The vessels recorded in these texts may be smaller cup versions of thai larger Ibw jars with the wide mouth and lack of defined neck perhaps pointing to a vessel associated with food preparation and service 157 The delivery list O DeM 288 records fb-nw-kJ

cor 1

vessels perhaps as a fuller writing of bw or as a distinct fonn vithin the Ibw class Vessels ves categorized as Ibw may have had a generalized function as cups or containers for both liquid and con solid foods A comparison can be made with the ~nw vessels which are recorded in significant 4W numbers in the papyrus documents from Lahun and are equated by Bourriau and Quirke with the 346 drinking cups known from the site the only vessel fonn which they consider could have been used in such numbers 158 The bkw of the Deir el-Medina potters show that Ibw vessels too were

lbw 50

delivered in large quantities the The lower numbers of qbw vessels in the deliveries may be related to their larger size In Poids o

No 5135 3 the weight of a metal qbw vessel is stated to be 20 deben or 18 kg Valbelle betv concludes from this that the qbw was significantly larger than the Ibw 159 That qbw designates a POttl simple storage jar may be indicated by the name itself If the connection suggested by du Mesnil two du Buisson between qbw vessels and qb cool can be accepted it may suggest that qbw vessels were storage jars perhaps for water and other liquids The connection may also suggest the

sigh one

material of manufacture qbw vessels could have been made from marl clay which cools water Helc through evaporation

As storage jars qbw vessels may have been connected in shape or broad function with the qbwshyIf a have

n-wt canopic jar The coincidence of the name suggests some correspondence The simple canopic jar fonns given by Georges Nagel for Tomb 359 seem similar in shape to vessels found in the cellar of a house in the village160 However Nagels sample is so small that any identification is tentative Janssen cautions that the standard shape of a canopic jar was rarely used as the fonn of bronze or pottery vessels 161 This may be a principle of decorum vessels with a funerary purpose not being equated in fonn with ordinary domestic ceramics The connection between qbw and qbw-n-wt may be simply that they were both in one fonn or another storage jars

Although the qbw may have been proportionally larger than the lbw it is very unlikely that

capa temp capa appn meas

Cc vso cannc into i

either fonn had a fixed capacity at Deir el-Medina W W Struve [V V Struve] offered the only attempt to determine the capacity of the qbw (or qby) vessel based largely on Greek evidence and his research on P Boulaq 18162 Wolfgang HeIcks review of this evidence led him to conclude

dOCUJ

repre betw( vesse restril than 1

156 R A Caminos The Chronicle ofPrince Osorkon Analecta Orientalia 37 (Rome 1958) 129 157 p Cairo 58088 indicates that bw could have had a large size in this case accommodating 3 ds measures See also Janssen Commodity Prices 433 n 170 C Daniel Les noms egyptiens de certains types de vases

proba fixed

In

grecs Studia et Acta Orientalia 5-6 (1967) 383-5 equates the lIb vessel with the Greek 10 olt7tW and the vesse

Mycenaean di-pa He notes that the di-pa depicted on a tablet corresponds in shape with the form of the fib indicated by the determinative used for the word The depictions of the di-pa that Daniel cites are not 163 DG

comparable in form with the Ibw depicted in the Karnak offering list D H F Gray Linear Band evidee Archaeology Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies of the UniverSity of London 6 (1959) pI 7 I andDI would argue that the form of the lbw was very flexible 164 It 1

158 Bourriau and Quirke The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects 74 some 159 Catalogues des poids a inscriptions hieratiques de Deir el-Medineh Nos 5001-5423 DFIFAO 16 165 Da~

(Cairo 1973) 18 166 FOI 160 La ceramique du Nouvel Empire aDeir el Medineh DFIFAO 10 (Cairo 1938)35 cf 122 no 38 42 SpaHn 44 167 Da 161 Commodity Prices 412 sugges 162 Mathematischer Papyrus des staatlichen Museums der SchOnen Kunste in Moskau (Berlin 1930) 55 Ceram withn2 25 1itr

lions of vessel

-nw-k

Vessels llid and ilificant vith the Ie been )0 were

n Poids lalbelle ~ates a Mesnil vessels est the s water

le qbwshysimple

s found lat any rarely vessels s The omlor

~ly that Iteonly lce and melude

~asures

le vases and the the b are not Band pI 7 I

AO 16

3842

gt30) 55

EQliAnONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 57

that the qbw had no fixed capacity Rather it seems that vessels such as the Ibw and qbw could correspond to a range of different ds measures 163

Two texts may point to some perhaps proportional equivalence between qbw vessels and dpr vessels In O DeM 135 the record of the accumulated deficits of two potters includes a conversion from dpr vessels into qbw vessels 9 dpr vessels to (=) qbw vessels making Urn) 4Yz (see section 31) Such a conversion may indicate a size ratio between the vessels O DeM 346 vso 3 records 42 dpr vessels [making Urn)] 22 qbt vessels (see n 89 for the restoration) Ibw vessels may also be equated with dpr vessels in O DeM 202 dpr vessels 30 [as] 15 bw 50 (1 3_4)164 The restoration here is problematic and the hypothesis of any equivalence between the two types must remain tentative

O Berlin P 10654 vso displays a similar complexity in possible equivalences this time between qbw vessels and jnJt vessels This text (discussed in section 33) seems to record the potters production of ceramics on days 10 20 and 30 of II bt and day 10 of IIIilt The final two lines state total 230 of (n) qbw vessels [ ] specifying it (wp st) 23 jnJt vessels At first sight such a text seems to point to a proportional relationship between these vessels a qbw being one tenth of ajnJt Such a ratio is quite possible because jnJt vessels do seem to have been large Heicks calculations from O Gardiner 81 indicate that ajnJt vessel was 2 of a mnt-amphora 165

If a mnt had a liquid capacity of c 20 hin and a hin was 048 litres the capacity of a jnlzt would have been c 53 hin or 2551itres O Berlin P 10654 vso would then show that a qbw vessel had a capacity of c 53 hin or 25 litres whieh is a sensible size for a storage jar 166 Although it is tempting to make such equations from this data this evidence is based on assumptions about the capacity of other vessel types so is tentative HeIck estimated that the ds vessel had a eapacity of approximately 3 litres 167 If so the qbw in P Boulaq 18 would have been double the size ofa ds measure in order to contain the 2 ds (e 6 litres)

Contextual study of the equation between qbw vessels and other types in O Berlin P 10654 vso O DeM 135 and O DeM 346 vso indicates some form of size ratio operated although we cannot easily determine the flexibility of that ratio or how it was used A conversion of one vessel into its equivalent of another type is unusual in a text like O Berlin P 10654 vso which seems to document the actual produetion of vessels even their firing If the last two lines of the text represent the total of ceramics produced in this process then the specification of a relationship between the two vessels types is rather strange Perhaps the original order was for 230 qbw vessels and this was then converted into the equivalent in jn~t vessels Ifjn~t vessels had a more restricted even ritual function the equivalence expressed here may be more abstract or complex than a ratio of capacity The size of vessels delivered may have been standardized to some extent probably based on ease of delivery and manageability within a domestic eontext rather than as fixed measures

In such a context a value relationship might well have operated The jnlzt as a specialized vessel may have had a more established value in relation to which the qbw vessels could be set

163 Das Bier im Alten Agypten (Berlin 1971) 47 See also Anthony Spalingers re-evaluation of the evidence for the capacity of these vessels including discussion of O DeM 135 and 202 Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 314 His conclusions largely correspond with mine 164 It may also be possible to read dpr 30 Urnl 15 lbw 50 which would support the hypothesis of some sort ofequivalence 165 Das Bier 47 16lt5 For a review of evidence concerning the capacity of the mnl including discussion of this text see A Spalinger Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 312-3 167 Das Bier 46 R L Miller (is-vessels Beer Mugs Cirrhosis and Casting Slag GM 115 (1990) 64 suggests that the ds was a drinking vessel perhaps to be equated with depictions given in Nagel Ceramique 199-206 Miller identifies a jar found at Saqqara as a ds vessel noting that it had a capacity of 25 litres roughly corresponding to Heicks estimate

58 POTTERS

In O DeM 135 the scribe may well have calculated the value of the vessels owed down to the half vessel A parallel for this is found in O Turin 57062 vso 4 where 2Yz jnJtt vessels are set

dlagainst five vessel types which precede them (their names are lost) The recording of five vessels compared with half that amount in jnJtt vessels producing the unusual amount of a half vessel tt

2again suggests a value equivalence Since vessels do not appear with fixed values in the price

SJtexts their worth may well have been assessed in relation to other vessel types st b42 A specialized vessel jnJzt DApart from the two vessel types or classes that formed the basis of the deliveries of ceramics to rethe village the potter texts also occasionally enumerate other types jnJtt vessels although well

known from other contexts are rare in the potter texts A few texts that may indicate their ritproduction or delivery by the Deir el-Medina potters illuminate aspects of its function and context

of use The pattern of occurrence of jnJtt vessels indicates a specialized vessel type the shape of which is unknown The jnJtt vessel is most widely documented as a storage container for beer and as Walter F Reineke notes outside the data from Deir el-Medina it was often made of gold or silver J68 That this vessel could be supplied as part of the ceramic requirement of the village seems to be indicated by the delivery lists from the early 19th Dynasty (Category E) Some of these lists record jnJzt vessels although they are not always indisputably connected with the smdt potters

In the Category E delivery lists of wood and ceramics jnJtt vessels occur four times their total Ccamount being low in comparison with the other vessels enumerated in these texts In O DeM 1 6 una total of 7 jnlu vessels are delivered 5 of good quality 2 of poor In O DeM 17 4 only 3 jnJzt aUvessels were delivered (2 good 1 poor) in comparison with 290 lbw recorded in the previous intline and in O DeM 15 3 7 jn~lt vessels were delivered as against 295 Ibw vessels 16 jnJzt povessels are documented in O DeM 23 5 (the text is broken and the reading at the end of the line

uncertain)169 bei ve~Only two texts explicitly includejnJtt vessels in pottery deliveries 0 Qurna 6181 records two

jnJtt vessels among the deficit of 55 qbw and 265 Ibw vessels incurred by the potter Menna O IJry Michaelides 33 rto 3-6 J70 This text records for III Jot 30 matching deliveries from a potter to vex

Right and Left among other deliveries of wood and gypsum the potter 1 jnlp vessels 20 (pJ qd 1 jnJzt 20)171 The stroke read as one after the title p qd could refer to the bkw of the potter not

with jnJtt vessels being an addition to the quota delivered 172 jnJtt vessels were therefore a wit gocomponent of the potters repertoire and this fact may complicate the interpretation of other texts

where they occur173 More generally jnJzt vessels are recorded as being delivered filled with beer I thisand thus are probably not associated with ceramic delivery

174 (

Me(J68 Der Zusammenhang der altagyptischen Hohl- und UingenmaBe MID 9 (1963) 146 175( 169 Kitchen restores 16jnli vessels [by the hand of A]meneminet (KRII 367 8 a-b) but there does not 176 1appear to be space for this formula in the break The rest of this text is similar to the other wood and pottery

177pounddelivery lists See the discussion of parallel texts in section 23 170 Goedicke-Wente pJ 67 However I follow CernYs transcription of the text here (Nb 10830)

178 1

Cau171 Contra Goedicke and Wente who restore IT1l ] on line 3 On line 7 Goedicke and Wente read 27 jnlt 197vessels instead of 20 vessels and the restoration for the [plasterer] (Pi q() given by Cerny 179 1

172 Alternatively it could refer to a single potter although this would be unusual in this context (see section Rek21) Compare the reading of this text with that discussed for O DeM 154 rto 15-6 in section 34 Egy

173 Other entries for this day include specialty breads and ds measures of beer (117-8) while the folloVing somentry for IV Jt 1 records a festival of Hathor (1 9) Although an association with a festival context is Dietpossible the delivery of jnlts as discussed by Spahnger is recorded separately from the breads and ds inameasures and is included among more standard delveries Medinet Habu and Dei elmiddotMedina Combined note310-311 Earl

l to the are set vessels vessel e price

mics to ~h well e their ~ontext

mpe of Ir beer of gold village ome of le smdt

ir total M 16 r 3jn~f

revious 16 jn~t he line

ds two mao O )tter to (pJ qd potter fore a r texts th beer

oes not pottery

27 jn~t

section

llowing rrtext is and ds

lbined

EQUATIONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 59

jn~t vessels of beer occur consistently in a series of six Category E ostraca that seem to document the delivery of commodities associated with festival or temple offerings174 Four of these texts state that the commodities were delivered by an individual in O DeM 20 and O DeM 25 the deliveries are made by a local priest Each of these six texts lists items that include speciality foodstuffs and jn~t vessels of beer rather than the fuel and plain unfilled pottery of standard deliveries II smw 12 by the hand of the local priest (w(b Sf) 175 60 large j nJzt vessels of beer entered 56 deficit 4 120 (bundles of) vegetables ISO s(t cakes and 100 rJzs cakes (0 DeM 20) The only exception in this group is O DeM 26 where 30 large jn~1f vessels are recorded 27 are entered (jw) and there is a deficit on No beer is recorded with these vessels

The recto of O DeM 29 may confirm that lists containing such products are associated with rituals or festivals rather than deliveries of materials to the village 176

total of various (sbn)jnl)tvessels of beer 653 [+x] the record of the [ ] which were given as offerings (snw) [] good bread loaves of [ ] s(t cake [x oipeJ rJzs cakes [ J jnJzt vessels of beer [ J beer [ ]

Connections of this vessel type with the temple or festival sphere nmy explain features of the unique and difficult distribution text O BM 50728 discussed in section 23 The text records the allocation ofjnJzt vessels to individual crew members The 10 + 5 jnJzt vessels seem to be grouped into four different categories perhaps accordin~ to quality of the vessel or its contents and possibly its shape or finish 177 5 doubly good (~reg) jnJzt vessels in the fashion of hbny [vessels] being returned (m hyt) 2 for Baky I for Huy 1 (for) (Omek 1 for Qaha totalS (11 5-6) Six vessels given to individuals in line 7 one for each nmn are stated to be middling good (11fr mshyhry-jb) and line 10 enumerates two vessels that also have a designation perhaps reading not (J I~~ 3)very poor _ 1

If the jnJzt vessels were more specialized beer vessels used in festival or ritual contexts then the note of quality either of contents or of the vessel itself would have been important This concern with quality can also be seen in the delivery lists where the jnJzt vessels are described as either good or poor 178

Particularly difficult to understand in this context are the writings of hbny perhaps referring to this well-known amphora-shaped vessel I19 The five doubly goodjnl)t vessels are designated in

174 O DeM 19 20 21 25 26 27 For further discussion of these texts see Spalinger Deir e1middotMedina and Medinet Habu Combined 311

(1 0

175 l=n (1 1) For another writing of this title see O DeM 25 2 176 The verso of this text records only nswt bjty mnmiddotmrtmiddotrr 177 For the use of red ink in this text see p 19 n 75 above

178 O DeM 1 6 174 For discussion of the meaning of snn 1~ in these contexts see D Valbelle Catalogue des poids ainscriptions hieratiques de Deir eAmiddotfedineh Nos 500l-5423 DFIFAO 16 (Cairo 1977)23 179 Wh II 487 There are depictions of the hbnylhbnt vessel in Urk IV 11308 11352 and in the tomb of Rekhmire N de G Davies The Tomb of Rekh-mi-r~ at Thebes The Metropolitan Museum of Art Egyptian Expedition 11 (New York 1943) I pIs 33 34 In these examples it is shaped as an amphora sometimes without handles and often contains honey E A W Budge An Egyptian Hieroglyphic Dictionary (London 1920)446 gave the capacity of a hbnt ndst as one quarter of a hin F G Hilton-Price in an earlier publication Notes on Some Egyptian Antiquities in My Collection TSBA 9 (1886) 353 noted the same capacity for this vessel Here see also T G H James The Heqanakhte Papers and Other Early Middle Kingdom Documents (New York 1962) 118

60 POTTERS

the fashion of hbny vessels (~[]~IlJ1J 0) (vso 5) This seems to express an equivalence between the two vessel types perhaps representing an addition or finish to the jn~lt vessel that increased its value Du Mesnil du Buisson speculated in his discussion of the hhnl vessel that the word related to hbny ebony t ruJ-Oi) and indicated a blackened colour or lustre to the vesseL I80 hbny also occurs as an annotation above the entries of jnit vessels for particular workmen in lines 8-12 of the recto The entry on line 13 (hhny n [ ]) may indicate that hhny vessels themselves were also delivered to the workmen named in the following lines So far as I know hbny vessels do not occur in other Deir el-Medina textsl8J These notations may also refer to some sort of finishing to the j nit vesseL

The inclusion of more unusual designations for the vessels certainly points to the exceptional nature ofthe delivery in O BM 50728 as does the entry of an amount ((i(w) of bJq oil (8) in line lOon the verso after the specification of 10 further jnlJl vessels for particular workmen (pJ WpWl

n plIO n jnlJt n tJ jst) Janssen observes that this oil was rarely used by the workmen as it was too expensive 182 It is possible that the text refers to the delivery of jnit vessels of bJq oil the references to quality therefore referring to the quality of oil rather than the vessel itself The designation hbny may be associated with this as welL

Complicating this analysis is the proposed large size of jnit vessels (discussed in section 41) which may account to some extent for its more restricted function within the vessel repertoire jnlJt vessels occur only rarely in the Medinet Habu festival calendar indicating that even within the temple their use was specialized ls3 The ealculation of the equivalence in contents of the vessels in O Gardiner 81 indicates that we are dealing with a set capacity for these vessel types in this text 184 If the capacity of a jnit was 53 hin or 255 Htres this would equate to a significant quantity ofbJq oil per person 185

O BM 50728 remains a puzzle Despite thc difficulties in interpretation it seems most likely that it records allocation of vessels possibly filled with oil or beer for festival or cultic purposes The careful documentation of such a distribution may also indicate that the vessels were not to be kept by the men perhaps only being used by them for the event and then returned to the temple A large size may serve to explain their more limited and specialized oecurrence in the data perhaps restricted to the religious sphere rather than playing a role in the domestic life of the villagers

In this instance contextual analysis of texts that seem to relate to ceramic deliveries can alter our understanding of these texts and illuminate the role and function of a vessel type in the community For vessels that were delivered more commonly we can observe the potential for flexibility in the classification systems these would repay further detailed study sectS Conclusion Analysis of the texts concerning pottery delivery leaves a number of questions unanswered and areas unexplored the limited number of sources available and problems inherent in them restrict their potential for interpretation However some insights into the organization and administrative structures of Deir el-Medina are fortheoming from the material Within the meticulous record keeping of the village the key theme seems to be flexibility This flexibility is apparent in the

180 Noms et signes 28 181 Janssen did not include them in his chapter on Vessels in Commodity Prices None of the references for the entry in the Wb II 487 has a Deir e1-Medina provenance 182 Commodity Prices 330 183 On the occurrence of the jnltt in the Medinet Hahn festival lists see A Spalinger Medinet Habn and Deir ei-Medina Combined 311-2 ]84 Heick Das Bier 46 185 Even if the mnt was only 10 hin a jnltt would still be of a substantial size c 11-12 iitres Janssen Commodity Prices 434

N

CONCLUSION 61

number of potters assigned to the crew the size and content of the quota required every 10 days and the timing of deliveries The final section of my study also points to the potential flexibility of form size and function of the pots themselves

Although we can find implications in the potter texts for features of society beyond the village itself such as the specifie interpretation of bkw or the occurrence of vessels in royal festival calendars it must be borne in mind that the real value of the Deir el-Medina material lies in its potential to illuminate the lives of ordinary people in Ramessid Egypt For that purpose we need to attend most closely to the village context

Appendix The potters of Deir el-Medina Names of potters in documents relating to the delivery of ceramics

I

Names of potters in documents concerning matters other than the supply of ceramics

I 1 (Omek i Turin Strike Papyrus RAD 476 I

2 Khonsu bull O Turin 57192 1

3 Herunefer bull O DeM 73 rto 2

4 Paaeminet I O Berlin P 12343 vso 3

5 Bakenmut P Turin 2018 A rto la 5 rto IV 17 vso I 6 B rto II 4 D I rto 14 P BM 10068 vso V l3

6 Wenennefer P BM 10068 vso V 14

alence el that 1at the to the ticular thbny ar as I ) refer

ltional in line middotwpwt it was til the f The

1 41) rtoire within of the pes in ificant

likely poses tto be ~mple data of the

1 alter in the ial for

d and estrict rative ecord in the

rences

)U and

nssen

1 I Menna O IFAO 387 1 O Qurna 618i1 O DeM 91 1 O Berlin P 10840 vso 1

2 bull Nakhy I

O IFAO 3874 O DeM 914

3 I Ptahemheb O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O DeM 343 2 P Greg vso B 8 rto A11

4 Parahotep O DeM 868

5 Hori O DeM 868 O DeM 869

6 Herunefer O Cairo 25597 rto 3

7 Neferher O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O Cairo 25633 vso 2

8 Amennakht O DeM 44 rto 8

9 Dmek P Turin 2081+2095 rto 1

10 ltAhawy P Turin 1881 vso V 1 VI 7 VII 1 () Giornale of year 17 rto B II 2 P Turin 2018 A vso 1 12 B rto II 11 B vso II 17 P BM 10068 vso VI 25 P Turin 2014 rto 27-8 P BM 10054 vso II 9

62 POTTERS

Addendnm

Pierre Grandets Catalogue des ostraca hieratiques non litteraires de Deir el-Medineh IXbecame available just as this chapter went to the press This volume contains a number of important potter texts I have included them in the tables on pages 33-7 and provide a short account of them here

O DeM is the longest and most detailed potter account known to me I will be adressing the issues it raises in a further publication It records deliveries made by the potters Ptahemheb Parahotep Hori and Neferher for the months of I bt to I prt of a year 6 The title p qd occurs only in line I in reference to Ptahemheb but probably also covers the other individuals named Ptahemheb and Neferher are known from other potter accounts discussed in this chapter O DeM 869 also published by Grandet and dated to a year 6 records deliveries made by Hori of qbw and lbw vessels to Right Both Hori and Parahotep are not otherwise attested in the potter texts In O DeM 868 details of delivery are grouped according to individual potters In line 13 Neferher delivers vessels to Left (t rj smM this is the only statement concerning Right or Left in this text That four potters deliver during the same general period emphasizes the potential number of potters involved in delivery which is not generally apparent in many of the potter texts Ptahemheb and Neferher make deliveries on different days in IV bt The vessel numbers vary except for those delivered as the making good of deficits by Ptahemheb which are consistent sums (II 3-4) The vessels delivered include qbw and Ibw vessels as well as gy andjnlt this text therefore provides further evidence thatjnJtt vessels were part of the potters repertoire

Grandet follows Gutgesell in assigning a date in the mid-20th Dynasty to O DeM 868 and 869 19thMy assignment of a late Dynasty date to the other account ostraca of Ptahemheb and

Neferher (0 Cairo 25591 O Cairo 25633 and O DeM 343) is based on the record of Ptahemhebs deliveries in P Greg firmly dated by Janssen to the reign of Siptah186 Gutgesell places Ptahemheb in the 20th Dynasty on the basis of the occurrence of this name in P Turin 2006+ 1961 usually dated to year 29 of Ramesses 111 [87 The Ptahemheb in this text is not a potter and so is a different individual I propose that the late 19th Dynasty date of the other documents should therefore be retained and should also be adopted for O DeM 868 and 869

Further texts relevant to potters in Grandets volume include O DeM 877 in which a list of arrears in water supplies are measured in jnlt vessels O DeM 871-3 are sherds bearing the phrase mJ qd Grandet considers these phrases along with the phrase ml m-rJrt p-Jtm-nlr complete by the hand ofPahemnetjerthe priest on O DeM 870 as delivery marks inscribed on the pots themselves18S

186 Janssen Village Varia 115-6 187 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 252 309-12 188 Catalogue des ostraca IX 49-50

UNT

Marel

sectl Eil Die A Papyr Einwc zusHin Verw Angell besch~

Bei suchur wichtil Andre Vortei Juni 2( nicht-li recherc

Beirr allgem

bull Der MaXI

mieh Aufn Doni Sieh~

J Ja grap dazu

2 Sieht tause Peri Gutg Teil1 el ME Held Janss Histo

6 MeD Valb

g Venn Witnl II Ta

10 Ein P II Gutg 12 Allan 13 Held

Page 16: Woodcutters, Potters and Doorkeepers Service Personnel of the Deir El Medina Workmen

e of than

19h I bility ry to

title lbelle rand fenn

InO 2-3 ler of

trated lrday mlber ought line 3 mJ

s text )tters

Id are If and )y the

res by in the )y the es but ISsible ize of

17 An

l1edina venant

modity 1llcago e entry status

trnose )otters

yptiens

vso 4

INTERPRETING RECEIPT AND DELIVERY 43

the vessels the delivery could have involved several trips andor the use of assistants who are not mentioned because they had no responsibility

The distribution of the ceramics among the community is only rarely attested O DeM 337 seems to record numbers of pots owed to particular workmen III ot 10 deficit of 3lbw vessels for (n) Amenemope deficit of I ds vessel 1 dpy vessel and 3 lbw vessels for (n) Nakhy Both these names are common and it is impossible to date the text on this basis79 This text may indicate that not only were records made of the potters debts to the crew in general deficits owed to individual crew members could be documented as well

O BM 50728 dated to year 2 probably of Ramesses II also seems to relate to the processing and distribution of a particular type of ceramic recording vessels delivered to individual workmen as well as deficits owed to them The first five lines of the recto set out the purpose of the account Year 2 [ ] the record of the jn~t vessels for Left (p SOJW m n jn~t n smM - a total (~~~w) of 10 + 5 jn~t vessels Specification (wp s(traquo) for the crew concerning the 10 + 5 (vessels) 80 The numbers of vessels given to each member of the crew are then detailed The first group of five vessels is clearly allocated to four named workmen one for each man Baki probably the foreman of the crew81 received two corresponding to the hierarchal systems of distribution known from accounts of rations and other provisions Lines 7-10 continue with the allocation of different vessel types to named individuals The end of the recto is very broken but lines 11 and 12 seem to have recorded vessels owed to Amenmose (4t n jmn-msw) Pa-[ ] and twtw() and in this the text provides a parallel for O DeM 337 In O BM 50728 rto 11-12 the 41 determinative was crossed out possibly indicating that the debt was paid

O BM 50728 includes some unusual qualifications for the vessels including terms related perhaps to quality (very good jnJt njr nJr middling good jn~t nJr m-~ry-jb) and the designation of certain vessels as being in the fashion of hbny (vessels) (m qd hbny) These designations and the total (~J~w) ofbq oil given in the last line of the recto may indicate that the text records the delivery of filled jnJt vessels for a specific perhaps festival or ritual context I therefore doubt whether the text is concerned with the distribution of ceramics delivered by the smdt potters (see 42 for further discussion of this text)

In contrast O Cairo 25597 dated to year 2 of Ramesses IV records items distributed to members of the smdt The distribution list begins on line 2 with specification (wp-st) and includes a coppersmith a water-carrier as well as the potter Herunefer who received 5 bundles (mrw or ors) the content of these bundles is not stated Although the context for this distribution is not clear this is the only text known to me in which a potter seems to receive a payment perhaps in exchange for work

Some aspects of organization of work such as distribution of pots among the villagers probably did not require the level of administration and documentation needed for the record of delivery Details concerning the processing of delivery remain unclear such as the precise nature of the receipt and distribution of the products However the texts do allow the stages of delivery

79 Two workmen named Nakhy are known from the late 19th Dynasty Janssen Commodity Prices 86 Amenemope is a common name in all periods ibid 42 Although a potter Nakhy is known from this period I doubt whether this text should be understood as referring to the deficits of untitled but named potters instead I read the n as a preposition rather than the indirect genitive It would be very unusual for a potter to be untitled and the text does not follow the standard pattern for potter accounts recording deficits compare O DeM 91 O IFAO 387 O DeM 135 O Gardiner 88 vso 80 In these lines the number 10 is written in black ink while 5 is written in red Some of the numbers referring to allocations to individual workmen in the following lines of the text are also written in red The meaning of the use of red ink in the text requires further investigation 81 For Baki and his family see Davies Whos Who 2-12 If the provision of an extra vessel is an indicator of higher status this text would provide evidence that Baki continued in office into the early years of Ramesses II

I

--44 POTTERS

to be traced illuminating aspects of the organization of the potters work and their relationship the with the community ofDeir el-Medina veSt

may 24 Donkey hire by potters timi Although it can be assumed that donkeys were necessary for the delivery of ceramics to the (see village J know of only one relevant text and that refers only indirectly to the potters use of lOe donkeys There seem to be no hireage texts for potters comparable to those attested for or4 woodcutters and watercarriers

O DeM 73 Ito details a legal case concerning a donkey in the 20 th year of Ramesses III The 32 text records the resolution of a dispute (del) between the potter Herunefer who was the complainant and the workman Anynakht82 Herunefer hired a donkey from Anynakht The

FrO bkI

donkey proved unsatisfactory and an exchange was agreed upon in the presence of (m-blM a scribe of the mat Amennakhe3 The bad donkey was handed over to him Uwtw Ir swd n) and

blk1 Sh01

he gave him Uwf djt) an (other) she-donkey in its place (11 3-4) The text concludes with the resl taking of an oath on account of it (br pbwys) presumably by Anynakht

As Janssen observes in reference to the woodcutters and watercarriers texts about the hireage spec daYE

of donkeys are comparatively rare and are concentrated in the reigns of Ramesses III and IV Those that survive perhaps refer to rather unusual situations as here The distinctive nature of this

smt intel

text lends support to Janssens proposal that there was a pool of donkeys perhaps state or communally owned rather than belonging to the workmen themselves available for deliveries to

pap) was

the village (see above p 29) here T

sect3 Documenting supply 31 The timing ofexpected deliveries Janssen has determined through analysis of the journal OStraca of the reigns of Ramesses TIT and IV that deliveries of ceramics were expected every ten days84 That this was the practice in the early 19th Dynasty is confirmed by the delivery lists of wood and pottery Where the lists are dated these dates usually fall on days 1085 2086 or 3087 of the month which are the days on which deliveries were also recorded later in the 20 th Dynasty

It is likely that vessels were not expected on any particular day within this time frame and could be delivered in smaller amounts throughout the period like the deliveries by the gardeners and fishermen ss P Greg vso B II 8 documents the receipt of bkw of the potter for year 6 of

that for ( the doCl pred of tl gene mixt term

Siptah on the 19th day of IV lvt This delivery is then recorded in the summary information for IV lvt 10 to 20 A journal ostracon of the reign of Ramesses III records that on II smw 7 the potter entered two blkw one (w) for I smw 30 one for II smw 10 (0 DeM 38 7) The account text O DeM 346 of the mid_20th Dynasty documents the receipt of two quantities of vessels within three days On II prt 20 30 qbt vessels and 110 lbw vessels were received or delivered by the hand of

33l The wen O E IIIp scali mad

82 For Anynakht see Davies Whos Who 74-5 The potter Herunefer is also known from O Cairo 25597 39 (1

83 The role of the scribe of the mat (sv n un) in this text has been discussed by Ben Haring The Scribe of the Mat From Agrarian Administration to Local Justice in Deir el-Medina in the Third Millennium

Jans~ 90 b

AD A Tribute to Jac J Janssen eds R J Demaree and A Egberts Egyptologische Uitgaven 14 (Leiden 91 ibi

2000) 149 For the legal status of this text see A G McDowell Jurisdiction in the Workmens Community 92 O

ofDeir el-Medina Egyptologische Uitgaven 5 (Leiden 1990) 146-7 84 Commodity Prices 485-6

B893n

85 O DeM 1 5 7 10 12 13 17 23 O Gardiner 43 94 Fe

86 O DeM 2 8 15 24 O Or lust Chicago 18878 reCOl

87 O DeM 3 4 9 11 12 14 18 22 O DH 6 7 88 J J Janssen bkw From Work to Product SAK 20 (1993)90 n 52

tragI 95 L

lship

)the se of I for

The the The

M a ) and h the

reage i IV fthis te or ies to

I and n the s are fS on

ould sand 6 of

or IV lotter xtO three ndof

97 kribe znium iden lunity

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 45

the scribe Amenemope (rto 11 1-2) On II prt 23 a further 42 dpr vessels making(9 22 qb vessels and 100 tbw vessels were also entered by the scribe Amenemope (vso n 1-4) This text may record part payments of the delivery expected for II prt 20-30 The data concerning the timing of delivery therefore correspond to the evidence discussed by Janssen for the woodcutters (see above pp 18ff) As in the woodcutter texts if the delivery was completed in full during the 10 day period it was recorded as mI Any deficit or shortfall in delivery was entered as (w)gJ(t) or gJ nlr

32 The terminology ofsupply bJkw From the late 19th or early 20 th Dynasties the deliveries of ceramics were recorded in units of bJlnv in both account and journal ostraca Janssen has discussed the use and meaning of the tenn bkw in the Deir el-Medina material blkw in its absolute sense means work but Janssen has shown that in many cases in these documents the meaning can shift from work to the resultproduct of the work90 Within this usage the bkw of the potter seems to have a more specific meaning Janssen has concluded that it signifies a fixed amount that was due every ten days a quota He cites the example ofO DeM 387 where two b3kw were recorded one for I smw 30 one for II smw 10 91 The detenninatives used in the writing of b3lnv support this interpretation Although in the late 19th and early 20th Dynasty texts bkw was detennined by the papyrus roll92 from the middle to the end of the reign of Ramesses III the vessel detenninative was used93 The change to this detenninative from one with a more abstract meaning signals that here bkw is a work requirement consisting of an amount of ceramics

The usage of bkw in the journals and accounts implies that this amount was fixed a quota that would therefore be quantifiable There are records of the entry of two bkw often to make up for overdue deliveries and occasionally even half bkw94 These references certainly imply that the bIlnv was a predetennined amount that could be doubled or halved when necessary The documenting of deficits in the texts also shows that each delivery was expected to consist of a predetermined amount The Category E text O DeM 12 seems to record such a deficit On line 4 of this delivery list is written deficit namely deficit of vessels (4 qrlJt 4)95 Since qrlt is the generic tenn for vessels the implication is that the expected delivery of ceramics probably a mixture of types and quantities was not made To determine the composition of each bkw in terms of vessel types and numbers is however difficult

33 b3kw in the J(jh Dynasty accounts (text categories B C E) The 19th Dynasty accounts of the deficits of the potters Menna and Nakhy indicate that deliveries were pre-determined as amounts that if not delivered in full were recorded to be made up later O Berlin P 10840 records an accumulation of deficits owed by Menna from year 9 III fJt 1 to III prt 30 making 5 months 53 qbt vessels 575 bw vessels (11 2-3) This account shows the scale of thc deficit that the potter could incur over a period of time if complete deliveries were not made

89 Cernys transcription of the text contains an ellipsis and query at this point (Catalogue VII pI 2) Janssen (pers corron) has suggested that the two dashes in the hieratic facsimile could be read as Jr n 90 hkw From Work to Product 89 91 ibid 89-90 nO DeM 606 rto 611 O Cairo 25591 rto 4-5 and O Cairo 25633 vso 1 P Greg rto B 23 A 11 vso B 8 11-12 93 The journal ostraca from the mid_20th Dynasty consistently use this determinative 94 For an examples entries of two bkw see O DeM 154 rto 16 P Greg rto A II 11-12 Half units are recorded in O DeM 44 rto 20 P Turin 1961 (Pleyte and Rossi pI 99) vso II 5 Anonymous Turin fragment (Cerny MSS 3616) 95 t~~lon

46 POTTERS

O DeM 135 is a testimony to the precision with which such deficits were recorded This undated text enumerates the deficit of two potters Deficit of the potters 2 men 96 29 qbw fle)vessels 5 gy vessels 00 Ibw vessels 9 dp(r) vessels to (r) qbw vessels making 4Y2 Total ves making 33Y2 qbw vessels The final two lines seem to indicate that 9 dpr vessels were equivalent mo in some way to 4Yz qbw vessels97 When added to the 29 qbw vessels in line 2 this gives the total ves of 33Y2 Perhaps the potters were initially required to deliver 9 dpr vessels along with the other and vessels but the decision was made to convert these dpr vessels into their equivalent in qbw dprvessels Here it must be borne in mind that this text records deficit rather than delivery It seems forto reflect the scribes accounting mentality precisely recording the precise value of the deficit

forwhich may have been rounded up or down in reality The meticulous record of deficit does imply sigrfixed vessel deliveries with a specific amount being due every ten days

deliAlthough such texts imply the presence of a quota it is difficult to quantify that quota in terms

posof numbers and types of vessels In this context O DeM 135 provides an additional insight The

asklconversion of one vessel type into its equivalent in another type if it is a concrete conversion

therather than a statement of value implies a certain flexibility within the deliveries Perhaps this document shows the superiors of the crew specifying or making adjustments to the amounts of

34ceramics required every ten days in accordance with the needs of the crew

TheSuch an interpretation could explain the range of vessel types and quantities enumerated in the

19th defiDynasty delivery lists while also perhaps accounting for the precise documentation of It isdeficits These ostraca note deliveries of at least eight different vessel types in varying quantities

and combinations including jn~t98 m~t99 qbwIOO kJ-lr-kJ 101 gJy102 Ibw103 dpr104 and dS I05 and imp

Some of these vessel names are very rare in other documentation The dpr vessel although common in these lists and in 19th Dynasty pottery accounts does not appear to occur later 106 This

Ir

pattern could suggest a reduction in the vessel repertoire in the 20th Dyllasty but the contents of IVr Jourdeliveries are not generally enumerated in the later data potentially concealing some vessel types 29Deliveries of lbw vessels are recorded in the majority of the surviving lists and as will be 15-1illustrated below Ibw vessels alongside qbw vessels remained the core of the potters deliveries (conin the 20th Dynasty It is possible that qbw and bw are classes of ceramics rather than distinct samlvessel types so that the terms may cover a wider range of forms (see section 61) DeIlt othe

96 1- ~~~gt5l~I (I 1) reml 97 Compare O DeM 346 where 42 dpr vessels may be the equivalent of 22 qbt vessels (see section 31) day The flexibility of equivalence between the two types may indicate flexibility in the form and valuation of seen these vessels (see section 41) evid 98 Janssen Commodity Prices434 O DeM 16 153 174 23 5

ther99 Wb II 126 W F Reineke Der Zusammenhang der altagptischen Rohl- und LiingenmaBe MfG 9 (1963)148 O DeM 56 7 6 114 100 Janssen Commodity Prices 412-5 qbw is a feminine word and can also be spelt qbt Valbelle Guvriers 18 O DeM J 7 4 5 7 5 104 O DR 5 4 O Gardiner 435 101 Wb V 93 O DeM 28 3 O DR 6 8 lOi 0 102 Janssen Commodity Prices 426-8 O DeM 5 5 9 6 107 225 O DR 8 3 O Gardiner 436 108 0 10J Janssen Commodity Prices 433-4 O DeM 18 3 4 4 6 6 6 8 6 105 116 136 154 16 5 17 109 0 3 226 O DR 5 7 6 9 7 5 84 O Or lnst Chicago 188785 O Gardiner 43 7 O DeM 288 records 110 0 a lbw-n-k~ vessel (see section 41) III 0 104 This vessel is not included in Janssen Commodity Prices or in the Worterbuch It is written lith the 1110

generic term for vessel qrlt confirming its nature as such O DeM 25 3 3 5 7 6 5 9 5 106 165 113 0 O DR 5 6 O Or lnst Chicago 188784 4prt vessels presumably a different orthography of the same 114 C term occur in hieratic inscriptions from the tomb of Tutankhamun 1 Cerny Hieratic lnscriptionsfrom the Il5 t Tomb of TutCankhamun TutCankhamiins Tomb Series II (Oxford 1965) 6 with references See also G 116 Ir Bouvier BlFAG 101 (2001)90 note g PriCE 105 Wb V 485 Janssen Commodity Prices 472-4 O DeM 64 8 5 135 165 22 4 O DR 5 6 74 non-I 1(lj See the documents cited in n 100 also O DeM 346 vso 3 117 Q~

This qbw otal alent total other qbw

eems ficit mply

erms The rsion this Its of

n the m of ttities dS I05

tough This lts of ypes ill be veries stinct

1 31) ion of

1109

vriers

5 17 ecords

ith the 165

same Jm the

Iso G

74

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 47

The degree to which the composition of deliveries could vary from list to list illustrates the flexiblity of the institution On I 3Jt 10 of year 3 of Sety I 7 jn~t vessels (3 good 2 poor) 37 qbw vessels (deficit of 3) and 58 Ibw vessels (deficit of 2) were delivered l07 On the 20th day of that month dpr vessels were delivered (the rest of the text is lost)108 80 dpr vessels and 50 Ibw vessels were delivered on the last day of I 3Jt109 while on the last day of II Jt 40 qbw vessels and 50 Ibw vessels were delivered l1O On day 10 of III Jt 80 g3y vessels 90 m~t vessels and 40 dpr vessels were delivered lll Not only do several vcssel types occur in each delivery but totals for each vessel type also vary considerably as weI Ibw vessels tend to total between 50 and 60 for each list in which they occur1l2 However many of the attested totals documented are significantly larger between 100 and 300 lbw1l3 These texts may point to there being variable deliveries that resulted from commissions in response to specific needs However this is only one possible interpretation based upon a comparatively small group of texts The question must be asked whether a similar understanding can be gained from the qualitatively different sources of the 20th Dynasty

34 Recording b3kw in the 20th Dynasty The recording of pottery deliveries was less explicit in the 20th Dynasty with deliveries and deficits generally noted as b3kw and (w)4(t) of the potter without further clarifying information It is difficult to determine whether the quantities and contents of the deliveries were as flexible and varying as the 19th Dynasty data suggest Indeed as Janssen has concluded it is virtually impossible to prove what was meant by the termbkw l 114

In the rare cases where journal entries on ostraca of the reigns of Ramesses III and Ramesses N record numbers of vessels this information is difficult to interpret O DeM 154 rto recording journal entries in year 31 of Ramesses III documents the delivery made by the potter on II smw 29 entered by the hand of the potter 2 bkw (plus) 50 lbw vessels for II smw 30 deficit 65 (II 15-16) Janssen alternatively translates this part of the text as [e ]ntered from the potter 2 bkw (consisting of) 50 lbw vessels comparing it with O Berlin P 10654 (unpub) vso 1 where the same amount of 50 vessels is also mentioned I IS There is a number of possible readings of O DeM 154 rto The two b3kw may be deliveries owing from earlier in the month116 while on the other hand the 50 Ibw vessels may be an early partial payment for II smw 30 with 65 vessels remaining outstanding Since we do not have the rest of the journal for II smw and the entry for day 20 records neither delivery nor deficit it is difficult to draw firm conclusions Nonetheless it seems unlikely that the b3kw referred to in the text consisted of 50 lbw vessels The supporting evidence of the late 20th Dynasty ostracon O Berlin P 10654 vso is ambiguous also referring to the production of 50 vessels in the first line the numbers are lost thereafter

II Jt 10 the potter fashioned1l7 50 (vessels) day 20 the potter [fashioned x (vessels)]

107 O DeM 16-8 108 O DeM 2 5 109 O DeM 3 3-4 110 O DeM 45-6 1110 DeM 5 5-7 112 O DeM 18 34 8 6 165 O DH 5 7 6 9 O Or Inst Chicago 188785 113 O DeM 6 6 136 22 6 154 173 O DH 76 ll4 Commodity Prices 488 bkw From Work to Product 89 115 bkw From Work to Product 89 116 In a similar situation O DeM 40 14-5 records by the hand of the potter 3 bkw Janssen Commodity Prices 487-8 concludes that two of the bkw were payments for the first two decades although the non-delivery is nowhere stated while the third delivery was due for the five epagomenal days 117 ~~li~IT1l~~o

II

48 POTTERS

day 30 fashioning [x (vessels)] III 11]t 10 while he (fashioned)118 [x (vessels)] 35 b day 20119

Vhel total 230 qbw vessels [ ] the n specifYing it (wp Sf) ~ 23 jn~11 vessels blkw

In recording the actual work of the potters this text is unique While units of 50 vessels seem to statu be specified any connection with a blkw is not made explicit and can only be inferredYo perio

Janssen also cites the example of O DeM 35 on which a note above line 7 recording entries been for IIprt 19 of year 28 of Ramesses III reads entered by the hand of the potter as one b3kw 100 these qbw vessels 45 lbw vessels Although this text indicates that the b3kw consisted of 100 qbw Th vessels and 45 lbw vessels the phrase m w( b3kw could imply that the vessels enumerated were the e those making up this particular delivery perhaps differing from although equivalent to the recor contents of earlier deliveries and the standard b3kw The higher number of qbw vessels than Ibw epagt vessels which is very unusual when compared with other texts enumerating these two types 5 ep suggests that this entry is exceptional not only in its formulation It may be that this delivery ofth required special enumeration perhaps the potter altered the original order and provided an bee) equivalent number of qbw vessels instead of lbw vessels P

The two uneertain entries of O DeM 154 and O DeM 35 are the only texts in which actual Ram vessel types are enumerated in 20u Dynasty journal ostraca O DeM 35 in particular may suggest reads that the composition of b3kw could be flexible Other surviving records of pottery deliveries from An e the reign of Rarnesses III usually state only whether or not the potter entered his deliveries deliv complete or was in deficit O DeM 143 vso 5 datable to year 24 of Ramesses III does fo11o however enter a deficit of lbw vessels for the five epagomenal days Although the exact figures as 65 are lost the final two lines record an unknown total (dnuf) of qbw vessels and a total of 680 lbw char~ vessels these probably being deficits incurred since IV smw 30 the day the potter first fell behind disru in deliveries as the account records In O DeM 165 which largely documents deficits incurred in prt 1 year 30 III prt and thereafter a note to one side records year 29 entered for the five whih (epagomenal) days 30 lbw vessels his deficit 85 (11 4amiddot5a) vesst

Where vessel numbers are enumerated in these 20th Dynasty texts they vary in some cases notin considerably although the relationships of these numbers with the context of the documents must onw be kept in mind The vessel types are less varied than in the 19th Dynasty sources Mostly qbw and that 1 [bw vessels are enumerated in large quantities which confirms that these vessel types were the here basis of the potters b 3kw The deficit accounts from the reign of Ramesses II (group III) record If only qbw and lbw vesselsl2I in contrast with the variety of vessels represented in the delivery deliv lists The delivery lists of the 19th Dynasty appear to be exceptional in the variety of vessel types large they enumerate They may represent deliveries from other specialized workshops or supplies for vess particular purposes The similarity between the 19th Dynasty delivery lists of pottery and wood on en1r) the one hand and of specialty breads and beer on the other hand may indicate that these inter deliveries were in general more specialized they were perhaps associated with festivals Such an here association is illuminated by a study of one of the vessel types less commonly enumerated in A1 these texts (see section 42) However the regularity of delivery in these lists recorded in tenmiddotday b3kJi blocks is closely comparable with the regular b3kw delivery For the 20th Dynasty it must be potu borne in mind that b3kw which is mostly unqualified in the journal ostraca may cover a range of the ( vessel types sing

liS Q0--1i11 122 G ll9 Cerny noted that the line here was left blank 123 J~

120 The specification of jnJz1 vessels may also suggest that this text refers to a specialized perhaps unique lUF

production series For jnJzt see section 42 me 121 0 DeM 91 O Berlin P 10840 vso O IFAO 387 126 C

em to

ntries 100

l qbw were

) the nbw types livery ed an

actual 19gest from veries does

igures 101bw )ehind red in ~ fivc

cases must wand re thc ccord livery types es for odon thcsc Ichan ted in n-day lst be 1ge of

mique

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 49

35 bikw in the late 20th Dynasty papyrus documents Where pottery deliveries are recorded in the journal papyri the numbers of vessels involved and the name of the potter are often included A further contrast with earlier records is that the tenn bkw is rarely employed The more fonnal status of the papyri may explain such differences This status may also be one reason despite the large amount of documentation surviving from this period deliveries of pottery are only recorded occasionally Those that are recorded may have been special deliveries and hence worthy of note When bkw are recorded as in earlier records these may be variable in size and consist largely ofbw and qbw vessels

The recto ofP Turin 2070133 134 + 3 fragments (KRIVI 426-8) contains journal entries for the epagomenal days of the year 2 of a king later than Ramesses IV 122 The entry for the final day records the deliveries of the potter Right the potter - 29 [qb]w vessels 145 lbw vessels Five epagomenal days 100 [+ 45] Ibwvessels [Left] the potter 29 [qbw] vessels 145lbwvessels 5 epagomenal days 145 (Col II 10-11) The deliveries are enumerated separately for each side of the crew although if the restorations are correct the totals are the same for each side As is to be expected qbw and bw vessels are the only vessel types mentioned

P Turin 1881+ (Pleyte and Rossi pI 1-8 KRIVI 609-19) records entries for years 6-8 of Ramesses IX the potter is only mentioned on three occasions in year 7 For IV lu 29 the entry reads received by the hand of the potter ~Ahawy - qbw vessels 65 bw vessels 65 (vso V 1-2) An entry for 65 handfuls of plants follows in this list and seems to be associated with this delivery An entry on the same line also records 2 khar of k3Y (Ulq~ ~ ) probably roe123 The following line records again by his hand (wlm m-fjrtj) (for) I prt 10 100 [b[w] vessels as well as 65 handfuls of plants and an unknown measure of roe It seems that the potter had also been charged with delivering produce to the village perhaps the organization of deliveries was disrupted in this period Other entries record deliveries received by the hand of scribes 124 In III prt 18 almost three months later ~Ahawy made another delivery of 300 Ibw vessels (vso VI 7-8) while in III smw there were received by the hand of the potter (for) Right and Left 1501bw vessels and 70 qbw vessels (vso VII 1-2) P Turin 1881 + is an unusual text which rather than noting events day by day records only a few days from a few months of each year perhaps days on which events occurred that were more significant in the eyes of the scribe Valbelle observes that the scribe was running out of space on the papyrus increasing the likelihood that the entries he recorded were those he considered important125

If the deliveries recorded in this text were the only ones made for year 7 of Ramesses IX the delivery patterns of the potters may have changed Rather than delivering units every decade large deliveries were made every two to three months This would explain the large totals of vessels supplied However as Janssen cautions scribal inaccuracies mean that the absence of an entry in the journal does not necessarily mean that the delivery was not made126 An alternative interpretation is that the standard deliveries were made every ten days and that those recorded here were supplementary and worthy of special mention

An entry in P Turin 1900+ (KRl VI 619-24) vso 117 may indicate that regular deliveries of blkw continued at least in the early years of Ramesses IX Year 9 II 31Jt 19 records Right the potters b3kw [ ] (wnmy p qd n b3kw [ J) The context of this delivery is similar to those of the earlier 20th Dynasty with supply of fuel and gypsum being recorded as well However the single mention of a potters bkw in this entry in the papyrus may be as unique as those in P

122 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 242 123 Janssen Village Varia 53 124 For example vso 2a vso 5 5 vso 5 10 vso 6 1 125 Ouvriers 63-4 126 Commodity Prices 486

l

50 POTTERS

Turin l88l Journal entries from years 10 and 17 of Ramesses IX support this interpretation P A Turin 2071140 (KRIVI 63715) rto 9 records delivery of vegetables and pottery 2l() qb(w) varia vessels 110 [+ x] [bw vessels for day 30 IV smw year 10 The Turin Necropolis Journal of year vana 17 rto B II 2-3 (Botti and Peet pI 16) is the only record of a pottery delivery in this substantial inclu text covering two full months potter rAhawy 33 qbw vessels 165 [bw vessels This may Dyna indicate that the delivery was an unusual hence noteworthy event especially in relation to (HO references to problems with smdt organization earlier in the text (see section 37) the p

Deliveries of varying quantities of pottery are entered a number of times for different sides of recei the crew in the journal of year 3 of Ramesses X (P Turin 1898 + Botti and Peet pI 50-63 KRI Re VI 687-99) On III prt 18 even though the crew was not working because of the foreigners cornr (Omyw) 30 qb(w) vessels and 30 [+ x] [[bw] vessels were delivered to Right (rto I 11) On the wood last day of IV prt 9 qb(w) and 27 ([)bw vessels were delivered to Left (the entry for Right is comp lost rto II 14) The entry for II smw 19 records crew not working Right 28 qb(w) vessels 300 Janss [b(w) vessels Left 28 qb(w) vessels 15 g1(y) vessels 300 [b(w) vessels (rto III 9-10) The entry amou for g1y vessels is unusual in this text Two days later there was a further delivery for Right alone largel the potter - 30 qb(w) vessels 150 [b(w) vessels (rto III 13-14) In the month of III smw qbw Alt and [bw vessels were delivered on two occasions day 5 and day 30127 On IV smw 1 1 qbw was texts

delivered perhaps to Right while 90 [bw vessels were delivered to Left (rto V 18-9) If each are in delivery of vessels to the village was flexible in size and composition the entries in this journal as a c may also illustrate that deliveries to different sides of the crew could be varied as well quant

The journal text of year 1 of Ramesses XI P Turin 1898+ VSO128 records for I 10t 24 Right excep

from the hand of (the) potter [ ] 18 qb(w) vessels 50 [+x] [bw vessels Left from the hand of 37 In(the) potter [ ]y129 10 [+x] (Hh vessels [r~R~~o] [ J (vso Text A 2-4) Again the Otherdelivery is separately enumerated for the different sides of the crew breaks in the text mean that unprethe composition of the delivery is unknown If the entry on line 4 is a variant orthography of a this b type of vessel (1(1130 it may indicate a specialized delivery because (1(1 vessels are not firingotherwise attested in the pottery deliveries l3I Further deliveries are recorded in this journal again therein a very broken context by the hand ofthe potter [ ] lbw vessels 51 [+ x ] (vso dockets B taken5-6) later 18 qbw vessels and 50 lbw vessels are recorded (vso dockets C 2) This is the latest or adrsurviving record of pottery deliveries to the necropolis workmen in the 20th Dynasty deficit Impac36 Conclusion the meanings ofb1kw

TheThe Turin Necropolis journals seem to support the interpretation of the nature of the b1kw found detailein the earlier documentation Despite the possibility that delivery patterns may have altered or that from t some entries may represent extra deliveries these documents indicate that [bw and qbw vessels earlyformed the core of any quota of pottery delivered to the village occasionally supplemented with irregulother vessel types the pa III It

127 On III sectmw 529 qb(w) vessels and 150 bw vessels were delivered to Right Left received 19 qb(w) month vessels and 150 bw vessels (Botti and Peet pI 57 rto IV 15-9) The papyrus is damaged in the entries for III sectmw 30 but the surviving text indicates that deliveries of over 100 bw vessels were made to Right and both fbw and rqlbw vessels were delivered to Left (Botti and Peet pI 59 rto V 17-19) Unusually this latter entry records bw vessels before qbw 132 For 128 Botti and Peet pI 63 KRI VI 850-1 I follow the reassessment of Jtirgen von Beckerath in my reading 34 see of this text Papyrus Turin 1898+ vso SAK21 (1994)29-33 133 Th( 129 Perhaps the name of the potter CAhawy can be restored here 134 C J 130 Wh V 532 W F Reineke Der Zusammenhang der altagyptischen Hohl- und UingenmaBe MID 9 East e (1963)151 observlt 131 4343 vessels are included in a list of products in O Cairo 25678 vso 17 along with fbw vessels (1 18) discuss Valbelle citing this text considers that 4343 vessels could replace qbw vessels and were perhaps be mad synonymous (in her reference Duvriers 265 n 12 read 25678 for 25673) 135 Con

n p b(w) year ntial may m to

es of KRI

yenlers 11 the ht is 300 ~ntry

lone qbw was each lmal

ight ld of I the that ofa not

gain s B atest

lUnd that sels with

b(w) 8 for tand this

ding

[09

18) haps

DOCUMENTIKG SUPPLY 51

A further correspondence between the papyrus documents and the earlier ostraca is the variation in the numbers of vessels being delivered If these figures do represent regular bkw the variation in vessel totals may reflect responses to the changing needs of the crew perhaps including orders made by the superiors of the crew to the potters The use of bkw in one 20th

Dynasty account ostracon exemplifies the flexible character of commissions O Gardiner 80 4-5 (HO 6114) states after recording the complete deliveries during III smw received as the bkw of the potter entered complete like his custom of every day This text implies that the deliveries received during that month constituted the potters commission which he managed to fulfiL

Records survive of other members of the smdt such as gardeners and woodcutters receiving commands to deliver specific amounts132 Janssen notes the commission received by the woodcutter Saroy in year 29 III fJt 7 to deliver 380 units every 10 days This order can be compared with that of Saroys colleague who received a commission to deliver 500 units 133 As Janssen observes the quotas of the woodcutters often deviated quickly from these specified amounts (see above p 20) Such orders might have been regular normal occurrences that are largely invisible in the written record

Although no known text records such an assignment to the potters to deliver specific amounts texts that record varying quantities of ceramics and texts in which vessels other than qbw and tbw are included suggest that such commissions were madc The bkw may therefore be understood as a commission or expected dclivery of a predetermined unit of ceramics Although theoretically quantifiablc the bkw was flexible so that we cannot determinc what amount was expected except in specific deliveries

37 Implications ofdefiCits Other factors may also have operated to produce differential sizes of deliveries Firing was an unpredictable process with a certain amount of wasters inevitably being produced each time On this basis Christopher Eyre has suggested the one bkw may have been the equivalent of one firing which could vary in composition and in success134 Although this hypothesis is viable there is no direct evidence to support it and it is also possible that the needs of the crew were taken into account in each individual bkw or work requirement Where problems in the workshop or administrative breakdowns affected deliveries these are likely to be reflected in the records as deficits By examining patterns of deficit within the documentation it is possible to observe the impact of external problems in the Theban area on the potters deliveries in the mid 20th Dynasty

The journal ostraca of the reigns of Ramesses III and IV (Group I) again provide the most detailed documentation of delivery and deficit although only very general trends can be deduced from the materiaL Janssens analysis of pottery deliveries at the end of Ramesses Ills reign to early Ramesses IV led to the conclusion that deliveries of commodities were generally very irregular at this time whereas in the preceding years they had been more stable 135 The details of the pattern of deficits can be supplemented by a few account ostraca from the reign of Ramesses III It must be borne in mind that the idiosyncrasies of scribal record keeping mean that some months record no deliveries at all even though deliveries were most probably made

132 For the commissioning of the smdt see J J Janssen The Year of the Strikes BSEG 16 (1992) 44 n 34 see also Janssens section 7 in this volume 133 The Year of the Strikes 44-6 134 C J Eyre Work and the Organization of Work in the New Kingdom in Labor in the Ancient Near East ed M A Powell (New Haven 1987) 193 Janssen bkw From Work to Product 90 n observes that if this were the case the potters would have delivered once per decade The limited evidence discussed in 31 and a review of the delivery dates in the texts included in 33 indicate that deliveries could be made on more than one occasion during the ten-day period 135 Commodity Prices 488

52 POTTERS

The account of O Gardiner 80 (HO 61 4) for year 21 of Ramesses III records deliveries that O were made complete for the entire month of III smw the final line entered complete like his bJrn custom of every day although formulaic may be an indicator of a reputation for efficiency and for t punctuality The records from a few years later appear to tarnish this reputation The account text far 11 O DeM 143 datable to year 24 while recording complete deliveries for III smw 30 and IV smw coml 10 and 20 enters deficits for IV smw 30 the five epagomenal days and the first two decades of I appe 3bt (11 1-7) Reasons for the accumulation of such a substantial deficit beyond internal incre production problems are unknown This text warns us that although the relationship between admi administrative problems at Deir el-Medina and deficit is clear at times less easily identifiable in th factors may also have had an impact By year 27 deliveries appear to have returned to normal the p with no deficits being entered and every delivery recorded as complete (0 DeM 33 vso 8 O TI DeM 34 rto 7 16 vso 11) a deficit is however noted for the epagomenal days of year 28 in O agair DeM 156 vso 4 that

From year 29 deficits are again a consistent feature of the record during the time when labour inc01 troubles began to disrupt the community The first hint of delivery problems may be found in the whet problematic O Strasbourg H 26 If the entries on the recto refer to the potter this text records mad~ complete deliveries throughout I and II smw and probably through the epagomenal days and II there 3bt The verso may refer more explicitly to pottery deliveries with the final line recording IV coul Jbt 10 deficit of the [potter) However the reading of qd is based on a restoration (Cerny Nb in thi 3561) and the status of this text as a pottery account could be questioned There are more certain Th references to delivery from later in year 29 In I prt 30 the potter made deliveries to Right and perio Left details of the content of delivery are not given (0 Turin 57007 vso 4-5) The strike action ambi began in the village only ten days later on II prt 10136 The only further entry recording a pottery Peet delivery is in P Turin 1961 (Pleyte and Rossi pI 99) possibly from the end of year 29 IV prt 30 outsi notes for Right the potter I Y while the potter l is noted for Left (vso II 5 7)137 There are there no further records of pottery deliveries until year 30 although the consistent deficits incurred by reorg the woodcutters during year 29 and into year 30 are evidence of the impact of the strikes (see for II above p 21)138 authc

Deficits are recorded in an account text for III prt 30 and probably IV prt 10 of year 30 but a Peet delivery oftvo b3kw was promptly made to remedy this deficit (0 DeM 165 rto 1-2) O DeM ~Aha 154 rto 15-16 of year 31 records the delivery of two b3kw on II smw 29 probably overdue entric payments for days 10 and 20 A number of fbw vessels are also specified I interpret these as and perhaps an early payment for II smw 30 although they may relate to the two b3kw A deficit of 65 speci is noted Complete deliveries are made in IV lJl but since they are noted specifically they may perha have been considered late one b3kw being entered on day 13 for day 10 and one being entered Th for Right only on day 21 (0 DeM 157 8-9 17) From then into the reign of Ramesses IV the may potters made deliveries late or were making good deficits In II smw 7 of year 32 the debt was diffic paid for I smw 30 and at the same time the b3kw was delivered three days early for II smw 10 (0 or the

19thDeM 38 7 17 23) No sooner had these deliveries been made then the potter was in debt again I for the rest of the month Disruptions to pottery and fuel deliveries (see above p 21) throughout wide] year 30 and into year 31 are symptoms of continued labour problems within the village or of subst general administrative problems in the Theban area 139

mont side I

136 RAD 49 15 P J Frandsen Editing reality the Turin Strike Papyrus in Studies in Egyptology presented to Miriam Lichtheim ed S Israelit-Groll (Jerusalem 1990) 166-99 Risbo 137 Janssen considers that the documentation of half units may point to a scarcity of materials Commodity availa Prices 488 A reference to a half unit may also be found in an anonymous papyrus fragment in Turin 140 Fo (Cerny MSS 3616) which records the potter 2h this probably means 2h bJkw 141 Fo 138 Janssen The Year ofthe Strikes 46-8 BerIir B9 Disruptions in local administration may have directly impacted pottery production if as Colin Hope bkw suggests the state provided clay to these workshops Egyptian Pottery Shire Egyptology 5 (princes been ~

8 that ce his yand It text smw

s of ternal tween fiable Irmal 8 O in O

aboUT in the ~cords

md II ~ IV YNb ertain It and ~ction ottery Jrt 30 re are ed by (see

but a DeM erdue se as of65 may

tered the twas 0(0 19ain ~hout or of

~logy

ity

ffope inces

DOCUMENTlIG SUPPLY 53

O DeM 40 rto 15 from I gUt of year 1 of Ramesses IV records that the potter delivered three bgkw on day 24 probably overdue deliveries for days 10 and 20 (the deficits are not noted) and for the epagomenal days for which the deficit was entered in a note in a separate column on the far left A deficit is also recorded for day 30 (vso 9) From this point on the deliveries tend to be complete although often a few days late140 There are still occasional deficits but the deliveries appear to have been generally more regular than in the final years of Ramesses IILI41 The increasing irregularity of delivery is probably a symptom of the general decay of the administration of the Necropolis at the end of a long reign The more regular deliveries beginning in the first year of Ramesses IV perhaps correspond with a renewed interest in the Necropolis on the part of the successor king who was eager to get work on his tomb underway

These documents provide the only opportunity to trace a pattern of deficit in pottery deliveries against well documented changes and problems in the administration of the village They show that such an equation between the two is possible this may have implications for the more incomplete records of the end of the dynasty It is difficult to determine from the papyrus texts whether deliveries continued on a regular basis in the closing years of the 20th Dynasty or were made in large consignments more infrequently as the surviving evidence seems to suggest Since there were significant civil disturbances in the Theban area throughout this period deliveries could have been affected to the point that they became more unusual events and warranted entry in the journals

The Turin Necropolis journal for year 17 of Ramesses IX provides the best example from this period From II prl on the text includes entries concerning the smdt in general from the ambiguous entry taking the smdt of the Tomb of Left by the scribe of the Tomb Hori (Botti and Peet pI 14 rto B I 8) to the entries a few lines later crew not working while the smdt were outside under the authority (rJ(wyraquo of the two scribes of the Necropolis [ ] crew not working there being no smdt outside (rto B I 12) These entries seem to indicate that there was some reorganization of or problem with the smdt although a record of a wood delivery was entered for II prl 15 The entry for II prt 18 records crew not working while their smdt were under the authority of the two scribes of the Tomb of the Outside without any payments (1) (Botti and Peet pI 15 rto B I 18) On II prt 24 a delivery of fish was made and on day 25 the potter rAhawy delivered a number of vessels (Botti and Peet pI 16 rto B II 1-3) Although these entries are difficult to interpret it seems that the crew was facing both deficits in grain delivery and problems with the smdt In this context the delivery of pottery can perhaps be seen as a special occurrence no text from the end of the 20 th Dynasty explicitly records a potters deficit perhaps indicating that there was no longer an expected pattern to delivery

The interpretations presented here are speculative moreover other factors that left no trace may have had an impact on production The deficits entered for year 25 of Ramesses III are difficult to explain except in terms of unknowable production problems specific to the workshops or the personal circumstances of the potters as are the causes for the deficits recorded in the early 19th Dynasty Such deficits cannot be equated with any known problems in the village or the wider Theban area The accounts of the potters Menna and N akhy in the early 19th Dynasty record substantial deficits especially those incurred by Menna in a year 9 where he is in deficit for five months totalling 53 qbw vessels and 575 fbw vessels Further deficit totals perhaps for the other side of the crew are even larger 94 qbw vessels and 992 lbw vessels (0 Berlin P 10840) The

Risborough 1987) 10 This argument may apply only to high quality ceramics considering the ready availability ofNile silt for the production of most basic vessels 140 For example O DeM 47 rto 3 11 vso 4 141 For example the following texts record deficits in year 1 = I prt 30 (0 DeM 47 rto 11) III prt 30 (0 Berlin P 12641 + 12628 7) II smw 20(7) (0 DeM 161 vso 3) O DeM 44 rto 20 records a delivery of 1y bklv for III smw 29 Janssen considers that since no delivery was recorded for day 20 materials may have been scarce at this time Commodity Prices 488

--54 POTTERS

patterns of deficit incurred by the potters that can be traced in the texts cannot generally be Ana correlated with external administrative problems and decay rese

proc sect4 Equations of word and object an analysis offour pot-types A notable feature of the potter texts from Deir el-Medina is the substantial number of vessels 41 delivered to the village every ten days Although the exact number due in each bkw varied the I ha totals of some deliveries indicate that there was a significant and constant need for ceramics in the thrOl community In the lives of the villagers this pottery was essential It was the principal means to mult store prepare and serve food and to carry out many other activities within the domestic and work refer spheres Janssen observes in Commodity Prices that we have virtually no cvidence for the enun exchange value of ceramics beeause price texts generally refer only to metal or stone vessels 142

used Vessels used for a wide variety of domestic purposes would have had a low value and high class turnover millions of pot sherds were found within the rubbish dumps of the village including the offo Grands PuitS 143 Since their role was so essential it is desirable to learn about the various forms of In thl the vessels - their sizes and range of functions - in order to advance our understanding of the lJl villagers daily lives possi

Holthoerl44 noted that most Mesopotamian names of vessels relate directly to their material their function or their capacity but concluded that the Egyptians derived their vessel names from something other than vessel function This conclusion was largely based on the 1935 lexicographic analysis of Egyptian vessels by Robert du Mesnil du Buisson whose study is the only one that covers a wide range of ceramics including some of the vessel names that occur in the Deir el-Medina potter texts He considered that the qbw vessel was connected to qb fresh cool an appropriate concept for a jar145 He equated the gy vessel with the verb gw to be narrow perhaps suggesting a jar with a narrow neck 146

Edward Brovarski has done preliminary work on some Old Kingdom and First Intermediate Period vessel terms147 and Patricia Paice has studies connections between vessel shapes and their functions as depicted in tomb reliefs 148 The most valuable recent examination of the intersection of lexicography and a ceramic corpus is that of Janet Bourriau and Stephen Quirke on the Middle Kingdom ceramic repertoire from Lahun l49

An approach comparable to that taken at Lahun would be ideal for the material from Deir elshy Fig 1 Medina but a full statistical analysis of the archaeological material in relation to the textual data Urk r that is a prerequisite for determining lexicographic relations is beyond the scope of this study

The VI

Jb-nraquo142 407_8 and n 5 lS enu 143 ibid 488

vessel 144 New Kingdom Pharaonic Sites The Pottery 41 see J Bourriau and S Quirke The Late Middle

terminKingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects in Lahun studies ed S Quirke (Reigate 1998) 60shydeterm1 for a more recent discussion of the basis of classifications

145 Les noms et signes egyptiens designant des vases ou objets simiaires (Paris 1935)30 l46 Noms et signes 72 Janssen Commodity Prices 427 considers that du Mesnil du Buissons suggestions 150 FoUl

and explanations for the gly are unconvincing and concludes that no identification of the gly is apparant P Turi Ricardo A Caminos considered it to be an open bowl or cup since it was used more as a container for Howevl

ISl Jansvegetables and flowers than liquids (CLEM 194-5) corresponding to the use of gy vessels for natron 152 Thelotus leaves and fruit in the Medinet Habu festival lists A Spalinger Medinet Habu and Deir el-Yledina IS3 TheCombined in Deir el-Medina in the Third Millennium AD A Tribute to Jac J Janssen eds R 1 Demaree

and A Egberts Egyptologische Uitgaven 14 (Leiden 2000) 314 Although the shape of the gl) remains these m unknown Janssen has determined a capacity of 20 hin Two Ancient Egyptian Ships Logs Papyrus Leiden detenni 1350 verso and Papyrus Turin 2008 + 2016 (Leiden 1961)88 vessel l47 Lexicographical Studies in Egyptian Pottery Bulletin de Liaison du Groupe International dEtude de determi fa Ceramique Egyptienne 7 (1982) 36-7 154 P GJ 14S The Pottery of Daily Life in Ancient Egypt JSSEA 19 (1989) 50-88 bibliogr 149 The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects 60-83 IS5 Com

lly be

essels d the in the ansto lwork Dr the oels142

1 high ngthe rmsof of the

lterial s from

1935 is the

cur in fresh to be

lediate i their ection fiddle

eir elshyt data study

v1iddle 8) 60shy

~stions

Jaranl ler for latron -edina maree mains Leiden

~de de

EQUA TJONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 55

Analysis of the occurrence of vessel types in the potter texts can be related to the present stage of research into vessel shape and size to produce some further insights both into the potters products and into the documentation for the supply of particular ceramic types

41 The basic pots qbw and [bw I have shown above that [bw and qbw vessels formed the basis of deliveries to the village

19th 20ththroughout the and Dynasties Therefore it seems likely that they were simple multipurpose vessels distinct from each another in shape andor size There is a standard way of referring to them in the records qbw vessels precede [bw vessels and many fewer are usually enumerated This relationship points to a qualitative differentiation between the two ISO Both are used as containers for liquids such as beer and waterl5l I consider that these two terms designate classes of vessels rather than fixed single shapes their names perhaps referring to a wider range of forms Difference in size may account for the differentation in numbers delivered in the texts In the following discussion I assess the evidence for these two classes of vessels

Jb lbw) vessels are included among the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak indicating a possible shape for the vessel152

tlBoo~WJ~O 01It 0P L II I I

Fig 1 ob-nw-k vessels in the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak (Wreszinski Atlas II pI 33 Urk IV 636)

The vessel shown is distinctive being beaker-like and wider at the base than at the neck JS3 The ub-nw-k vessel here is the equivalent of the u-m-Icw of P Harris I 36a 7 A significant number is enumerated in this text as containers tor incense perhaps indicating a smaller cup-like vessel l54 Janssen has considered that the [x]-n-k termination which is fairly common in vessel terminology indicates that the vessels were cups the name of the vessel given in the compound determines the shape155 In the inscription of the High Priest Osorkon the Oblb-n-k is written

150 Four texts which enumerate qbw and fbw vessels show a ratio of 15 O Or Inst Chicago 16698 rto 3 P Turin 2070133 134 + frgs rto 10-11 Giornale of year 17 rto B II 1-3 P Turin 1898 rto III 14 However since these are isolated examples it is uncertain how widely applicable such a ratio was 151 Janssen Commodity Prices 433 Valbelle Ouvriers 265 152 The equivalence between the lb andlbw is confirmed in CLEM 186-7 153 The determinative given for a qby vessel in the offering list ofThutmose III at Elcphantine indicates that these may have been quite close in shape to the IJb-nw-h of the Karnak list The simple elongated beaker determinative is quite distinct from the determinatives given for the other vases in the list including the Ub vessel which is shon with a definite neck (Urk IV 828 4) However the occurrence of different determinatives within a single text does not offer a basis for a classification of vessel forms 154 P Grandet Le Papyrus Harris I (EM 9999) BdE 109 (Cairo 1994) I 272 see vol IT 141 n 576 for a bibliography for lbw l55 Commodity Prices 409

I

56 POTTERS

with a goblet detenninative ls6 The vessels recorded in these texts may be smaller cup versions of thai larger Ibw jars with the wide mouth and lack of defined neck perhaps pointing to a vessel associated with food preparation and service 157 The delivery list O DeM 288 records fb-nw-kJ

cor 1

vessels perhaps as a fuller writing of bw or as a distinct fonn vithin the Ibw class Vessels ves categorized as Ibw may have had a generalized function as cups or containers for both liquid and con solid foods A comparison can be made with the ~nw vessels which are recorded in significant 4W numbers in the papyrus documents from Lahun and are equated by Bourriau and Quirke with the 346 drinking cups known from the site the only vessel fonn which they consider could have been used in such numbers 158 The bkw of the Deir el-Medina potters show that Ibw vessels too were

lbw 50

delivered in large quantities the The lower numbers of qbw vessels in the deliveries may be related to their larger size In Poids o

No 5135 3 the weight of a metal qbw vessel is stated to be 20 deben or 18 kg Valbelle betv concludes from this that the qbw was significantly larger than the Ibw 159 That qbw designates a POttl simple storage jar may be indicated by the name itself If the connection suggested by du Mesnil two du Buisson between qbw vessels and qb cool can be accepted it may suggest that qbw vessels were storage jars perhaps for water and other liquids The connection may also suggest the

sigh one

material of manufacture qbw vessels could have been made from marl clay which cools water Helc through evaporation

As storage jars qbw vessels may have been connected in shape or broad function with the qbwshyIf a have

n-wt canopic jar The coincidence of the name suggests some correspondence The simple canopic jar fonns given by Georges Nagel for Tomb 359 seem similar in shape to vessels found in the cellar of a house in the village160 However Nagels sample is so small that any identification is tentative Janssen cautions that the standard shape of a canopic jar was rarely used as the fonn of bronze or pottery vessels 161 This may be a principle of decorum vessels with a funerary purpose not being equated in fonn with ordinary domestic ceramics The connection between qbw and qbw-n-wt may be simply that they were both in one fonn or another storage jars

Although the qbw may have been proportionally larger than the lbw it is very unlikely that

capa temp capa appn meas

Cc vso cannc into i

either fonn had a fixed capacity at Deir el-Medina W W Struve [V V Struve] offered the only attempt to determine the capacity of the qbw (or qby) vessel based largely on Greek evidence and his research on P Boulaq 18162 Wolfgang HeIcks review of this evidence led him to conclude

dOCUJ

repre betw( vesse restril than 1

156 R A Caminos The Chronicle ofPrince Osorkon Analecta Orientalia 37 (Rome 1958) 129 157 p Cairo 58088 indicates that bw could have had a large size in this case accommodating 3 ds measures See also Janssen Commodity Prices 433 n 170 C Daniel Les noms egyptiens de certains types de vases

proba fixed

In

grecs Studia et Acta Orientalia 5-6 (1967) 383-5 equates the lIb vessel with the Greek 10 olt7tW and the vesse

Mycenaean di-pa He notes that the di-pa depicted on a tablet corresponds in shape with the form of the fib indicated by the determinative used for the word The depictions of the di-pa that Daniel cites are not 163 DG

comparable in form with the Ibw depicted in the Karnak offering list D H F Gray Linear Band evidee Archaeology Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies of the UniverSity of London 6 (1959) pI 7 I andDI would argue that the form of the lbw was very flexible 164 It 1

158 Bourriau and Quirke The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects 74 some 159 Catalogues des poids a inscriptions hieratiques de Deir el-Medineh Nos 5001-5423 DFIFAO 16 165 Da~

(Cairo 1973) 18 166 FOI 160 La ceramique du Nouvel Empire aDeir el Medineh DFIFAO 10 (Cairo 1938)35 cf 122 no 38 42 SpaHn 44 167 Da 161 Commodity Prices 412 sugges 162 Mathematischer Papyrus des staatlichen Museums der SchOnen Kunste in Moskau (Berlin 1930) 55 Ceram withn2 25 1itr

lions of vessel

-nw-k

Vessels llid and ilificant vith the Ie been )0 were

n Poids lalbelle ~ates a Mesnil vessels est the s water

le qbwshysimple

s found lat any rarely vessels s The omlor

~ly that Iteonly lce and melude

~asures

le vases and the the b are not Band pI 7 I

AO 16

3842

gt30) 55

EQliAnONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 57

that the qbw had no fixed capacity Rather it seems that vessels such as the Ibw and qbw could correspond to a range of different ds measures 163

Two texts may point to some perhaps proportional equivalence between qbw vessels and dpr vessels In O DeM 135 the record of the accumulated deficits of two potters includes a conversion from dpr vessels into qbw vessels 9 dpr vessels to (=) qbw vessels making Urn) 4Yz (see section 31) Such a conversion may indicate a size ratio between the vessels O DeM 346 vso 3 records 42 dpr vessels [making Urn)] 22 qbt vessels (see n 89 for the restoration) Ibw vessels may also be equated with dpr vessels in O DeM 202 dpr vessels 30 [as] 15 bw 50 (1 3_4)164 The restoration here is problematic and the hypothesis of any equivalence between the two types must remain tentative

O Berlin P 10654 vso displays a similar complexity in possible equivalences this time between qbw vessels and jnJt vessels This text (discussed in section 33) seems to record the potters production of ceramics on days 10 20 and 30 of II bt and day 10 of IIIilt The final two lines state total 230 of (n) qbw vessels [ ] specifying it (wp st) 23 jnJt vessels At first sight such a text seems to point to a proportional relationship between these vessels a qbw being one tenth of ajnJt Such a ratio is quite possible because jnJt vessels do seem to have been large Heicks calculations from O Gardiner 81 indicate that ajnJt vessel was 2 of a mnt-amphora 165

If a mnt had a liquid capacity of c 20 hin and a hin was 048 litres the capacity of a jnlzt would have been c 53 hin or 2551itres O Berlin P 10654 vso would then show that a qbw vessel had a capacity of c 53 hin or 25 litres whieh is a sensible size for a storage jar 166 Although it is tempting to make such equations from this data this evidence is based on assumptions about the capacity of other vessel types so is tentative HeIck estimated that the ds vessel had a eapacity of approximately 3 litres 167 If so the qbw in P Boulaq 18 would have been double the size ofa ds measure in order to contain the 2 ds (e 6 litres)

Contextual study of the equation between qbw vessels and other types in O Berlin P 10654 vso O DeM 135 and O DeM 346 vso indicates some form of size ratio operated although we cannot easily determine the flexibility of that ratio or how it was used A conversion of one vessel into its equivalent of another type is unusual in a text like O Berlin P 10654 vso which seems to document the actual produetion of vessels even their firing If the last two lines of the text represent the total of ceramics produced in this process then the specification of a relationship between the two vessels types is rather strange Perhaps the original order was for 230 qbw vessels and this was then converted into the equivalent in jn~t vessels Ifjn~t vessels had a more restricted even ritual function the equivalence expressed here may be more abstract or complex than a ratio of capacity The size of vessels delivered may have been standardized to some extent probably based on ease of delivery and manageability within a domestic eontext rather than as fixed measures

In such a context a value relationship might well have operated The jnlzt as a specialized vessel may have had a more established value in relation to which the qbw vessels could be set

163 Das Bier im Alten Agypten (Berlin 1971) 47 See also Anthony Spalingers re-evaluation of the evidence for the capacity of these vessels including discussion of O DeM 135 and 202 Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 314 His conclusions largely correspond with mine 164 It may also be possible to read dpr 30 Urnl 15 lbw 50 which would support the hypothesis of some sort ofequivalence 165 Das Bier 47 16lt5 For a review of evidence concerning the capacity of the mnl including discussion of this text see A Spalinger Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 312-3 167 Das Bier 46 R L Miller (is-vessels Beer Mugs Cirrhosis and Casting Slag GM 115 (1990) 64 suggests that the ds was a drinking vessel perhaps to be equated with depictions given in Nagel Ceramique 199-206 Miller identifies a jar found at Saqqara as a ds vessel noting that it had a capacity of 25 litres roughly corresponding to Heicks estimate

58 POTTERS

In O DeM 135 the scribe may well have calculated the value of the vessels owed down to the half vessel A parallel for this is found in O Turin 57062 vso 4 where 2Yz jnJtt vessels are set

dlagainst five vessel types which precede them (their names are lost) The recording of five vessels compared with half that amount in jnJtt vessels producing the unusual amount of a half vessel tt

2again suggests a value equivalence Since vessels do not appear with fixed values in the price

SJtexts their worth may well have been assessed in relation to other vessel types st b42 A specialized vessel jnJzt DApart from the two vessel types or classes that formed the basis of the deliveries of ceramics to rethe village the potter texts also occasionally enumerate other types jnJtt vessels although well

known from other contexts are rare in the potter texts A few texts that may indicate their ritproduction or delivery by the Deir el-Medina potters illuminate aspects of its function and context

of use The pattern of occurrence of jnJtt vessels indicates a specialized vessel type the shape of which is unknown The jnJtt vessel is most widely documented as a storage container for beer and as Walter F Reineke notes outside the data from Deir el-Medina it was often made of gold or silver J68 That this vessel could be supplied as part of the ceramic requirement of the village seems to be indicated by the delivery lists from the early 19th Dynasty (Category E) Some of these lists record jnJzt vessels although they are not always indisputably connected with the smdt potters

In the Category E delivery lists of wood and ceramics jnJtt vessels occur four times their total Ccamount being low in comparison with the other vessels enumerated in these texts In O DeM 1 6 una total of 7 jnlu vessels are delivered 5 of good quality 2 of poor In O DeM 17 4 only 3 jnJzt aUvessels were delivered (2 good 1 poor) in comparison with 290 lbw recorded in the previous intline and in O DeM 15 3 7 jn~lt vessels were delivered as against 295 Ibw vessels 16 jnJzt povessels are documented in O DeM 23 5 (the text is broken and the reading at the end of the line

uncertain)169 bei ve~Only two texts explicitly includejnJtt vessels in pottery deliveries 0 Qurna 6181 records two

jnJtt vessels among the deficit of 55 qbw and 265 Ibw vessels incurred by the potter Menna O IJry Michaelides 33 rto 3-6 J70 This text records for III Jot 30 matching deliveries from a potter to vex

Right and Left among other deliveries of wood and gypsum the potter 1 jnlp vessels 20 (pJ qd 1 jnJzt 20)171 The stroke read as one after the title p qd could refer to the bkw of the potter not

with jnJtt vessels being an addition to the quota delivered 172 jnJtt vessels were therefore a wit gocomponent of the potters repertoire and this fact may complicate the interpretation of other texts

where they occur173 More generally jnJzt vessels are recorded as being delivered filled with beer I thisand thus are probably not associated with ceramic delivery

174 (

Me(J68 Der Zusammenhang der altagyptischen Hohl- und UingenmaBe MID 9 (1963) 146 175( 169 Kitchen restores 16jnli vessels [by the hand of A]meneminet (KRII 367 8 a-b) but there does not 176 1appear to be space for this formula in the break The rest of this text is similar to the other wood and pottery

177pounddelivery lists See the discussion of parallel texts in section 23 170 Goedicke-Wente pJ 67 However I follow CernYs transcription of the text here (Nb 10830)

178 1

Cau171 Contra Goedicke and Wente who restore IT1l ] on line 3 On line 7 Goedicke and Wente read 27 jnlt 197vessels instead of 20 vessels and the restoration for the [plasterer] (Pi q() given by Cerny 179 1

172 Alternatively it could refer to a single potter although this would be unusual in this context (see section Rek21) Compare the reading of this text with that discussed for O DeM 154 rto 15-6 in section 34 Egy

173 Other entries for this day include specialty breads and ds measures of beer (117-8) while the folloVing somentry for IV Jt 1 records a festival of Hathor (1 9) Although an association with a festival context is Dietpossible the delivery of jnlts as discussed by Spahnger is recorded separately from the breads and ds inameasures and is included among more standard delveries Medinet Habu and Dei elmiddotMedina Combined note310-311 Earl

l to the are set vessels vessel e price

mics to ~h well e their ~ontext

mpe of Ir beer of gold village ome of le smdt

ir total M 16 r 3jn~f

revious 16 jn~t he line

ds two mao O )tter to (pJ qd potter fore a r texts th beer

oes not pottery

27 jn~t

section

llowing rrtext is and ds

lbined

EQUATIONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 59

jn~t vessels of beer occur consistently in a series of six Category E ostraca that seem to document the delivery of commodities associated with festival or temple offerings174 Four of these texts state that the commodities were delivered by an individual in O DeM 20 and O DeM 25 the deliveries are made by a local priest Each of these six texts lists items that include speciality foodstuffs and jn~t vessels of beer rather than the fuel and plain unfilled pottery of standard deliveries II smw 12 by the hand of the local priest (w(b Sf) 175 60 large j nJzt vessels of beer entered 56 deficit 4 120 (bundles of) vegetables ISO s(t cakes and 100 rJzs cakes (0 DeM 20) The only exception in this group is O DeM 26 where 30 large jn~1f vessels are recorded 27 are entered (jw) and there is a deficit on No beer is recorded with these vessels

The recto of O DeM 29 may confirm that lists containing such products are associated with rituals or festivals rather than deliveries of materials to the village 176

total of various (sbn)jnl)tvessels of beer 653 [+x] the record of the [ ] which were given as offerings (snw) [] good bread loaves of [ ] s(t cake [x oipeJ rJzs cakes [ J jnJzt vessels of beer [ J beer [ ]

Connections of this vessel type with the temple or festival sphere nmy explain features of the unique and difficult distribution text O BM 50728 discussed in section 23 The text records the allocation ofjnJzt vessels to individual crew members The 10 + 5 jnJzt vessels seem to be grouped into four different categories perhaps accordin~ to quality of the vessel or its contents and possibly its shape or finish 177 5 doubly good (~reg) jnJzt vessels in the fashion of hbny [vessels] being returned (m hyt) 2 for Baky I for Huy 1 (for) (Omek 1 for Qaha totalS (11 5-6) Six vessels given to individuals in line 7 one for each nmn are stated to be middling good (11fr mshyhry-jb) and line 10 enumerates two vessels that also have a designation perhaps reading not (J I~~ 3)very poor _ 1

If the jnJzt vessels were more specialized beer vessels used in festival or ritual contexts then the note of quality either of contents or of the vessel itself would have been important This concern with quality can also be seen in the delivery lists where the jnJzt vessels are described as either good or poor 178

Particularly difficult to understand in this context are the writings of hbny perhaps referring to this well-known amphora-shaped vessel I19 The five doubly goodjnl)t vessels are designated in

174 O DeM 19 20 21 25 26 27 For further discussion of these texts see Spalinger Deir e1middotMedina and Medinet Habu Combined 311

(1 0

175 l=n (1 1) For another writing of this title see O DeM 25 2 176 The verso of this text records only nswt bjty mnmiddotmrtmiddotrr 177 For the use of red ink in this text see p 19 n 75 above

178 O DeM 1 6 174 For discussion of the meaning of snn 1~ in these contexts see D Valbelle Catalogue des poids ainscriptions hieratiques de Deir eAmiddotfedineh Nos 500l-5423 DFIFAO 16 (Cairo 1977)23 179 Wh II 487 There are depictions of the hbnylhbnt vessel in Urk IV 11308 11352 and in the tomb of Rekhmire N de G Davies The Tomb of Rekh-mi-r~ at Thebes The Metropolitan Museum of Art Egyptian Expedition 11 (New York 1943) I pIs 33 34 In these examples it is shaped as an amphora sometimes without handles and often contains honey E A W Budge An Egyptian Hieroglyphic Dictionary (London 1920)446 gave the capacity of a hbnt ndst as one quarter of a hin F G Hilton-Price in an earlier publication Notes on Some Egyptian Antiquities in My Collection TSBA 9 (1886) 353 noted the same capacity for this vessel Here see also T G H James The Heqanakhte Papers and Other Early Middle Kingdom Documents (New York 1962) 118

60 POTTERS

the fashion of hbny vessels (~[]~IlJ1J 0) (vso 5) This seems to express an equivalence between the two vessel types perhaps representing an addition or finish to the jn~lt vessel that increased its value Du Mesnil du Buisson speculated in his discussion of the hhnl vessel that the word related to hbny ebony t ruJ-Oi) and indicated a blackened colour or lustre to the vesseL I80 hbny also occurs as an annotation above the entries of jnit vessels for particular workmen in lines 8-12 of the recto The entry on line 13 (hhny n [ ]) may indicate that hhny vessels themselves were also delivered to the workmen named in the following lines So far as I know hbny vessels do not occur in other Deir el-Medina textsl8J These notations may also refer to some sort of finishing to the j nit vesseL

The inclusion of more unusual designations for the vessels certainly points to the exceptional nature ofthe delivery in O BM 50728 as does the entry of an amount ((i(w) of bJq oil (8) in line lOon the verso after the specification of 10 further jnlJl vessels for particular workmen (pJ WpWl

n plIO n jnlJt n tJ jst) Janssen observes that this oil was rarely used by the workmen as it was too expensive 182 It is possible that the text refers to the delivery of jnit vessels of bJq oil the references to quality therefore referring to the quality of oil rather than the vessel itself The designation hbny may be associated with this as welL

Complicating this analysis is the proposed large size of jnit vessels (discussed in section 41) which may account to some extent for its more restricted function within the vessel repertoire jnlJt vessels occur only rarely in the Medinet Habu festival calendar indicating that even within the temple their use was specialized ls3 The ealculation of the equivalence in contents of the vessels in O Gardiner 81 indicates that we are dealing with a set capacity for these vessel types in this text 184 If the capacity of a jnit was 53 hin or 255 Htres this would equate to a significant quantity ofbJq oil per person 185

O BM 50728 remains a puzzle Despite thc difficulties in interpretation it seems most likely that it records allocation of vessels possibly filled with oil or beer for festival or cultic purposes The careful documentation of such a distribution may also indicate that the vessels were not to be kept by the men perhaps only being used by them for the event and then returned to the temple A large size may serve to explain their more limited and specialized oecurrence in the data perhaps restricted to the religious sphere rather than playing a role in the domestic life of the villagers

In this instance contextual analysis of texts that seem to relate to ceramic deliveries can alter our understanding of these texts and illuminate the role and function of a vessel type in the community For vessels that were delivered more commonly we can observe the potential for flexibility in the classification systems these would repay further detailed study sectS Conclusion Analysis of the texts concerning pottery delivery leaves a number of questions unanswered and areas unexplored the limited number of sources available and problems inherent in them restrict their potential for interpretation However some insights into the organization and administrative structures of Deir el-Medina are fortheoming from the material Within the meticulous record keeping of the village the key theme seems to be flexibility This flexibility is apparent in the

180 Noms et signes 28 181 Janssen did not include them in his chapter on Vessels in Commodity Prices None of the references for the entry in the Wb II 487 has a Deir e1-Medina provenance 182 Commodity Prices 330 183 On the occurrence of the jnltt in the Medinet Hahn festival lists see A Spalinger Medinet Habn and Deir ei-Medina Combined 311-2 ]84 Heick Das Bier 46 185 Even if the mnt was only 10 hin a jnltt would still be of a substantial size c 11-12 iitres Janssen Commodity Prices 434

N

CONCLUSION 61

number of potters assigned to the crew the size and content of the quota required every 10 days and the timing of deliveries The final section of my study also points to the potential flexibility of form size and function of the pots themselves

Although we can find implications in the potter texts for features of society beyond the village itself such as the specifie interpretation of bkw or the occurrence of vessels in royal festival calendars it must be borne in mind that the real value of the Deir el-Medina material lies in its potential to illuminate the lives of ordinary people in Ramessid Egypt For that purpose we need to attend most closely to the village context

Appendix The potters of Deir el-Medina Names of potters in documents relating to the delivery of ceramics

I

Names of potters in documents concerning matters other than the supply of ceramics

I 1 (Omek i Turin Strike Papyrus RAD 476 I

2 Khonsu bull O Turin 57192 1

3 Herunefer bull O DeM 73 rto 2

4 Paaeminet I O Berlin P 12343 vso 3

5 Bakenmut P Turin 2018 A rto la 5 rto IV 17 vso I 6 B rto II 4 D I rto 14 P BM 10068 vso V l3

6 Wenennefer P BM 10068 vso V 14

alence el that 1at the to the ticular thbny ar as I ) refer

ltional in line middotwpwt it was til the f The

1 41) rtoire within of the pes in ificant

likely poses tto be ~mple data of the

1 alter in the ial for

d and estrict rative ecord in the

rences

)U and

nssen

1 I Menna O IFAO 387 1 O Qurna 618i1 O DeM 91 1 O Berlin P 10840 vso 1

2 bull Nakhy I

O IFAO 3874 O DeM 914

3 I Ptahemheb O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O DeM 343 2 P Greg vso B 8 rto A11

4 Parahotep O DeM 868

5 Hori O DeM 868 O DeM 869

6 Herunefer O Cairo 25597 rto 3

7 Neferher O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O Cairo 25633 vso 2

8 Amennakht O DeM 44 rto 8

9 Dmek P Turin 2081+2095 rto 1

10 ltAhawy P Turin 1881 vso V 1 VI 7 VII 1 () Giornale of year 17 rto B II 2 P Turin 2018 A vso 1 12 B rto II 11 B vso II 17 P BM 10068 vso VI 25 P Turin 2014 rto 27-8 P BM 10054 vso II 9

62 POTTERS

Addendnm

Pierre Grandets Catalogue des ostraca hieratiques non litteraires de Deir el-Medineh IXbecame available just as this chapter went to the press This volume contains a number of important potter texts I have included them in the tables on pages 33-7 and provide a short account of them here

O DeM is the longest and most detailed potter account known to me I will be adressing the issues it raises in a further publication It records deliveries made by the potters Ptahemheb Parahotep Hori and Neferher for the months of I bt to I prt of a year 6 The title p qd occurs only in line I in reference to Ptahemheb but probably also covers the other individuals named Ptahemheb and Neferher are known from other potter accounts discussed in this chapter O DeM 869 also published by Grandet and dated to a year 6 records deliveries made by Hori of qbw and lbw vessels to Right Both Hori and Parahotep are not otherwise attested in the potter texts In O DeM 868 details of delivery are grouped according to individual potters In line 13 Neferher delivers vessels to Left (t rj smM this is the only statement concerning Right or Left in this text That four potters deliver during the same general period emphasizes the potential number of potters involved in delivery which is not generally apparent in many of the potter texts Ptahemheb and Neferher make deliveries on different days in IV bt The vessel numbers vary except for those delivered as the making good of deficits by Ptahemheb which are consistent sums (II 3-4) The vessels delivered include qbw and Ibw vessels as well as gy andjnlt this text therefore provides further evidence thatjnJtt vessels were part of the potters repertoire

Grandet follows Gutgesell in assigning a date in the mid-20th Dynasty to O DeM 868 and 869 19thMy assignment of a late Dynasty date to the other account ostraca of Ptahemheb and

Neferher (0 Cairo 25591 O Cairo 25633 and O DeM 343) is based on the record of Ptahemhebs deliveries in P Greg firmly dated by Janssen to the reign of Siptah186 Gutgesell places Ptahemheb in the 20th Dynasty on the basis of the occurrence of this name in P Turin 2006+ 1961 usually dated to year 29 of Ramesses 111 [87 The Ptahemheb in this text is not a potter and so is a different individual I propose that the late 19th Dynasty date of the other documents should therefore be retained and should also be adopted for O DeM 868 and 869

Further texts relevant to potters in Grandets volume include O DeM 877 in which a list of arrears in water supplies are measured in jnlt vessels O DeM 871-3 are sherds bearing the phrase mJ qd Grandet considers these phrases along with the phrase ml m-rJrt p-Jtm-nlr complete by the hand ofPahemnetjerthe priest on O DeM 870 as delivery marks inscribed on the pots themselves18S

186 Janssen Village Varia 115-6 187 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 252 309-12 188 Catalogue des ostraca IX 49-50

UNT

Marel

sectl Eil Die A Papyr Einwc zusHin Verw Angell besch~

Bei suchur wichtil Andre Vortei Juni 2( nicht-li recherc

Beirr allgem

bull Der MaXI

mieh Aufn Doni Sieh~

J Ja grap dazu

2 Sieht tause Peri Gutg Teil1 el ME Held Janss Histo

6 MeD Valb

g Venn Witnl II Ta

10 Ein P II Gutg 12 Allan 13 Held

Page 17: Woodcutters, Potters and Doorkeepers Service Personnel of the Deir El Medina Workmen

I

--44 POTTERS

to be traced illuminating aspects of the organization of the potters work and their relationship the with the community ofDeir el-Medina veSt

may 24 Donkey hire by potters timi Although it can be assumed that donkeys were necessary for the delivery of ceramics to the (see village J know of only one relevant text and that refers only indirectly to the potters use of lOe donkeys There seem to be no hireage texts for potters comparable to those attested for or4 woodcutters and watercarriers

O DeM 73 Ito details a legal case concerning a donkey in the 20 th year of Ramesses III The 32 text records the resolution of a dispute (del) between the potter Herunefer who was the complainant and the workman Anynakht82 Herunefer hired a donkey from Anynakht The

FrO bkI

donkey proved unsatisfactory and an exchange was agreed upon in the presence of (m-blM a scribe of the mat Amennakhe3 The bad donkey was handed over to him Uwtw Ir swd n) and

blk1 Sh01

he gave him Uwf djt) an (other) she-donkey in its place (11 3-4) The text concludes with the resl taking of an oath on account of it (br pbwys) presumably by Anynakht

As Janssen observes in reference to the woodcutters and watercarriers texts about the hireage spec daYE

of donkeys are comparatively rare and are concentrated in the reigns of Ramesses III and IV Those that survive perhaps refer to rather unusual situations as here The distinctive nature of this

smt intel

text lends support to Janssens proposal that there was a pool of donkeys perhaps state or communally owned rather than belonging to the workmen themselves available for deliveries to

pap) was

the village (see above p 29) here T

sect3 Documenting supply 31 The timing ofexpected deliveries Janssen has determined through analysis of the journal OStraca of the reigns of Ramesses TIT and IV that deliveries of ceramics were expected every ten days84 That this was the practice in the early 19th Dynasty is confirmed by the delivery lists of wood and pottery Where the lists are dated these dates usually fall on days 1085 2086 or 3087 of the month which are the days on which deliveries were also recorded later in the 20 th Dynasty

It is likely that vessels were not expected on any particular day within this time frame and could be delivered in smaller amounts throughout the period like the deliveries by the gardeners and fishermen ss P Greg vso B II 8 documents the receipt of bkw of the potter for year 6 of

that for ( the doCl pred of tl gene mixt term

Siptah on the 19th day of IV lvt This delivery is then recorded in the summary information for IV lvt 10 to 20 A journal ostracon of the reign of Ramesses III records that on II smw 7 the potter entered two blkw one (w) for I smw 30 one for II smw 10 (0 DeM 38 7) The account text O DeM 346 of the mid_20th Dynasty documents the receipt of two quantities of vessels within three days On II prt 20 30 qbt vessels and 110 lbw vessels were received or delivered by the hand of

33l The wen O E IIIp scali mad

82 For Anynakht see Davies Whos Who 74-5 The potter Herunefer is also known from O Cairo 25597 39 (1

83 The role of the scribe of the mat (sv n un) in this text has been discussed by Ben Haring The Scribe of the Mat From Agrarian Administration to Local Justice in Deir el-Medina in the Third Millennium

Jans~ 90 b

AD A Tribute to Jac J Janssen eds R J Demaree and A Egberts Egyptologische Uitgaven 14 (Leiden 91 ibi

2000) 149 For the legal status of this text see A G McDowell Jurisdiction in the Workmens Community 92 O

ofDeir el-Medina Egyptologische Uitgaven 5 (Leiden 1990) 146-7 84 Commodity Prices 485-6

B893n

85 O DeM 1 5 7 10 12 13 17 23 O Gardiner 43 94 Fe

86 O DeM 2 8 15 24 O Or lust Chicago 18878 reCOl

87 O DeM 3 4 9 11 12 14 18 22 O DH 6 7 88 J J Janssen bkw From Work to Product SAK 20 (1993)90 n 52

tragI 95 L

lship

)the se of I for

The the The

M a ) and h the

reage i IV fthis te or ies to

I and n the s are fS on

ould sand 6 of

or IV lotter xtO three ndof

97 kribe znium iden lunity

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 45

the scribe Amenemope (rto 11 1-2) On II prt 23 a further 42 dpr vessels making(9 22 qb vessels and 100 tbw vessels were also entered by the scribe Amenemope (vso n 1-4) This text may record part payments of the delivery expected for II prt 20-30 The data concerning the timing of delivery therefore correspond to the evidence discussed by Janssen for the woodcutters (see above pp 18ff) As in the woodcutter texts if the delivery was completed in full during the 10 day period it was recorded as mI Any deficit or shortfall in delivery was entered as (w)gJ(t) or gJ nlr

32 The terminology ofsupply bJkw From the late 19th or early 20 th Dynasties the deliveries of ceramics were recorded in units of bJlnv in both account and journal ostraca Janssen has discussed the use and meaning of the tenn bkw in the Deir el-Medina material blkw in its absolute sense means work but Janssen has shown that in many cases in these documents the meaning can shift from work to the resultproduct of the work90 Within this usage the bkw of the potter seems to have a more specific meaning Janssen has concluded that it signifies a fixed amount that was due every ten days a quota He cites the example ofO DeM 387 where two b3kw were recorded one for I smw 30 one for II smw 10 91 The detenninatives used in the writing of b3lnv support this interpretation Although in the late 19th and early 20th Dynasty texts bkw was detennined by the papyrus roll92 from the middle to the end of the reign of Ramesses III the vessel detenninative was used93 The change to this detenninative from one with a more abstract meaning signals that here bkw is a work requirement consisting of an amount of ceramics

The usage of bkw in the journals and accounts implies that this amount was fixed a quota that would therefore be quantifiable There are records of the entry of two bkw often to make up for overdue deliveries and occasionally even half bkw94 These references certainly imply that the bIlnv was a predetennined amount that could be doubled or halved when necessary The documenting of deficits in the texts also shows that each delivery was expected to consist of a predetermined amount The Category E text O DeM 12 seems to record such a deficit On line 4 of this delivery list is written deficit namely deficit of vessels (4 qrlJt 4)95 Since qrlt is the generic tenn for vessels the implication is that the expected delivery of ceramics probably a mixture of types and quantities was not made To determine the composition of each bkw in terms of vessel types and numbers is however difficult

33 b3kw in the J(jh Dynasty accounts (text categories B C E) The 19th Dynasty accounts of the deficits of the potters Menna and Nakhy indicate that deliveries were pre-determined as amounts that if not delivered in full were recorded to be made up later O Berlin P 10840 records an accumulation of deficits owed by Menna from year 9 III fJt 1 to III prt 30 making 5 months 53 qbt vessels 575 bw vessels (11 2-3) This account shows the scale of thc deficit that the potter could incur over a period of time if complete deliveries were not made

89 Cernys transcription of the text contains an ellipsis and query at this point (Catalogue VII pI 2) Janssen (pers corron) has suggested that the two dashes in the hieratic facsimile could be read as Jr n 90 hkw From Work to Product 89 91 ibid 89-90 nO DeM 606 rto 611 O Cairo 25591 rto 4-5 and O Cairo 25633 vso 1 P Greg rto B 23 A 11 vso B 8 11-12 93 The journal ostraca from the mid_20th Dynasty consistently use this determinative 94 For an examples entries of two bkw see O DeM 154 rto 16 P Greg rto A II 11-12 Half units are recorded in O DeM 44 rto 20 P Turin 1961 (Pleyte and Rossi pI 99) vso II 5 Anonymous Turin fragment (Cerny MSS 3616) 95 t~~lon

46 POTTERS

O DeM 135 is a testimony to the precision with which such deficits were recorded This undated text enumerates the deficit of two potters Deficit of the potters 2 men 96 29 qbw fle)vessels 5 gy vessels 00 Ibw vessels 9 dp(r) vessels to (r) qbw vessels making 4Y2 Total ves making 33Y2 qbw vessels The final two lines seem to indicate that 9 dpr vessels were equivalent mo in some way to 4Yz qbw vessels97 When added to the 29 qbw vessels in line 2 this gives the total ves of 33Y2 Perhaps the potters were initially required to deliver 9 dpr vessels along with the other and vessels but the decision was made to convert these dpr vessels into their equivalent in qbw dprvessels Here it must be borne in mind that this text records deficit rather than delivery It seems forto reflect the scribes accounting mentality precisely recording the precise value of the deficit

forwhich may have been rounded up or down in reality The meticulous record of deficit does imply sigrfixed vessel deliveries with a specific amount being due every ten days

deliAlthough such texts imply the presence of a quota it is difficult to quantify that quota in terms

posof numbers and types of vessels In this context O DeM 135 provides an additional insight The

asklconversion of one vessel type into its equivalent in another type if it is a concrete conversion

therather than a statement of value implies a certain flexibility within the deliveries Perhaps this document shows the superiors of the crew specifying or making adjustments to the amounts of

34ceramics required every ten days in accordance with the needs of the crew

TheSuch an interpretation could explain the range of vessel types and quantities enumerated in the

19th defiDynasty delivery lists while also perhaps accounting for the precise documentation of It isdeficits These ostraca note deliveries of at least eight different vessel types in varying quantities

and combinations including jn~t98 m~t99 qbwIOO kJ-lr-kJ 101 gJy102 Ibw103 dpr104 and dS I05 and imp

Some of these vessel names are very rare in other documentation The dpr vessel although common in these lists and in 19th Dynasty pottery accounts does not appear to occur later 106 This

Ir

pattern could suggest a reduction in the vessel repertoire in the 20th Dyllasty but the contents of IVr Jourdeliveries are not generally enumerated in the later data potentially concealing some vessel types 29Deliveries of lbw vessels are recorded in the majority of the surviving lists and as will be 15-1illustrated below Ibw vessels alongside qbw vessels remained the core of the potters deliveries (conin the 20th Dynasty It is possible that qbw and bw are classes of ceramics rather than distinct samlvessel types so that the terms may cover a wider range of forms (see section 61) DeIlt othe

96 1- ~~~gt5l~I (I 1) reml 97 Compare O DeM 346 where 42 dpr vessels may be the equivalent of 22 qbt vessels (see section 31) day The flexibility of equivalence between the two types may indicate flexibility in the form and valuation of seen these vessels (see section 41) evid 98 Janssen Commodity Prices434 O DeM 16 153 174 23 5

ther99 Wb II 126 W F Reineke Der Zusammenhang der altagptischen Rohl- und LiingenmaBe MfG 9 (1963)148 O DeM 56 7 6 114 100 Janssen Commodity Prices 412-5 qbw is a feminine word and can also be spelt qbt Valbelle Guvriers 18 O DeM J 7 4 5 7 5 104 O DR 5 4 O Gardiner 435 101 Wb V 93 O DeM 28 3 O DR 6 8 lOi 0 102 Janssen Commodity Prices 426-8 O DeM 5 5 9 6 107 225 O DR 8 3 O Gardiner 436 108 0 10J Janssen Commodity Prices 433-4 O DeM 18 3 4 4 6 6 6 8 6 105 116 136 154 16 5 17 109 0 3 226 O DR 5 7 6 9 7 5 84 O Or lnst Chicago 188785 O Gardiner 43 7 O DeM 288 records 110 0 a lbw-n-k~ vessel (see section 41) III 0 104 This vessel is not included in Janssen Commodity Prices or in the Worterbuch It is written lith the 1110

generic term for vessel qrlt confirming its nature as such O DeM 25 3 3 5 7 6 5 9 5 106 165 113 0 O DR 5 6 O Or lnst Chicago 188784 4prt vessels presumably a different orthography of the same 114 C term occur in hieratic inscriptions from the tomb of Tutankhamun 1 Cerny Hieratic lnscriptionsfrom the Il5 t Tomb of TutCankhamun TutCankhamiins Tomb Series II (Oxford 1965) 6 with references See also G 116 Ir Bouvier BlFAG 101 (2001)90 note g PriCE 105 Wb V 485 Janssen Commodity Prices 472-4 O DeM 64 8 5 135 165 22 4 O DR 5 6 74 non-I 1(lj See the documents cited in n 100 also O DeM 346 vso 3 117 Q~

This qbw otal alent total other qbw

eems ficit mply

erms The rsion this Its of

n the m of ttities dS I05

tough This lts of ypes ill be veries stinct

1 31) ion of

1109

vriers

5 17 ecords

ith the 165

same Jm the

Iso G

74

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 47

The degree to which the composition of deliveries could vary from list to list illustrates the flexiblity of the institution On I 3Jt 10 of year 3 of Sety I 7 jn~t vessels (3 good 2 poor) 37 qbw vessels (deficit of 3) and 58 Ibw vessels (deficit of 2) were delivered l07 On the 20th day of that month dpr vessels were delivered (the rest of the text is lost)108 80 dpr vessels and 50 Ibw vessels were delivered on the last day of I 3Jt109 while on the last day of II Jt 40 qbw vessels and 50 Ibw vessels were delivered l1O On day 10 of III Jt 80 g3y vessels 90 m~t vessels and 40 dpr vessels were delivered lll Not only do several vcssel types occur in each delivery but totals for each vessel type also vary considerably as weI Ibw vessels tend to total between 50 and 60 for each list in which they occur1l2 However many of the attested totals documented are significantly larger between 100 and 300 lbw1l3 These texts may point to there being variable deliveries that resulted from commissions in response to specific needs However this is only one possible interpretation based upon a comparatively small group of texts The question must be asked whether a similar understanding can be gained from the qualitatively different sources of the 20th Dynasty

34 Recording b3kw in the 20th Dynasty The recording of pottery deliveries was less explicit in the 20th Dynasty with deliveries and deficits generally noted as b3kw and (w)4(t) of the potter without further clarifying information It is difficult to determine whether the quantities and contents of the deliveries were as flexible and varying as the 19th Dynasty data suggest Indeed as Janssen has concluded it is virtually impossible to prove what was meant by the termbkw l 114

In the rare cases where journal entries on ostraca of the reigns of Ramesses III and Ramesses N record numbers of vessels this information is difficult to interpret O DeM 154 rto recording journal entries in year 31 of Ramesses III documents the delivery made by the potter on II smw 29 entered by the hand of the potter 2 bkw (plus) 50 lbw vessels for II smw 30 deficit 65 (II 15-16) Janssen alternatively translates this part of the text as [e ]ntered from the potter 2 bkw (consisting of) 50 lbw vessels comparing it with O Berlin P 10654 (unpub) vso 1 where the same amount of 50 vessels is also mentioned I IS There is a number of possible readings of O DeM 154 rto The two b3kw may be deliveries owing from earlier in the month116 while on the other hand the 50 Ibw vessels may be an early partial payment for II smw 30 with 65 vessels remaining outstanding Since we do not have the rest of the journal for II smw and the entry for day 20 records neither delivery nor deficit it is difficult to draw firm conclusions Nonetheless it seems unlikely that the b3kw referred to in the text consisted of 50 lbw vessels The supporting evidence of the late 20th Dynasty ostracon O Berlin P 10654 vso is ambiguous also referring to the production of 50 vessels in the first line the numbers are lost thereafter

II Jt 10 the potter fashioned1l7 50 (vessels) day 20 the potter [fashioned x (vessels)]

107 O DeM 16-8 108 O DeM 2 5 109 O DeM 3 3-4 110 O DeM 45-6 1110 DeM 5 5-7 112 O DeM 18 34 8 6 165 O DH 5 7 6 9 O Or Inst Chicago 188785 113 O DeM 6 6 136 22 6 154 173 O DH 76 ll4 Commodity Prices 488 bkw From Work to Product 89 115 bkw From Work to Product 89 116 In a similar situation O DeM 40 14-5 records by the hand of the potter 3 bkw Janssen Commodity Prices 487-8 concludes that two of the bkw were payments for the first two decades although the non-delivery is nowhere stated while the third delivery was due for the five epagomenal days 117 ~~li~IT1l~~o

II

48 POTTERS

day 30 fashioning [x (vessels)] III 11]t 10 while he (fashioned)118 [x (vessels)] 35 b day 20119

Vhel total 230 qbw vessels [ ] the n specifYing it (wp Sf) ~ 23 jn~11 vessels blkw

In recording the actual work of the potters this text is unique While units of 50 vessels seem to statu be specified any connection with a blkw is not made explicit and can only be inferredYo perio

Janssen also cites the example of O DeM 35 on which a note above line 7 recording entries been for IIprt 19 of year 28 of Ramesses III reads entered by the hand of the potter as one b3kw 100 these qbw vessels 45 lbw vessels Although this text indicates that the b3kw consisted of 100 qbw Th vessels and 45 lbw vessels the phrase m w( b3kw could imply that the vessels enumerated were the e those making up this particular delivery perhaps differing from although equivalent to the recor contents of earlier deliveries and the standard b3kw The higher number of qbw vessels than Ibw epagt vessels which is very unusual when compared with other texts enumerating these two types 5 ep suggests that this entry is exceptional not only in its formulation It may be that this delivery ofth required special enumeration perhaps the potter altered the original order and provided an bee) equivalent number of qbw vessels instead of lbw vessels P

The two uneertain entries of O DeM 154 and O DeM 35 are the only texts in which actual Ram vessel types are enumerated in 20u Dynasty journal ostraca O DeM 35 in particular may suggest reads that the composition of b3kw could be flexible Other surviving records of pottery deliveries from An e the reign of Rarnesses III usually state only whether or not the potter entered his deliveries deliv complete or was in deficit O DeM 143 vso 5 datable to year 24 of Ramesses III does fo11o however enter a deficit of lbw vessels for the five epagomenal days Although the exact figures as 65 are lost the final two lines record an unknown total (dnuf) of qbw vessels and a total of 680 lbw char~ vessels these probably being deficits incurred since IV smw 30 the day the potter first fell behind disru in deliveries as the account records In O DeM 165 which largely documents deficits incurred in prt 1 year 30 III prt and thereafter a note to one side records year 29 entered for the five whih (epagomenal) days 30 lbw vessels his deficit 85 (11 4amiddot5a) vesst

Where vessel numbers are enumerated in these 20th Dynasty texts they vary in some cases notin considerably although the relationships of these numbers with the context of the documents must onw be kept in mind The vessel types are less varied than in the 19th Dynasty sources Mostly qbw and that 1 [bw vessels are enumerated in large quantities which confirms that these vessel types were the here basis of the potters b 3kw The deficit accounts from the reign of Ramesses II (group III) record If only qbw and lbw vesselsl2I in contrast with the variety of vessels represented in the delivery deliv lists The delivery lists of the 19th Dynasty appear to be exceptional in the variety of vessel types large they enumerate They may represent deliveries from other specialized workshops or supplies for vess particular purposes The similarity between the 19th Dynasty delivery lists of pottery and wood on en1r) the one hand and of specialty breads and beer on the other hand may indicate that these inter deliveries were in general more specialized they were perhaps associated with festivals Such an here association is illuminated by a study of one of the vessel types less commonly enumerated in A1 these texts (see section 42) However the regularity of delivery in these lists recorded in tenmiddotday b3kJi blocks is closely comparable with the regular b3kw delivery For the 20th Dynasty it must be potu borne in mind that b3kw which is mostly unqualified in the journal ostraca may cover a range of the ( vessel types sing

liS Q0--1i11 122 G ll9 Cerny noted that the line here was left blank 123 J~

120 The specification of jnJz1 vessels may also suggest that this text refers to a specialized perhaps unique lUF

production series For jnJzt see section 42 me 121 0 DeM 91 O Berlin P 10840 vso O IFAO 387 126 C

em to

ntries 100

l qbw were

) the nbw types livery ed an

actual 19gest from veries does

igures 101bw )ehind red in ~ fivc

cases must wand re thc ccord livery types es for odon thcsc Ichan ted in n-day lst be 1ge of

mique

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 49

35 bikw in the late 20th Dynasty papyrus documents Where pottery deliveries are recorded in the journal papyri the numbers of vessels involved and the name of the potter are often included A further contrast with earlier records is that the tenn bkw is rarely employed The more fonnal status of the papyri may explain such differences This status may also be one reason despite the large amount of documentation surviving from this period deliveries of pottery are only recorded occasionally Those that are recorded may have been special deliveries and hence worthy of note When bkw are recorded as in earlier records these may be variable in size and consist largely ofbw and qbw vessels

The recto ofP Turin 2070133 134 + 3 fragments (KRIVI 426-8) contains journal entries for the epagomenal days of the year 2 of a king later than Ramesses IV 122 The entry for the final day records the deliveries of the potter Right the potter - 29 [qb]w vessels 145 lbw vessels Five epagomenal days 100 [+ 45] Ibwvessels [Left] the potter 29 [qbw] vessels 145lbwvessels 5 epagomenal days 145 (Col II 10-11) The deliveries are enumerated separately for each side of the crew although if the restorations are correct the totals are the same for each side As is to be expected qbw and bw vessels are the only vessel types mentioned

P Turin 1881+ (Pleyte and Rossi pI 1-8 KRIVI 609-19) records entries for years 6-8 of Ramesses IX the potter is only mentioned on three occasions in year 7 For IV lu 29 the entry reads received by the hand of the potter ~Ahawy - qbw vessels 65 bw vessels 65 (vso V 1-2) An entry for 65 handfuls of plants follows in this list and seems to be associated with this delivery An entry on the same line also records 2 khar of k3Y (Ulq~ ~ ) probably roe123 The following line records again by his hand (wlm m-fjrtj) (for) I prt 10 100 [b[w] vessels as well as 65 handfuls of plants and an unknown measure of roe It seems that the potter had also been charged with delivering produce to the village perhaps the organization of deliveries was disrupted in this period Other entries record deliveries received by the hand of scribes 124 In III prt 18 almost three months later ~Ahawy made another delivery of 300 Ibw vessels (vso VI 7-8) while in III smw there were received by the hand of the potter (for) Right and Left 1501bw vessels and 70 qbw vessels (vso VII 1-2) P Turin 1881 + is an unusual text which rather than noting events day by day records only a few days from a few months of each year perhaps days on which events occurred that were more significant in the eyes of the scribe Valbelle observes that the scribe was running out of space on the papyrus increasing the likelihood that the entries he recorded were those he considered important125

If the deliveries recorded in this text were the only ones made for year 7 of Ramesses IX the delivery patterns of the potters may have changed Rather than delivering units every decade large deliveries were made every two to three months This would explain the large totals of vessels supplied However as Janssen cautions scribal inaccuracies mean that the absence of an entry in the journal does not necessarily mean that the delivery was not made126 An alternative interpretation is that the standard deliveries were made every ten days and that those recorded here were supplementary and worthy of special mention

An entry in P Turin 1900+ (KRl VI 619-24) vso 117 may indicate that regular deliveries of blkw continued at least in the early years of Ramesses IX Year 9 II 31Jt 19 records Right the potters b3kw [ ] (wnmy p qd n b3kw [ J) The context of this delivery is similar to those of the earlier 20th Dynasty with supply of fuel and gypsum being recorded as well However the single mention of a potters bkw in this entry in the papyrus may be as unique as those in P

122 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 242 123 Janssen Village Varia 53 124 For example vso 2a vso 5 5 vso 5 10 vso 6 1 125 Ouvriers 63-4 126 Commodity Prices 486

l

50 POTTERS

Turin l88l Journal entries from years 10 and 17 of Ramesses IX support this interpretation P A Turin 2071140 (KRIVI 63715) rto 9 records delivery of vegetables and pottery 2l() qb(w) varia vessels 110 [+ x] [bw vessels for day 30 IV smw year 10 The Turin Necropolis Journal of year vana 17 rto B II 2-3 (Botti and Peet pI 16) is the only record of a pottery delivery in this substantial inclu text covering two full months potter rAhawy 33 qbw vessels 165 [bw vessels This may Dyna indicate that the delivery was an unusual hence noteworthy event especially in relation to (HO references to problems with smdt organization earlier in the text (see section 37) the p

Deliveries of varying quantities of pottery are entered a number of times for different sides of recei the crew in the journal of year 3 of Ramesses X (P Turin 1898 + Botti and Peet pI 50-63 KRI Re VI 687-99) On III prt 18 even though the crew was not working because of the foreigners cornr (Omyw) 30 qb(w) vessels and 30 [+ x] [[bw] vessels were delivered to Right (rto I 11) On the wood last day of IV prt 9 qb(w) and 27 ([)bw vessels were delivered to Left (the entry for Right is comp lost rto II 14) The entry for II smw 19 records crew not working Right 28 qb(w) vessels 300 Janss [b(w) vessels Left 28 qb(w) vessels 15 g1(y) vessels 300 [b(w) vessels (rto III 9-10) The entry amou for g1y vessels is unusual in this text Two days later there was a further delivery for Right alone largel the potter - 30 qb(w) vessels 150 [b(w) vessels (rto III 13-14) In the month of III smw qbw Alt and [bw vessels were delivered on two occasions day 5 and day 30127 On IV smw 1 1 qbw was texts

delivered perhaps to Right while 90 [bw vessels were delivered to Left (rto V 18-9) If each are in delivery of vessels to the village was flexible in size and composition the entries in this journal as a c may also illustrate that deliveries to different sides of the crew could be varied as well quant

The journal text of year 1 of Ramesses XI P Turin 1898+ VSO128 records for I 10t 24 Right excep

from the hand of (the) potter [ ] 18 qb(w) vessels 50 [+x] [bw vessels Left from the hand of 37 In(the) potter [ ]y129 10 [+x] (Hh vessels [r~R~~o] [ J (vso Text A 2-4) Again the Otherdelivery is separately enumerated for the different sides of the crew breaks in the text mean that unprethe composition of the delivery is unknown If the entry on line 4 is a variant orthography of a this b type of vessel (1(1130 it may indicate a specialized delivery because (1(1 vessels are not firingotherwise attested in the pottery deliveries l3I Further deliveries are recorded in this journal again therein a very broken context by the hand ofthe potter [ ] lbw vessels 51 [+ x ] (vso dockets B taken5-6) later 18 qbw vessels and 50 lbw vessels are recorded (vso dockets C 2) This is the latest or adrsurviving record of pottery deliveries to the necropolis workmen in the 20th Dynasty deficit Impac36 Conclusion the meanings ofb1kw

TheThe Turin Necropolis journals seem to support the interpretation of the nature of the b1kw found detailein the earlier documentation Despite the possibility that delivery patterns may have altered or that from t some entries may represent extra deliveries these documents indicate that [bw and qbw vessels earlyformed the core of any quota of pottery delivered to the village occasionally supplemented with irregulother vessel types the pa III It

127 On III sectmw 529 qb(w) vessels and 150 bw vessels were delivered to Right Left received 19 qb(w) month vessels and 150 bw vessels (Botti and Peet pI 57 rto IV 15-9) The papyrus is damaged in the entries for III sectmw 30 but the surviving text indicates that deliveries of over 100 bw vessels were made to Right and both fbw and rqlbw vessels were delivered to Left (Botti and Peet pI 59 rto V 17-19) Unusually this latter entry records bw vessels before qbw 132 For 128 Botti and Peet pI 63 KRI VI 850-1 I follow the reassessment of Jtirgen von Beckerath in my reading 34 see of this text Papyrus Turin 1898+ vso SAK21 (1994)29-33 133 Th( 129 Perhaps the name of the potter CAhawy can be restored here 134 C J 130 Wh V 532 W F Reineke Der Zusammenhang der altagyptischen Hohl- und UingenmaBe MID 9 East e (1963)151 observlt 131 4343 vessels are included in a list of products in O Cairo 25678 vso 17 along with fbw vessels (1 18) discuss Valbelle citing this text considers that 4343 vessels could replace qbw vessels and were perhaps be mad synonymous (in her reference Duvriers 265 n 12 read 25678 for 25673) 135 Con

n p b(w) year ntial may m to

es of KRI

yenlers 11 the ht is 300 ~ntry

lone qbw was each lmal

ight ld of I the that ofa not

gain s B atest

lUnd that sels with

b(w) 8 for tand this

ding

[09

18) haps

DOCUMENTIKG SUPPLY 51

A further correspondence between the papyrus documents and the earlier ostraca is the variation in the numbers of vessels being delivered If these figures do represent regular bkw the variation in vessel totals may reflect responses to the changing needs of the crew perhaps including orders made by the superiors of the crew to the potters The use of bkw in one 20th

Dynasty account ostracon exemplifies the flexible character of commissions O Gardiner 80 4-5 (HO 6114) states after recording the complete deliveries during III smw received as the bkw of the potter entered complete like his custom of every day This text implies that the deliveries received during that month constituted the potters commission which he managed to fulfiL

Records survive of other members of the smdt such as gardeners and woodcutters receiving commands to deliver specific amounts132 Janssen notes the commission received by the woodcutter Saroy in year 29 III fJt 7 to deliver 380 units every 10 days This order can be compared with that of Saroys colleague who received a commission to deliver 500 units 133 As Janssen observes the quotas of the woodcutters often deviated quickly from these specified amounts (see above p 20) Such orders might have been regular normal occurrences that are largely invisible in the written record

Although no known text records such an assignment to the potters to deliver specific amounts texts that record varying quantities of ceramics and texts in which vessels other than qbw and tbw are included suggest that such commissions were madc The bkw may therefore be understood as a commission or expected dclivery of a predetermined unit of ceramics Although theoretically quantifiablc the bkw was flexible so that we cannot determinc what amount was expected except in specific deliveries

37 Implications ofdefiCits Other factors may also have operated to produce differential sizes of deliveries Firing was an unpredictable process with a certain amount of wasters inevitably being produced each time On this basis Christopher Eyre has suggested the one bkw may have been the equivalent of one firing which could vary in composition and in success134 Although this hypothesis is viable there is no direct evidence to support it and it is also possible that the needs of the crew were taken into account in each individual bkw or work requirement Where problems in the workshop or administrative breakdowns affected deliveries these are likely to be reflected in the records as deficits By examining patterns of deficit within the documentation it is possible to observe the impact of external problems in the Theban area on the potters deliveries in the mid 20th Dynasty

The journal ostraca of the reigns of Ramesses III and IV (Group I) again provide the most detailed documentation of delivery and deficit although only very general trends can be deduced from the materiaL Janssens analysis of pottery deliveries at the end of Ramesses Ills reign to early Ramesses IV led to the conclusion that deliveries of commodities were generally very irregular at this time whereas in the preceding years they had been more stable 135 The details of the pattern of deficits can be supplemented by a few account ostraca from the reign of Ramesses III It must be borne in mind that the idiosyncrasies of scribal record keeping mean that some months record no deliveries at all even though deliveries were most probably made

132 For the commissioning of the smdt see J J Janssen The Year of the Strikes BSEG 16 (1992) 44 n 34 see also Janssens section 7 in this volume 133 The Year of the Strikes 44-6 134 C J Eyre Work and the Organization of Work in the New Kingdom in Labor in the Ancient Near East ed M A Powell (New Haven 1987) 193 Janssen bkw From Work to Product 90 n observes that if this were the case the potters would have delivered once per decade The limited evidence discussed in 31 and a review of the delivery dates in the texts included in 33 indicate that deliveries could be made on more than one occasion during the ten-day period 135 Commodity Prices 488

52 POTTERS

The account of O Gardiner 80 (HO 61 4) for year 21 of Ramesses III records deliveries that O were made complete for the entire month of III smw the final line entered complete like his bJrn custom of every day although formulaic may be an indicator of a reputation for efficiency and for t punctuality The records from a few years later appear to tarnish this reputation The account text far 11 O DeM 143 datable to year 24 while recording complete deliveries for III smw 30 and IV smw coml 10 and 20 enters deficits for IV smw 30 the five epagomenal days and the first two decades of I appe 3bt (11 1-7) Reasons for the accumulation of such a substantial deficit beyond internal incre production problems are unknown This text warns us that although the relationship between admi administrative problems at Deir el-Medina and deficit is clear at times less easily identifiable in th factors may also have had an impact By year 27 deliveries appear to have returned to normal the p with no deficits being entered and every delivery recorded as complete (0 DeM 33 vso 8 O TI DeM 34 rto 7 16 vso 11) a deficit is however noted for the epagomenal days of year 28 in O agair DeM 156 vso 4 that

From year 29 deficits are again a consistent feature of the record during the time when labour inc01 troubles began to disrupt the community The first hint of delivery problems may be found in the whet problematic O Strasbourg H 26 If the entries on the recto refer to the potter this text records mad~ complete deliveries throughout I and II smw and probably through the epagomenal days and II there 3bt The verso may refer more explicitly to pottery deliveries with the final line recording IV coul Jbt 10 deficit of the [potter) However the reading of qd is based on a restoration (Cerny Nb in thi 3561) and the status of this text as a pottery account could be questioned There are more certain Th references to delivery from later in year 29 In I prt 30 the potter made deliveries to Right and perio Left details of the content of delivery are not given (0 Turin 57007 vso 4-5) The strike action ambi began in the village only ten days later on II prt 10136 The only further entry recording a pottery Peet delivery is in P Turin 1961 (Pleyte and Rossi pI 99) possibly from the end of year 29 IV prt 30 outsi notes for Right the potter I Y while the potter l is noted for Left (vso II 5 7)137 There are there no further records of pottery deliveries until year 30 although the consistent deficits incurred by reorg the woodcutters during year 29 and into year 30 are evidence of the impact of the strikes (see for II above p 21)138 authc

Deficits are recorded in an account text for III prt 30 and probably IV prt 10 of year 30 but a Peet delivery oftvo b3kw was promptly made to remedy this deficit (0 DeM 165 rto 1-2) O DeM ~Aha 154 rto 15-16 of year 31 records the delivery of two b3kw on II smw 29 probably overdue entric payments for days 10 and 20 A number of fbw vessels are also specified I interpret these as and perhaps an early payment for II smw 30 although they may relate to the two b3kw A deficit of 65 speci is noted Complete deliveries are made in IV lJl but since they are noted specifically they may perha have been considered late one b3kw being entered on day 13 for day 10 and one being entered Th for Right only on day 21 (0 DeM 157 8-9 17) From then into the reign of Ramesses IV the may potters made deliveries late or were making good deficits In II smw 7 of year 32 the debt was diffic paid for I smw 30 and at the same time the b3kw was delivered three days early for II smw 10 (0 or the

19thDeM 38 7 17 23) No sooner had these deliveries been made then the potter was in debt again I for the rest of the month Disruptions to pottery and fuel deliveries (see above p 21) throughout wide] year 30 and into year 31 are symptoms of continued labour problems within the village or of subst general administrative problems in the Theban area 139

mont side I

136 RAD 49 15 P J Frandsen Editing reality the Turin Strike Papyrus in Studies in Egyptology presented to Miriam Lichtheim ed S Israelit-Groll (Jerusalem 1990) 166-99 Risbo 137 Janssen considers that the documentation of half units may point to a scarcity of materials Commodity availa Prices 488 A reference to a half unit may also be found in an anonymous papyrus fragment in Turin 140 Fo (Cerny MSS 3616) which records the potter 2h this probably means 2h bJkw 141 Fo 138 Janssen The Year ofthe Strikes 46-8 BerIir B9 Disruptions in local administration may have directly impacted pottery production if as Colin Hope bkw suggests the state provided clay to these workshops Egyptian Pottery Shire Egyptology 5 (princes been ~

8 that ce his yand It text smw

s of ternal tween fiable Irmal 8 O in O

aboUT in the ~cords

md II ~ IV YNb ertain It and ~ction ottery Jrt 30 re are ed by (see

but a DeM erdue se as of65 may

tered the twas 0(0 19ain ~hout or of

~logy

ity

ffope inces

DOCUMENTlIG SUPPLY 53

O DeM 40 rto 15 from I gUt of year 1 of Ramesses IV records that the potter delivered three bgkw on day 24 probably overdue deliveries for days 10 and 20 (the deficits are not noted) and for the epagomenal days for which the deficit was entered in a note in a separate column on the far left A deficit is also recorded for day 30 (vso 9) From this point on the deliveries tend to be complete although often a few days late140 There are still occasional deficits but the deliveries appear to have been generally more regular than in the final years of Ramesses IILI41 The increasing irregularity of delivery is probably a symptom of the general decay of the administration of the Necropolis at the end of a long reign The more regular deliveries beginning in the first year of Ramesses IV perhaps correspond with a renewed interest in the Necropolis on the part of the successor king who was eager to get work on his tomb underway

These documents provide the only opportunity to trace a pattern of deficit in pottery deliveries against well documented changes and problems in the administration of the village They show that such an equation between the two is possible this may have implications for the more incomplete records of the end of the dynasty It is difficult to determine from the papyrus texts whether deliveries continued on a regular basis in the closing years of the 20th Dynasty or were made in large consignments more infrequently as the surviving evidence seems to suggest Since there were significant civil disturbances in the Theban area throughout this period deliveries could have been affected to the point that they became more unusual events and warranted entry in the journals

The Turin Necropolis journal for year 17 of Ramesses IX provides the best example from this period From II prl on the text includes entries concerning the smdt in general from the ambiguous entry taking the smdt of the Tomb of Left by the scribe of the Tomb Hori (Botti and Peet pI 14 rto B I 8) to the entries a few lines later crew not working while the smdt were outside under the authority (rJ(wyraquo of the two scribes of the Necropolis [ ] crew not working there being no smdt outside (rto B I 12) These entries seem to indicate that there was some reorganization of or problem with the smdt although a record of a wood delivery was entered for II prl 15 The entry for II prt 18 records crew not working while their smdt were under the authority of the two scribes of the Tomb of the Outside without any payments (1) (Botti and Peet pI 15 rto B I 18) On II prt 24 a delivery of fish was made and on day 25 the potter rAhawy delivered a number of vessels (Botti and Peet pI 16 rto B II 1-3) Although these entries are difficult to interpret it seems that the crew was facing both deficits in grain delivery and problems with the smdt In this context the delivery of pottery can perhaps be seen as a special occurrence no text from the end of the 20 th Dynasty explicitly records a potters deficit perhaps indicating that there was no longer an expected pattern to delivery

The interpretations presented here are speculative moreover other factors that left no trace may have had an impact on production The deficits entered for year 25 of Ramesses III are difficult to explain except in terms of unknowable production problems specific to the workshops or the personal circumstances of the potters as are the causes for the deficits recorded in the early 19th Dynasty Such deficits cannot be equated with any known problems in the village or the wider Theban area The accounts of the potters Menna and N akhy in the early 19th Dynasty record substantial deficits especially those incurred by Menna in a year 9 where he is in deficit for five months totalling 53 qbw vessels and 575 fbw vessels Further deficit totals perhaps for the other side of the crew are even larger 94 qbw vessels and 992 lbw vessels (0 Berlin P 10840) The

Risborough 1987) 10 This argument may apply only to high quality ceramics considering the ready availability ofNile silt for the production of most basic vessels 140 For example O DeM 47 rto 3 11 vso 4 141 For example the following texts record deficits in year 1 = I prt 30 (0 DeM 47 rto 11) III prt 30 (0 Berlin P 12641 + 12628 7) II smw 20(7) (0 DeM 161 vso 3) O DeM 44 rto 20 records a delivery of 1y bklv for III smw 29 Janssen considers that since no delivery was recorded for day 20 materials may have been scarce at this time Commodity Prices 488

--54 POTTERS

patterns of deficit incurred by the potters that can be traced in the texts cannot generally be Ana correlated with external administrative problems and decay rese

proc sect4 Equations of word and object an analysis offour pot-types A notable feature of the potter texts from Deir el-Medina is the substantial number of vessels 41 delivered to the village every ten days Although the exact number due in each bkw varied the I ha totals of some deliveries indicate that there was a significant and constant need for ceramics in the thrOl community In the lives of the villagers this pottery was essential It was the principal means to mult store prepare and serve food and to carry out many other activities within the domestic and work refer spheres Janssen observes in Commodity Prices that we have virtually no cvidence for the enun exchange value of ceramics beeause price texts generally refer only to metal or stone vessels 142

used Vessels used for a wide variety of domestic purposes would have had a low value and high class turnover millions of pot sherds were found within the rubbish dumps of the village including the offo Grands PuitS 143 Since their role was so essential it is desirable to learn about the various forms of In thl the vessels - their sizes and range of functions - in order to advance our understanding of the lJl villagers daily lives possi

Holthoerl44 noted that most Mesopotamian names of vessels relate directly to their material their function or their capacity but concluded that the Egyptians derived their vessel names from something other than vessel function This conclusion was largely based on the 1935 lexicographic analysis of Egyptian vessels by Robert du Mesnil du Buisson whose study is the only one that covers a wide range of ceramics including some of the vessel names that occur in the Deir el-Medina potter texts He considered that the qbw vessel was connected to qb fresh cool an appropriate concept for a jar145 He equated the gy vessel with the verb gw to be narrow perhaps suggesting a jar with a narrow neck 146

Edward Brovarski has done preliminary work on some Old Kingdom and First Intermediate Period vessel terms147 and Patricia Paice has studies connections between vessel shapes and their functions as depicted in tomb reliefs 148 The most valuable recent examination of the intersection of lexicography and a ceramic corpus is that of Janet Bourriau and Stephen Quirke on the Middle Kingdom ceramic repertoire from Lahun l49

An approach comparable to that taken at Lahun would be ideal for the material from Deir elshy Fig 1 Medina but a full statistical analysis of the archaeological material in relation to the textual data Urk r that is a prerequisite for determining lexicographic relations is beyond the scope of this study

The VI

Jb-nraquo142 407_8 and n 5 lS enu 143 ibid 488

vessel 144 New Kingdom Pharaonic Sites The Pottery 41 see J Bourriau and S Quirke The Late Middle

terminKingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects in Lahun studies ed S Quirke (Reigate 1998) 60shydeterm1 for a more recent discussion of the basis of classifications

145 Les noms et signes egyptiens designant des vases ou objets simiaires (Paris 1935)30 l46 Noms et signes 72 Janssen Commodity Prices 427 considers that du Mesnil du Buissons suggestions 150 FoUl

and explanations for the gly are unconvincing and concludes that no identification of the gly is apparant P Turi Ricardo A Caminos considered it to be an open bowl or cup since it was used more as a container for Howevl

ISl Jansvegetables and flowers than liquids (CLEM 194-5) corresponding to the use of gy vessels for natron 152 Thelotus leaves and fruit in the Medinet Habu festival lists A Spalinger Medinet Habu and Deir el-Yledina IS3 TheCombined in Deir el-Medina in the Third Millennium AD A Tribute to Jac J Janssen eds R 1 Demaree

and A Egberts Egyptologische Uitgaven 14 (Leiden 2000) 314 Although the shape of the gl) remains these m unknown Janssen has determined a capacity of 20 hin Two Ancient Egyptian Ships Logs Papyrus Leiden detenni 1350 verso and Papyrus Turin 2008 + 2016 (Leiden 1961)88 vessel l47 Lexicographical Studies in Egyptian Pottery Bulletin de Liaison du Groupe International dEtude de determi fa Ceramique Egyptienne 7 (1982) 36-7 154 P GJ 14S The Pottery of Daily Life in Ancient Egypt JSSEA 19 (1989) 50-88 bibliogr 149 The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects 60-83 IS5 Com

lly be

essels d the in the ansto lwork Dr the oels142

1 high ngthe rmsof of the

lterial s from

1935 is the

cur in fresh to be

lediate i their ection fiddle

eir elshyt data study

v1iddle 8) 60shy

~stions

Jaranl ler for latron -edina maree mains Leiden

~de de

EQUA TJONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 55

Analysis of the occurrence of vessel types in the potter texts can be related to the present stage of research into vessel shape and size to produce some further insights both into the potters products and into the documentation for the supply of particular ceramic types

41 The basic pots qbw and [bw I have shown above that [bw and qbw vessels formed the basis of deliveries to the village

19th 20ththroughout the and Dynasties Therefore it seems likely that they were simple multipurpose vessels distinct from each another in shape andor size There is a standard way of referring to them in the records qbw vessels precede [bw vessels and many fewer are usually enumerated This relationship points to a qualitative differentiation between the two ISO Both are used as containers for liquids such as beer and waterl5l I consider that these two terms designate classes of vessels rather than fixed single shapes their names perhaps referring to a wider range of forms Difference in size may account for the differentation in numbers delivered in the texts In the following discussion I assess the evidence for these two classes of vessels

Jb lbw) vessels are included among the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak indicating a possible shape for the vessel152

tlBoo~WJ~O 01It 0P L II I I

Fig 1 ob-nw-k vessels in the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak (Wreszinski Atlas II pI 33 Urk IV 636)

The vessel shown is distinctive being beaker-like and wider at the base than at the neck JS3 The ub-nw-k vessel here is the equivalent of the u-m-Icw of P Harris I 36a 7 A significant number is enumerated in this text as containers tor incense perhaps indicating a smaller cup-like vessel l54 Janssen has considered that the [x]-n-k termination which is fairly common in vessel terminology indicates that the vessels were cups the name of the vessel given in the compound determines the shape155 In the inscription of the High Priest Osorkon the Oblb-n-k is written

150 Four texts which enumerate qbw and fbw vessels show a ratio of 15 O Or Inst Chicago 16698 rto 3 P Turin 2070133 134 + frgs rto 10-11 Giornale of year 17 rto B II 1-3 P Turin 1898 rto III 14 However since these are isolated examples it is uncertain how widely applicable such a ratio was 151 Janssen Commodity Prices 433 Valbelle Ouvriers 265 152 The equivalence between the lb andlbw is confirmed in CLEM 186-7 153 The determinative given for a qby vessel in the offering list ofThutmose III at Elcphantine indicates that these may have been quite close in shape to the IJb-nw-h of the Karnak list The simple elongated beaker determinative is quite distinct from the determinatives given for the other vases in the list including the Ub vessel which is shon with a definite neck (Urk IV 828 4) However the occurrence of different determinatives within a single text does not offer a basis for a classification of vessel forms 154 P Grandet Le Papyrus Harris I (EM 9999) BdE 109 (Cairo 1994) I 272 see vol IT 141 n 576 for a bibliography for lbw l55 Commodity Prices 409

I

56 POTTERS

with a goblet detenninative ls6 The vessels recorded in these texts may be smaller cup versions of thai larger Ibw jars with the wide mouth and lack of defined neck perhaps pointing to a vessel associated with food preparation and service 157 The delivery list O DeM 288 records fb-nw-kJ

cor 1

vessels perhaps as a fuller writing of bw or as a distinct fonn vithin the Ibw class Vessels ves categorized as Ibw may have had a generalized function as cups or containers for both liquid and con solid foods A comparison can be made with the ~nw vessels which are recorded in significant 4W numbers in the papyrus documents from Lahun and are equated by Bourriau and Quirke with the 346 drinking cups known from the site the only vessel fonn which they consider could have been used in such numbers 158 The bkw of the Deir el-Medina potters show that Ibw vessels too were

lbw 50

delivered in large quantities the The lower numbers of qbw vessels in the deliveries may be related to their larger size In Poids o

No 5135 3 the weight of a metal qbw vessel is stated to be 20 deben or 18 kg Valbelle betv concludes from this that the qbw was significantly larger than the Ibw 159 That qbw designates a POttl simple storage jar may be indicated by the name itself If the connection suggested by du Mesnil two du Buisson between qbw vessels and qb cool can be accepted it may suggest that qbw vessels were storage jars perhaps for water and other liquids The connection may also suggest the

sigh one

material of manufacture qbw vessels could have been made from marl clay which cools water Helc through evaporation

As storage jars qbw vessels may have been connected in shape or broad function with the qbwshyIf a have

n-wt canopic jar The coincidence of the name suggests some correspondence The simple canopic jar fonns given by Georges Nagel for Tomb 359 seem similar in shape to vessels found in the cellar of a house in the village160 However Nagels sample is so small that any identification is tentative Janssen cautions that the standard shape of a canopic jar was rarely used as the fonn of bronze or pottery vessels 161 This may be a principle of decorum vessels with a funerary purpose not being equated in fonn with ordinary domestic ceramics The connection between qbw and qbw-n-wt may be simply that they were both in one fonn or another storage jars

Although the qbw may have been proportionally larger than the lbw it is very unlikely that

capa temp capa appn meas

Cc vso cannc into i

either fonn had a fixed capacity at Deir el-Medina W W Struve [V V Struve] offered the only attempt to determine the capacity of the qbw (or qby) vessel based largely on Greek evidence and his research on P Boulaq 18162 Wolfgang HeIcks review of this evidence led him to conclude

dOCUJ

repre betw( vesse restril than 1

156 R A Caminos The Chronicle ofPrince Osorkon Analecta Orientalia 37 (Rome 1958) 129 157 p Cairo 58088 indicates that bw could have had a large size in this case accommodating 3 ds measures See also Janssen Commodity Prices 433 n 170 C Daniel Les noms egyptiens de certains types de vases

proba fixed

In

grecs Studia et Acta Orientalia 5-6 (1967) 383-5 equates the lIb vessel with the Greek 10 olt7tW and the vesse

Mycenaean di-pa He notes that the di-pa depicted on a tablet corresponds in shape with the form of the fib indicated by the determinative used for the word The depictions of the di-pa that Daniel cites are not 163 DG

comparable in form with the Ibw depicted in the Karnak offering list D H F Gray Linear Band evidee Archaeology Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies of the UniverSity of London 6 (1959) pI 7 I andDI would argue that the form of the lbw was very flexible 164 It 1

158 Bourriau and Quirke The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects 74 some 159 Catalogues des poids a inscriptions hieratiques de Deir el-Medineh Nos 5001-5423 DFIFAO 16 165 Da~

(Cairo 1973) 18 166 FOI 160 La ceramique du Nouvel Empire aDeir el Medineh DFIFAO 10 (Cairo 1938)35 cf 122 no 38 42 SpaHn 44 167 Da 161 Commodity Prices 412 sugges 162 Mathematischer Papyrus des staatlichen Museums der SchOnen Kunste in Moskau (Berlin 1930) 55 Ceram withn2 25 1itr

lions of vessel

-nw-k

Vessels llid and ilificant vith the Ie been )0 were

n Poids lalbelle ~ates a Mesnil vessels est the s water

le qbwshysimple

s found lat any rarely vessels s The omlor

~ly that Iteonly lce and melude

~asures

le vases and the the b are not Band pI 7 I

AO 16

3842

gt30) 55

EQliAnONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 57

that the qbw had no fixed capacity Rather it seems that vessels such as the Ibw and qbw could correspond to a range of different ds measures 163

Two texts may point to some perhaps proportional equivalence between qbw vessels and dpr vessels In O DeM 135 the record of the accumulated deficits of two potters includes a conversion from dpr vessels into qbw vessels 9 dpr vessels to (=) qbw vessels making Urn) 4Yz (see section 31) Such a conversion may indicate a size ratio between the vessels O DeM 346 vso 3 records 42 dpr vessels [making Urn)] 22 qbt vessels (see n 89 for the restoration) Ibw vessels may also be equated with dpr vessels in O DeM 202 dpr vessels 30 [as] 15 bw 50 (1 3_4)164 The restoration here is problematic and the hypothesis of any equivalence between the two types must remain tentative

O Berlin P 10654 vso displays a similar complexity in possible equivalences this time between qbw vessels and jnJt vessels This text (discussed in section 33) seems to record the potters production of ceramics on days 10 20 and 30 of II bt and day 10 of IIIilt The final two lines state total 230 of (n) qbw vessels [ ] specifying it (wp st) 23 jnJt vessels At first sight such a text seems to point to a proportional relationship between these vessels a qbw being one tenth of ajnJt Such a ratio is quite possible because jnJt vessels do seem to have been large Heicks calculations from O Gardiner 81 indicate that ajnJt vessel was 2 of a mnt-amphora 165

If a mnt had a liquid capacity of c 20 hin and a hin was 048 litres the capacity of a jnlzt would have been c 53 hin or 2551itres O Berlin P 10654 vso would then show that a qbw vessel had a capacity of c 53 hin or 25 litres whieh is a sensible size for a storage jar 166 Although it is tempting to make such equations from this data this evidence is based on assumptions about the capacity of other vessel types so is tentative HeIck estimated that the ds vessel had a eapacity of approximately 3 litres 167 If so the qbw in P Boulaq 18 would have been double the size ofa ds measure in order to contain the 2 ds (e 6 litres)

Contextual study of the equation between qbw vessels and other types in O Berlin P 10654 vso O DeM 135 and O DeM 346 vso indicates some form of size ratio operated although we cannot easily determine the flexibility of that ratio or how it was used A conversion of one vessel into its equivalent of another type is unusual in a text like O Berlin P 10654 vso which seems to document the actual produetion of vessels even their firing If the last two lines of the text represent the total of ceramics produced in this process then the specification of a relationship between the two vessels types is rather strange Perhaps the original order was for 230 qbw vessels and this was then converted into the equivalent in jn~t vessels Ifjn~t vessels had a more restricted even ritual function the equivalence expressed here may be more abstract or complex than a ratio of capacity The size of vessels delivered may have been standardized to some extent probably based on ease of delivery and manageability within a domestic eontext rather than as fixed measures

In such a context a value relationship might well have operated The jnlzt as a specialized vessel may have had a more established value in relation to which the qbw vessels could be set

163 Das Bier im Alten Agypten (Berlin 1971) 47 See also Anthony Spalingers re-evaluation of the evidence for the capacity of these vessels including discussion of O DeM 135 and 202 Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 314 His conclusions largely correspond with mine 164 It may also be possible to read dpr 30 Urnl 15 lbw 50 which would support the hypothesis of some sort ofequivalence 165 Das Bier 47 16lt5 For a review of evidence concerning the capacity of the mnl including discussion of this text see A Spalinger Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 312-3 167 Das Bier 46 R L Miller (is-vessels Beer Mugs Cirrhosis and Casting Slag GM 115 (1990) 64 suggests that the ds was a drinking vessel perhaps to be equated with depictions given in Nagel Ceramique 199-206 Miller identifies a jar found at Saqqara as a ds vessel noting that it had a capacity of 25 litres roughly corresponding to Heicks estimate

58 POTTERS

In O DeM 135 the scribe may well have calculated the value of the vessels owed down to the half vessel A parallel for this is found in O Turin 57062 vso 4 where 2Yz jnJtt vessels are set

dlagainst five vessel types which precede them (their names are lost) The recording of five vessels compared with half that amount in jnJtt vessels producing the unusual amount of a half vessel tt

2again suggests a value equivalence Since vessels do not appear with fixed values in the price

SJtexts their worth may well have been assessed in relation to other vessel types st b42 A specialized vessel jnJzt DApart from the two vessel types or classes that formed the basis of the deliveries of ceramics to rethe village the potter texts also occasionally enumerate other types jnJtt vessels although well

known from other contexts are rare in the potter texts A few texts that may indicate their ritproduction or delivery by the Deir el-Medina potters illuminate aspects of its function and context

of use The pattern of occurrence of jnJtt vessels indicates a specialized vessel type the shape of which is unknown The jnJtt vessel is most widely documented as a storage container for beer and as Walter F Reineke notes outside the data from Deir el-Medina it was often made of gold or silver J68 That this vessel could be supplied as part of the ceramic requirement of the village seems to be indicated by the delivery lists from the early 19th Dynasty (Category E) Some of these lists record jnJzt vessels although they are not always indisputably connected with the smdt potters

In the Category E delivery lists of wood and ceramics jnJtt vessels occur four times their total Ccamount being low in comparison with the other vessels enumerated in these texts In O DeM 1 6 una total of 7 jnlu vessels are delivered 5 of good quality 2 of poor In O DeM 17 4 only 3 jnJzt aUvessels were delivered (2 good 1 poor) in comparison with 290 lbw recorded in the previous intline and in O DeM 15 3 7 jn~lt vessels were delivered as against 295 Ibw vessels 16 jnJzt povessels are documented in O DeM 23 5 (the text is broken and the reading at the end of the line

uncertain)169 bei ve~Only two texts explicitly includejnJtt vessels in pottery deliveries 0 Qurna 6181 records two

jnJtt vessels among the deficit of 55 qbw and 265 Ibw vessels incurred by the potter Menna O IJry Michaelides 33 rto 3-6 J70 This text records for III Jot 30 matching deliveries from a potter to vex

Right and Left among other deliveries of wood and gypsum the potter 1 jnlp vessels 20 (pJ qd 1 jnJzt 20)171 The stroke read as one after the title p qd could refer to the bkw of the potter not

with jnJtt vessels being an addition to the quota delivered 172 jnJtt vessels were therefore a wit gocomponent of the potters repertoire and this fact may complicate the interpretation of other texts

where they occur173 More generally jnJzt vessels are recorded as being delivered filled with beer I thisand thus are probably not associated with ceramic delivery

174 (

Me(J68 Der Zusammenhang der altagyptischen Hohl- und UingenmaBe MID 9 (1963) 146 175( 169 Kitchen restores 16jnli vessels [by the hand of A]meneminet (KRII 367 8 a-b) but there does not 176 1appear to be space for this formula in the break The rest of this text is similar to the other wood and pottery

177pounddelivery lists See the discussion of parallel texts in section 23 170 Goedicke-Wente pJ 67 However I follow CernYs transcription of the text here (Nb 10830)

178 1

Cau171 Contra Goedicke and Wente who restore IT1l ] on line 3 On line 7 Goedicke and Wente read 27 jnlt 197vessels instead of 20 vessels and the restoration for the [plasterer] (Pi q() given by Cerny 179 1

172 Alternatively it could refer to a single potter although this would be unusual in this context (see section Rek21) Compare the reading of this text with that discussed for O DeM 154 rto 15-6 in section 34 Egy

173 Other entries for this day include specialty breads and ds measures of beer (117-8) while the folloVing somentry for IV Jt 1 records a festival of Hathor (1 9) Although an association with a festival context is Dietpossible the delivery of jnlts as discussed by Spahnger is recorded separately from the breads and ds inameasures and is included among more standard delveries Medinet Habu and Dei elmiddotMedina Combined note310-311 Earl

l to the are set vessels vessel e price

mics to ~h well e their ~ontext

mpe of Ir beer of gold village ome of le smdt

ir total M 16 r 3jn~f

revious 16 jn~t he line

ds two mao O )tter to (pJ qd potter fore a r texts th beer

oes not pottery

27 jn~t

section

llowing rrtext is and ds

lbined

EQUATIONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 59

jn~t vessels of beer occur consistently in a series of six Category E ostraca that seem to document the delivery of commodities associated with festival or temple offerings174 Four of these texts state that the commodities were delivered by an individual in O DeM 20 and O DeM 25 the deliveries are made by a local priest Each of these six texts lists items that include speciality foodstuffs and jn~t vessels of beer rather than the fuel and plain unfilled pottery of standard deliveries II smw 12 by the hand of the local priest (w(b Sf) 175 60 large j nJzt vessels of beer entered 56 deficit 4 120 (bundles of) vegetables ISO s(t cakes and 100 rJzs cakes (0 DeM 20) The only exception in this group is O DeM 26 where 30 large jn~1f vessels are recorded 27 are entered (jw) and there is a deficit on No beer is recorded with these vessels

The recto of O DeM 29 may confirm that lists containing such products are associated with rituals or festivals rather than deliveries of materials to the village 176

total of various (sbn)jnl)tvessels of beer 653 [+x] the record of the [ ] which were given as offerings (snw) [] good bread loaves of [ ] s(t cake [x oipeJ rJzs cakes [ J jnJzt vessels of beer [ J beer [ ]

Connections of this vessel type with the temple or festival sphere nmy explain features of the unique and difficult distribution text O BM 50728 discussed in section 23 The text records the allocation ofjnJzt vessels to individual crew members The 10 + 5 jnJzt vessels seem to be grouped into four different categories perhaps accordin~ to quality of the vessel or its contents and possibly its shape or finish 177 5 doubly good (~reg) jnJzt vessels in the fashion of hbny [vessels] being returned (m hyt) 2 for Baky I for Huy 1 (for) (Omek 1 for Qaha totalS (11 5-6) Six vessels given to individuals in line 7 one for each nmn are stated to be middling good (11fr mshyhry-jb) and line 10 enumerates two vessels that also have a designation perhaps reading not (J I~~ 3)very poor _ 1

If the jnJzt vessels were more specialized beer vessels used in festival or ritual contexts then the note of quality either of contents or of the vessel itself would have been important This concern with quality can also be seen in the delivery lists where the jnJzt vessels are described as either good or poor 178

Particularly difficult to understand in this context are the writings of hbny perhaps referring to this well-known amphora-shaped vessel I19 The five doubly goodjnl)t vessels are designated in

174 O DeM 19 20 21 25 26 27 For further discussion of these texts see Spalinger Deir e1middotMedina and Medinet Habu Combined 311

(1 0

175 l=n (1 1) For another writing of this title see O DeM 25 2 176 The verso of this text records only nswt bjty mnmiddotmrtmiddotrr 177 For the use of red ink in this text see p 19 n 75 above

178 O DeM 1 6 174 For discussion of the meaning of snn 1~ in these contexts see D Valbelle Catalogue des poids ainscriptions hieratiques de Deir eAmiddotfedineh Nos 500l-5423 DFIFAO 16 (Cairo 1977)23 179 Wh II 487 There are depictions of the hbnylhbnt vessel in Urk IV 11308 11352 and in the tomb of Rekhmire N de G Davies The Tomb of Rekh-mi-r~ at Thebes The Metropolitan Museum of Art Egyptian Expedition 11 (New York 1943) I pIs 33 34 In these examples it is shaped as an amphora sometimes without handles and often contains honey E A W Budge An Egyptian Hieroglyphic Dictionary (London 1920)446 gave the capacity of a hbnt ndst as one quarter of a hin F G Hilton-Price in an earlier publication Notes on Some Egyptian Antiquities in My Collection TSBA 9 (1886) 353 noted the same capacity for this vessel Here see also T G H James The Heqanakhte Papers and Other Early Middle Kingdom Documents (New York 1962) 118

60 POTTERS

the fashion of hbny vessels (~[]~IlJ1J 0) (vso 5) This seems to express an equivalence between the two vessel types perhaps representing an addition or finish to the jn~lt vessel that increased its value Du Mesnil du Buisson speculated in his discussion of the hhnl vessel that the word related to hbny ebony t ruJ-Oi) and indicated a blackened colour or lustre to the vesseL I80 hbny also occurs as an annotation above the entries of jnit vessels for particular workmen in lines 8-12 of the recto The entry on line 13 (hhny n [ ]) may indicate that hhny vessels themselves were also delivered to the workmen named in the following lines So far as I know hbny vessels do not occur in other Deir el-Medina textsl8J These notations may also refer to some sort of finishing to the j nit vesseL

The inclusion of more unusual designations for the vessels certainly points to the exceptional nature ofthe delivery in O BM 50728 as does the entry of an amount ((i(w) of bJq oil (8) in line lOon the verso after the specification of 10 further jnlJl vessels for particular workmen (pJ WpWl

n plIO n jnlJt n tJ jst) Janssen observes that this oil was rarely used by the workmen as it was too expensive 182 It is possible that the text refers to the delivery of jnit vessels of bJq oil the references to quality therefore referring to the quality of oil rather than the vessel itself The designation hbny may be associated with this as welL

Complicating this analysis is the proposed large size of jnit vessels (discussed in section 41) which may account to some extent for its more restricted function within the vessel repertoire jnlJt vessels occur only rarely in the Medinet Habu festival calendar indicating that even within the temple their use was specialized ls3 The ealculation of the equivalence in contents of the vessels in O Gardiner 81 indicates that we are dealing with a set capacity for these vessel types in this text 184 If the capacity of a jnit was 53 hin or 255 Htres this would equate to a significant quantity ofbJq oil per person 185

O BM 50728 remains a puzzle Despite thc difficulties in interpretation it seems most likely that it records allocation of vessels possibly filled with oil or beer for festival or cultic purposes The careful documentation of such a distribution may also indicate that the vessels were not to be kept by the men perhaps only being used by them for the event and then returned to the temple A large size may serve to explain their more limited and specialized oecurrence in the data perhaps restricted to the religious sphere rather than playing a role in the domestic life of the villagers

In this instance contextual analysis of texts that seem to relate to ceramic deliveries can alter our understanding of these texts and illuminate the role and function of a vessel type in the community For vessels that were delivered more commonly we can observe the potential for flexibility in the classification systems these would repay further detailed study sectS Conclusion Analysis of the texts concerning pottery delivery leaves a number of questions unanswered and areas unexplored the limited number of sources available and problems inherent in them restrict their potential for interpretation However some insights into the organization and administrative structures of Deir el-Medina are fortheoming from the material Within the meticulous record keeping of the village the key theme seems to be flexibility This flexibility is apparent in the

180 Noms et signes 28 181 Janssen did not include them in his chapter on Vessels in Commodity Prices None of the references for the entry in the Wb II 487 has a Deir e1-Medina provenance 182 Commodity Prices 330 183 On the occurrence of the jnltt in the Medinet Hahn festival lists see A Spalinger Medinet Habn and Deir ei-Medina Combined 311-2 ]84 Heick Das Bier 46 185 Even if the mnt was only 10 hin a jnltt would still be of a substantial size c 11-12 iitres Janssen Commodity Prices 434

N

CONCLUSION 61

number of potters assigned to the crew the size and content of the quota required every 10 days and the timing of deliveries The final section of my study also points to the potential flexibility of form size and function of the pots themselves

Although we can find implications in the potter texts for features of society beyond the village itself such as the specifie interpretation of bkw or the occurrence of vessels in royal festival calendars it must be borne in mind that the real value of the Deir el-Medina material lies in its potential to illuminate the lives of ordinary people in Ramessid Egypt For that purpose we need to attend most closely to the village context

Appendix The potters of Deir el-Medina Names of potters in documents relating to the delivery of ceramics

I

Names of potters in documents concerning matters other than the supply of ceramics

I 1 (Omek i Turin Strike Papyrus RAD 476 I

2 Khonsu bull O Turin 57192 1

3 Herunefer bull O DeM 73 rto 2

4 Paaeminet I O Berlin P 12343 vso 3

5 Bakenmut P Turin 2018 A rto la 5 rto IV 17 vso I 6 B rto II 4 D I rto 14 P BM 10068 vso V l3

6 Wenennefer P BM 10068 vso V 14

alence el that 1at the to the ticular thbny ar as I ) refer

ltional in line middotwpwt it was til the f The

1 41) rtoire within of the pes in ificant

likely poses tto be ~mple data of the

1 alter in the ial for

d and estrict rative ecord in the

rences

)U and

nssen

1 I Menna O IFAO 387 1 O Qurna 618i1 O DeM 91 1 O Berlin P 10840 vso 1

2 bull Nakhy I

O IFAO 3874 O DeM 914

3 I Ptahemheb O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O DeM 343 2 P Greg vso B 8 rto A11

4 Parahotep O DeM 868

5 Hori O DeM 868 O DeM 869

6 Herunefer O Cairo 25597 rto 3

7 Neferher O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O Cairo 25633 vso 2

8 Amennakht O DeM 44 rto 8

9 Dmek P Turin 2081+2095 rto 1

10 ltAhawy P Turin 1881 vso V 1 VI 7 VII 1 () Giornale of year 17 rto B II 2 P Turin 2018 A vso 1 12 B rto II 11 B vso II 17 P BM 10068 vso VI 25 P Turin 2014 rto 27-8 P BM 10054 vso II 9

62 POTTERS

Addendnm

Pierre Grandets Catalogue des ostraca hieratiques non litteraires de Deir el-Medineh IXbecame available just as this chapter went to the press This volume contains a number of important potter texts I have included them in the tables on pages 33-7 and provide a short account of them here

O DeM is the longest and most detailed potter account known to me I will be adressing the issues it raises in a further publication It records deliveries made by the potters Ptahemheb Parahotep Hori and Neferher for the months of I bt to I prt of a year 6 The title p qd occurs only in line I in reference to Ptahemheb but probably also covers the other individuals named Ptahemheb and Neferher are known from other potter accounts discussed in this chapter O DeM 869 also published by Grandet and dated to a year 6 records deliveries made by Hori of qbw and lbw vessels to Right Both Hori and Parahotep are not otherwise attested in the potter texts In O DeM 868 details of delivery are grouped according to individual potters In line 13 Neferher delivers vessels to Left (t rj smM this is the only statement concerning Right or Left in this text That four potters deliver during the same general period emphasizes the potential number of potters involved in delivery which is not generally apparent in many of the potter texts Ptahemheb and Neferher make deliveries on different days in IV bt The vessel numbers vary except for those delivered as the making good of deficits by Ptahemheb which are consistent sums (II 3-4) The vessels delivered include qbw and Ibw vessels as well as gy andjnlt this text therefore provides further evidence thatjnJtt vessels were part of the potters repertoire

Grandet follows Gutgesell in assigning a date in the mid-20th Dynasty to O DeM 868 and 869 19thMy assignment of a late Dynasty date to the other account ostraca of Ptahemheb and

Neferher (0 Cairo 25591 O Cairo 25633 and O DeM 343) is based on the record of Ptahemhebs deliveries in P Greg firmly dated by Janssen to the reign of Siptah186 Gutgesell places Ptahemheb in the 20th Dynasty on the basis of the occurrence of this name in P Turin 2006+ 1961 usually dated to year 29 of Ramesses 111 [87 The Ptahemheb in this text is not a potter and so is a different individual I propose that the late 19th Dynasty date of the other documents should therefore be retained and should also be adopted for O DeM 868 and 869

Further texts relevant to potters in Grandets volume include O DeM 877 in which a list of arrears in water supplies are measured in jnlt vessels O DeM 871-3 are sherds bearing the phrase mJ qd Grandet considers these phrases along with the phrase ml m-rJrt p-Jtm-nlr complete by the hand ofPahemnetjerthe priest on O DeM 870 as delivery marks inscribed on the pots themselves18S

186 Janssen Village Varia 115-6 187 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 252 309-12 188 Catalogue des ostraca IX 49-50

UNT

Marel

sectl Eil Die A Papyr Einwc zusHin Verw Angell besch~

Bei suchur wichtil Andre Vortei Juni 2( nicht-li recherc

Beirr allgem

bull Der MaXI

mieh Aufn Doni Sieh~

J Ja grap dazu

2 Sieht tause Peri Gutg Teil1 el ME Held Janss Histo

6 MeD Valb

g Venn Witnl II Ta

10 Ein P II Gutg 12 Allan 13 Held

Page 18: Woodcutters, Potters and Doorkeepers Service Personnel of the Deir El Medina Workmen

lship

)the se of I for

The the The

M a ) and h the

reage i IV fthis te or ies to

I and n the s are fS on

ould sand 6 of

or IV lotter xtO three ndof

97 kribe znium iden lunity

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 45

the scribe Amenemope (rto 11 1-2) On II prt 23 a further 42 dpr vessels making(9 22 qb vessels and 100 tbw vessels were also entered by the scribe Amenemope (vso n 1-4) This text may record part payments of the delivery expected for II prt 20-30 The data concerning the timing of delivery therefore correspond to the evidence discussed by Janssen for the woodcutters (see above pp 18ff) As in the woodcutter texts if the delivery was completed in full during the 10 day period it was recorded as mI Any deficit or shortfall in delivery was entered as (w)gJ(t) or gJ nlr

32 The terminology ofsupply bJkw From the late 19th or early 20 th Dynasties the deliveries of ceramics were recorded in units of bJlnv in both account and journal ostraca Janssen has discussed the use and meaning of the tenn bkw in the Deir el-Medina material blkw in its absolute sense means work but Janssen has shown that in many cases in these documents the meaning can shift from work to the resultproduct of the work90 Within this usage the bkw of the potter seems to have a more specific meaning Janssen has concluded that it signifies a fixed amount that was due every ten days a quota He cites the example ofO DeM 387 where two b3kw were recorded one for I smw 30 one for II smw 10 91 The detenninatives used in the writing of b3lnv support this interpretation Although in the late 19th and early 20th Dynasty texts bkw was detennined by the papyrus roll92 from the middle to the end of the reign of Ramesses III the vessel detenninative was used93 The change to this detenninative from one with a more abstract meaning signals that here bkw is a work requirement consisting of an amount of ceramics

The usage of bkw in the journals and accounts implies that this amount was fixed a quota that would therefore be quantifiable There are records of the entry of two bkw often to make up for overdue deliveries and occasionally even half bkw94 These references certainly imply that the bIlnv was a predetennined amount that could be doubled or halved when necessary The documenting of deficits in the texts also shows that each delivery was expected to consist of a predetermined amount The Category E text O DeM 12 seems to record such a deficit On line 4 of this delivery list is written deficit namely deficit of vessels (4 qrlJt 4)95 Since qrlt is the generic tenn for vessels the implication is that the expected delivery of ceramics probably a mixture of types and quantities was not made To determine the composition of each bkw in terms of vessel types and numbers is however difficult

33 b3kw in the J(jh Dynasty accounts (text categories B C E) The 19th Dynasty accounts of the deficits of the potters Menna and Nakhy indicate that deliveries were pre-determined as amounts that if not delivered in full were recorded to be made up later O Berlin P 10840 records an accumulation of deficits owed by Menna from year 9 III fJt 1 to III prt 30 making 5 months 53 qbt vessels 575 bw vessels (11 2-3) This account shows the scale of thc deficit that the potter could incur over a period of time if complete deliveries were not made

89 Cernys transcription of the text contains an ellipsis and query at this point (Catalogue VII pI 2) Janssen (pers corron) has suggested that the two dashes in the hieratic facsimile could be read as Jr n 90 hkw From Work to Product 89 91 ibid 89-90 nO DeM 606 rto 611 O Cairo 25591 rto 4-5 and O Cairo 25633 vso 1 P Greg rto B 23 A 11 vso B 8 11-12 93 The journal ostraca from the mid_20th Dynasty consistently use this determinative 94 For an examples entries of two bkw see O DeM 154 rto 16 P Greg rto A II 11-12 Half units are recorded in O DeM 44 rto 20 P Turin 1961 (Pleyte and Rossi pI 99) vso II 5 Anonymous Turin fragment (Cerny MSS 3616) 95 t~~lon

46 POTTERS

O DeM 135 is a testimony to the precision with which such deficits were recorded This undated text enumerates the deficit of two potters Deficit of the potters 2 men 96 29 qbw fle)vessels 5 gy vessels 00 Ibw vessels 9 dp(r) vessels to (r) qbw vessels making 4Y2 Total ves making 33Y2 qbw vessels The final two lines seem to indicate that 9 dpr vessels were equivalent mo in some way to 4Yz qbw vessels97 When added to the 29 qbw vessels in line 2 this gives the total ves of 33Y2 Perhaps the potters were initially required to deliver 9 dpr vessels along with the other and vessels but the decision was made to convert these dpr vessels into their equivalent in qbw dprvessels Here it must be borne in mind that this text records deficit rather than delivery It seems forto reflect the scribes accounting mentality precisely recording the precise value of the deficit

forwhich may have been rounded up or down in reality The meticulous record of deficit does imply sigrfixed vessel deliveries with a specific amount being due every ten days

deliAlthough such texts imply the presence of a quota it is difficult to quantify that quota in terms

posof numbers and types of vessels In this context O DeM 135 provides an additional insight The

asklconversion of one vessel type into its equivalent in another type if it is a concrete conversion

therather than a statement of value implies a certain flexibility within the deliveries Perhaps this document shows the superiors of the crew specifying or making adjustments to the amounts of

34ceramics required every ten days in accordance with the needs of the crew

TheSuch an interpretation could explain the range of vessel types and quantities enumerated in the

19th defiDynasty delivery lists while also perhaps accounting for the precise documentation of It isdeficits These ostraca note deliveries of at least eight different vessel types in varying quantities

and combinations including jn~t98 m~t99 qbwIOO kJ-lr-kJ 101 gJy102 Ibw103 dpr104 and dS I05 and imp

Some of these vessel names are very rare in other documentation The dpr vessel although common in these lists and in 19th Dynasty pottery accounts does not appear to occur later 106 This

Ir

pattern could suggest a reduction in the vessel repertoire in the 20th Dyllasty but the contents of IVr Jourdeliveries are not generally enumerated in the later data potentially concealing some vessel types 29Deliveries of lbw vessels are recorded in the majority of the surviving lists and as will be 15-1illustrated below Ibw vessels alongside qbw vessels remained the core of the potters deliveries (conin the 20th Dynasty It is possible that qbw and bw are classes of ceramics rather than distinct samlvessel types so that the terms may cover a wider range of forms (see section 61) DeIlt othe

96 1- ~~~gt5l~I (I 1) reml 97 Compare O DeM 346 where 42 dpr vessels may be the equivalent of 22 qbt vessels (see section 31) day The flexibility of equivalence between the two types may indicate flexibility in the form and valuation of seen these vessels (see section 41) evid 98 Janssen Commodity Prices434 O DeM 16 153 174 23 5

ther99 Wb II 126 W F Reineke Der Zusammenhang der altagptischen Rohl- und LiingenmaBe MfG 9 (1963)148 O DeM 56 7 6 114 100 Janssen Commodity Prices 412-5 qbw is a feminine word and can also be spelt qbt Valbelle Guvriers 18 O DeM J 7 4 5 7 5 104 O DR 5 4 O Gardiner 435 101 Wb V 93 O DeM 28 3 O DR 6 8 lOi 0 102 Janssen Commodity Prices 426-8 O DeM 5 5 9 6 107 225 O DR 8 3 O Gardiner 436 108 0 10J Janssen Commodity Prices 433-4 O DeM 18 3 4 4 6 6 6 8 6 105 116 136 154 16 5 17 109 0 3 226 O DR 5 7 6 9 7 5 84 O Or lnst Chicago 188785 O Gardiner 43 7 O DeM 288 records 110 0 a lbw-n-k~ vessel (see section 41) III 0 104 This vessel is not included in Janssen Commodity Prices or in the Worterbuch It is written lith the 1110

generic term for vessel qrlt confirming its nature as such O DeM 25 3 3 5 7 6 5 9 5 106 165 113 0 O DR 5 6 O Or lnst Chicago 188784 4prt vessels presumably a different orthography of the same 114 C term occur in hieratic inscriptions from the tomb of Tutankhamun 1 Cerny Hieratic lnscriptionsfrom the Il5 t Tomb of TutCankhamun TutCankhamiins Tomb Series II (Oxford 1965) 6 with references See also G 116 Ir Bouvier BlFAG 101 (2001)90 note g PriCE 105 Wb V 485 Janssen Commodity Prices 472-4 O DeM 64 8 5 135 165 22 4 O DR 5 6 74 non-I 1(lj See the documents cited in n 100 also O DeM 346 vso 3 117 Q~

This qbw otal alent total other qbw

eems ficit mply

erms The rsion this Its of

n the m of ttities dS I05

tough This lts of ypes ill be veries stinct

1 31) ion of

1109

vriers

5 17 ecords

ith the 165

same Jm the

Iso G

74

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 47

The degree to which the composition of deliveries could vary from list to list illustrates the flexiblity of the institution On I 3Jt 10 of year 3 of Sety I 7 jn~t vessels (3 good 2 poor) 37 qbw vessels (deficit of 3) and 58 Ibw vessels (deficit of 2) were delivered l07 On the 20th day of that month dpr vessels were delivered (the rest of the text is lost)108 80 dpr vessels and 50 Ibw vessels were delivered on the last day of I 3Jt109 while on the last day of II Jt 40 qbw vessels and 50 Ibw vessels were delivered l1O On day 10 of III Jt 80 g3y vessels 90 m~t vessels and 40 dpr vessels were delivered lll Not only do several vcssel types occur in each delivery but totals for each vessel type also vary considerably as weI Ibw vessels tend to total between 50 and 60 for each list in which they occur1l2 However many of the attested totals documented are significantly larger between 100 and 300 lbw1l3 These texts may point to there being variable deliveries that resulted from commissions in response to specific needs However this is only one possible interpretation based upon a comparatively small group of texts The question must be asked whether a similar understanding can be gained from the qualitatively different sources of the 20th Dynasty

34 Recording b3kw in the 20th Dynasty The recording of pottery deliveries was less explicit in the 20th Dynasty with deliveries and deficits generally noted as b3kw and (w)4(t) of the potter without further clarifying information It is difficult to determine whether the quantities and contents of the deliveries were as flexible and varying as the 19th Dynasty data suggest Indeed as Janssen has concluded it is virtually impossible to prove what was meant by the termbkw l 114

In the rare cases where journal entries on ostraca of the reigns of Ramesses III and Ramesses N record numbers of vessels this information is difficult to interpret O DeM 154 rto recording journal entries in year 31 of Ramesses III documents the delivery made by the potter on II smw 29 entered by the hand of the potter 2 bkw (plus) 50 lbw vessels for II smw 30 deficit 65 (II 15-16) Janssen alternatively translates this part of the text as [e ]ntered from the potter 2 bkw (consisting of) 50 lbw vessels comparing it with O Berlin P 10654 (unpub) vso 1 where the same amount of 50 vessels is also mentioned I IS There is a number of possible readings of O DeM 154 rto The two b3kw may be deliveries owing from earlier in the month116 while on the other hand the 50 Ibw vessels may be an early partial payment for II smw 30 with 65 vessels remaining outstanding Since we do not have the rest of the journal for II smw and the entry for day 20 records neither delivery nor deficit it is difficult to draw firm conclusions Nonetheless it seems unlikely that the b3kw referred to in the text consisted of 50 lbw vessels The supporting evidence of the late 20th Dynasty ostracon O Berlin P 10654 vso is ambiguous also referring to the production of 50 vessels in the first line the numbers are lost thereafter

II Jt 10 the potter fashioned1l7 50 (vessels) day 20 the potter [fashioned x (vessels)]

107 O DeM 16-8 108 O DeM 2 5 109 O DeM 3 3-4 110 O DeM 45-6 1110 DeM 5 5-7 112 O DeM 18 34 8 6 165 O DH 5 7 6 9 O Or Inst Chicago 188785 113 O DeM 6 6 136 22 6 154 173 O DH 76 ll4 Commodity Prices 488 bkw From Work to Product 89 115 bkw From Work to Product 89 116 In a similar situation O DeM 40 14-5 records by the hand of the potter 3 bkw Janssen Commodity Prices 487-8 concludes that two of the bkw were payments for the first two decades although the non-delivery is nowhere stated while the third delivery was due for the five epagomenal days 117 ~~li~IT1l~~o

II

48 POTTERS

day 30 fashioning [x (vessels)] III 11]t 10 while he (fashioned)118 [x (vessels)] 35 b day 20119

Vhel total 230 qbw vessels [ ] the n specifYing it (wp Sf) ~ 23 jn~11 vessels blkw

In recording the actual work of the potters this text is unique While units of 50 vessels seem to statu be specified any connection with a blkw is not made explicit and can only be inferredYo perio

Janssen also cites the example of O DeM 35 on which a note above line 7 recording entries been for IIprt 19 of year 28 of Ramesses III reads entered by the hand of the potter as one b3kw 100 these qbw vessels 45 lbw vessels Although this text indicates that the b3kw consisted of 100 qbw Th vessels and 45 lbw vessels the phrase m w( b3kw could imply that the vessels enumerated were the e those making up this particular delivery perhaps differing from although equivalent to the recor contents of earlier deliveries and the standard b3kw The higher number of qbw vessels than Ibw epagt vessels which is very unusual when compared with other texts enumerating these two types 5 ep suggests that this entry is exceptional not only in its formulation It may be that this delivery ofth required special enumeration perhaps the potter altered the original order and provided an bee) equivalent number of qbw vessels instead of lbw vessels P

The two uneertain entries of O DeM 154 and O DeM 35 are the only texts in which actual Ram vessel types are enumerated in 20u Dynasty journal ostraca O DeM 35 in particular may suggest reads that the composition of b3kw could be flexible Other surviving records of pottery deliveries from An e the reign of Rarnesses III usually state only whether or not the potter entered his deliveries deliv complete or was in deficit O DeM 143 vso 5 datable to year 24 of Ramesses III does fo11o however enter a deficit of lbw vessels for the five epagomenal days Although the exact figures as 65 are lost the final two lines record an unknown total (dnuf) of qbw vessels and a total of 680 lbw char~ vessels these probably being deficits incurred since IV smw 30 the day the potter first fell behind disru in deliveries as the account records In O DeM 165 which largely documents deficits incurred in prt 1 year 30 III prt and thereafter a note to one side records year 29 entered for the five whih (epagomenal) days 30 lbw vessels his deficit 85 (11 4amiddot5a) vesst

Where vessel numbers are enumerated in these 20th Dynasty texts they vary in some cases notin considerably although the relationships of these numbers with the context of the documents must onw be kept in mind The vessel types are less varied than in the 19th Dynasty sources Mostly qbw and that 1 [bw vessels are enumerated in large quantities which confirms that these vessel types were the here basis of the potters b 3kw The deficit accounts from the reign of Ramesses II (group III) record If only qbw and lbw vesselsl2I in contrast with the variety of vessels represented in the delivery deliv lists The delivery lists of the 19th Dynasty appear to be exceptional in the variety of vessel types large they enumerate They may represent deliveries from other specialized workshops or supplies for vess particular purposes The similarity between the 19th Dynasty delivery lists of pottery and wood on en1r) the one hand and of specialty breads and beer on the other hand may indicate that these inter deliveries were in general more specialized they were perhaps associated with festivals Such an here association is illuminated by a study of one of the vessel types less commonly enumerated in A1 these texts (see section 42) However the regularity of delivery in these lists recorded in tenmiddotday b3kJi blocks is closely comparable with the regular b3kw delivery For the 20th Dynasty it must be potu borne in mind that b3kw which is mostly unqualified in the journal ostraca may cover a range of the ( vessel types sing

liS Q0--1i11 122 G ll9 Cerny noted that the line here was left blank 123 J~

120 The specification of jnJz1 vessels may also suggest that this text refers to a specialized perhaps unique lUF

production series For jnJzt see section 42 me 121 0 DeM 91 O Berlin P 10840 vso O IFAO 387 126 C

em to

ntries 100

l qbw were

) the nbw types livery ed an

actual 19gest from veries does

igures 101bw )ehind red in ~ fivc

cases must wand re thc ccord livery types es for odon thcsc Ichan ted in n-day lst be 1ge of

mique

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 49

35 bikw in the late 20th Dynasty papyrus documents Where pottery deliveries are recorded in the journal papyri the numbers of vessels involved and the name of the potter are often included A further contrast with earlier records is that the tenn bkw is rarely employed The more fonnal status of the papyri may explain such differences This status may also be one reason despite the large amount of documentation surviving from this period deliveries of pottery are only recorded occasionally Those that are recorded may have been special deliveries and hence worthy of note When bkw are recorded as in earlier records these may be variable in size and consist largely ofbw and qbw vessels

The recto ofP Turin 2070133 134 + 3 fragments (KRIVI 426-8) contains journal entries for the epagomenal days of the year 2 of a king later than Ramesses IV 122 The entry for the final day records the deliveries of the potter Right the potter - 29 [qb]w vessels 145 lbw vessels Five epagomenal days 100 [+ 45] Ibwvessels [Left] the potter 29 [qbw] vessels 145lbwvessels 5 epagomenal days 145 (Col II 10-11) The deliveries are enumerated separately for each side of the crew although if the restorations are correct the totals are the same for each side As is to be expected qbw and bw vessels are the only vessel types mentioned

P Turin 1881+ (Pleyte and Rossi pI 1-8 KRIVI 609-19) records entries for years 6-8 of Ramesses IX the potter is only mentioned on three occasions in year 7 For IV lu 29 the entry reads received by the hand of the potter ~Ahawy - qbw vessels 65 bw vessels 65 (vso V 1-2) An entry for 65 handfuls of plants follows in this list and seems to be associated with this delivery An entry on the same line also records 2 khar of k3Y (Ulq~ ~ ) probably roe123 The following line records again by his hand (wlm m-fjrtj) (for) I prt 10 100 [b[w] vessels as well as 65 handfuls of plants and an unknown measure of roe It seems that the potter had also been charged with delivering produce to the village perhaps the organization of deliveries was disrupted in this period Other entries record deliveries received by the hand of scribes 124 In III prt 18 almost three months later ~Ahawy made another delivery of 300 Ibw vessels (vso VI 7-8) while in III smw there were received by the hand of the potter (for) Right and Left 1501bw vessels and 70 qbw vessels (vso VII 1-2) P Turin 1881 + is an unusual text which rather than noting events day by day records only a few days from a few months of each year perhaps days on which events occurred that were more significant in the eyes of the scribe Valbelle observes that the scribe was running out of space on the papyrus increasing the likelihood that the entries he recorded were those he considered important125

If the deliveries recorded in this text were the only ones made for year 7 of Ramesses IX the delivery patterns of the potters may have changed Rather than delivering units every decade large deliveries were made every two to three months This would explain the large totals of vessels supplied However as Janssen cautions scribal inaccuracies mean that the absence of an entry in the journal does not necessarily mean that the delivery was not made126 An alternative interpretation is that the standard deliveries were made every ten days and that those recorded here were supplementary and worthy of special mention

An entry in P Turin 1900+ (KRl VI 619-24) vso 117 may indicate that regular deliveries of blkw continued at least in the early years of Ramesses IX Year 9 II 31Jt 19 records Right the potters b3kw [ ] (wnmy p qd n b3kw [ J) The context of this delivery is similar to those of the earlier 20th Dynasty with supply of fuel and gypsum being recorded as well However the single mention of a potters bkw in this entry in the papyrus may be as unique as those in P

122 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 242 123 Janssen Village Varia 53 124 For example vso 2a vso 5 5 vso 5 10 vso 6 1 125 Ouvriers 63-4 126 Commodity Prices 486

l

50 POTTERS

Turin l88l Journal entries from years 10 and 17 of Ramesses IX support this interpretation P A Turin 2071140 (KRIVI 63715) rto 9 records delivery of vegetables and pottery 2l() qb(w) varia vessels 110 [+ x] [bw vessels for day 30 IV smw year 10 The Turin Necropolis Journal of year vana 17 rto B II 2-3 (Botti and Peet pI 16) is the only record of a pottery delivery in this substantial inclu text covering two full months potter rAhawy 33 qbw vessels 165 [bw vessels This may Dyna indicate that the delivery was an unusual hence noteworthy event especially in relation to (HO references to problems with smdt organization earlier in the text (see section 37) the p

Deliveries of varying quantities of pottery are entered a number of times for different sides of recei the crew in the journal of year 3 of Ramesses X (P Turin 1898 + Botti and Peet pI 50-63 KRI Re VI 687-99) On III prt 18 even though the crew was not working because of the foreigners cornr (Omyw) 30 qb(w) vessels and 30 [+ x] [[bw] vessels were delivered to Right (rto I 11) On the wood last day of IV prt 9 qb(w) and 27 ([)bw vessels were delivered to Left (the entry for Right is comp lost rto II 14) The entry for II smw 19 records crew not working Right 28 qb(w) vessels 300 Janss [b(w) vessels Left 28 qb(w) vessels 15 g1(y) vessels 300 [b(w) vessels (rto III 9-10) The entry amou for g1y vessels is unusual in this text Two days later there was a further delivery for Right alone largel the potter - 30 qb(w) vessels 150 [b(w) vessels (rto III 13-14) In the month of III smw qbw Alt and [bw vessels were delivered on two occasions day 5 and day 30127 On IV smw 1 1 qbw was texts

delivered perhaps to Right while 90 [bw vessels were delivered to Left (rto V 18-9) If each are in delivery of vessels to the village was flexible in size and composition the entries in this journal as a c may also illustrate that deliveries to different sides of the crew could be varied as well quant

The journal text of year 1 of Ramesses XI P Turin 1898+ VSO128 records for I 10t 24 Right excep

from the hand of (the) potter [ ] 18 qb(w) vessels 50 [+x] [bw vessels Left from the hand of 37 In(the) potter [ ]y129 10 [+x] (Hh vessels [r~R~~o] [ J (vso Text A 2-4) Again the Otherdelivery is separately enumerated for the different sides of the crew breaks in the text mean that unprethe composition of the delivery is unknown If the entry on line 4 is a variant orthography of a this b type of vessel (1(1130 it may indicate a specialized delivery because (1(1 vessels are not firingotherwise attested in the pottery deliveries l3I Further deliveries are recorded in this journal again therein a very broken context by the hand ofthe potter [ ] lbw vessels 51 [+ x ] (vso dockets B taken5-6) later 18 qbw vessels and 50 lbw vessels are recorded (vso dockets C 2) This is the latest or adrsurviving record of pottery deliveries to the necropolis workmen in the 20th Dynasty deficit Impac36 Conclusion the meanings ofb1kw

TheThe Turin Necropolis journals seem to support the interpretation of the nature of the b1kw found detailein the earlier documentation Despite the possibility that delivery patterns may have altered or that from t some entries may represent extra deliveries these documents indicate that [bw and qbw vessels earlyformed the core of any quota of pottery delivered to the village occasionally supplemented with irregulother vessel types the pa III It

127 On III sectmw 529 qb(w) vessels and 150 bw vessels were delivered to Right Left received 19 qb(w) month vessels and 150 bw vessels (Botti and Peet pI 57 rto IV 15-9) The papyrus is damaged in the entries for III sectmw 30 but the surviving text indicates that deliveries of over 100 bw vessels were made to Right and both fbw and rqlbw vessels were delivered to Left (Botti and Peet pI 59 rto V 17-19) Unusually this latter entry records bw vessels before qbw 132 For 128 Botti and Peet pI 63 KRI VI 850-1 I follow the reassessment of Jtirgen von Beckerath in my reading 34 see of this text Papyrus Turin 1898+ vso SAK21 (1994)29-33 133 Th( 129 Perhaps the name of the potter CAhawy can be restored here 134 C J 130 Wh V 532 W F Reineke Der Zusammenhang der altagyptischen Hohl- und UingenmaBe MID 9 East e (1963)151 observlt 131 4343 vessels are included in a list of products in O Cairo 25678 vso 17 along with fbw vessels (1 18) discuss Valbelle citing this text considers that 4343 vessels could replace qbw vessels and were perhaps be mad synonymous (in her reference Duvriers 265 n 12 read 25678 for 25673) 135 Con

n p b(w) year ntial may m to

es of KRI

yenlers 11 the ht is 300 ~ntry

lone qbw was each lmal

ight ld of I the that ofa not

gain s B atest

lUnd that sels with

b(w) 8 for tand this

ding

[09

18) haps

DOCUMENTIKG SUPPLY 51

A further correspondence between the papyrus documents and the earlier ostraca is the variation in the numbers of vessels being delivered If these figures do represent regular bkw the variation in vessel totals may reflect responses to the changing needs of the crew perhaps including orders made by the superiors of the crew to the potters The use of bkw in one 20th

Dynasty account ostracon exemplifies the flexible character of commissions O Gardiner 80 4-5 (HO 6114) states after recording the complete deliveries during III smw received as the bkw of the potter entered complete like his custom of every day This text implies that the deliveries received during that month constituted the potters commission which he managed to fulfiL

Records survive of other members of the smdt such as gardeners and woodcutters receiving commands to deliver specific amounts132 Janssen notes the commission received by the woodcutter Saroy in year 29 III fJt 7 to deliver 380 units every 10 days This order can be compared with that of Saroys colleague who received a commission to deliver 500 units 133 As Janssen observes the quotas of the woodcutters often deviated quickly from these specified amounts (see above p 20) Such orders might have been regular normal occurrences that are largely invisible in the written record

Although no known text records such an assignment to the potters to deliver specific amounts texts that record varying quantities of ceramics and texts in which vessels other than qbw and tbw are included suggest that such commissions were madc The bkw may therefore be understood as a commission or expected dclivery of a predetermined unit of ceramics Although theoretically quantifiablc the bkw was flexible so that we cannot determinc what amount was expected except in specific deliveries

37 Implications ofdefiCits Other factors may also have operated to produce differential sizes of deliveries Firing was an unpredictable process with a certain amount of wasters inevitably being produced each time On this basis Christopher Eyre has suggested the one bkw may have been the equivalent of one firing which could vary in composition and in success134 Although this hypothesis is viable there is no direct evidence to support it and it is also possible that the needs of the crew were taken into account in each individual bkw or work requirement Where problems in the workshop or administrative breakdowns affected deliveries these are likely to be reflected in the records as deficits By examining patterns of deficit within the documentation it is possible to observe the impact of external problems in the Theban area on the potters deliveries in the mid 20th Dynasty

The journal ostraca of the reigns of Ramesses III and IV (Group I) again provide the most detailed documentation of delivery and deficit although only very general trends can be deduced from the materiaL Janssens analysis of pottery deliveries at the end of Ramesses Ills reign to early Ramesses IV led to the conclusion that deliveries of commodities were generally very irregular at this time whereas in the preceding years they had been more stable 135 The details of the pattern of deficits can be supplemented by a few account ostraca from the reign of Ramesses III It must be borne in mind that the idiosyncrasies of scribal record keeping mean that some months record no deliveries at all even though deliveries were most probably made

132 For the commissioning of the smdt see J J Janssen The Year of the Strikes BSEG 16 (1992) 44 n 34 see also Janssens section 7 in this volume 133 The Year of the Strikes 44-6 134 C J Eyre Work and the Organization of Work in the New Kingdom in Labor in the Ancient Near East ed M A Powell (New Haven 1987) 193 Janssen bkw From Work to Product 90 n observes that if this were the case the potters would have delivered once per decade The limited evidence discussed in 31 and a review of the delivery dates in the texts included in 33 indicate that deliveries could be made on more than one occasion during the ten-day period 135 Commodity Prices 488

52 POTTERS

The account of O Gardiner 80 (HO 61 4) for year 21 of Ramesses III records deliveries that O were made complete for the entire month of III smw the final line entered complete like his bJrn custom of every day although formulaic may be an indicator of a reputation for efficiency and for t punctuality The records from a few years later appear to tarnish this reputation The account text far 11 O DeM 143 datable to year 24 while recording complete deliveries for III smw 30 and IV smw coml 10 and 20 enters deficits for IV smw 30 the five epagomenal days and the first two decades of I appe 3bt (11 1-7) Reasons for the accumulation of such a substantial deficit beyond internal incre production problems are unknown This text warns us that although the relationship between admi administrative problems at Deir el-Medina and deficit is clear at times less easily identifiable in th factors may also have had an impact By year 27 deliveries appear to have returned to normal the p with no deficits being entered and every delivery recorded as complete (0 DeM 33 vso 8 O TI DeM 34 rto 7 16 vso 11) a deficit is however noted for the epagomenal days of year 28 in O agair DeM 156 vso 4 that

From year 29 deficits are again a consistent feature of the record during the time when labour inc01 troubles began to disrupt the community The first hint of delivery problems may be found in the whet problematic O Strasbourg H 26 If the entries on the recto refer to the potter this text records mad~ complete deliveries throughout I and II smw and probably through the epagomenal days and II there 3bt The verso may refer more explicitly to pottery deliveries with the final line recording IV coul Jbt 10 deficit of the [potter) However the reading of qd is based on a restoration (Cerny Nb in thi 3561) and the status of this text as a pottery account could be questioned There are more certain Th references to delivery from later in year 29 In I prt 30 the potter made deliveries to Right and perio Left details of the content of delivery are not given (0 Turin 57007 vso 4-5) The strike action ambi began in the village only ten days later on II prt 10136 The only further entry recording a pottery Peet delivery is in P Turin 1961 (Pleyte and Rossi pI 99) possibly from the end of year 29 IV prt 30 outsi notes for Right the potter I Y while the potter l is noted for Left (vso II 5 7)137 There are there no further records of pottery deliveries until year 30 although the consistent deficits incurred by reorg the woodcutters during year 29 and into year 30 are evidence of the impact of the strikes (see for II above p 21)138 authc

Deficits are recorded in an account text for III prt 30 and probably IV prt 10 of year 30 but a Peet delivery oftvo b3kw was promptly made to remedy this deficit (0 DeM 165 rto 1-2) O DeM ~Aha 154 rto 15-16 of year 31 records the delivery of two b3kw on II smw 29 probably overdue entric payments for days 10 and 20 A number of fbw vessels are also specified I interpret these as and perhaps an early payment for II smw 30 although they may relate to the two b3kw A deficit of 65 speci is noted Complete deliveries are made in IV lJl but since they are noted specifically they may perha have been considered late one b3kw being entered on day 13 for day 10 and one being entered Th for Right only on day 21 (0 DeM 157 8-9 17) From then into the reign of Ramesses IV the may potters made deliveries late or were making good deficits In II smw 7 of year 32 the debt was diffic paid for I smw 30 and at the same time the b3kw was delivered three days early for II smw 10 (0 or the

19thDeM 38 7 17 23) No sooner had these deliveries been made then the potter was in debt again I for the rest of the month Disruptions to pottery and fuel deliveries (see above p 21) throughout wide] year 30 and into year 31 are symptoms of continued labour problems within the village or of subst general administrative problems in the Theban area 139

mont side I

136 RAD 49 15 P J Frandsen Editing reality the Turin Strike Papyrus in Studies in Egyptology presented to Miriam Lichtheim ed S Israelit-Groll (Jerusalem 1990) 166-99 Risbo 137 Janssen considers that the documentation of half units may point to a scarcity of materials Commodity availa Prices 488 A reference to a half unit may also be found in an anonymous papyrus fragment in Turin 140 Fo (Cerny MSS 3616) which records the potter 2h this probably means 2h bJkw 141 Fo 138 Janssen The Year ofthe Strikes 46-8 BerIir B9 Disruptions in local administration may have directly impacted pottery production if as Colin Hope bkw suggests the state provided clay to these workshops Egyptian Pottery Shire Egyptology 5 (princes been ~

8 that ce his yand It text smw

s of ternal tween fiable Irmal 8 O in O

aboUT in the ~cords

md II ~ IV YNb ertain It and ~ction ottery Jrt 30 re are ed by (see

but a DeM erdue se as of65 may

tered the twas 0(0 19ain ~hout or of

~logy

ity

ffope inces

DOCUMENTlIG SUPPLY 53

O DeM 40 rto 15 from I gUt of year 1 of Ramesses IV records that the potter delivered three bgkw on day 24 probably overdue deliveries for days 10 and 20 (the deficits are not noted) and for the epagomenal days for which the deficit was entered in a note in a separate column on the far left A deficit is also recorded for day 30 (vso 9) From this point on the deliveries tend to be complete although often a few days late140 There are still occasional deficits but the deliveries appear to have been generally more regular than in the final years of Ramesses IILI41 The increasing irregularity of delivery is probably a symptom of the general decay of the administration of the Necropolis at the end of a long reign The more regular deliveries beginning in the first year of Ramesses IV perhaps correspond with a renewed interest in the Necropolis on the part of the successor king who was eager to get work on his tomb underway

These documents provide the only opportunity to trace a pattern of deficit in pottery deliveries against well documented changes and problems in the administration of the village They show that such an equation between the two is possible this may have implications for the more incomplete records of the end of the dynasty It is difficult to determine from the papyrus texts whether deliveries continued on a regular basis in the closing years of the 20th Dynasty or were made in large consignments more infrequently as the surviving evidence seems to suggest Since there were significant civil disturbances in the Theban area throughout this period deliveries could have been affected to the point that they became more unusual events and warranted entry in the journals

The Turin Necropolis journal for year 17 of Ramesses IX provides the best example from this period From II prl on the text includes entries concerning the smdt in general from the ambiguous entry taking the smdt of the Tomb of Left by the scribe of the Tomb Hori (Botti and Peet pI 14 rto B I 8) to the entries a few lines later crew not working while the smdt were outside under the authority (rJ(wyraquo of the two scribes of the Necropolis [ ] crew not working there being no smdt outside (rto B I 12) These entries seem to indicate that there was some reorganization of or problem with the smdt although a record of a wood delivery was entered for II prl 15 The entry for II prt 18 records crew not working while their smdt were under the authority of the two scribes of the Tomb of the Outside without any payments (1) (Botti and Peet pI 15 rto B I 18) On II prt 24 a delivery of fish was made and on day 25 the potter rAhawy delivered a number of vessels (Botti and Peet pI 16 rto B II 1-3) Although these entries are difficult to interpret it seems that the crew was facing both deficits in grain delivery and problems with the smdt In this context the delivery of pottery can perhaps be seen as a special occurrence no text from the end of the 20 th Dynasty explicitly records a potters deficit perhaps indicating that there was no longer an expected pattern to delivery

The interpretations presented here are speculative moreover other factors that left no trace may have had an impact on production The deficits entered for year 25 of Ramesses III are difficult to explain except in terms of unknowable production problems specific to the workshops or the personal circumstances of the potters as are the causes for the deficits recorded in the early 19th Dynasty Such deficits cannot be equated with any known problems in the village or the wider Theban area The accounts of the potters Menna and N akhy in the early 19th Dynasty record substantial deficits especially those incurred by Menna in a year 9 where he is in deficit for five months totalling 53 qbw vessels and 575 fbw vessels Further deficit totals perhaps for the other side of the crew are even larger 94 qbw vessels and 992 lbw vessels (0 Berlin P 10840) The

Risborough 1987) 10 This argument may apply only to high quality ceramics considering the ready availability ofNile silt for the production of most basic vessels 140 For example O DeM 47 rto 3 11 vso 4 141 For example the following texts record deficits in year 1 = I prt 30 (0 DeM 47 rto 11) III prt 30 (0 Berlin P 12641 + 12628 7) II smw 20(7) (0 DeM 161 vso 3) O DeM 44 rto 20 records a delivery of 1y bklv for III smw 29 Janssen considers that since no delivery was recorded for day 20 materials may have been scarce at this time Commodity Prices 488

--54 POTTERS

patterns of deficit incurred by the potters that can be traced in the texts cannot generally be Ana correlated with external administrative problems and decay rese

proc sect4 Equations of word and object an analysis offour pot-types A notable feature of the potter texts from Deir el-Medina is the substantial number of vessels 41 delivered to the village every ten days Although the exact number due in each bkw varied the I ha totals of some deliveries indicate that there was a significant and constant need for ceramics in the thrOl community In the lives of the villagers this pottery was essential It was the principal means to mult store prepare and serve food and to carry out many other activities within the domestic and work refer spheres Janssen observes in Commodity Prices that we have virtually no cvidence for the enun exchange value of ceramics beeause price texts generally refer only to metal or stone vessels 142

used Vessels used for a wide variety of domestic purposes would have had a low value and high class turnover millions of pot sherds were found within the rubbish dumps of the village including the offo Grands PuitS 143 Since their role was so essential it is desirable to learn about the various forms of In thl the vessels - their sizes and range of functions - in order to advance our understanding of the lJl villagers daily lives possi

Holthoerl44 noted that most Mesopotamian names of vessels relate directly to their material their function or their capacity but concluded that the Egyptians derived their vessel names from something other than vessel function This conclusion was largely based on the 1935 lexicographic analysis of Egyptian vessels by Robert du Mesnil du Buisson whose study is the only one that covers a wide range of ceramics including some of the vessel names that occur in the Deir el-Medina potter texts He considered that the qbw vessel was connected to qb fresh cool an appropriate concept for a jar145 He equated the gy vessel with the verb gw to be narrow perhaps suggesting a jar with a narrow neck 146

Edward Brovarski has done preliminary work on some Old Kingdom and First Intermediate Period vessel terms147 and Patricia Paice has studies connections between vessel shapes and their functions as depicted in tomb reliefs 148 The most valuable recent examination of the intersection of lexicography and a ceramic corpus is that of Janet Bourriau and Stephen Quirke on the Middle Kingdom ceramic repertoire from Lahun l49

An approach comparable to that taken at Lahun would be ideal for the material from Deir elshy Fig 1 Medina but a full statistical analysis of the archaeological material in relation to the textual data Urk r that is a prerequisite for determining lexicographic relations is beyond the scope of this study

The VI

Jb-nraquo142 407_8 and n 5 lS enu 143 ibid 488

vessel 144 New Kingdom Pharaonic Sites The Pottery 41 see J Bourriau and S Quirke The Late Middle

terminKingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects in Lahun studies ed S Quirke (Reigate 1998) 60shydeterm1 for a more recent discussion of the basis of classifications

145 Les noms et signes egyptiens designant des vases ou objets simiaires (Paris 1935)30 l46 Noms et signes 72 Janssen Commodity Prices 427 considers that du Mesnil du Buissons suggestions 150 FoUl

and explanations for the gly are unconvincing and concludes that no identification of the gly is apparant P Turi Ricardo A Caminos considered it to be an open bowl or cup since it was used more as a container for Howevl

ISl Jansvegetables and flowers than liquids (CLEM 194-5) corresponding to the use of gy vessels for natron 152 Thelotus leaves and fruit in the Medinet Habu festival lists A Spalinger Medinet Habu and Deir el-Yledina IS3 TheCombined in Deir el-Medina in the Third Millennium AD A Tribute to Jac J Janssen eds R 1 Demaree

and A Egberts Egyptologische Uitgaven 14 (Leiden 2000) 314 Although the shape of the gl) remains these m unknown Janssen has determined a capacity of 20 hin Two Ancient Egyptian Ships Logs Papyrus Leiden detenni 1350 verso and Papyrus Turin 2008 + 2016 (Leiden 1961)88 vessel l47 Lexicographical Studies in Egyptian Pottery Bulletin de Liaison du Groupe International dEtude de determi fa Ceramique Egyptienne 7 (1982) 36-7 154 P GJ 14S The Pottery of Daily Life in Ancient Egypt JSSEA 19 (1989) 50-88 bibliogr 149 The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects 60-83 IS5 Com

lly be

essels d the in the ansto lwork Dr the oels142

1 high ngthe rmsof of the

lterial s from

1935 is the

cur in fresh to be

lediate i their ection fiddle

eir elshyt data study

v1iddle 8) 60shy

~stions

Jaranl ler for latron -edina maree mains Leiden

~de de

EQUA TJONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 55

Analysis of the occurrence of vessel types in the potter texts can be related to the present stage of research into vessel shape and size to produce some further insights both into the potters products and into the documentation for the supply of particular ceramic types

41 The basic pots qbw and [bw I have shown above that [bw and qbw vessels formed the basis of deliveries to the village

19th 20ththroughout the and Dynasties Therefore it seems likely that they were simple multipurpose vessels distinct from each another in shape andor size There is a standard way of referring to them in the records qbw vessels precede [bw vessels and many fewer are usually enumerated This relationship points to a qualitative differentiation between the two ISO Both are used as containers for liquids such as beer and waterl5l I consider that these two terms designate classes of vessels rather than fixed single shapes their names perhaps referring to a wider range of forms Difference in size may account for the differentation in numbers delivered in the texts In the following discussion I assess the evidence for these two classes of vessels

Jb lbw) vessels are included among the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak indicating a possible shape for the vessel152

tlBoo~WJ~O 01It 0P L II I I

Fig 1 ob-nw-k vessels in the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak (Wreszinski Atlas II pI 33 Urk IV 636)

The vessel shown is distinctive being beaker-like and wider at the base than at the neck JS3 The ub-nw-k vessel here is the equivalent of the u-m-Icw of P Harris I 36a 7 A significant number is enumerated in this text as containers tor incense perhaps indicating a smaller cup-like vessel l54 Janssen has considered that the [x]-n-k termination which is fairly common in vessel terminology indicates that the vessels were cups the name of the vessel given in the compound determines the shape155 In the inscription of the High Priest Osorkon the Oblb-n-k is written

150 Four texts which enumerate qbw and fbw vessels show a ratio of 15 O Or Inst Chicago 16698 rto 3 P Turin 2070133 134 + frgs rto 10-11 Giornale of year 17 rto B II 1-3 P Turin 1898 rto III 14 However since these are isolated examples it is uncertain how widely applicable such a ratio was 151 Janssen Commodity Prices 433 Valbelle Ouvriers 265 152 The equivalence between the lb andlbw is confirmed in CLEM 186-7 153 The determinative given for a qby vessel in the offering list ofThutmose III at Elcphantine indicates that these may have been quite close in shape to the IJb-nw-h of the Karnak list The simple elongated beaker determinative is quite distinct from the determinatives given for the other vases in the list including the Ub vessel which is shon with a definite neck (Urk IV 828 4) However the occurrence of different determinatives within a single text does not offer a basis for a classification of vessel forms 154 P Grandet Le Papyrus Harris I (EM 9999) BdE 109 (Cairo 1994) I 272 see vol IT 141 n 576 for a bibliography for lbw l55 Commodity Prices 409

I

56 POTTERS

with a goblet detenninative ls6 The vessels recorded in these texts may be smaller cup versions of thai larger Ibw jars with the wide mouth and lack of defined neck perhaps pointing to a vessel associated with food preparation and service 157 The delivery list O DeM 288 records fb-nw-kJ

cor 1

vessels perhaps as a fuller writing of bw or as a distinct fonn vithin the Ibw class Vessels ves categorized as Ibw may have had a generalized function as cups or containers for both liquid and con solid foods A comparison can be made with the ~nw vessels which are recorded in significant 4W numbers in the papyrus documents from Lahun and are equated by Bourriau and Quirke with the 346 drinking cups known from the site the only vessel fonn which they consider could have been used in such numbers 158 The bkw of the Deir el-Medina potters show that Ibw vessels too were

lbw 50

delivered in large quantities the The lower numbers of qbw vessels in the deliveries may be related to their larger size In Poids o

No 5135 3 the weight of a metal qbw vessel is stated to be 20 deben or 18 kg Valbelle betv concludes from this that the qbw was significantly larger than the Ibw 159 That qbw designates a POttl simple storage jar may be indicated by the name itself If the connection suggested by du Mesnil two du Buisson between qbw vessels and qb cool can be accepted it may suggest that qbw vessels were storage jars perhaps for water and other liquids The connection may also suggest the

sigh one

material of manufacture qbw vessels could have been made from marl clay which cools water Helc through evaporation

As storage jars qbw vessels may have been connected in shape or broad function with the qbwshyIf a have

n-wt canopic jar The coincidence of the name suggests some correspondence The simple canopic jar fonns given by Georges Nagel for Tomb 359 seem similar in shape to vessels found in the cellar of a house in the village160 However Nagels sample is so small that any identification is tentative Janssen cautions that the standard shape of a canopic jar was rarely used as the fonn of bronze or pottery vessels 161 This may be a principle of decorum vessels with a funerary purpose not being equated in fonn with ordinary domestic ceramics The connection between qbw and qbw-n-wt may be simply that they were both in one fonn or another storage jars

Although the qbw may have been proportionally larger than the lbw it is very unlikely that

capa temp capa appn meas

Cc vso cannc into i

either fonn had a fixed capacity at Deir el-Medina W W Struve [V V Struve] offered the only attempt to determine the capacity of the qbw (or qby) vessel based largely on Greek evidence and his research on P Boulaq 18162 Wolfgang HeIcks review of this evidence led him to conclude

dOCUJ

repre betw( vesse restril than 1

156 R A Caminos The Chronicle ofPrince Osorkon Analecta Orientalia 37 (Rome 1958) 129 157 p Cairo 58088 indicates that bw could have had a large size in this case accommodating 3 ds measures See also Janssen Commodity Prices 433 n 170 C Daniel Les noms egyptiens de certains types de vases

proba fixed

In

grecs Studia et Acta Orientalia 5-6 (1967) 383-5 equates the lIb vessel with the Greek 10 olt7tW and the vesse

Mycenaean di-pa He notes that the di-pa depicted on a tablet corresponds in shape with the form of the fib indicated by the determinative used for the word The depictions of the di-pa that Daniel cites are not 163 DG

comparable in form with the Ibw depicted in the Karnak offering list D H F Gray Linear Band evidee Archaeology Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies of the UniverSity of London 6 (1959) pI 7 I andDI would argue that the form of the lbw was very flexible 164 It 1

158 Bourriau and Quirke The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects 74 some 159 Catalogues des poids a inscriptions hieratiques de Deir el-Medineh Nos 5001-5423 DFIFAO 16 165 Da~

(Cairo 1973) 18 166 FOI 160 La ceramique du Nouvel Empire aDeir el Medineh DFIFAO 10 (Cairo 1938)35 cf 122 no 38 42 SpaHn 44 167 Da 161 Commodity Prices 412 sugges 162 Mathematischer Papyrus des staatlichen Museums der SchOnen Kunste in Moskau (Berlin 1930) 55 Ceram withn2 25 1itr

lions of vessel

-nw-k

Vessels llid and ilificant vith the Ie been )0 were

n Poids lalbelle ~ates a Mesnil vessels est the s water

le qbwshysimple

s found lat any rarely vessels s The omlor

~ly that Iteonly lce and melude

~asures

le vases and the the b are not Band pI 7 I

AO 16

3842

gt30) 55

EQliAnONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 57

that the qbw had no fixed capacity Rather it seems that vessels such as the Ibw and qbw could correspond to a range of different ds measures 163

Two texts may point to some perhaps proportional equivalence between qbw vessels and dpr vessels In O DeM 135 the record of the accumulated deficits of two potters includes a conversion from dpr vessels into qbw vessels 9 dpr vessels to (=) qbw vessels making Urn) 4Yz (see section 31) Such a conversion may indicate a size ratio between the vessels O DeM 346 vso 3 records 42 dpr vessels [making Urn)] 22 qbt vessels (see n 89 for the restoration) Ibw vessels may also be equated with dpr vessels in O DeM 202 dpr vessels 30 [as] 15 bw 50 (1 3_4)164 The restoration here is problematic and the hypothesis of any equivalence between the two types must remain tentative

O Berlin P 10654 vso displays a similar complexity in possible equivalences this time between qbw vessels and jnJt vessels This text (discussed in section 33) seems to record the potters production of ceramics on days 10 20 and 30 of II bt and day 10 of IIIilt The final two lines state total 230 of (n) qbw vessels [ ] specifying it (wp st) 23 jnJt vessels At first sight such a text seems to point to a proportional relationship between these vessels a qbw being one tenth of ajnJt Such a ratio is quite possible because jnJt vessels do seem to have been large Heicks calculations from O Gardiner 81 indicate that ajnJt vessel was 2 of a mnt-amphora 165

If a mnt had a liquid capacity of c 20 hin and a hin was 048 litres the capacity of a jnlzt would have been c 53 hin or 2551itres O Berlin P 10654 vso would then show that a qbw vessel had a capacity of c 53 hin or 25 litres whieh is a sensible size for a storage jar 166 Although it is tempting to make such equations from this data this evidence is based on assumptions about the capacity of other vessel types so is tentative HeIck estimated that the ds vessel had a eapacity of approximately 3 litres 167 If so the qbw in P Boulaq 18 would have been double the size ofa ds measure in order to contain the 2 ds (e 6 litres)

Contextual study of the equation between qbw vessels and other types in O Berlin P 10654 vso O DeM 135 and O DeM 346 vso indicates some form of size ratio operated although we cannot easily determine the flexibility of that ratio or how it was used A conversion of one vessel into its equivalent of another type is unusual in a text like O Berlin P 10654 vso which seems to document the actual produetion of vessels even their firing If the last two lines of the text represent the total of ceramics produced in this process then the specification of a relationship between the two vessels types is rather strange Perhaps the original order was for 230 qbw vessels and this was then converted into the equivalent in jn~t vessels Ifjn~t vessels had a more restricted even ritual function the equivalence expressed here may be more abstract or complex than a ratio of capacity The size of vessels delivered may have been standardized to some extent probably based on ease of delivery and manageability within a domestic eontext rather than as fixed measures

In such a context a value relationship might well have operated The jnlzt as a specialized vessel may have had a more established value in relation to which the qbw vessels could be set

163 Das Bier im Alten Agypten (Berlin 1971) 47 See also Anthony Spalingers re-evaluation of the evidence for the capacity of these vessels including discussion of O DeM 135 and 202 Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 314 His conclusions largely correspond with mine 164 It may also be possible to read dpr 30 Urnl 15 lbw 50 which would support the hypothesis of some sort ofequivalence 165 Das Bier 47 16lt5 For a review of evidence concerning the capacity of the mnl including discussion of this text see A Spalinger Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 312-3 167 Das Bier 46 R L Miller (is-vessels Beer Mugs Cirrhosis and Casting Slag GM 115 (1990) 64 suggests that the ds was a drinking vessel perhaps to be equated with depictions given in Nagel Ceramique 199-206 Miller identifies a jar found at Saqqara as a ds vessel noting that it had a capacity of 25 litres roughly corresponding to Heicks estimate

58 POTTERS

In O DeM 135 the scribe may well have calculated the value of the vessels owed down to the half vessel A parallel for this is found in O Turin 57062 vso 4 where 2Yz jnJtt vessels are set

dlagainst five vessel types which precede them (their names are lost) The recording of five vessels compared with half that amount in jnJtt vessels producing the unusual amount of a half vessel tt

2again suggests a value equivalence Since vessels do not appear with fixed values in the price

SJtexts their worth may well have been assessed in relation to other vessel types st b42 A specialized vessel jnJzt DApart from the two vessel types or classes that formed the basis of the deliveries of ceramics to rethe village the potter texts also occasionally enumerate other types jnJtt vessels although well

known from other contexts are rare in the potter texts A few texts that may indicate their ritproduction or delivery by the Deir el-Medina potters illuminate aspects of its function and context

of use The pattern of occurrence of jnJtt vessels indicates a specialized vessel type the shape of which is unknown The jnJtt vessel is most widely documented as a storage container for beer and as Walter F Reineke notes outside the data from Deir el-Medina it was often made of gold or silver J68 That this vessel could be supplied as part of the ceramic requirement of the village seems to be indicated by the delivery lists from the early 19th Dynasty (Category E) Some of these lists record jnJzt vessels although they are not always indisputably connected with the smdt potters

In the Category E delivery lists of wood and ceramics jnJtt vessels occur four times their total Ccamount being low in comparison with the other vessels enumerated in these texts In O DeM 1 6 una total of 7 jnlu vessels are delivered 5 of good quality 2 of poor In O DeM 17 4 only 3 jnJzt aUvessels were delivered (2 good 1 poor) in comparison with 290 lbw recorded in the previous intline and in O DeM 15 3 7 jn~lt vessels were delivered as against 295 Ibw vessels 16 jnJzt povessels are documented in O DeM 23 5 (the text is broken and the reading at the end of the line

uncertain)169 bei ve~Only two texts explicitly includejnJtt vessels in pottery deliveries 0 Qurna 6181 records two

jnJtt vessels among the deficit of 55 qbw and 265 Ibw vessels incurred by the potter Menna O IJry Michaelides 33 rto 3-6 J70 This text records for III Jot 30 matching deliveries from a potter to vex

Right and Left among other deliveries of wood and gypsum the potter 1 jnlp vessels 20 (pJ qd 1 jnJzt 20)171 The stroke read as one after the title p qd could refer to the bkw of the potter not

with jnJtt vessels being an addition to the quota delivered 172 jnJtt vessels were therefore a wit gocomponent of the potters repertoire and this fact may complicate the interpretation of other texts

where they occur173 More generally jnJzt vessels are recorded as being delivered filled with beer I thisand thus are probably not associated with ceramic delivery

174 (

Me(J68 Der Zusammenhang der altagyptischen Hohl- und UingenmaBe MID 9 (1963) 146 175( 169 Kitchen restores 16jnli vessels [by the hand of A]meneminet (KRII 367 8 a-b) but there does not 176 1appear to be space for this formula in the break The rest of this text is similar to the other wood and pottery

177pounddelivery lists See the discussion of parallel texts in section 23 170 Goedicke-Wente pJ 67 However I follow CernYs transcription of the text here (Nb 10830)

178 1

Cau171 Contra Goedicke and Wente who restore IT1l ] on line 3 On line 7 Goedicke and Wente read 27 jnlt 197vessels instead of 20 vessels and the restoration for the [plasterer] (Pi q() given by Cerny 179 1

172 Alternatively it could refer to a single potter although this would be unusual in this context (see section Rek21) Compare the reading of this text with that discussed for O DeM 154 rto 15-6 in section 34 Egy

173 Other entries for this day include specialty breads and ds measures of beer (117-8) while the folloVing somentry for IV Jt 1 records a festival of Hathor (1 9) Although an association with a festival context is Dietpossible the delivery of jnlts as discussed by Spahnger is recorded separately from the breads and ds inameasures and is included among more standard delveries Medinet Habu and Dei elmiddotMedina Combined note310-311 Earl

l to the are set vessels vessel e price

mics to ~h well e their ~ontext

mpe of Ir beer of gold village ome of le smdt

ir total M 16 r 3jn~f

revious 16 jn~t he line

ds two mao O )tter to (pJ qd potter fore a r texts th beer

oes not pottery

27 jn~t

section

llowing rrtext is and ds

lbined

EQUATIONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 59

jn~t vessels of beer occur consistently in a series of six Category E ostraca that seem to document the delivery of commodities associated with festival or temple offerings174 Four of these texts state that the commodities were delivered by an individual in O DeM 20 and O DeM 25 the deliveries are made by a local priest Each of these six texts lists items that include speciality foodstuffs and jn~t vessels of beer rather than the fuel and plain unfilled pottery of standard deliveries II smw 12 by the hand of the local priest (w(b Sf) 175 60 large j nJzt vessels of beer entered 56 deficit 4 120 (bundles of) vegetables ISO s(t cakes and 100 rJzs cakes (0 DeM 20) The only exception in this group is O DeM 26 where 30 large jn~1f vessels are recorded 27 are entered (jw) and there is a deficit on No beer is recorded with these vessels

The recto of O DeM 29 may confirm that lists containing such products are associated with rituals or festivals rather than deliveries of materials to the village 176

total of various (sbn)jnl)tvessels of beer 653 [+x] the record of the [ ] which were given as offerings (snw) [] good bread loaves of [ ] s(t cake [x oipeJ rJzs cakes [ J jnJzt vessels of beer [ J beer [ ]

Connections of this vessel type with the temple or festival sphere nmy explain features of the unique and difficult distribution text O BM 50728 discussed in section 23 The text records the allocation ofjnJzt vessels to individual crew members The 10 + 5 jnJzt vessels seem to be grouped into four different categories perhaps accordin~ to quality of the vessel or its contents and possibly its shape or finish 177 5 doubly good (~reg) jnJzt vessels in the fashion of hbny [vessels] being returned (m hyt) 2 for Baky I for Huy 1 (for) (Omek 1 for Qaha totalS (11 5-6) Six vessels given to individuals in line 7 one for each nmn are stated to be middling good (11fr mshyhry-jb) and line 10 enumerates two vessels that also have a designation perhaps reading not (J I~~ 3)very poor _ 1

If the jnJzt vessels were more specialized beer vessels used in festival or ritual contexts then the note of quality either of contents or of the vessel itself would have been important This concern with quality can also be seen in the delivery lists where the jnJzt vessels are described as either good or poor 178

Particularly difficult to understand in this context are the writings of hbny perhaps referring to this well-known amphora-shaped vessel I19 The five doubly goodjnl)t vessels are designated in

174 O DeM 19 20 21 25 26 27 For further discussion of these texts see Spalinger Deir e1middotMedina and Medinet Habu Combined 311

(1 0

175 l=n (1 1) For another writing of this title see O DeM 25 2 176 The verso of this text records only nswt bjty mnmiddotmrtmiddotrr 177 For the use of red ink in this text see p 19 n 75 above

178 O DeM 1 6 174 For discussion of the meaning of snn 1~ in these contexts see D Valbelle Catalogue des poids ainscriptions hieratiques de Deir eAmiddotfedineh Nos 500l-5423 DFIFAO 16 (Cairo 1977)23 179 Wh II 487 There are depictions of the hbnylhbnt vessel in Urk IV 11308 11352 and in the tomb of Rekhmire N de G Davies The Tomb of Rekh-mi-r~ at Thebes The Metropolitan Museum of Art Egyptian Expedition 11 (New York 1943) I pIs 33 34 In these examples it is shaped as an amphora sometimes without handles and often contains honey E A W Budge An Egyptian Hieroglyphic Dictionary (London 1920)446 gave the capacity of a hbnt ndst as one quarter of a hin F G Hilton-Price in an earlier publication Notes on Some Egyptian Antiquities in My Collection TSBA 9 (1886) 353 noted the same capacity for this vessel Here see also T G H James The Heqanakhte Papers and Other Early Middle Kingdom Documents (New York 1962) 118

60 POTTERS

the fashion of hbny vessels (~[]~IlJ1J 0) (vso 5) This seems to express an equivalence between the two vessel types perhaps representing an addition or finish to the jn~lt vessel that increased its value Du Mesnil du Buisson speculated in his discussion of the hhnl vessel that the word related to hbny ebony t ruJ-Oi) and indicated a blackened colour or lustre to the vesseL I80 hbny also occurs as an annotation above the entries of jnit vessels for particular workmen in lines 8-12 of the recto The entry on line 13 (hhny n [ ]) may indicate that hhny vessels themselves were also delivered to the workmen named in the following lines So far as I know hbny vessels do not occur in other Deir el-Medina textsl8J These notations may also refer to some sort of finishing to the j nit vesseL

The inclusion of more unusual designations for the vessels certainly points to the exceptional nature ofthe delivery in O BM 50728 as does the entry of an amount ((i(w) of bJq oil (8) in line lOon the verso after the specification of 10 further jnlJl vessels for particular workmen (pJ WpWl

n plIO n jnlJt n tJ jst) Janssen observes that this oil was rarely used by the workmen as it was too expensive 182 It is possible that the text refers to the delivery of jnit vessels of bJq oil the references to quality therefore referring to the quality of oil rather than the vessel itself The designation hbny may be associated with this as welL

Complicating this analysis is the proposed large size of jnit vessels (discussed in section 41) which may account to some extent for its more restricted function within the vessel repertoire jnlJt vessels occur only rarely in the Medinet Habu festival calendar indicating that even within the temple their use was specialized ls3 The ealculation of the equivalence in contents of the vessels in O Gardiner 81 indicates that we are dealing with a set capacity for these vessel types in this text 184 If the capacity of a jnit was 53 hin or 255 Htres this would equate to a significant quantity ofbJq oil per person 185

O BM 50728 remains a puzzle Despite thc difficulties in interpretation it seems most likely that it records allocation of vessels possibly filled with oil or beer for festival or cultic purposes The careful documentation of such a distribution may also indicate that the vessels were not to be kept by the men perhaps only being used by them for the event and then returned to the temple A large size may serve to explain their more limited and specialized oecurrence in the data perhaps restricted to the religious sphere rather than playing a role in the domestic life of the villagers

In this instance contextual analysis of texts that seem to relate to ceramic deliveries can alter our understanding of these texts and illuminate the role and function of a vessel type in the community For vessels that were delivered more commonly we can observe the potential for flexibility in the classification systems these would repay further detailed study sectS Conclusion Analysis of the texts concerning pottery delivery leaves a number of questions unanswered and areas unexplored the limited number of sources available and problems inherent in them restrict their potential for interpretation However some insights into the organization and administrative structures of Deir el-Medina are fortheoming from the material Within the meticulous record keeping of the village the key theme seems to be flexibility This flexibility is apparent in the

180 Noms et signes 28 181 Janssen did not include them in his chapter on Vessels in Commodity Prices None of the references for the entry in the Wb II 487 has a Deir e1-Medina provenance 182 Commodity Prices 330 183 On the occurrence of the jnltt in the Medinet Hahn festival lists see A Spalinger Medinet Habn and Deir ei-Medina Combined 311-2 ]84 Heick Das Bier 46 185 Even if the mnt was only 10 hin a jnltt would still be of a substantial size c 11-12 iitres Janssen Commodity Prices 434

N

CONCLUSION 61

number of potters assigned to the crew the size and content of the quota required every 10 days and the timing of deliveries The final section of my study also points to the potential flexibility of form size and function of the pots themselves

Although we can find implications in the potter texts for features of society beyond the village itself such as the specifie interpretation of bkw or the occurrence of vessels in royal festival calendars it must be borne in mind that the real value of the Deir el-Medina material lies in its potential to illuminate the lives of ordinary people in Ramessid Egypt For that purpose we need to attend most closely to the village context

Appendix The potters of Deir el-Medina Names of potters in documents relating to the delivery of ceramics

I

Names of potters in documents concerning matters other than the supply of ceramics

I 1 (Omek i Turin Strike Papyrus RAD 476 I

2 Khonsu bull O Turin 57192 1

3 Herunefer bull O DeM 73 rto 2

4 Paaeminet I O Berlin P 12343 vso 3

5 Bakenmut P Turin 2018 A rto la 5 rto IV 17 vso I 6 B rto II 4 D I rto 14 P BM 10068 vso V l3

6 Wenennefer P BM 10068 vso V 14

alence el that 1at the to the ticular thbny ar as I ) refer

ltional in line middotwpwt it was til the f The

1 41) rtoire within of the pes in ificant

likely poses tto be ~mple data of the

1 alter in the ial for

d and estrict rative ecord in the

rences

)U and

nssen

1 I Menna O IFAO 387 1 O Qurna 618i1 O DeM 91 1 O Berlin P 10840 vso 1

2 bull Nakhy I

O IFAO 3874 O DeM 914

3 I Ptahemheb O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O DeM 343 2 P Greg vso B 8 rto A11

4 Parahotep O DeM 868

5 Hori O DeM 868 O DeM 869

6 Herunefer O Cairo 25597 rto 3

7 Neferher O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O Cairo 25633 vso 2

8 Amennakht O DeM 44 rto 8

9 Dmek P Turin 2081+2095 rto 1

10 ltAhawy P Turin 1881 vso V 1 VI 7 VII 1 () Giornale of year 17 rto B II 2 P Turin 2018 A vso 1 12 B rto II 11 B vso II 17 P BM 10068 vso VI 25 P Turin 2014 rto 27-8 P BM 10054 vso II 9

62 POTTERS

Addendnm

Pierre Grandets Catalogue des ostraca hieratiques non litteraires de Deir el-Medineh IXbecame available just as this chapter went to the press This volume contains a number of important potter texts I have included them in the tables on pages 33-7 and provide a short account of them here

O DeM is the longest and most detailed potter account known to me I will be adressing the issues it raises in a further publication It records deliveries made by the potters Ptahemheb Parahotep Hori and Neferher for the months of I bt to I prt of a year 6 The title p qd occurs only in line I in reference to Ptahemheb but probably also covers the other individuals named Ptahemheb and Neferher are known from other potter accounts discussed in this chapter O DeM 869 also published by Grandet and dated to a year 6 records deliveries made by Hori of qbw and lbw vessels to Right Both Hori and Parahotep are not otherwise attested in the potter texts In O DeM 868 details of delivery are grouped according to individual potters In line 13 Neferher delivers vessels to Left (t rj smM this is the only statement concerning Right or Left in this text That four potters deliver during the same general period emphasizes the potential number of potters involved in delivery which is not generally apparent in many of the potter texts Ptahemheb and Neferher make deliveries on different days in IV bt The vessel numbers vary except for those delivered as the making good of deficits by Ptahemheb which are consistent sums (II 3-4) The vessels delivered include qbw and Ibw vessels as well as gy andjnlt this text therefore provides further evidence thatjnJtt vessels were part of the potters repertoire

Grandet follows Gutgesell in assigning a date in the mid-20th Dynasty to O DeM 868 and 869 19thMy assignment of a late Dynasty date to the other account ostraca of Ptahemheb and

Neferher (0 Cairo 25591 O Cairo 25633 and O DeM 343) is based on the record of Ptahemhebs deliveries in P Greg firmly dated by Janssen to the reign of Siptah186 Gutgesell places Ptahemheb in the 20th Dynasty on the basis of the occurrence of this name in P Turin 2006+ 1961 usually dated to year 29 of Ramesses 111 [87 The Ptahemheb in this text is not a potter and so is a different individual I propose that the late 19th Dynasty date of the other documents should therefore be retained and should also be adopted for O DeM 868 and 869

Further texts relevant to potters in Grandets volume include O DeM 877 in which a list of arrears in water supplies are measured in jnlt vessels O DeM 871-3 are sherds bearing the phrase mJ qd Grandet considers these phrases along with the phrase ml m-rJrt p-Jtm-nlr complete by the hand ofPahemnetjerthe priest on O DeM 870 as delivery marks inscribed on the pots themselves18S

186 Janssen Village Varia 115-6 187 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 252 309-12 188 Catalogue des ostraca IX 49-50

UNT

Marel

sectl Eil Die A Papyr Einwc zusHin Verw Angell besch~

Bei suchur wichtil Andre Vortei Juni 2( nicht-li recherc

Beirr allgem

bull Der MaXI

mieh Aufn Doni Sieh~

J Ja grap dazu

2 Sieht tause Peri Gutg Teil1 el ME Held Janss Histo

6 MeD Valb

g Venn Witnl II Ta

10 Ein P II Gutg 12 Allan 13 Held

Page 19: Woodcutters, Potters and Doorkeepers Service Personnel of the Deir El Medina Workmen

46 POTTERS

O DeM 135 is a testimony to the precision with which such deficits were recorded This undated text enumerates the deficit of two potters Deficit of the potters 2 men 96 29 qbw fle)vessels 5 gy vessels 00 Ibw vessels 9 dp(r) vessels to (r) qbw vessels making 4Y2 Total ves making 33Y2 qbw vessels The final two lines seem to indicate that 9 dpr vessels were equivalent mo in some way to 4Yz qbw vessels97 When added to the 29 qbw vessels in line 2 this gives the total ves of 33Y2 Perhaps the potters were initially required to deliver 9 dpr vessels along with the other and vessels but the decision was made to convert these dpr vessels into their equivalent in qbw dprvessels Here it must be borne in mind that this text records deficit rather than delivery It seems forto reflect the scribes accounting mentality precisely recording the precise value of the deficit

forwhich may have been rounded up or down in reality The meticulous record of deficit does imply sigrfixed vessel deliveries with a specific amount being due every ten days

deliAlthough such texts imply the presence of a quota it is difficult to quantify that quota in terms

posof numbers and types of vessels In this context O DeM 135 provides an additional insight The

asklconversion of one vessel type into its equivalent in another type if it is a concrete conversion

therather than a statement of value implies a certain flexibility within the deliveries Perhaps this document shows the superiors of the crew specifying or making adjustments to the amounts of

34ceramics required every ten days in accordance with the needs of the crew

TheSuch an interpretation could explain the range of vessel types and quantities enumerated in the

19th defiDynasty delivery lists while also perhaps accounting for the precise documentation of It isdeficits These ostraca note deliveries of at least eight different vessel types in varying quantities

and combinations including jn~t98 m~t99 qbwIOO kJ-lr-kJ 101 gJy102 Ibw103 dpr104 and dS I05 and imp

Some of these vessel names are very rare in other documentation The dpr vessel although common in these lists and in 19th Dynasty pottery accounts does not appear to occur later 106 This

Ir

pattern could suggest a reduction in the vessel repertoire in the 20th Dyllasty but the contents of IVr Jourdeliveries are not generally enumerated in the later data potentially concealing some vessel types 29Deliveries of lbw vessels are recorded in the majority of the surviving lists and as will be 15-1illustrated below Ibw vessels alongside qbw vessels remained the core of the potters deliveries (conin the 20th Dynasty It is possible that qbw and bw are classes of ceramics rather than distinct samlvessel types so that the terms may cover a wider range of forms (see section 61) DeIlt othe

96 1- ~~~gt5l~I (I 1) reml 97 Compare O DeM 346 where 42 dpr vessels may be the equivalent of 22 qbt vessels (see section 31) day The flexibility of equivalence between the two types may indicate flexibility in the form and valuation of seen these vessels (see section 41) evid 98 Janssen Commodity Prices434 O DeM 16 153 174 23 5

ther99 Wb II 126 W F Reineke Der Zusammenhang der altagptischen Rohl- und LiingenmaBe MfG 9 (1963)148 O DeM 56 7 6 114 100 Janssen Commodity Prices 412-5 qbw is a feminine word and can also be spelt qbt Valbelle Guvriers 18 O DeM J 7 4 5 7 5 104 O DR 5 4 O Gardiner 435 101 Wb V 93 O DeM 28 3 O DR 6 8 lOi 0 102 Janssen Commodity Prices 426-8 O DeM 5 5 9 6 107 225 O DR 8 3 O Gardiner 436 108 0 10J Janssen Commodity Prices 433-4 O DeM 18 3 4 4 6 6 6 8 6 105 116 136 154 16 5 17 109 0 3 226 O DR 5 7 6 9 7 5 84 O Or lnst Chicago 188785 O Gardiner 43 7 O DeM 288 records 110 0 a lbw-n-k~ vessel (see section 41) III 0 104 This vessel is not included in Janssen Commodity Prices or in the Worterbuch It is written lith the 1110

generic term for vessel qrlt confirming its nature as such O DeM 25 3 3 5 7 6 5 9 5 106 165 113 0 O DR 5 6 O Or lnst Chicago 188784 4prt vessels presumably a different orthography of the same 114 C term occur in hieratic inscriptions from the tomb of Tutankhamun 1 Cerny Hieratic lnscriptionsfrom the Il5 t Tomb of TutCankhamun TutCankhamiins Tomb Series II (Oxford 1965) 6 with references See also G 116 Ir Bouvier BlFAG 101 (2001)90 note g PriCE 105 Wb V 485 Janssen Commodity Prices 472-4 O DeM 64 8 5 135 165 22 4 O DR 5 6 74 non-I 1(lj See the documents cited in n 100 also O DeM 346 vso 3 117 Q~

This qbw otal alent total other qbw

eems ficit mply

erms The rsion this Its of

n the m of ttities dS I05

tough This lts of ypes ill be veries stinct

1 31) ion of

1109

vriers

5 17 ecords

ith the 165

same Jm the

Iso G

74

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 47

The degree to which the composition of deliveries could vary from list to list illustrates the flexiblity of the institution On I 3Jt 10 of year 3 of Sety I 7 jn~t vessels (3 good 2 poor) 37 qbw vessels (deficit of 3) and 58 Ibw vessels (deficit of 2) were delivered l07 On the 20th day of that month dpr vessels were delivered (the rest of the text is lost)108 80 dpr vessels and 50 Ibw vessels were delivered on the last day of I 3Jt109 while on the last day of II Jt 40 qbw vessels and 50 Ibw vessels were delivered l1O On day 10 of III Jt 80 g3y vessels 90 m~t vessels and 40 dpr vessels were delivered lll Not only do several vcssel types occur in each delivery but totals for each vessel type also vary considerably as weI Ibw vessels tend to total between 50 and 60 for each list in which they occur1l2 However many of the attested totals documented are significantly larger between 100 and 300 lbw1l3 These texts may point to there being variable deliveries that resulted from commissions in response to specific needs However this is only one possible interpretation based upon a comparatively small group of texts The question must be asked whether a similar understanding can be gained from the qualitatively different sources of the 20th Dynasty

34 Recording b3kw in the 20th Dynasty The recording of pottery deliveries was less explicit in the 20th Dynasty with deliveries and deficits generally noted as b3kw and (w)4(t) of the potter without further clarifying information It is difficult to determine whether the quantities and contents of the deliveries were as flexible and varying as the 19th Dynasty data suggest Indeed as Janssen has concluded it is virtually impossible to prove what was meant by the termbkw l 114

In the rare cases where journal entries on ostraca of the reigns of Ramesses III and Ramesses N record numbers of vessels this information is difficult to interpret O DeM 154 rto recording journal entries in year 31 of Ramesses III documents the delivery made by the potter on II smw 29 entered by the hand of the potter 2 bkw (plus) 50 lbw vessels for II smw 30 deficit 65 (II 15-16) Janssen alternatively translates this part of the text as [e ]ntered from the potter 2 bkw (consisting of) 50 lbw vessels comparing it with O Berlin P 10654 (unpub) vso 1 where the same amount of 50 vessels is also mentioned I IS There is a number of possible readings of O DeM 154 rto The two b3kw may be deliveries owing from earlier in the month116 while on the other hand the 50 Ibw vessels may be an early partial payment for II smw 30 with 65 vessels remaining outstanding Since we do not have the rest of the journal for II smw and the entry for day 20 records neither delivery nor deficit it is difficult to draw firm conclusions Nonetheless it seems unlikely that the b3kw referred to in the text consisted of 50 lbw vessels The supporting evidence of the late 20th Dynasty ostracon O Berlin P 10654 vso is ambiguous also referring to the production of 50 vessels in the first line the numbers are lost thereafter

II Jt 10 the potter fashioned1l7 50 (vessels) day 20 the potter [fashioned x (vessels)]

107 O DeM 16-8 108 O DeM 2 5 109 O DeM 3 3-4 110 O DeM 45-6 1110 DeM 5 5-7 112 O DeM 18 34 8 6 165 O DH 5 7 6 9 O Or Inst Chicago 188785 113 O DeM 6 6 136 22 6 154 173 O DH 76 ll4 Commodity Prices 488 bkw From Work to Product 89 115 bkw From Work to Product 89 116 In a similar situation O DeM 40 14-5 records by the hand of the potter 3 bkw Janssen Commodity Prices 487-8 concludes that two of the bkw were payments for the first two decades although the non-delivery is nowhere stated while the third delivery was due for the five epagomenal days 117 ~~li~IT1l~~o

II

48 POTTERS

day 30 fashioning [x (vessels)] III 11]t 10 while he (fashioned)118 [x (vessels)] 35 b day 20119

Vhel total 230 qbw vessels [ ] the n specifYing it (wp Sf) ~ 23 jn~11 vessels blkw

In recording the actual work of the potters this text is unique While units of 50 vessels seem to statu be specified any connection with a blkw is not made explicit and can only be inferredYo perio

Janssen also cites the example of O DeM 35 on which a note above line 7 recording entries been for IIprt 19 of year 28 of Ramesses III reads entered by the hand of the potter as one b3kw 100 these qbw vessels 45 lbw vessels Although this text indicates that the b3kw consisted of 100 qbw Th vessels and 45 lbw vessels the phrase m w( b3kw could imply that the vessels enumerated were the e those making up this particular delivery perhaps differing from although equivalent to the recor contents of earlier deliveries and the standard b3kw The higher number of qbw vessels than Ibw epagt vessels which is very unusual when compared with other texts enumerating these two types 5 ep suggests that this entry is exceptional not only in its formulation It may be that this delivery ofth required special enumeration perhaps the potter altered the original order and provided an bee) equivalent number of qbw vessels instead of lbw vessels P

The two uneertain entries of O DeM 154 and O DeM 35 are the only texts in which actual Ram vessel types are enumerated in 20u Dynasty journal ostraca O DeM 35 in particular may suggest reads that the composition of b3kw could be flexible Other surviving records of pottery deliveries from An e the reign of Rarnesses III usually state only whether or not the potter entered his deliveries deliv complete or was in deficit O DeM 143 vso 5 datable to year 24 of Ramesses III does fo11o however enter a deficit of lbw vessels for the five epagomenal days Although the exact figures as 65 are lost the final two lines record an unknown total (dnuf) of qbw vessels and a total of 680 lbw char~ vessels these probably being deficits incurred since IV smw 30 the day the potter first fell behind disru in deliveries as the account records In O DeM 165 which largely documents deficits incurred in prt 1 year 30 III prt and thereafter a note to one side records year 29 entered for the five whih (epagomenal) days 30 lbw vessels his deficit 85 (11 4amiddot5a) vesst

Where vessel numbers are enumerated in these 20th Dynasty texts they vary in some cases notin considerably although the relationships of these numbers with the context of the documents must onw be kept in mind The vessel types are less varied than in the 19th Dynasty sources Mostly qbw and that 1 [bw vessels are enumerated in large quantities which confirms that these vessel types were the here basis of the potters b 3kw The deficit accounts from the reign of Ramesses II (group III) record If only qbw and lbw vesselsl2I in contrast with the variety of vessels represented in the delivery deliv lists The delivery lists of the 19th Dynasty appear to be exceptional in the variety of vessel types large they enumerate They may represent deliveries from other specialized workshops or supplies for vess particular purposes The similarity between the 19th Dynasty delivery lists of pottery and wood on en1r) the one hand and of specialty breads and beer on the other hand may indicate that these inter deliveries were in general more specialized they were perhaps associated with festivals Such an here association is illuminated by a study of one of the vessel types less commonly enumerated in A1 these texts (see section 42) However the regularity of delivery in these lists recorded in tenmiddotday b3kJi blocks is closely comparable with the regular b3kw delivery For the 20th Dynasty it must be potu borne in mind that b3kw which is mostly unqualified in the journal ostraca may cover a range of the ( vessel types sing

liS Q0--1i11 122 G ll9 Cerny noted that the line here was left blank 123 J~

120 The specification of jnJz1 vessels may also suggest that this text refers to a specialized perhaps unique lUF

production series For jnJzt see section 42 me 121 0 DeM 91 O Berlin P 10840 vso O IFAO 387 126 C

em to

ntries 100

l qbw were

) the nbw types livery ed an

actual 19gest from veries does

igures 101bw )ehind red in ~ fivc

cases must wand re thc ccord livery types es for odon thcsc Ichan ted in n-day lst be 1ge of

mique

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 49

35 bikw in the late 20th Dynasty papyrus documents Where pottery deliveries are recorded in the journal papyri the numbers of vessels involved and the name of the potter are often included A further contrast with earlier records is that the tenn bkw is rarely employed The more fonnal status of the papyri may explain such differences This status may also be one reason despite the large amount of documentation surviving from this period deliveries of pottery are only recorded occasionally Those that are recorded may have been special deliveries and hence worthy of note When bkw are recorded as in earlier records these may be variable in size and consist largely ofbw and qbw vessels

The recto ofP Turin 2070133 134 + 3 fragments (KRIVI 426-8) contains journal entries for the epagomenal days of the year 2 of a king later than Ramesses IV 122 The entry for the final day records the deliveries of the potter Right the potter - 29 [qb]w vessels 145 lbw vessels Five epagomenal days 100 [+ 45] Ibwvessels [Left] the potter 29 [qbw] vessels 145lbwvessels 5 epagomenal days 145 (Col II 10-11) The deliveries are enumerated separately for each side of the crew although if the restorations are correct the totals are the same for each side As is to be expected qbw and bw vessels are the only vessel types mentioned

P Turin 1881+ (Pleyte and Rossi pI 1-8 KRIVI 609-19) records entries for years 6-8 of Ramesses IX the potter is only mentioned on three occasions in year 7 For IV lu 29 the entry reads received by the hand of the potter ~Ahawy - qbw vessels 65 bw vessels 65 (vso V 1-2) An entry for 65 handfuls of plants follows in this list and seems to be associated with this delivery An entry on the same line also records 2 khar of k3Y (Ulq~ ~ ) probably roe123 The following line records again by his hand (wlm m-fjrtj) (for) I prt 10 100 [b[w] vessels as well as 65 handfuls of plants and an unknown measure of roe It seems that the potter had also been charged with delivering produce to the village perhaps the organization of deliveries was disrupted in this period Other entries record deliveries received by the hand of scribes 124 In III prt 18 almost three months later ~Ahawy made another delivery of 300 Ibw vessels (vso VI 7-8) while in III smw there were received by the hand of the potter (for) Right and Left 1501bw vessels and 70 qbw vessels (vso VII 1-2) P Turin 1881 + is an unusual text which rather than noting events day by day records only a few days from a few months of each year perhaps days on which events occurred that were more significant in the eyes of the scribe Valbelle observes that the scribe was running out of space on the papyrus increasing the likelihood that the entries he recorded were those he considered important125

If the deliveries recorded in this text were the only ones made for year 7 of Ramesses IX the delivery patterns of the potters may have changed Rather than delivering units every decade large deliveries were made every two to three months This would explain the large totals of vessels supplied However as Janssen cautions scribal inaccuracies mean that the absence of an entry in the journal does not necessarily mean that the delivery was not made126 An alternative interpretation is that the standard deliveries were made every ten days and that those recorded here were supplementary and worthy of special mention

An entry in P Turin 1900+ (KRl VI 619-24) vso 117 may indicate that regular deliveries of blkw continued at least in the early years of Ramesses IX Year 9 II 31Jt 19 records Right the potters b3kw [ ] (wnmy p qd n b3kw [ J) The context of this delivery is similar to those of the earlier 20th Dynasty with supply of fuel and gypsum being recorded as well However the single mention of a potters bkw in this entry in the papyrus may be as unique as those in P

122 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 242 123 Janssen Village Varia 53 124 For example vso 2a vso 5 5 vso 5 10 vso 6 1 125 Ouvriers 63-4 126 Commodity Prices 486

l

50 POTTERS

Turin l88l Journal entries from years 10 and 17 of Ramesses IX support this interpretation P A Turin 2071140 (KRIVI 63715) rto 9 records delivery of vegetables and pottery 2l() qb(w) varia vessels 110 [+ x] [bw vessels for day 30 IV smw year 10 The Turin Necropolis Journal of year vana 17 rto B II 2-3 (Botti and Peet pI 16) is the only record of a pottery delivery in this substantial inclu text covering two full months potter rAhawy 33 qbw vessels 165 [bw vessels This may Dyna indicate that the delivery was an unusual hence noteworthy event especially in relation to (HO references to problems with smdt organization earlier in the text (see section 37) the p

Deliveries of varying quantities of pottery are entered a number of times for different sides of recei the crew in the journal of year 3 of Ramesses X (P Turin 1898 + Botti and Peet pI 50-63 KRI Re VI 687-99) On III prt 18 even though the crew was not working because of the foreigners cornr (Omyw) 30 qb(w) vessels and 30 [+ x] [[bw] vessels were delivered to Right (rto I 11) On the wood last day of IV prt 9 qb(w) and 27 ([)bw vessels were delivered to Left (the entry for Right is comp lost rto II 14) The entry for II smw 19 records crew not working Right 28 qb(w) vessels 300 Janss [b(w) vessels Left 28 qb(w) vessels 15 g1(y) vessels 300 [b(w) vessels (rto III 9-10) The entry amou for g1y vessels is unusual in this text Two days later there was a further delivery for Right alone largel the potter - 30 qb(w) vessels 150 [b(w) vessels (rto III 13-14) In the month of III smw qbw Alt and [bw vessels were delivered on two occasions day 5 and day 30127 On IV smw 1 1 qbw was texts

delivered perhaps to Right while 90 [bw vessels were delivered to Left (rto V 18-9) If each are in delivery of vessels to the village was flexible in size and composition the entries in this journal as a c may also illustrate that deliveries to different sides of the crew could be varied as well quant

The journal text of year 1 of Ramesses XI P Turin 1898+ VSO128 records for I 10t 24 Right excep

from the hand of (the) potter [ ] 18 qb(w) vessels 50 [+x] [bw vessels Left from the hand of 37 In(the) potter [ ]y129 10 [+x] (Hh vessels [r~R~~o] [ J (vso Text A 2-4) Again the Otherdelivery is separately enumerated for the different sides of the crew breaks in the text mean that unprethe composition of the delivery is unknown If the entry on line 4 is a variant orthography of a this b type of vessel (1(1130 it may indicate a specialized delivery because (1(1 vessels are not firingotherwise attested in the pottery deliveries l3I Further deliveries are recorded in this journal again therein a very broken context by the hand ofthe potter [ ] lbw vessels 51 [+ x ] (vso dockets B taken5-6) later 18 qbw vessels and 50 lbw vessels are recorded (vso dockets C 2) This is the latest or adrsurviving record of pottery deliveries to the necropolis workmen in the 20th Dynasty deficit Impac36 Conclusion the meanings ofb1kw

TheThe Turin Necropolis journals seem to support the interpretation of the nature of the b1kw found detailein the earlier documentation Despite the possibility that delivery patterns may have altered or that from t some entries may represent extra deliveries these documents indicate that [bw and qbw vessels earlyformed the core of any quota of pottery delivered to the village occasionally supplemented with irregulother vessel types the pa III It

127 On III sectmw 529 qb(w) vessels and 150 bw vessels were delivered to Right Left received 19 qb(w) month vessels and 150 bw vessels (Botti and Peet pI 57 rto IV 15-9) The papyrus is damaged in the entries for III sectmw 30 but the surviving text indicates that deliveries of over 100 bw vessels were made to Right and both fbw and rqlbw vessels were delivered to Left (Botti and Peet pI 59 rto V 17-19) Unusually this latter entry records bw vessels before qbw 132 For 128 Botti and Peet pI 63 KRI VI 850-1 I follow the reassessment of Jtirgen von Beckerath in my reading 34 see of this text Papyrus Turin 1898+ vso SAK21 (1994)29-33 133 Th( 129 Perhaps the name of the potter CAhawy can be restored here 134 C J 130 Wh V 532 W F Reineke Der Zusammenhang der altagyptischen Hohl- und UingenmaBe MID 9 East e (1963)151 observlt 131 4343 vessels are included in a list of products in O Cairo 25678 vso 17 along with fbw vessels (1 18) discuss Valbelle citing this text considers that 4343 vessels could replace qbw vessels and were perhaps be mad synonymous (in her reference Duvriers 265 n 12 read 25678 for 25673) 135 Con

n p b(w) year ntial may m to

es of KRI

yenlers 11 the ht is 300 ~ntry

lone qbw was each lmal

ight ld of I the that ofa not

gain s B atest

lUnd that sels with

b(w) 8 for tand this

ding

[09

18) haps

DOCUMENTIKG SUPPLY 51

A further correspondence between the papyrus documents and the earlier ostraca is the variation in the numbers of vessels being delivered If these figures do represent regular bkw the variation in vessel totals may reflect responses to the changing needs of the crew perhaps including orders made by the superiors of the crew to the potters The use of bkw in one 20th

Dynasty account ostracon exemplifies the flexible character of commissions O Gardiner 80 4-5 (HO 6114) states after recording the complete deliveries during III smw received as the bkw of the potter entered complete like his custom of every day This text implies that the deliveries received during that month constituted the potters commission which he managed to fulfiL

Records survive of other members of the smdt such as gardeners and woodcutters receiving commands to deliver specific amounts132 Janssen notes the commission received by the woodcutter Saroy in year 29 III fJt 7 to deliver 380 units every 10 days This order can be compared with that of Saroys colleague who received a commission to deliver 500 units 133 As Janssen observes the quotas of the woodcutters often deviated quickly from these specified amounts (see above p 20) Such orders might have been regular normal occurrences that are largely invisible in the written record

Although no known text records such an assignment to the potters to deliver specific amounts texts that record varying quantities of ceramics and texts in which vessels other than qbw and tbw are included suggest that such commissions were madc The bkw may therefore be understood as a commission or expected dclivery of a predetermined unit of ceramics Although theoretically quantifiablc the bkw was flexible so that we cannot determinc what amount was expected except in specific deliveries

37 Implications ofdefiCits Other factors may also have operated to produce differential sizes of deliveries Firing was an unpredictable process with a certain amount of wasters inevitably being produced each time On this basis Christopher Eyre has suggested the one bkw may have been the equivalent of one firing which could vary in composition and in success134 Although this hypothesis is viable there is no direct evidence to support it and it is also possible that the needs of the crew were taken into account in each individual bkw or work requirement Where problems in the workshop or administrative breakdowns affected deliveries these are likely to be reflected in the records as deficits By examining patterns of deficit within the documentation it is possible to observe the impact of external problems in the Theban area on the potters deliveries in the mid 20th Dynasty

The journal ostraca of the reigns of Ramesses III and IV (Group I) again provide the most detailed documentation of delivery and deficit although only very general trends can be deduced from the materiaL Janssens analysis of pottery deliveries at the end of Ramesses Ills reign to early Ramesses IV led to the conclusion that deliveries of commodities were generally very irregular at this time whereas in the preceding years they had been more stable 135 The details of the pattern of deficits can be supplemented by a few account ostraca from the reign of Ramesses III It must be borne in mind that the idiosyncrasies of scribal record keeping mean that some months record no deliveries at all even though deliveries were most probably made

132 For the commissioning of the smdt see J J Janssen The Year of the Strikes BSEG 16 (1992) 44 n 34 see also Janssens section 7 in this volume 133 The Year of the Strikes 44-6 134 C J Eyre Work and the Organization of Work in the New Kingdom in Labor in the Ancient Near East ed M A Powell (New Haven 1987) 193 Janssen bkw From Work to Product 90 n observes that if this were the case the potters would have delivered once per decade The limited evidence discussed in 31 and a review of the delivery dates in the texts included in 33 indicate that deliveries could be made on more than one occasion during the ten-day period 135 Commodity Prices 488

52 POTTERS

The account of O Gardiner 80 (HO 61 4) for year 21 of Ramesses III records deliveries that O were made complete for the entire month of III smw the final line entered complete like his bJrn custom of every day although formulaic may be an indicator of a reputation for efficiency and for t punctuality The records from a few years later appear to tarnish this reputation The account text far 11 O DeM 143 datable to year 24 while recording complete deliveries for III smw 30 and IV smw coml 10 and 20 enters deficits for IV smw 30 the five epagomenal days and the first two decades of I appe 3bt (11 1-7) Reasons for the accumulation of such a substantial deficit beyond internal incre production problems are unknown This text warns us that although the relationship between admi administrative problems at Deir el-Medina and deficit is clear at times less easily identifiable in th factors may also have had an impact By year 27 deliveries appear to have returned to normal the p with no deficits being entered and every delivery recorded as complete (0 DeM 33 vso 8 O TI DeM 34 rto 7 16 vso 11) a deficit is however noted for the epagomenal days of year 28 in O agair DeM 156 vso 4 that

From year 29 deficits are again a consistent feature of the record during the time when labour inc01 troubles began to disrupt the community The first hint of delivery problems may be found in the whet problematic O Strasbourg H 26 If the entries on the recto refer to the potter this text records mad~ complete deliveries throughout I and II smw and probably through the epagomenal days and II there 3bt The verso may refer more explicitly to pottery deliveries with the final line recording IV coul Jbt 10 deficit of the [potter) However the reading of qd is based on a restoration (Cerny Nb in thi 3561) and the status of this text as a pottery account could be questioned There are more certain Th references to delivery from later in year 29 In I prt 30 the potter made deliveries to Right and perio Left details of the content of delivery are not given (0 Turin 57007 vso 4-5) The strike action ambi began in the village only ten days later on II prt 10136 The only further entry recording a pottery Peet delivery is in P Turin 1961 (Pleyte and Rossi pI 99) possibly from the end of year 29 IV prt 30 outsi notes for Right the potter I Y while the potter l is noted for Left (vso II 5 7)137 There are there no further records of pottery deliveries until year 30 although the consistent deficits incurred by reorg the woodcutters during year 29 and into year 30 are evidence of the impact of the strikes (see for II above p 21)138 authc

Deficits are recorded in an account text for III prt 30 and probably IV prt 10 of year 30 but a Peet delivery oftvo b3kw was promptly made to remedy this deficit (0 DeM 165 rto 1-2) O DeM ~Aha 154 rto 15-16 of year 31 records the delivery of two b3kw on II smw 29 probably overdue entric payments for days 10 and 20 A number of fbw vessels are also specified I interpret these as and perhaps an early payment for II smw 30 although they may relate to the two b3kw A deficit of 65 speci is noted Complete deliveries are made in IV lJl but since they are noted specifically they may perha have been considered late one b3kw being entered on day 13 for day 10 and one being entered Th for Right only on day 21 (0 DeM 157 8-9 17) From then into the reign of Ramesses IV the may potters made deliveries late or were making good deficits In II smw 7 of year 32 the debt was diffic paid for I smw 30 and at the same time the b3kw was delivered three days early for II smw 10 (0 or the

19thDeM 38 7 17 23) No sooner had these deliveries been made then the potter was in debt again I for the rest of the month Disruptions to pottery and fuel deliveries (see above p 21) throughout wide] year 30 and into year 31 are symptoms of continued labour problems within the village or of subst general administrative problems in the Theban area 139

mont side I

136 RAD 49 15 P J Frandsen Editing reality the Turin Strike Papyrus in Studies in Egyptology presented to Miriam Lichtheim ed S Israelit-Groll (Jerusalem 1990) 166-99 Risbo 137 Janssen considers that the documentation of half units may point to a scarcity of materials Commodity availa Prices 488 A reference to a half unit may also be found in an anonymous papyrus fragment in Turin 140 Fo (Cerny MSS 3616) which records the potter 2h this probably means 2h bJkw 141 Fo 138 Janssen The Year ofthe Strikes 46-8 BerIir B9 Disruptions in local administration may have directly impacted pottery production if as Colin Hope bkw suggests the state provided clay to these workshops Egyptian Pottery Shire Egyptology 5 (princes been ~

8 that ce his yand It text smw

s of ternal tween fiable Irmal 8 O in O

aboUT in the ~cords

md II ~ IV YNb ertain It and ~ction ottery Jrt 30 re are ed by (see

but a DeM erdue se as of65 may

tered the twas 0(0 19ain ~hout or of

~logy

ity

ffope inces

DOCUMENTlIG SUPPLY 53

O DeM 40 rto 15 from I gUt of year 1 of Ramesses IV records that the potter delivered three bgkw on day 24 probably overdue deliveries for days 10 and 20 (the deficits are not noted) and for the epagomenal days for which the deficit was entered in a note in a separate column on the far left A deficit is also recorded for day 30 (vso 9) From this point on the deliveries tend to be complete although often a few days late140 There are still occasional deficits but the deliveries appear to have been generally more regular than in the final years of Ramesses IILI41 The increasing irregularity of delivery is probably a symptom of the general decay of the administration of the Necropolis at the end of a long reign The more regular deliveries beginning in the first year of Ramesses IV perhaps correspond with a renewed interest in the Necropolis on the part of the successor king who was eager to get work on his tomb underway

These documents provide the only opportunity to trace a pattern of deficit in pottery deliveries against well documented changes and problems in the administration of the village They show that such an equation between the two is possible this may have implications for the more incomplete records of the end of the dynasty It is difficult to determine from the papyrus texts whether deliveries continued on a regular basis in the closing years of the 20th Dynasty or were made in large consignments more infrequently as the surviving evidence seems to suggest Since there were significant civil disturbances in the Theban area throughout this period deliveries could have been affected to the point that they became more unusual events and warranted entry in the journals

The Turin Necropolis journal for year 17 of Ramesses IX provides the best example from this period From II prl on the text includes entries concerning the smdt in general from the ambiguous entry taking the smdt of the Tomb of Left by the scribe of the Tomb Hori (Botti and Peet pI 14 rto B I 8) to the entries a few lines later crew not working while the smdt were outside under the authority (rJ(wyraquo of the two scribes of the Necropolis [ ] crew not working there being no smdt outside (rto B I 12) These entries seem to indicate that there was some reorganization of or problem with the smdt although a record of a wood delivery was entered for II prl 15 The entry for II prt 18 records crew not working while their smdt were under the authority of the two scribes of the Tomb of the Outside without any payments (1) (Botti and Peet pI 15 rto B I 18) On II prt 24 a delivery of fish was made and on day 25 the potter rAhawy delivered a number of vessels (Botti and Peet pI 16 rto B II 1-3) Although these entries are difficult to interpret it seems that the crew was facing both deficits in grain delivery and problems with the smdt In this context the delivery of pottery can perhaps be seen as a special occurrence no text from the end of the 20 th Dynasty explicitly records a potters deficit perhaps indicating that there was no longer an expected pattern to delivery

The interpretations presented here are speculative moreover other factors that left no trace may have had an impact on production The deficits entered for year 25 of Ramesses III are difficult to explain except in terms of unknowable production problems specific to the workshops or the personal circumstances of the potters as are the causes for the deficits recorded in the early 19th Dynasty Such deficits cannot be equated with any known problems in the village or the wider Theban area The accounts of the potters Menna and N akhy in the early 19th Dynasty record substantial deficits especially those incurred by Menna in a year 9 where he is in deficit for five months totalling 53 qbw vessels and 575 fbw vessels Further deficit totals perhaps for the other side of the crew are even larger 94 qbw vessels and 992 lbw vessels (0 Berlin P 10840) The

Risborough 1987) 10 This argument may apply only to high quality ceramics considering the ready availability ofNile silt for the production of most basic vessels 140 For example O DeM 47 rto 3 11 vso 4 141 For example the following texts record deficits in year 1 = I prt 30 (0 DeM 47 rto 11) III prt 30 (0 Berlin P 12641 + 12628 7) II smw 20(7) (0 DeM 161 vso 3) O DeM 44 rto 20 records a delivery of 1y bklv for III smw 29 Janssen considers that since no delivery was recorded for day 20 materials may have been scarce at this time Commodity Prices 488

--54 POTTERS

patterns of deficit incurred by the potters that can be traced in the texts cannot generally be Ana correlated with external administrative problems and decay rese

proc sect4 Equations of word and object an analysis offour pot-types A notable feature of the potter texts from Deir el-Medina is the substantial number of vessels 41 delivered to the village every ten days Although the exact number due in each bkw varied the I ha totals of some deliveries indicate that there was a significant and constant need for ceramics in the thrOl community In the lives of the villagers this pottery was essential It was the principal means to mult store prepare and serve food and to carry out many other activities within the domestic and work refer spheres Janssen observes in Commodity Prices that we have virtually no cvidence for the enun exchange value of ceramics beeause price texts generally refer only to metal or stone vessels 142

used Vessels used for a wide variety of domestic purposes would have had a low value and high class turnover millions of pot sherds were found within the rubbish dumps of the village including the offo Grands PuitS 143 Since their role was so essential it is desirable to learn about the various forms of In thl the vessels - their sizes and range of functions - in order to advance our understanding of the lJl villagers daily lives possi

Holthoerl44 noted that most Mesopotamian names of vessels relate directly to their material their function or their capacity but concluded that the Egyptians derived their vessel names from something other than vessel function This conclusion was largely based on the 1935 lexicographic analysis of Egyptian vessels by Robert du Mesnil du Buisson whose study is the only one that covers a wide range of ceramics including some of the vessel names that occur in the Deir el-Medina potter texts He considered that the qbw vessel was connected to qb fresh cool an appropriate concept for a jar145 He equated the gy vessel with the verb gw to be narrow perhaps suggesting a jar with a narrow neck 146

Edward Brovarski has done preliminary work on some Old Kingdom and First Intermediate Period vessel terms147 and Patricia Paice has studies connections between vessel shapes and their functions as depicted in tomb reliefs 148 The most valuable recent examination of the intersection of lexicography and a ceramic corpus is that of Janet Bourriau and Stephen Quirke on the Middle Kingdom ceramic repertoire from Lahun l49

An approach comparable to that taken at Lahun would be ideal for the material from Deir elshy Fig 1 Medina but a full statistical analysis of the archaeological material in relation to the textual data Urk r that is a prerequisite for determining lexicographic relations is beyond the scope of this study

The VI

Jb-nraquo142 407_8 and n 5 lS enu 143 ibid 488

vessel 144 New Kingdom Pharaonic Sites The Pottery 41 see J Bourriau and S Quirke The Late Middle

terminKingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects in Lahun studies ed S Quirke (Reigate 1998) 60shydeterm1 for a more recent discussion of the basis of classifications

145 Les noms et signes egyptiens designant des vases ou objets simiaires (Paris 1935)30 l46 Noms et signes 72 Janssen Commodity Prices 427 considers that du Mesnil du Buissons suggestions 150 FoUl

and explanations for the gly are unconvincing and concludes that no identification of the gly is apparant P Turi Ricardo A Caminos considered it to be an open bowl or cup since it was used more as a container for Howevl

ISl Jansvegetables and flowers than liquids (CLEM 194-5) corresponding to the use of gy vessels for natron 152 Thelotus leaves and fruit in the Medinet Habu festival lists A Spalinger Medinet Habu and Deir el-Yledina IS3 TheCombined in Deir el-Medina in the Third Millennium AD A Tribute to Jac J Janssen eds R 1 Demaree

and A Egberts Egyptologische Uitgaven 14 (Leiden 2000) 314 Although the shape of the gl) remains these m unknown Janssen has determined a capacity of 20 hin Two Ancient Egyptian Ships Logs Papyrus Leiden detenni 1350 verso and Papyrus Turin 2008 + 2016 (Leiden 1961)88 vessel l47 Lexicographical Studies in Egyptian Pottery Bulletin de Liaison du Groupe International dEtude de determi fa Ceramique Egyptienne 7 (1982) 36-7 154 P GJ 14S The Pottery of Daily Life in Ancient Egypt JSSEA 19 (1989) 50-88 bibliogr 149 The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects 60-83 IS5 Com

lly be

essels d the in the ansto lwork Dr the oels142

1 high ngthe rmsof of the

lterial s from

1935 is the

cur in fresh to be

lediate i their ection fiddle

eir elshyt data study

v1iddle 8) 60shy

~stions

Jaranl ler for latron -edina maree mains Leiden

~de de

EQUA TJONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 55

Analysis of the occurrence of vessel types in the potter texts can be related to the present stage of research into vessel shape and size to produce some further insights both into the potters products and into the documentation for the supply of particular ceramic types

41 The basic pots qbw and [bw I have shown above that [bw and qbw vessels formed the basis of deliveries to the village

19th 20ththroughout the and Dynasties Therefore it seems likely that they were simple multipurpose vessels distinct from each another in shape andor size There is a standard way of referring to them in the records qbw vessels precede [bw vessels and many fewer are usually enumerated This relationship points to a qualitative differentiation between the two ISO Both are used as containers for liquids such as beer and waterl5l I consider that these two terms designate classes of vessels rather than fixed single shapes their names perhaps referring to a wider range of forms Difference in size may account for the differentation in numbers delivered in the texts In the following discussion I assess the evidence for these two classes of vessels

Jb lbw) vessels are included among the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak indicating a possible shape for the vessel152

tlBoo~WJ~O 01It 0P L II I I

Fig 1 ob-nw-k vessels in the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak (Wreszinski Atlas II pI 33 Urk IV 636)

The vessel shown is distinctive being beaker-like and wider at the base than at the neck JS3 The ub-nw-k vessel here is the equivalent of the u-m-Icw of P Harris I 36a 7 A significant number is enumerated in this text as containers tor incense perhaps indicating a smaller cup-like vessel l54 Janssen has considered that the [x]-n-k termination which is fairly common in vessel terminology indicates that the vessels were cups the name of the vessel given in the compound determines the shape155 In the inscription of the High Priest Osorkon the Oblb-n-k is written

150 Four texts which enumerate qbw and fbw vessels show a ratio of 15 O Or Inst Chicago 16698 rto 3 P Turin 2070133 134 + frgs rto 10-11 Giornale of year 17 rto B II 1-3 P Turin 1898 rto III 14 However since these are isolated examples it is uncertain how widely applicable such a ratio was 151 Janssen Commodity Prices 433 Valbelle Ouvriers 265 152 The equivalence between the lb andlbw is confirmed in CLEM 186-7 153 The determinative given for a qby vessel in the offering list ofThutmose III at Elcphantine indicates that these may have been quite close in shape to the IJb-nw-h of the Karnak list The simple elongated beaker determinative is quite distinct from the determinatives given for the other vases in the list including the Ub vessel which is shon with a definite neck (Urk IV 828 4) However the occurrence of different determinatives within a single text does not offer a basis for a classification of vessel forms 154 P Grandet Le Papyrus Harris I (EM 9999) BdE 109 (Cairo 1994) I 272 see vol IT 141 n 576 for a bibliography for lbw l55 Commodity Prices 409

I

56 POTTERS

with a goblet detenninative ls6 The vessels recorded in these texts may be smaller cup versions of thai larger Ibw jars with the wide mouth and lack of defined neck perhaps pointing to a vessel associated with food preparation and service 157 The delivery list O DeM 288 records fb-nw-kJ

cor 1

vessels perhaps as a fuller writing of bw or as a distinct fonn vithin the Ibw class Vessels ves categorized as Ibw may have had a generalized function as cups or containers for both liquid and con solid foods A comparison can be made with the ~nw vessels which are recorded in significant 4W numbers in the papyrus documents from Lahun and are equated by Bourriau and Quirke with the 346 drinking cups known from the site the only vessel fonn which they consider could have been used in such numbers 158 The bkw of the Deir el-Medina potters show that Ibw vessels too were

lbw 50

delivered in large quantities the The lower numbers of qbw vessels in the deliveries may be related to their larger size In Poids o

No 5135 3 the weight of a metal qbw vessel is stated to be 20 deben or 18 kg Valbelle betv concludes from this that the qbw was significantly larger than the Ibw 159 That qbw designates a POttl simple storage jar may be indicated by the name itself If the connection suggested by du Mesnil two du Buisson between qbw vessels and qb cool can be accepted it may suggest that qbw vessels were storage jars perhaps for water and other liquids The connection may also suggest the

sigh one

material of manufacture qbw vessels could have been made from marl clay which cools water Helc through evaporation

As storage jars qbw vessels may have been connected in shape or broad function with the qbwshyIf a have

n-wt canopic jar The coincidence of the name suggests some correspondence The simple canopic jar fonns given by Georges Nagel for Tomb 359 seem similar in shape to vessels found in the cellar of a house in the village160 However Nagels sample is so small that any identification is tentative Janssen cautions that the standard shape of a canopic jar was rarely used as the fonn of bronze or pottery vessels 161 This may be a principle of decorum vessels with a funerary purpose not being equated in fonn with ordinary domestic ceramics The connection between qbw and qbw-n-wt may be simply that they were both in one fonn or another storage jars

Although the qbw may have been proportionally larger than the lbw it is very unlikely that

capa temp capa appn meas

Cc vso cannc into i

either fonn had a fixed capacity at Deir el-Medina W W Struve [V V Struve] offered the only attempt to determine the capacity of the qbw (or qby) vessel based largely on Greek evidence and his research on P Boulaq 18162 Wolfgang HeIcks review of this evidence led him to conclude

dOCUJ

repre betw( vesse restril than 1

156 R A Caminos The Chronicle ofPrince Osorkon Analecta Orientalia 37 (Rome 1958) 129 157 p Cairo 58088 indicates that bw could have had a large size in this case accommodating 3 ds measures See also Janssen Commodity Prices 433 n 170 C Daniel Les noms egyptiens de certains types de vases

proba fixed

In

grecs Studia et Acta Orientalia 5-6 (1967) 383-5 equates the lIb vessel with the Greek 10 olt7tW and the vesse

Mycenaean di-pa He notes that the di-pa depicted on a tablet corresponds in shape with the form of the fib indicated by the determinative used for the word The depictions of the di-pa that Daniel cites are not 163 DG

comparable in form with the Ibw depicted in the Karnak offering list D H F Gray Linear Band evidee Archaeology Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies of the UniverSity of London 6 (1959) pI 7 I andDI would argue that the form of the lbw was very flexible 164 It 1

158 Bourriau and Quirke The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects 74 some 159 Catalogues des poids a inscriptions hieratiques de Deir el-Medineh Nos 5001-5423 DFIFAO 16 165 Da~

(Cairo 1973) 18 166 FOI 160 La ceramique du Nouvel Empire aDeir el Medineh DFIFAO 10 (Cairo 1938)35 cf 122 no 38 42 SpaHn 44 167 Da 161 Commodity Prices 412 sugges 162 Mathematischer Papyrus des staatlichen Museums der SchOnen Kunste in Moskau (Berlin 1930) 55 Ceram withn2 25 1itr

lions of vessel

-nw-k

Vessels llid and ilificant vith the Ie been )0 were

n Poids lalbelle ~ates a Mesnil vessels est the s water

le qbwshysimple

s found lat any rarely vessels s The omlor

~ly that Iteonly lce and melude

~asures

le vases and the the b are not Band pI 7 I

AO 16

3842

gt30) 55

EQliAnONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 57

that the qbw had no fixed capacity Rather it seems that vessels such as the Ibw and qbw could correspond to a range of different ds measures 163

Two texts may point to some perhaps proportional equivalence between qbw vessels and dpr vessels In O DeM 135 the record of the accumulated deficits of two potters includes a conversion from dpr vessels into qbw vessels 9 dpr vessels to (=) qbw vessels making Urn) 4Yz (see section 31) Such a conversion may indicate a size ratio between the vessels O DeM 346 vso 3 records 42 dpr vessels [making Urn)] 22 qbt vessels (see n 89 for the restoration) Ibw vessels may also be equated with dpr vessels in O DeM 202 dpr vessels 30 [as] 15 bw 50 (1 3_4)164 The restoration here is problematic and the hypothesis of any equivalence between the two types must remain tentative

O Berlin P 10654 vso displays a similar complexity in possible equivalences this time between qbw vessels and jnJt vessels This text (discussed in section 33) seems to record the potters production of ceramics on days 10 20 and 30 of II bt and day 10 of IIIilt The final two lines state total 230 of (n) qbw vessels [ ] specifying it (wp st) 23 jnJt vessels At first sight such a text seems to point to a proportional relationship between these vessels a qbw being one tenth of ajnJt Such a ratio is quite possible because jnJt vessels do seem to have been large Heicks calculations from O Gardiner 81 indicate that ajnJt vessel was 2 of a mnt-amphora 165

If a mnt had a liquid capacity of c 20 hin and a hin was 048 litres the capacity of a jnlzt would have been c 53 hin or 2551itres O Berlin P 10654 vso would then show that a qbw vessel had a capacity of c 53 hin or 25 litres whieh is a sensible size for a storage jar 166 Although it is tempting to make such equations from this data this evidence is based on assumptions about the capacity of other vessel types so is tentative HeIck estimated that the ds vessel had a eapacity of approximately 3 litres 167 If so the qbw in P Boulaq 18 would have been double the size ofa ds measure in order to contain the 2 ds (e 6 litres)

Contextual study of the equation between qbw vessels and other types in O Berlin P 10654 vso O DeM 135 and O DeM 346 vso indicates some form of size ratio operated although we cannot easily determine the flexibility of that ratio or how it was used A conversion of one vessel into its equivalent of another type is unusual in a text like O Berlin P 10654 vso which seems to document the actual produetion of vessels even their firing If the last two lines of the text represent the total of ceramics produced in this process then the specification of a relationship between the two vessels types is rather strange Perhaps the original order was for 230 qbw vessels and this was then converted into the equivalent in jn~t vessels Ifjn~t vessels had a more restricted even ritual function the equivalence expressed here may be more abstract or complex than a ratio of capacity The size of vessels delivered may have been standardized to some extent probably based on ease of delivery and manageability within a domestic eontext rather than as fixed measures

In such a context a value relationship might well have operated The jnlzt as a specialized vessel may have had a more established value in relation to which the qbw vessels could be set

163 Das Bier im Alten Agypten (Berlin 1971) 47 See also Anthony Spalingers re-evaluation of the evidence for the capacity of these vessels including discussion of O DeM 135 and 202 Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 314 His conclusions largely correspond with mine 164 It may also be possible to read dpr 30 Urnl 15 lbw 50 which would support the hypothesis of some sort ofequivalence 165 Das Bier 47 16lt5 For a review of evidence concerning the capacity of the mnl including discussion of this text see A Spalinger Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 312-3 167 Das Bier 46 R L Miller (is-vessels Beer Mugs Cirrhosis and Casting Slag GM 115 (1990) 64 suggests that the ds was a drinking vessel perhaps to be equated with depictions given in Nagel Ceramique 199-206 Miller identifies a jar found at Saqqara as a ds vessel noting that it had a capacity of 25 litres roughly corresponding to Heicks estimate

58 POTTERS

In O DeM 135 the scribe may well have calculated the value of the vessels owed down to the half vessel A parallel for this is found in O Turin 57062 vso 4 where 2Yz jnJtt vessels are set

dlagainst five vessel types which precede them (their names are lost) The recording of five vessels compared with half that amount in jnJtt vessels producing the unusual amount of a half vessel tt

2again suggests a value equivalence Since vessels do not appear with fixed values in the price

SJtexts their worth may well have been assessed in relation to other vessel types st b42 A specialized vessel jnJzt DApart from the two vessel types or classes that formed the basis of the deliveries of ceramics to rethe village the potter texts also occasionally enumerate other types jnJtt vessels although well

known from other contexts are rare in the potter texts A few texts that may indicate their ritproduction or delivery by the Deir el-Medina potters illuminate aspects of its function and context

of use The pattern of occurrence of jnJtt vessels indicates a specialized vessel type the shape of which is unknown The jnJtt vessel is most widely documented as a storage container for beer and as Walter F Reineke notes outside the data from Deir el-Medina it was often made of gold or silver J68 That this vessel could be supplied as part of the ceramic requirement of the village seems to be indicated by the delivery lists from the early 19th Dynasty (Category E) Some of these lists record jnJzt vessels although they are not always indisputably connected with the smdt potters

In the Category E delivery lists of wood and ceramics jnJtt vessels occur four times their total Ccamount being low in comparison with the other vessels enumerated in these texts In O DeM 1 6 una total of 7 jnlu vessels are delivered 5 of good quality 2 of poor In O DeM 17 4 only 3 jnJzt aUvessels were delivered (2 good 1 poor) in comparison with 290 lbw recorded in the previous intline and in O DeM 15 3 7 jn~lt vessels were delivered as against 295 Ibw vessels 16 jnJzt povessels are documented in O DeM 23 5 (the text is broken and the reading at the end of the line

uncertain)169 bei ve~Only two texts explicitly includejnJtt vessels in pottery deliveries 0 Qurna 6181 records two

jnJtt vessels among the deficit of 55 qbw and 265 Ibw vessels incurred by the potter Menna O IJry Michaelides 33 rto 3-6 J70 This text records for III Jot 30 matching deliveries from a potter to vex

Right and Left among other deliveries of wood and gypsum the potter 1 jnlp vessels 20 (pJ qd 1 jnJzt 20)171 The stroke read as one after the title p qd could refer to the bkw of the potter not

with jnJtt vessels being an addition to the quota delivered 172 jnJtt vessels were therefore a wit gocomponent of the potters repertoire and this fact may complicate the interpretation of other texts

where they occur173 More generally jnJzt vessels are recorded as being delivered filled with beer I thisand thus are probably not associated with ceramic delivery

174 (

Me(J68 Der Zusammenhang der altagyptischen Hohl- und UingenmaBe MID 9 (1963) 146 175( 169 Kitchen restores 16jnli vessels [by the hand of A]meneminet (KRII 367 8 a-b) but there does not 176 1appear to be space for this formula in the break The rest of this text is similar to the other wood and pottery

177pounddelivery lists See the discussion of parallel texts in section 23 170 Goedicke-Wente pJ 67 However I follow CernYs transcription of the text here (Nb 10830)

178 1

Cau171 Contra Goedicke and Wente who restore IT1l ] on line 3 On line 7 Goedicke and Wente read 27 jnlt 197vessels instead of 20 vessels and the restoration for the [plasterer] (Pi q() given by Cerny 179 1

172 Alternatively it could refer to a single potter although this would be unusual in this context (see section Rek21) Compare the reading of this text with that discussed for O DeM 154 rto 15-6 in section 34 Egy

173 Other entries for this day include specialty breads and ds measures of beer (117-8) while the folloVing somentry for IV Jt 1 records a festival of Hathor (1 9) Although an association with a festival context is Dietpossible the delivery of jnlts as discussed by Spahnger is recorded separately from the breads and ds inameasures and is included among more standard delveries Medinet Habu and Dei elmiddotMedina Combined note310-311 Earl

l to the are set vessels vessel e price

mics to ~h well e their ~ontext

mpe of Ir beer of gold village ome of le smdt

ir total M 16 r 3jn~f

revious 16 jn~t he line

ds two mao O )tter to (pJ qd potter fore a r texts th beer

oes not pottery

27 jn~t

section

llowing rrtext is and ds

lbined

EQUATIONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 59

jn~t vessels of beer occur consistently in a series of six Category E ostraca that seem to document the delivery of commodities associated with festival or temple offerings174 Four of these texts state that the commodities were delivered by an individual in O DeM 20 and O DeM 25 the deliveries are made by a local priest Each of these six texts lists items that include speciality foodstuffs and jn~t vessels of beer rather than the fuel and plain unfilled pottery of standard deliveries II smw 12 by the hand of the local priest (w(b Sf) 175 60 large j nJzt vessels of beer entered 56 deficit 4 120 (bundles of) vegetables ISO s(t cakes and 100 rJzs cakes (0 DeM 20) The only exception in this group is O DeM 26 where 30 large jn~1f vessels are recorded 27 are entered (jw) and there is a deficit on No beer is recorded with these vessels

The recto of O DeM 29 may confirm that lists containing such products are associated with rituals or festivals rather than deliveries of materials to the village 176

total of various (sbn)jnl)tvessels of beer 653 [+x] the record of the [ ] which were given as offerings (snw) [] good bread loaves of [ ] s(t cake [x oipeJ rJzs cakes [ J jnJzt vessels of beer [ J beer [ ]

Connections of this vessel type with the temple or festival sphere nmy explain features of the unique and difficult distribution text O BM 50728 discussed in section 23 The text records the allocation ofjnJzt vessels to individual crew members The 10 + 5 jnJzt vessels seem to be grouped into four different categories perhaps accordin~ to quality of the vessel or its contents and possibly its shape or finish 177 5 doubly good (~reg) jnJzt vessels in the fashion of hbny [vessels] being returned (m hyt) 2 for Baky I for Huy 1 (for) (Omek 1 for Qaha totalS (11 5-6) Six vessels given to individuals in line 7 one for each nmn are stated to be middling good (11fr mshyhry-jb) and line 10 enumerates two vessels that also have a designation perhaps reading not (J I~~ 3)very poor _ 1

If the jnJzt vessels were more specialized beer vessels used in festival or ritual contexts then the note of quality either of contents or of the vessel itself would have been important This concern with quality can also be seen in the delivery lists where the jnJzt vessels are described as either good or poor 178

Particularly difficult to understand in this context are the writings of hbny perhaps referring to this well-known amphora-shaped vessel I19 The five doubly goodjnl)t vessels are designated in

174 O DeM 19 20 21 25 26 27 For further discussion of these texts see Spalinger Deir e1middotMedina and Medinet Habu Combined 311

(1 0

175 l=n (1 1) For another writing of this title see O DeM 25 2 176 The verso of this text records only nswt bjty mnmiddotmrtmiddotrr 177 For the use of red ink in this text see p 19 n 75 above

178 O DeM 1 6 174 For discussion of the meaning of snn 1~ in these contexts see D Valbelle Catalogue des poids ainscriptions hieratiques de Deir eAmiddotfedineh Nos 500l-5423 DFIFAO 16 (Cairo 1977)23 179 Wh II 487 There are depictions of the hbnylhbnt vessel in Urk IV 11308 11352 and in the tomb of Rekhmire N de G Davies The Tomb of Rekh-mi-r~ at Thebes The Metropolitan Museum of Art Egyptian Expedition 11 (New York 1943) I pIs 33 34 In these examples it is shaped as an amphora sometimes without handles and often contains honey E A W Budge An Egyptian Hieroglyphic Dictionary (London 1920)446 gave the capacity of a hbnt ndst as one quarter of a hin F G Hilton-Price in an earlier publication Notes on Some Egyptian Antiquities in My Collection TSBA 9 (1886) 353 noted the same capacity for this vessel Here see also T G H James The Heqanakhte Papers and Other Early Middle Kingdom Documents (New York 1962) 118

60 POTTERS

the fashion of hbny vessels (~[]~IlJ1J 0) (vso 5) This seems to express an equivalence between the two vessel types perhaps representing an addition or finish to the jn~lt vessel that increased its value Du Mesnil du Buisson speculated in his discussion of the hhnl vessel that the word related to hbny ebony t ruJ-Oi) and indicated a blackened colour or lustre to the vesseL I80 hbny also occurs as an annotation above the entries of jnit vessels for particular workmen in lines 8-12 of the recto The entry on line 13 (hhny n [ ]) may indicate that hhny vessels themselves were also delivered to the workmen named in the following lines So far as I know hbny vessels do not occur in other Deir el-Medina textsl8J These notations may also refer to some sort of finishing to the j nit vesseL

The inclusion of more unusual designations for the vessels certainly points to the exceptional nature ofthe delivery in O BM 50728 as does the entry of an amount ((i(w) of bJq oil (8) in line lOon the verso after the specification of 10 further jnlJl vessels for particular workmen (pJ WpWl

n plIO n jnlJt n tJ jst) Janssen observes that this oil was rarely used by the workmen as it was too expensive 182 It is possible that the text refers to the delivery of jnit vessels of bJq oil the references to quality therefore referring to the quality of oil rather than the vessel itself The designation hbny may be associated with this as welL

Complicating this analysis is the proposed large size of jnit vessels (discussed in section 41) which may account to some extent for its more restricted function within the vessel repertoire jnlJt vessels occur only rarely in the Medinet Habu festival calendar indicating that even within the temple their use was specialized ls3 The ealculation of the equivalence in contents of the vessels in O Gardiner 81 indicates that we are dealing with a set capacity for these vessel types in this text 184 If the capacity of a jnit was 53 hin or 255 Htres this would equate to a significant quantity ofbJq oil per person 185

O BM 50728 remains a puzzle Despite thc difficulties in interpretation it seems most likely that it records allocation of vessels possibly filled with oil or beer for festival or cultic purposes The careful documentation of such a distribution may also indicate that the vessels were not to be kept by the men perhaps only being used by them for the event and then returned to the temple A large size may serve to explain their more limited and specialized oecurrence in the data perhaps restricted to the religious sphere rather than playing a role in the domestic life of the villagers

In this instance contextual analysis of texts that seem to relate to ceramic deliveries can alter our understanding of these texts and illuminate the role and function of a vessel type in the community For vessels that were delivered more commonly we can observe the potential for flexibility in the classification systems these would repay further detailed study sectS Conclusion Analysis of the texts concerning pottery delivery leaves a number of questions unanswered and areas unexplored the limited number of sources available and problems inherent in them restrict their potential for interpretation However some insights into the organization and administrative structures of Deir el-Medina are fortheoming from the material Within the meticulous record keeping of the village the key theme seems to be flexibility This flexibility is apparent in the

180 Noms et signes 28 181 Janssen did not include them in his chapter on Vessels in Commodity Prices None of the references for the entry in the Wb II 487 has a Deir e1-Medina provenance 182 Commodity Prices 330 183 On the occurrence of the jnltt in the Medinet Hahn festival lists see A Spalinger Medinet Habn and Deir ei-Medina Combined 311-2 ]84 Heick Das Bier 46 185 Even if the mnt was only 10 hin a jnltt would still be of a substantial size c 11-12 iitres Janssen Commodity Prices 434

N

CONCLUSION 61

number of potters assigned to the crew the size and content of the quota required every 10 days and the timing of deliveries The final section of my study also points to the potential flexibility of form size and function of the pots themselves

Although we can find implications in the potter texts for features of society beyond the village itself such as the specifie interpretation of bkw or the occurrence of vessels in royal festival calendars it must be borne in mind that the real value of the Deir el-Medina material lies in its potential to illuminate the lives of ordinary people in Ramessid Egypt For that purpose we need to attend most closely to the village context

Appendix The potters of Deir el-Medina Names of potters in documents relating to the delivery of ceramics

I

Names of potters in documents concerning matters other than the supply of ceramics

I 1 (Omek i Turin Strike Papyrus RAD 476 I

2 Khonsu bull O Turin 57192 1

3 Herunefer bull O DeM 73 rto 2

4 Paaeminet I O Berlin P 12343 vso 3

5 Bakenmut P Turin 2018 A rto la 5 rto IV 17 vso I 6 B rto II 4 D I rto 14 P BM 10068 vso V l3

6 Wenennefer P BM 10068 vso V 14

alence el that 1at the to the ticular thbny ar as I ) refer

ltional in line middotwpwt it was til the f The

1 41) rtoire within of the pes in ificant

likely poses tto be ~mple data of the

1 alter in the ial for

d and estrict rative ecord in the

rences

)U and

nssen

1 I Menna O IFAO 387 1 O Qurna 618i1 O DeM 91 1 O Berlin P 10840 vso 1

2 bull Nakhy I

O IFAO 3874 O DeM 914

3 I Ptahemheb O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O DeM 343 2 P Greg vso B 8 rto A11

4 Parahotep O DeM 868

5 Hori O DeM 868 O DeM 869

6 Herunefer O Cairo 25597 rto 3

7 Neferher O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O Cairo 25633 vso 2

8 Amennakht O DeM 44 rto 8

9 Dmek P Turin 2081+2095 rto 1

10 ltAhawy P Turin 1881 vso V 1 VI 7 VII 1 () Giornale of year 17 rto B II 2 P Turin 2018 A vso 1 12 B rto II 11 B vso II 17 P BM 10068 vso VI 25 P Turin 2014 rto 27-8 P BM 10054 vso II 9

62 POTTERS

Addendnm

Pierre Grandets Catalogue des ostraca hieratiques non litteraires de Deir el-Medineh IXbecame available just as this chapter went to the press This volume contains a number of important potter texts I have included them in the tables on pages 33-7 and provide a short account of them here

O DeM is the longest and most detailed potter account known to me I will be adressing the issues it raises in a further publication It records deliveries made by the potters Ptahemheb Parahotep Hori and Neferher for the months of I bt to I prt of a year 6 The title p qd occurs only in line I in reference to Ptahemheb but probably also covers the other individuals named Ptahemheb and Neferher are known from other potter accounts discussed in this chapter O DeM 869 also published by Grandet and dated to a year 6 records deliveries made by Hori of qbw and lbw vessels to Right Both Hori and Parahotep are not otherwise attested in the potter texts In O DeM 868 details of delivery are grouped according to individual potters In line 13 Neferher delivers vessels to Left (t rj smM this is the only statement concerning Right or Left in this text That four potters deliver during the same general period emphasizes the potential number of potters involved in delivery which is not generally apparent in many of the potter texts Ptahemheb and Neferher make deliveries on different days in IV bt The vessel numbers vary except for those delivered as the making good of deficits by Ptahemheb which are consistent sums (II 3-4) The vessels delivered include qbw and Ibw vessels as well as gy andjnlt this text therefore provides further evidence thatjnJtt vessels were part of the potters repertoire

Grandet follows Gutgesell in assigning a date in the mid-20th Dynasty to O DeM 868 and 869 19thMy assignment of a late Dynasty date to the other account ostraca of Ptahemheb and

Neferher (0 Cairo 25591 O Cairo 25633 and O DeM 343) is based on the record of Ptahemhebs deliveries in P Greg firmly dated by Janssen to the reign of Siptah186 Gutgesell places Ptahemheb in the 20th Dynasty on the basis of the occurrence of this name in P Turin 2006+ 1961 usually dated to year 29 of Ramesses 111 [87 The Ptahemheb in this text is not a potter and so is a different individual I propose that the late 19th Dynasty date of the other documents should therefore be retained and should also be adopted for O DeM 868 and 869

Further texts relevant to potters in Grandets volume include O DeM 877 in which a list of arrears in water supplies are measured in jnlt vessels O DeM 871-3 are sherds bearing the phrase mJ qd Grandet considers these phrases along with the phrase ml m-rJrt p-Jtm-nlr complete by the hand ofPahemnetjerthe priest on O DeM 870 as delivery marks inscribed on the pots themselves18S

186 Janssen Village Varia 115-6 187 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 252 309-12 188 Catalogue des ostraca IX 49-50

UNT

Marel

sectl Eil Die A Papyr Einwc zusHin Verw Angell besch~

Bei suchur wichtil Andre Vortei Juni 2( nicht-li recherc

Beirr allgem

bull Der MaXI

mieh Aufn Doni Sieh~

J Ja grap dazu

2 Sieht tause Peri Gutg Teil1 el ME Held Janss Histo

6 MeD Valb

g Venn Witnl II Ta

10 Ein P II Gutg 12 Allan 13 Held

Page 20: Woodcutters, Potters and Doorkeepers Service Personnel of the Deir El Medina Workmen

This qbw otal alent total other qbw

eems ficit mply

erms The rsion this Its of

n the m of ttities dS I05

tough This lts of ypes ill be veries stinct

1 31) ion of

1109

vriers

5 17 ecords

ith the 165

same Jm the

Iso G

74

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 47

The degree to which the composition of deliveries could vary from list to list illustrates the flexiblity of the institution On I 3Jt 10 of year 3 of Sety I 7 jn~t vessels (3 good 2 poor) 37 qbw vessels (deficit of 3) and 58 Ibw vessels (deficit of 2) were delivered l07 On the 20th day of that month dpr vessels were delivered (the rest of the text is lost)108 80 dpr vessels and 50 Ibw vessels were delivered on the last day of I 3Jt109 while on the last day of II Jt 40 qbw vessels and 50 Ibw vessels were delivered l1O On day 10 of III Jt 80 g3y vessels 90 m~t vessels and 40 dpr vessels were delivered lll Not only do several vcssel types occur in each delivery but totals for each vessel type also vary considerably as weI Ibw vessels tend to total between 50 and 60 for each list in which they occur1l2 However many of the attested totals documented are significantly larger between 100 and 300 lbw1l3 These texts may point to there being variable deliveries that resulted from commissions in response to specific needs However this is only one possible interpretation based upon a comparatively small group of texts The question must be asked whether a similar understanding can be gained from the qualitatively different sources of the 20th Dynasty

34 Recording b3kw in the 20th Dynasty The recording of pottery deliveries was less explicit in the 20th Dynasty with deliveries and deficits generally noted as b3kw and (w)4(t) of the potter without further clarifying information It is difficult to determine whether the quantities and contents of the deliveries were as flexible and varying as the 19th Dynasty data suggest Indeed as Janssen has concluded it is virtually impossible to prove what was meant by the termbkw l 114

In the rare cases where journal entries on ostraca of the reigns of Ramesses III and Ramesses N record numbers of vessels this information is difficult to interpret O DeM 154 rto recording journal entries in year 31 of Ramesses III documents the delivery made by the potter on II smw 29 entered by the hand of the potter 2 bkw (plus) 50 lbw vessels for II smw 30 deficit 65 (II 15-16) Janssen alternatively translates this part of the text as [e ]ntered from the potter 2 bkw (consisting of) 50 lbw vessels comparing it with O Berlin P 10654 (unpub) vso 1 where the same amount of 50 vessels is also mentioned I IS There is a number of possible readings of O DeM 154 rto The two b3kw may be deliveries owing from earlier in the month116 while on the other hand the 50 Ibw vessels may be an early partial payment for II smw 30 with 65 vessels remaining outstanding Since we do not have the rest of the journal for II smw and the entry for day 20 records neither delivery nor deficit it is difficult to draw firm conclusions Nonetheless it seems unlikely that the b3kw referred to in the text consisted of 50 lbw vessels The supporting evidence of the late 20th Dynasty ostracon O Berlin P 10654 vso is ambiguous also referring to the production of 50 vessels in the first line the numbers are lost thereafter

II Jt 10 the potter fashioned1l7 50 (vessels) day 20 the potter [fashioned x (vessels)]

107 O DeM 16-8 108 O DeM 2 5 109 O DeM 3 3-4 110 O DeM 45-6 1110 DeM 5 5-7 112 O DeM 18 34 8 6 165 O DH 5 7 6 9 O Or Inst Chicago 188785 113 O DeM 6 6 136 22 6 154 173 O DH 76 ll4 Commodity Prices 488 bkw From Work to Product 89 115 bkw From Work to Product 89 116 In a similar situation O DeM 40 14-5 records by the hand of the potter 3 bkw Janssen Commodity Prices 487-8 concludes that two of the bkw were payments for the first two decades although the non-delivery is nowhere stated while the third delivery was due for the five epagomenal days 117 ~~li~IT1l~~o

II

48 POTTERS

day 30 fashioning [x (vessels)] III 11]t 10 while he (fashioned)118 [x (vessels)] 35 b day 20119

Vhel total 230 qbw vessels [ ] the n specifYing it (wp Sf) ~ 23 jn~11 vessels blkw

In recording the actual work of the potters this text is unique While units of 50 vessels seem to statu be specified any connection with a blkw is not made explicit and can only be inferredYo perio

Janssen also cites the example of O DeM 35 on which a note above line 7 recording entries been for IIprt 19 of year 28 of Ramesses III reads entered by the hand of the potter as one b3kw 100 these qbw vessels 45 lbw vessels Although this text indicates that the b3kw consisted of 100 qbw Th vessels and 45 lbw vessels the phrase m w( b3kw could imply that the vessels enumerated were the e those making up this particular delivery perhaps differing from although equivalent to the recor contents of earlier deliveries and the standard b3kw The higher number of qbw vessels than Ibw epagt vessels which is very unusual when compared with other texts enumerating these two types 5 ep suggests that this entry is exceptional not only in its formulation It may be that this delivery ofth required special enumeration perhaps the potter altered the original order and provided an bee) equivalent number of qbw vessels instead of lbw vessels P

The two uneertain entries of O DeM 154 and O DeM 35 are the only texts in which actual Ram vessel types are enumerated in 20u Dynasty journal ostraca O DeM 35 in particular may suggest reads that the composition of b3kw could be flexible Other surviving records of pottery deliveries from An e the reign of Rarnesses III usually state only whether or not the potter entered his deliveries deliv complete or was in deficit O DeM 143 vso 5 datable to year 24 of Ramesses III does fo11o however enter a deficit of lbw vessels for the five epagomenal days Although the exact figures as 65 are lost the final two lines record an unknown total (dnuf) of qbw vessels and a total of 680 lbw char~ vessels these probably being deficits incurred since IV smw 30 the day the potter first fell behind disru in deliveries as the account records In O DeM 165 which largely documents deficits incurred in prt 1 year 30 III prt and thereafter a note to one side records year 29 entered for the five whih (epagomenal) days 30 lbw vessels his deficit 85 (11 4amiddot5a) vesst

Where vessel numbers are enumerated in these 20th Dynasty texts they vary in some cases notin considerably although the relationships of these numbers with the context of the documents must onw be kept in mind The vessel types are less varied than in the 19th Dynasty sources Mostly qbw and that 1 [bw vessels are enumerated in large quantities which confirms that these vessel types were the here basis of the potters b 3kw The deficit accounts from the reign of Ramesses II (group III) record If only qbw and lbw vesselsl2I in contrast with the variety of vessels represented in the delivery deliv lists The delivery lists of the 19th Dynasty appear to be exceptional in the variety of vessel types large they enumerate They may represent deliveries from other specialized workshops or supplies for vess particular purposes The similarity between the 19th Dynasty delivery lists of pottery and wood on en1r) the one hand and of specialty breads and beer on the other hand may indicate that these inter deliveries were in general more specialized they were perhaps associated with festivals Such an here association is illuminated by a study of one of the vessel types less commonly enumerated in A1 these texts (see section 42) However the regularity of delivery in these lists recorded in tenmiddotday b3kJi blocks is closely comparable with the regular b3kw delivery For the 20th Dynasty it must be potu borne in mind that b3kw which is mostly unqualified in the journal ostraca may cover a range of the ( vessel types sing

liS Q0--1i11 122 G ll9 Cerny noted that the line here was left blank 123 J~

120 The specification of jnJz1 vessels may also suggest that this text refers to a specialized perhaps unique lUF

production series For jnJzt see section 42 me 121 0 DeM 91 O Berlin P 10840 vso O IFAO 387 126 C

em to

ntries 100

l qbw were

) the nbw types livery ed an

actual 19gest from veries does

igures 101bw )ehind red in ~ fivc

cases must wand re thc ccord livery types es for odon thcsc Ichan ted in n-day lst be 1ge of

mique

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 49

35 bikw in the late 20th Dynasty papyrus documents Where pottery deliveries are recorded in the journal papyri the numbers of vessels involved and the name of the potter are often included A further contrast with earlier records is that the tenn bkw is rarely employed The more fonnal status of the papyri may explain such differences This status may also be one reason despite the large amount of documentation surviving from this period deliveries of pottery are only recorded occasionally Those that are recorded may have been special deliveries and hence worthy of note When bkw are recorded as in earlier records these may be variable in size and consist largely ofbw and qbw vessels

The recto ofP Turin 2070133 134 + 3 fragments (KRIVI 426-8) contains journal entries for the epagomenal days of the year 2 of a king later than Ramesses IV 122 The entry for the final day records the deliveries of the potter Right the potter - 29 [qb]w vessels 145 lbw vessels Five epagomenal days 100 [+ 45] Ibwvessels [Left] the potter 29 [qbw] vessels 145lbwvessels 5 epagomenal days 145 (Col II 10-11) The deliveries are enumerated separately for each side of the crew although if the restorations are correct the totals are the same for each side As is to be expected qbw and bw vessels are the only vessel types mentioned

P Turin 1881+ (Pleyte and Rossi pI 1-8 KRIVI 609-19) records entries for years 6-8 of Ramesses IX the potter is only mentioned on three occasions in year 7 For IV lu 29 the entry reads received by the hand of the potter ~Ahawy - qbw vessels 65 bw vessels 65 (vso V 1-2) An entry for 65 handfuls of plants follows in this list and seems to be associated with this delivery An entry on the same line also records 2 khar of k3Y (Ulq~ ~ ) probably roe123 The following line records again by his hand (wlm m-fjrtj) (for) I prt 10 100 [b[w] vessels as well as 65 handfuls of plants and an unknown measure of roe It seems that the potter had also been charged with delivering produce to the village perhaps the organization of deliveries was disrupted in this period Other entries record deliveries received by the hand of scribes 124 In III prt 18 almost three months later ~Ahawy made another delivery of 300 Ibw vessels (vso VI 7-8) while in III smw there were received by the hand of the potter (for) Right and Left 1501bw vessels and 70 qbw vessels (vso VII 1-2) P Turin 1881 + is an unusual text which rather than noting events day by day records only a few days from a few months of each year perhaps days on which events occurred that were more significant in the eyes of the scribe Valbelle observes that the scribe was running out of space on the papyrus increasing the likelihood that the entries he recorded were those he considered important125

If the deliveries recorded in this text were the only ones made for year 7 of Ramesses IX the delivery patterns of the potters may have changed Rather than delivering units every decade large deliveries were made every two to three months This would explain the large totals of vessels supplied However as Janssen cautions scribal inaccuracies mean that the absence of an entry in the journal does not necessarily mean that the delivery was not made126 An alternative interpretation is that the standard deliveries were made every ten days and that those recorded here were supplementary and worthy of special mention

An entry in P Turin 1900+ (KRl VI 619-24) vso 117 may indicate that regular deliveries of blkw continued at least in the early years of Ramesses IX Year 9 II 31Jt 19 records Right the potters b3kw [ ] (wnmy p qd n b3kw [ J) The context of this delivery is similar to those of the earlier 20th Dynasty with supply of fuel and gypsum being recorded as well However the single mention of a potters bkw in this entry in the papyrus may be as unique as those in P

122 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 242 123 Janssen Village Varia 53 124 For example vso 2a vso 5 5 vso 5 10 vso 6 1 125 Ouvriers 63-4 126 Commodity Prices 486

l

50 POTTERS

Turin l88l Journal entries from years 10 and 17 of Ramesses IX support this interpretation P A Turin 2071140 (KRIVI 63715) rto 9 records delivery of vegetables and pottery 2l() qb(w) varia vessels 110 [+ x] [bw vessels for day 30 IV smw year 10 The Turin Necropolis Journal of year vana 17 rto B II 2-3 (Botti and Peet pI 16) is the only record of a pottery delivery in this substantial inclu text covering two full months potter rAhawy 33 qbw vessels 165 [bw vessels This may Dyna indicate that the delivery was an unusual hence noteworthy event especially in relation to (HO references to problems with smdt organization earlier in the text (see section 37) the p

Deliveries of varying quantities of pottery are entered a number of times for different sides of recei the crew in the journal of year 3 of Ramesses X (P Turin 1898 + Botti and Peet pI 50-63 KRI Re VI 687-99) On III prt 18 even though the crew was not working because of the foreigners cornr (Omyw) 30 qb(w) vessels and 30 [+ x] [[bw] vessels were delivered to Right (rto I 11) On the wood last day of IV prt 9 qb(w) and 27 ([)bw vessels were delivered to Left (the entry for Right is comp lost rto II 14) The entry for II smw 19 records crew not working Right 28 qb(w) vessels 300 Janss [b(w) vessels Left 28 qb(w) vessels 15 g1(y) vessels 300 [b(w) vessels (rto III 9-10) The entry amou for g1y vessels is unusual in this text Two days later there was a further delivery for Right alone largel the potter - 30 qb(w) vessels 150 [b(w) vessels (rto III 13-14) In the month of III smw qbw Alt and [bw vessels were delivered on two occasions day 5 and day 30127 On IV smw 1 1 qbw was texts

delivered perhaps to Right while 90 [bw vessels were delivered to Left (rto V 18-9) If each are in delivery of vessels to the village was flexible in size and composition the entries in this journal as a c may also illustrate that deliveries to different sides of the crew could be varied as well quant

The journal text of year 1 of Ramesses XI P Turin 1898+ VSO128 records for I 10t 24 Right excep

from the hand of (the) potter [ ] 18 qb(w) vessels 50 [+x] [bw vessels Left from the hand of 37 In(the) potter [ ]y129 10 [+x] (Hh vessels [r~R~~o] [ J (vso Text A 2-4) Again the Otherdelivery is separately enumerated for the different sides of the crew breaks in the text mean that unprethe composition of the delivery is unknown If the entry on line 4 is a variant orthography of a this b type of vessel (1(1130 it may indicate a specialized delivery because (1(1 vessels are not firingotherwise attested in the pottery deliveries l3I Further deliveries are recorded in this journal again therein a very broken context by the hand ofthe potter [ ] lbw vessels 51 [+ x ] (vso dockets B taken5-6) later 18 qbw vessels and 50 lbw vessels are recorded (vso dockets C 2) This is the latest or adrsurviving record of pottery deliveries to the necropolis workmen in the 20th Dynasty deficit Impac36 Conclusion the meanings ofb1kw

TheThe Turin Necropolis journals seem to support the interpretation of the nature of the b1kw found detailein the earlier documentation Despite the possibility that delivery patterns may have altered or that from t some entries may represent extra deliveries these documents indicate that [bw and qbw vessels earlyformed the core of any quota of pottery delivered to the village occasionally supplemented with irregulother vessel types the pa III It

127 On III sectmw 529 qb(w) vessels and 150 bw vessels were delivered to Right Left received 19 qb(w) month vessels and 150 bw vessels (Botti and Peet pI 57 rto IV 15-9) The papyrus is damaged in the entries for III sectmw 30 but the surviving text indicates that deliveries of over 100 bw vessels were made to Right and both fbw and rqlbw vessels were delivered to Left (Botti and Peet pI 59 rto V 17-19) Unusually this latter entry records bw vessels before qbw 132 For 128 Botti and Peet pI 63 KRI VI 850-1 I follow the reassessment of Jtirgen von Beckerath in my reading 34 see of this text Papyrus Turin 1898+ vso SAK21 (1994)29-33 133 Th( 129 Perhaps the name of the potter CAhawy can be restored here 134 C J 130 Wh V 532 W F Reineke Der Zusammenhang der altagyptischen Hohl- und UingenmaBe MID 9 East e (1963)151 observlt 131 4343 vessels are included in a list of products in O Cairo 25678 vso 17 along with fbw vessels (1 18) discuss Valbelle citing this text considers that 4343 vessels could replace qbw vessels and were perhaps be mad synonymous (in her reference Duvriers 265 n 12 read 25678 for 25673) 135 Con

n p b(w) year ntial may m to

es of KRI

yenlers 11 the ht is 300 ~ntry

lone qbw was each lmal

ight ld of I the that ofa not

gain s B atest

lUnd that sels with

b(w) 8 for tand this

ding

[09

18) haps

DOCUMENTIKG SUPPLY 51

A further correspondence between the papyrus documents and the earlier ostraca is the variation in the numbers of vessels being delivered If these figures do represent regular bkw the variation in vessel totals may reflect responses to the changing needs of the crew perhaps including orders made by the superiors of the crew to the potters The use of bkw in one 20th

Dynasty account ostracon exemplifies the flexible character of commissions O Gardiner 80 4-5 (HO 6114) states after recording the complete deliveries during III smw received as the bkw of the potter entered complete like his custom of every day This text implies that the deliveries received during that month constituted the potters commission which he managed to fulfiL

Records survive of other members of the smdt such as gardeners and woodcutters receiving commands to deliver specific amounts132 Janssen notes the commission received by the woodcutter Saroy in year 29 III fJt 7 to deliver 380 units every 10 days This order can be compared with that of Saroys colleague who received a commission to deliver 500 units 133 As Janssen observes the quotas of the woodcutters often deviated quickly from these specified amounts (see above p 20) Such orders might have been regular normal occurrences that are largely invisible in the written record

Although no known text records such an assignment to the potters to deliver specific amounts texts that record varying quantities of ceramics and texts in which vessels other than qbw and tbw are included suggest that such commissions were madc The bkw may therefore be understood as a commission or expected dclivery of a predetermined unit of ceramics Although theoretically quantifiablc the bkw was flexible so that we cannot determinc what amount was expected except in specific deliveries

37 Implications ofdefiCits Other factors may also have operated to produce differential sizes of deliveries Firing was an unpredictable process with a certain amount of wasters inevitably being produced each time On this basis Christopher Eyre has suggested the one bkw may have been the equivalent of one firing which could vary in composition and in success134 Although this hypothesis is viable there is no direct evidence to support it and it is also possible that the needs of the crew were taken into account in each individual bkw or work requirement Where problems in the workshop or administrative breakdowns affected deliveries these are likely to be reflected in the records as deficits By examining patterns of deficit within the documentation it is possible to observe the impact of external problems in the Theban area on the potters deliveries in the mid 20th Dynasty

The journal ostraca of the reigns of Ramesses III and IV (Group I) again provide the most detailed documentation of delivery and deficit although only very general trends can be deduced from the materiaL Janssens analysis of pottery deliveries at the end of Ramesses Ills reign to early Ramesses IV led to the conclusion that deliveries of commodities were generally very irregular at this time whereas in the preceding years they had been more stable 135 The details of the pattern of deficits can be supplemented by a few account ostraca from the reign of Ramesses III It must be borne in mind that the idiosyncrasies of scribal record keeping mean that some months record no deliveries at all even though deliveries were most probably made

132 For the commissioning of the smdt see J J Janssen The Year of the Strikes BSEG 16 (1992) 44 n 34 see also Janssens section 7 in this volume 133 The Year of the Strikes 44-6 134 C J Eyre Work and the Organization of Work in the New Kingdom in Labor in the Ancient Near East ed M A Powell (New Haven 1987) 193 Janssen bkw From Work to Product 90 n observes that if this were the case the potters would have delivered once per decade The limited evidence discussed in 31 and a review of the delivery dates in the texts included in 33 indicate that deliveries could be made on more than one occasion during the ten-day period 135 Commodity Prices 488

52 POTTERS

The account of O Gardiner 80 (HO 61 4) for year 21 of Ramesses III records deliveries that O were made complete for the entire month of III smw the final line entered complete like his bJrn custom of every day although formulaic may be an indicator of a reputation for efficiency and for t punctuality The records from a few years later appear to tarnish this reputation The account text far 11 O DeM 143 datable to year 24 while recording complete deliveries for III smw 30 and IV smw coml 10 and 20 enters deficits for IV smw 30 the five epagomenal days and the first two decades of I appe 3bt (11 1-7) Reasons for the accumulation of such a substantial deficit beyond internal incre production problems are unknown This text warns us that although the relationship between admi administrative problems at Deir el-Medina and deficit is clear at times less easily identifiable in th factors may also have had an impact By year 27 deliveries appear to have returned to normal the p with no deficits being entered and every delivery recorded as complete (0 DeM 33 vso 8 O TI DeM 34 rto 7 16 vso 11) a deficit is however noted for the epagomenal days of year 28 in O agair DeM 156 vso 4 that

From year 29 deficits are again a consistent feature of the record during the time when labour inc01 troubles began to disrupt the community The first hint of delivery problems may be found in the whet problematic O Strasbourg H 26 If the entries on the recto refer to the potter this text records mad~ complete deliveries throughout I and II smw and probably through the epagomenal days and II there 3bt The verso may refer more explicitly to pottery deliveries with the final line recording IV coul Jbt 10 deficit of the [potter) However the reading of qd is based on a restoration (Cerny Nb in thi 3561) and the status of this text as a pottery account could be questioned There are more certain Th references to delivery from later in year 29 In I prt 30 the potter made deliveries to Right and perio Left details of the content of delivery are not given (0 Turin 57007 vso 4-5) The strike action ambi began in the village only ten days later on II prt 10136 The only further entry recording a pottery Peet delivery is in P Turin 1961 (Pleyte and Rossi pI 99) possibly from the end of year 29 IV prt 30 outsi notes for Right the potter I Y while the potter l is noted for Left (vso II 5 7)137 There are there no further records of pottery deliveries until year 30 although the consistent deficits incurred by reorg the woodcutters during year 29 and into year 30 are evidence of the impact of the strikes (see for II above p 21)138 authc

Deficits are recorded in an account text for III prt 30 and probably IV prt 10 of year 30 but a Peet delivery oftvo b3kw was promptly made to remedy this deficit (0 DeM 165 rto 1-2) O DeM ~Aha 154 rto 15-16 of year 31 records the delivery of two b3kw on II smw 29 probably overdue entric payments for days 10 and 20 A number of fbw vessels are also specified I interpret these as and perhaps an early payment for II smw 30 although they may relate to the two b3kw A deficit of 65 speci is noted Complete deliveries are made in IV lJl but since they are noted specifically they may perha have been considered late one b3kw being entered on day 13 for day 10 and one being entered Th for Right only on day 21 (0 DeM 157 8-9 17) From then into the reign of Ramesses IV the may potters made deliveries late or were making good deficits In II smw 7 of year 32 the debt was diffic paid for I smw 30 and at the same time the b3kw was delivered three days early for II smw 10 (0 or the

19thDeM 38 7 17 23) No sooner had these deliveries been made then the potter was in debt again I for the rest of the month Disruptions to pottery and fuel deliveries (see above p 21) throughout wide] year 30 and into year 31 are symptoms of continued labour problems within the village or of subst general administrative problems in the Theban area 139

mont side I

136 RAD 49 15 P J Frandsen Editing reality the Turin Strike Papyrus in Studies in Egyptology presented to Miriam Lichtheim ed S Israelit-Groll (Jerusalem 1990) 166-99 Risbo 137 Janssen considers that the documentation of half units may point to a scarcity of materials Commodity availa Prices 488 A reference to a half unit may also be found in an anonymous papyrus fragment in Turin 140 Fo (Cerny MSS 3616) which records the potter 2h this probably means 2h bJkw 141 Fo 138 Janssen The Year ofthe Strikes 46-8 BerIir B9 Disruptions in local administration may have directly impacted pottery production if as Colin Hope bkw suggests the state provided clay to these workshops Egyptian Pottery Shire Egyptology 5 (princes been ~

8 that ce his yand It text smw

s of ternal tween fiable Irmal 8 O in O

aboUT in the ~cords

md II ~ IV YNb ertain It and ~ction ottery Jrt 30 re are ed by (see

but a DeM erdue se as of65 may

tered the twas 0(0 19ain ~hout or of

~logy

ity

ffope inces

DOCUMENTlIG SUPPLY 53

O DeM 40 rto 15 from I gUt of year 1 of Ramesses IV records that the potter delivered three bgkw on day 24 probably overdue deliveries for days 10 and 20 (the deficits are not noted) and for the epagomenal days for which the deficit was entered in a note in a separate column on the far left A deficit is also recorded for day 30 (vso 9) From this point on the deliveries tend to be complete although often a few days late140 There are still occasional deficits but the deliveries appear to have been generally more regular than in the final years of Ramesses IILI41 The increasing irregularity of delivery is probably a symptom of the general decay of the administration of the Necropolis at the end of a long reign The more regular deliveries beginning in the first year of Ramesses IV perhaps correspond with a renewed interest in the Necropolis on the part of the successor king who was eager to get work on his tomb underway

These documents provide the only opportunity to trace a pattern of deficit in pottery deliveries against well documented changes and problems in the administration of the village They show that such an equation between the two is possible this may have implications for the more incomplete records of the end of the dynasty It is difficult to determine from the papyrus texts whether deliveries continued on a regular basis in the closing years of the 20th Dynasty or were made in large consignments more infrequently as the surviving evidence seems to suggest Since there were significant civil disturbances in the Theban area throughout this period deliveries could have been affected to the point that they became more unusual events and warranted entry in the journals

The Turin Necropolis journal for year 17 of Ramesses IX provides the best example from this period From II prl on the text includes entries concerning the smdt in general from the ambiguous entry taking the smdt of the Tomb of Left by the scribe of the Tomb Hori (Botti and Peet pI 14 rto B I 8) to the entries a few lines later crew not working while the smdt were outside under the authority (rJ(wyraquo of the two scribes of the Necropolis [ ] crew not working there being no smdt outside (rto B I 12) These entries seem to indicate that there was some reorganization of or problem with the smdt although a record of a wood delivery was entered for II prl 15 The entry for II prt 18 records crew not working while their smdt were under the authority of the two scribes of the Tomb of the Outside without any payments (1) (Botti and Peet pI 15 rto B I 18) On II prt 24 a delivery of fish was made and on day 25 the potter rAhawy delivered a number of vessels (Botti and Peet pI 16 rto B II 1-3) Although these entries are difficult to interpret it seems that the crew was facing both deficits in grain delivery and problems with the smdt In this context the delivery of pottery can perhaps be seen as a special occurrence no text from the end of the 20 th Dynasty explicitly records a potters deficit perhaps indicating that there was no longer an expected pattern to delivery

The interpretations presented here are speculative moreover other factors that left no trace may have had an impact on production The deficits entered for year 25 of Ramesses III are difficult to explain except in terms of unknowable production problems specific to the workshops or the personal circumstances of the potters as are the causes for the deficits recorded in the early 19th Dynasty Such deficits cannot be equated with any known problems in the village or the wider Theban area The accounts of the potters Menna and N akhy in the early 19th Dynasty record substantial deficits especially those incurred by Menna in a year 9 where he is in deficit for five months totalling 53 qbw vessels and 575 fbw vessels Further deficit totals perhaps for the other side of the crew are even larger 94 qbw vessels and 992 lbw vessels (0 Berlin P 10840) The

Risborough 1987) 10 This argument may apply only to high quality ceramics considering the ready availability ofNile silt for the production of most basic vessels 140 For example O DeM 47 rto 3 11 vso 4 141 For example the following texts record deficits in year 1 = I prt 30 (0 DeM 47 rto 11) III prt 30 (0 Berlin P 12641 + 12628 7) II smw 20(7) (0 DeM 161 vso 3) O DeM 44 rto 20 records a delivery of 1y bklv for III smw 29 Janssen considers that since no delivery was recorded for day 20 materials may have been scarce at this time Commodity Prices 488

--54 POTTERS

patterns of deficit incurred by the potters that can be traced in the texts cannot generally be Ana correlated with external administrative problems and decay rese

proc sect4 Equations of word and object an analysis offour pot-types A notable feature of the potter texts from Deir el-Medina is the substantial number of vessels 41 delivered to the village every ten days Although the exact number due in each bkw varied the I ha totals of some deliveries indicate that there was a significant and constant need for ceramics in the thrOl community In the lives of the villagers this pottery was essential It was the principal means to mult store prepare and serve food and to carry out many other activities within the domestic and work refer spheres Janssen observes in Commodity Prices that we have virtually no cvidence for the enun exchange value of ceramics beeause price texts generally refer only to metal or stone vessels 142

used Vessels used for a wide variety of domestic purposes would have had a low value and high class turnover millions of pot sherds were found within the rubbish dumps of the village including the offo Grands PuitS 143 Since their role was so essential it is desirable to learn about the various forms of In thl the vessels - their sizes and range of functions - in order to advance our understanding of the lJl villagers daily lives possi

Holthoerl44 noted that most Mesopotamian names of vessels relate directly to their material their function or their capacity but concluded that the Egyptians derived their vessel names from something other than vessel function This conclusion was largely based on the 1935 lexicographic analysis of Egyptian vessels by Robert du Mesnil du Buisson whose study is the only one that covers a wide range of ceramics including some of the vessel names that occur in the Deir el-Medina potter texts He considered that the qbw vessel was connected to qb fresh cool an appropriate concept for a jar145 He equated the gy vessel with the verb gw to be narrow perhaps suggesting a jar with a narrow neck 146

Edward Brovarski has done preliminary work on some Old Kingdom and First Intermediate Period vessel terms147 and Patricia Paice has studies connections between vessel shapes and their functions as depicted in tomb reliefs 148 The most valuable recent examination of the intersection of lexicography and a ceramic corpus is that of Janet Bourriau and Stephen Quirke on the Middle Kingdom ceramic repertoire from Lahun l49

An approach comparable to that taken at Lahun would be ideal for the material from Deir elshy Fig 1 Medina but a full statistical analysis of the archaeological material in relation to the textual data Urk r that is a prerequisite for determining lexicographic relations is beyond the scope of this study

The VI

Jb-nraquo142 407_8 and n 5 lS enu 143 ibid 488

vessel 144 New Kingdom Pharaonic Sites The Pottery 41 see J Bourriau and S Quirke The Late Middle

terminKingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects in Lahun studies ed S Quirke (Reigate 1998) 60shydeterm1 for a more recent discussion of the basis of classifications

145 Les noms et signes egyptiens designant des vases ou objets simiaires (Paris 1935)30 l46 Noms et signes 72 Janssen Commodity Prices 427 considers that du Mesnil du Buissons suggestions 150 FoUl

and explanations for the gly are unconvincing and concludes that no identification of the gly is apparant P Turi Ricardo A Caminos considered it to be an open bowl or cup since it was used more as a container for Howevl

ISl Jansvegetables and flowers than liquids (CLEM 194-5) corresponding to the use of gy vessels for natron 152 Thelotus leaves and fruit in the Medinet Habu festival lists A Spalinger Medinet Habu and Deir el-Yledina IS3 TheCombined in Deir el-Medina in the Third Millennium AD A Tribute to Jac J Janssen eds R 1 Demaree

and A Egberts Egyptologische Uitgaven 14 (Leiden 2000) 314 Although the shape of the gl) remains these m unknown Janssen has determined a capacity of 20 hin Two Ancient Egyptian Ships Logs Papyrus Leiden detenni 1350 verso and Papyrus Turin 2008 + 2016 (Leiden 1961)88 vessel l47 Lexicographical Studies in Egyptian Pottery Bulletin de Liaison du Groupe International dEtude de determi fa Ceramique Egyptienne 7 (1982) 36-7 154 P GJ 14S The Pottery of Daily Life in Ancient Egypt JSSEA 19 (1989) 50-88 bibliogr 149 The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects 60-83 IS5 Com

lly be

essels d the in the ansto lwork Dr the oels142

1 high ngthe rmsof of the

lterial s from

1935 is the

cur in fresh to be

lediate i their ection fiddle

eir elshyt data study

v1iddle 8) 60shy

~stions

Jaranl ler for latron -edina maree mains Leiden

~de de

EQUA TJONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 55

Analysis of the occurrence of vessel types in the potter texts can be related to the present stage of research into vessel shape and size to produce some further insights both into the potters products and into the documentation for the supply of particular ceramic types

41 The basic pots qbw and [bw I have shown above that [bw and qbw vessels formed the basis of deliveries to the village

19th 20ththroughout the and Dynasties Therefore it seems likely that they were simple multipurpose vessels distinct from each another in shape andor size There is a standard way of referring to them in the records qbw vessels precede [bw vessels and many fewer are usually enumerated This relationship points to a qualitative differentiation between the two ISO Both are used as containers for liquids such as beer and waterl5l I consider that these two terms designate classes of vessels rather than fixed single shapes their names perhaps referring to a wider range of forms Difference in size may account for the differentation in numbers delivered in the texts In the following discussion I assess the evidence for these two classes of vessels

Jb lbw) vessels are included among the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak indicating a possible shape for the vessel152

tlBoo~WJ~O 01It 0P L II I I

Fig 1 ob-nw-k vessels in the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak (Wreszinski Atlas II pI 33 Urk IV 636)

The vessel shown is distinctive being beaker-like and wider at the base than at the neck JS3 The ub-nw-k vessel here is the equivalent of the u-m-Icw of P Harris I 36a 7 A significant number is enumerated in this text as containers tor incense perhaps indicating a smaller cup-like vessel l54 Janssen has considered that the [x]-n-k termination which is fairly common in vessel terminology indicates that the vessels were cups the name of the vessel given in the compound determines the shape155 In the inscription of the High Priest Osorkon the Oblb-n-k is written

150 Four texts which enumerate qbw and fbw vessels show a ratio of 15 O Or Inst Chicago 16698 rto 3 P Turin 2070133 134 + frgs rto 10-11 Giornale of year 17 rto B II 1-3 P Turin 1898 rto III 14 However since these are isolated examples it is uncertain how widely applicable such a ratio was 151 Janssen Commodity Prices 433 Valbelle Ouvriers 265 152 The equivalence between the lb andlbw is confirmed in CLEM 186-7 153 The determinative given for a qby vessel in the offering list ofThutmose III at Elcphantine indicates that these may have been quite close in shape to the IJb-nw-h of the Karnak list The simple elongated beaker determinative is quite distinct from the determinatives given for the other vases in the list including the Ub vessel which is shon with a definite neck (Urk IV 828 4) However the occurrence of different determinatives within a single text does not offer a basis for a classification of vessel forms 154 P Grandet Le Papyrus Harris I (EM 9999) BdE 109 (Cairo 1994) I 272 see vol IT 141 n 576 for a bibliography for lbw l55 Commodity Prices 409

I

56 POTTERS

with a goblet detenninative ls6 The vessels recorded in these texts may be smaller cup versions of thai larger Ibw jars with the wide mouth and lack of defined neck perhaps pointing to a vessel associated with food preparation and service 157 The delivery list O DeM 288 records fb-nw-kJ

cor 1

vessels perhaps as a fuller writing of bw or as a distinct fonn vithin the Ibw class Vessels ves categorized as Ibw may have had a generalized function as cups or containers for both liquid and con solid foods A comparison can be made with the ~nw vessels which are recorded in significant 4W numbers in the papyrus documents from Lahun and are equated by Bourriau and Quirke with the 346 drinking cups known from the site the only vessel fonn which they consider could have been used in such numbers 158 The bkw of the Deir el-Medina potters show that Ibw vessels too were

lbw 50

delivered in large quantities the The lower numbers of qbw vessels in the deliveries may be related to their larger size In Poids o

No 5135 3 the weight of a metal qbw vessel is stated to be 20 deben or 18 kg Valbelle betv concludes from this that the qbw was significantly larger than the Ibw 159 That qbw designates a POttl simple storage jar may be indicated by the name itself If the connection suggested by du Mesnil two du Buisson between qbw vessels and qb cool can be accepted it may suggest that qbw vessels were storage jars perhaps for water and other liquids The connection may also suggest the

sigh one

material of manufacture qbw vessels could have been made from marl clay which cools water Helc through evaporation

As storage jars qbw vessels may have been connected in shape or broad function with the qbwshyIf a have

n-wt canopic jar The coincidence of the name suggests some correspondence The simple canopic jar fonns given by Georges Nagel for Tomb 359 seem similar in shape to vessels found in the cellar of a house in the village160 However Nagels sample is so small that any identification is tentative Janssen cautions that the standard shape of a canopic jar was rarely used as the fonn of bronze or pottery vessels 161 This may be a principle of decorum vessels with a funerary purpose not being equated in fonn with ordinary domestic ceramics The connection between qbw and qbw-n-wt may be simply that they were both in one fonn or another storage jars

Although the qbw may have been proportionally larger than the lbw it is very unlikely that

capa temp capa appn meas

Cc vso cannc into i

either fonn had a fixed capacity at Deir el-Medina W W Struve [V V Struve] offered the only attempt to determine the capacity of the qbw (or qby) vessel based largely on Greek evidence and his research on P Boulaq 18162 Wolfgang HeIcks review of this evidence led him to conclude

dOCUJ

repre betw( vesse restril than 1

156 R A Caminos The Chronicle ofPrince Osorkon Analecta Orientalia 37 (Rome 1958) 129 157 p Cairo 58088 indicates that bw could have had a large size in this case accommodating 3 ds measures See also Janssen Commodity Prices 433 n 170 C Daniel Les noms egyptiens de certains types de vases

proba fixed

In

grecs Studia et Acta Orientalia 5-6 (1967) 383-5 equates the lIb vessel with the Greek 10 olt7tW and the vesse

Mycenaean di-pa He notes that the di-pa depicted on a tablet corresponds in shape with the form of the fib indicated by the determinative used for the word The depictions of the di-pa that Daniel cites are not 163 DG

comparable in form with the Ibw depicted in the Karnak offering list D H F Gray Linear Band evidee Archaeology Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies of the UniverSity of London 6 (1959) pI 7 I andDI would argue that the form of the lbw was very flexible 164 It 1

158 Bourriau and Quirke The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects 74 some 159 Catalogues des poids a inscriptions hieratiques de Deir el-Medineh Nos 5001-5423 DFIFAO 16 165 Da~

(Cairo 1973) 18 166 FOI 160 La ceramique du Nouvel Empire aDeir el Medineh DFIFAO 10 (Cairo 1938)35 cf 122 no 38 42 SpaHn 44 167 Da 161 Commodity Prices 412 sugges 162 Mathematischer Papyrus des staatlichen Museums der SchOnen Kunste in Moskau (Berlin 1930) 55 Ceram withn2 25 1itr

lions of vessel

-nw-k

Vessels llid and ilificant vith the Ie been )0 were

n Poids lalbelle ~ates a Mesnil vessels est the s water

le qbwshysimple

s found lat any rarely vessels s The omlor

~ly that Iteonly lce and melude

~asures

le vases and the the b are not Band pI 7 I

AO 16

3842

gt30) 55

EQliAnONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 57

that the qbw had no fixed capacity Rather it seems that vessels such as the Ibw and qbw could correspond to a range of different ds measures 163

Two texts may point to some perhaps proportional equivalence between qbw vessels and dpr vessels In O DeM 135 the record of the accumulated deficits of two potters includes a conversion from dpr vessels into qbw vessels 9 dpr vessels to (=) qbw vessels making Urn) 4Yz (see section 31) Such a conversion may indicate a size ratio between the vessels O DeM 346 vso 3 records 42 dpr vessels [making Urn)] 22 qbt vessels (see n 89 for the restoration) Ibw vessels may also be equated with dpr vessels in O DeM 202 dpr vessels 30 [as] 15 bw 50 (1 3_4)164 The restoration here is problematic and the hypothesis of any equivalence between the two types must remain tentative

O Berlin P 10654 vso displays a similar complexity in possible equivalences this time between qbw vessels and jnJt vessels This text (discussed in section 33) seems to record the potters production of ceramics on days 10 20 and 30 of II bt and day 10 of IIIilt The final two lines state total 230 of (n) qbw vessels [ ] specifying it (wp st) 23 jnJt vessels At first sight such a text seems to point to a proportional relationship between these vessels a qbw being one tenth of ajnJt Such a ratio is quite possible because jnJt vessels do seem to have been large Heicks calculations from O Gardiner 81 indicate that ajnJt vessel was 2 of a mnt-amphora 165

If a mnt had a liquid capacity of c 20 hin and a hin was 048 litres the capacity of a jnlzt would have been c 53 hin or 2551itres O Berlin P 10654 vso would then show that a qbw vessel had a capacity of c 53 hin or 25 litres whieh is a sensible size for a storage jar 166 Although it is tempting to make such equations from this data this evidence is based on assumptions about the capacity of other vessel types so is tentative HeIck estimated that the ds vessel had a eapacity of approximately 3 litres 167 If so the qbw in P Boulaq 18 would have been double the size ofa ds measure in order to contain the 2 ds (e 6 litres)

Contextual study of the equation between qbw vessels and other types in O Berlin P 10654 vso O DeM 135 and O DeM 346 vso indicates some form of size ratio operated although we cannot easily determine the flexibility of that ratio or how it was used A conversion of one vessel into its equivalent of another type is unusual in a text like O Berlin P 10654 vso which seems to document the actual produetion of vessels even their firing If the last two lines of the text represent the total of ceramics produced in this process then the specification of a relationship between the two vessels types is rather strange Perhaps the original order was for 230 qbw vessels and this was then converted into the equivalent in jn~t vessels Ifjn~t vessels had a more restricted even ritual function the equivalence expressed here may be more abstract or complex than a ratio of capacity The size of vessels delivered may have been standardized to some extent probably based on ease of delivery and manageability within a domestic eontext rather than as fixed measures

In such a context a value relationship might well have operated The jnlzt as a specialized vessel may have had a more established value in relation to which the qbw vessels could be set

163 Das Bier im Alten Agypten (Berlin 1971) 47 See also Anthony Spalingers re-evaluation of the evidence for the capacity of these vessels including discussion of O DeM 135 and 202 Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 314 His conclusions largely correspond with mine 164 It may also be possible to read dpr 30 Urnl 15 lbw 50 which would support the hypothesis of some sort ofequivalence 165 Das Bier 47 16lt5 For a review of evidence concerning the capacity of the mnl including discussion of this text see A Spalinger Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 312-3 167 Das Bier 46 R L Miller (is-vessels Beer Mugs Cirrhosis and Casting Slag GM 115 (1990) 64 suggests that the ds was a drinking vessel perhaps to be equated with depictions given in Nagel Ceramique 199-206 Miller identifies a jar found at Saqqara as a ds vessel noting that it had a capacity of 25 litres roughly corresponding to Heicks estimate

58 POTTERS

In O DeM 135 the scribe may well have calculated the value of the vessels owed down to the half vessel A parallel for this is found in O Turin 57062 vso 4 where 2Yz jnJtt vessels are set

dlagainst five vessel types which precede them (their names are lost) The recording of five vessels compared with half that amount in jnJtt vessels producing the unusual amount of a half vessel tt

2again suggests a value equivalence Since vessels do not appear with fixed values in the price

SJtexts their worth may well have been assessed in relation to other vessel types st b42 A specialized vessel jnJzt DApart from the two vessel types or classes that formed the basis of the deliveries of ceramics to rethe village the potter texts also occasionally enumerate other types jnJtt vessels although well

known from other contexts are rare in the potter texts A few texts that may indicate their ritproduction or delivery by the Deir el-Medina potters illuminate aspects of its function and context

of use The pattern of occurrence of jnJtt vessels indicates a specialized vessel type the shape of which is unknown The jnJtt vessel is most widely documented as a storage container for beer and as Walter F Reineke notes outside the data from Deir el-Medina it was often made of gold or silver J68 That this vessel could be supplied as part of the ceramic requirement of the village seems to be indicated by the delivery lists from the early 19th Dynasty (Category E) Some of these lists record jnJzt vessels although they are not always indisputably connected with the smdt potters

In the Category E delivery lists of wood and ceramics jnJtt vessels occur four times their total Ccamount being low in comparison with the other vessels enumerated in these texts In O DeM 1 6 una total of 7 jnlu vessels are delivered 5 of good quality 2 of poor In O DeM 17 4 only 3 jnJzt aUvessels were delivered (2 good 1 poor) in comparison with 290 lbw recorded in the previous intline and in O DeM 15 3 7 jn~lt vessels were delivered as against 295 Ibw vessels 16 jnJzt povessels are documented in O DeM 23 5 (the text is broken and the reading at the end of the line

uncertain)169 bei ve~Only two texts explicitly includejnJtt vessels in pottery deliveries 0 Qurna 6181 records two

jnJtt vessels among the deficit of 55 qbw and 265 Ibw vessels incurred by the potter Menna O IJry Michaelides 33 rto 3-6 J70 This text records for III Jot 30 matching deliveries from a potter to vex

Right and Left among other deliveries of wood and gypsum the potter 1 jnlp vessels 20 (pJ qd 1 jnJzt 20)171 The stroke read as one after the title p qd could refer to the bkw of the potter not

with jnJtt vessels being an addition to the quota delivered 172 jnJtt vessels were therefore a wit gocomponent of the potters repertoire and this fact may complicate the interpretation of other texts

where they occur173 More generally jnJzt vessels are recorded as being delivered filled with beer I thisand thus are probably not associated with ceramic delivery

174 (

Me(J68 Der Zusammenhang der altagyptischen Hohl- und UingenmaBe MID 9 (1963) 146 175( 169 Kitchen restores 16jnli vessels [by the hand of A]meneminet (KRII 367 8 a-b) but there does not 176 1appear to be space for this formula in the break The rest of this text is similar to the other wood and pottery

177pounddelivery lists See the discussion of parallel texts in section 23 170 Goedicke-Wente pJ 67 However I follow CernYs transcription of the text here (Nb 10830)

178 1

Cau171 Contra Goedicke and Wente who restore IT1l ] on line 3 On line 7 Goedicke and Wente read 27 jnlt 197vessels instead of 20 vessels and the restoration for the [plasterer] (Pi q() given by Cerny 179 1

172 Alternatively it could refer to a single potter although this would be unusual in this context (see section Rek21) Compare the reading of this text with that discussed for O DeM 154 rto 15-6 in section 34 Egy

173 Other entries for this day include specialty breads and ds measures of beer (117-8) while the folloVing somentry for IV Jt 1 records a festival of Hathor (1 9) Although an association with a festival context is Dietpossible the delivery of jnlts as discussed by Spahnger is recorded separately from the breads and ds inameasures and is included among more standard delveries Medinet Habu and Dei elmiddotMedina Combined note310-311 Earl

l to the are set vessels vessel e price

mics to ~h well e their ~ontext

mpe of Ir beer of gold village ome of le smdt

ir total M 16 r 3jn~f

revious 16 jn~t he line

ds two mao O )tter to (pJ qd potter fore a r texts th beer

oes not pottery

27 jn~t

section

llowing rrtext is and ds

lbined

EQUATIONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 59

jn~t vessels of beer occur consistently in a series of six Category E ostraca that seem to document the delivery of commodities associated with festival or temple offerings174 Four of these texts state that the commodities were delivered by an individual in O DeM 20 and O DeM 25 the deliveries are made by a local priest Each of these six texts lists items that include speciality foodstuffs and jn~t vessels of beer rather than the fuel and plain unfilled pottery of standard deliveries II smw 12 by the hand of the local priest (w(b Sf) 175 60 large j nJzt vessels of beer entered 56 deficit 4 120 (bundles of) vegetables ISO s(t cakes and 100 rJzs cakes (0 DeM 20) The only exception in this group is O DeM 26 where 30 large jn~1f vessels are recorded 27 are entered (jw) and there is a deficit on No beer is recorded with these vessels

The recto of O DeM 29 may confirm that lists containing such products are associated with rituals or festivals rather than deliveries of materials to the village 176

total of various (sbn)jnl)tvessels of beer 653 [+x] the record of the [ ] which were given as offerings (snw) [] good bread loaves of [ ] s(t cake [x oipeJ rJzs cakes [ J jnJzt vessels of beer [ J beer [ ]

Connections of this vessel type with the temple or festival sphere nmy explain features of the unique and difficult distribution text O BM 50728 discussed in section 23 The text records the allocation ofjnJzt vessels to individual crew members The 10 + 5 jnJzt vessels seem to be grouped into four different categories perhaps accordin~ to quality of the vessel or its contents and possibly its shape or finish 177 5 doubly good (~reg) jnJzt vessels in the fashion of hbny [vessels] being returned (m hyt) 2 for Baky I for Huy 1 (for) (Omek 1 for Qaha totalS (11 5-6) Six vessels given to individuals in line 7 one for each nmn are stated to be middling good (11fr mshyhry-jb) and line 10 enumerates two vessels that also have a designation perhaps reading not (J I~~ 3)very poor _ 1

If the jnJzt vessels were more specialized beer vessels used in festival or ritual contexts then the note of quality either of contents or of the vessel itself would have been important This concern with quality can also be seen in the delivery lists where the jnJzt vessels are described as either good or poor 178

Particularly difficult to understand in this context are the writings of hbny perhaps referring to this well-known amphora-shaped vessel I19 The five doubly goodjnl)t vessels are designated in

174 O DeM 19 20 21 25 26 27 For further discussion of these texts see Spalinger Deir e1middotMedina and Medinet Habu Combined 311

(1 0

175 l=n (1 1) For another writing of this title see O DeM 25 2 176 The verso of this text records only nswt bjty mnmiddotmrtmiddotrr 177 For the use of red ink in this text see p 19 n 75 above

178 O DeM 1 6 174 For discussion of the meaning of snn 1~ in these contexts see D Valbelle Catalogue des poids ainscriptions hieratiques de Deir eAmiddotfedineh Nos 500l-5423 DFIFAO 16 (Cairo 1977)23 179 Wh II 487 There are depictions of the hbnylhbnt vessel in Urk IV 11308 11352 and in the tomb of Rekhmire N de G Davies The Tomb of Rekh-mi-r~ at Thebes The Metropolitan Museum of Art Egyptian Expedition 11 (New York 1943) I pIs 33 34 In these examples it is shaped as an amphora sometimes without handles and often contains honey E A W Budge An Egyptian Hieroglyphic Dictionary (London 1920)446 gave the capacity of a hbnt ndst as one quarter of a hin F G Hilton-Price in an earlier publication Notes on Some Egyptian Antiquities in My Collection TSBA 9 (1886) 353 noted the same capacity for this vessel Here see also T G H James The Heqanakhte Papers and Other Early Middle Kingdom Documents (New York 1962) 118

60 POTTERS

the fashion of hbny vessels (~[]~IlJ1J 0) (vso 5) This seems to express an equivalence between the two vessel types perhaps representing an addition or finish to the jn~lt vessel that increased its value Du Mesnil du Buisson speculated in his discussion of the hhnl vessel that the word related to hbny ebony t ruJ-Oi) and indicated a blackened colour or lustre to the vesseL I80 hbny also occurs as an annotation above the entries of jnit vessels for particular workmen in lines 8-12 of the recto The entry on line 13 (hhny n [ ]) may indicate that hhny vessels themselves were also delivered to the workmen named in the following lines So far as I know hbny vessels do not occur in other Deir el-Medina textsl8J These notations may also refer to some sort of finishing to the j nit vesseL

The inclusion of more unusual designations for the vessels certainly points to the exceptional nature ofthe delivery in O BM 50728 as does the entry of an amount ((i(w) of bJq oil (8) in line lOon the verso after the specification of 10 further jnlJl vessels for particular workmen (pJ WpWl

n plIO n jnlJt n tJ jst) Janssen observes that this oil was rarely used by the workmen as it was too expensive 182 It is possible that the text refers to the delivery of jnit vessels of bJq oil the references to quality therefore referring to the quality of oil rather than the vessel itself The designation hbny may be associated with this as welL

Complicating this analysis is the proposed large size of jnit vessels (discussed in section 41) which may account to some extent for its more restricted function within the vessel repertoire jnlJt vessels occur only rarely in the Medinet Habu festival calendar indicating that even within the temple their use was specialized ls3 The ealculation of the equivalence in contents of the vessels in O Gardiner 81 indicates that we are dealing with a set capacity for these vessel types in this text 184 If the capacity of a jnit was 53 hin or 255 Htres this would equate to a significant quantity ofbJq oil per person 185

O BM 50728 remains a puzzle Despite thc difficulties in interpretation it seems most likely that it records allocation of vessels possibly filled with oil or beer for festival or cultic purposes The careful documentation of such a distribution may also indicate that the vessels were not to be kept by the men perhaps only being used by them for the event and then returned to the temple A large size may serve to explain their more limited and specialized oecurrence in the data perhaps restricted to the religious sphere rather than playing a role in the domestic life of the villagers

In this instance contextual analysis of texts that seem to relate to ceramic deliveries can alter our understanding of these texts and illuminate the role and function of a vessel type in the community For vessels that were delivered more commonly we can observe the potential for flexibility in the classification systems these would repay further detailed study sectS Conclusion Analysis of the texts concerning pottery delivery leaves a number of questions unanswered and areas unexplored the limited number of sources available and problems inherent in them restrict their potential for interpretation However some insights into the organization and administrative structures of Deir el-Medina are fortheoming from the material Within the meticulous record keeping of the village the key theme seems to be flexibility This flexibility is apparent in the

180 Noms et signes 28 181 Janssen did not include them in his chapter on Vessels in Commodity Prices None of the references for the entry in the Wb II 487 has a Deir e1-Medina provenance 182 Commodity Prices 330 183 On the occurrence of the jnltt in the Medinet Hahn festival lists see A Spalinger Medinet Habn and Deir ei-Medina Combined 311-2 ]84 Heick Das Bier 46 185 Even if the mnt was only 10 hin a jnltt would still be of a substantial size c 11-12 iitres Janssen Commodity Prices 434

N

CONCLUSION 61

number of potters assigned to the crew the size and content of the quota required every 10 days and the timing of deliveries The final section of my study also points to the potential flexibility of form size and function of the pots themselves

Although we can find implications in the potter texts for features of society beyond the village itself such as the specifie interpretation of bkw or the occurrence of vessels in royal festival calendars it must be borne in mind that the real value of the Deir el-Medina material lies in its potential to illuminate the lives of ordinary people in Ramessid Egypt For that purpose we need to attend most closely to the village context

Appendix The potters of Deir el-Medina Names of potters in documents relating to the delivery of ceramics

I

Names of potters in documents concerning matters other than the supply of ceramics

I 1 (Omek i Turin Strike Papyrus RAD 476 I

2 Khonsu bull O Turin 57192 1

3 Herunefer bull O DeM 73 rto 2

4 Paaeminet I O Berlin P 12343 vso 3

5 Bakenmut P Turin 2018 A rto la 5 rto IV 17 vso I 6 B rto II 4 D I rto 14 P BM 10068 vso V l3

6 Wenennefer P BM 10068 vso V 14

alence el that 1at the to the ticular thbny ar as I ) refer

ltional in line middotwpwt it was til the f The

1 41) rtoire within of the pes in ificant

likely poses tto be ~mple data of the

1 alter in the ial for

d and estrict rative ecord in the

rences

)U and

nssen

1 I Menna O IFAO 387 1 O Qurna 618i1 O DeM 91 1 O Berlin P 10840 vso 1

2 bull Nakhy I

O IFAO 3874 O DeM 914

3 I Ptahemheb O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O DeM 343 2 P Greg vso B 8 rto A11

4 Parahotep O DeM 868

5 Hori O DeM 868 O DeM 869

6 Herunefer O Cairo 25597 rto 3

7 Neferher O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O Cairo 25633 vso 2

8 Amennakht O DeM 44 rto 8

9 Dmek P Turin 2081+2095 rto 1

10 ltAhawy P Turin 1881 vso V 1 VI 7 VII 1 () Giornale of year 17 rto B II 2 P Turin 2018 A vso 1 12 B rto II 11 B vso II 17 P BM 10068 vso VI 25 P Turin 2014 rto 27-8 P BM 10054 vso II 9

62 POTTERS

Addendnm

Pierre Grandets Catalogue des ostraca hieratiques non litteraires de Deir el-Medineh IXbecame available just as this chapter went to the press This volume contains a number of important potter texts I have included them in the tables on pages 33-7 and provide a short account of them here

O DeM is the longest and most detailed potter account known to me I will be adressing the issues it raises in a further publication It records deliveries made by the potters Ptahemheb Parahotep Hori and Neferher for the months of I bt to I prt of a year 6 The title p qd occurs only in line I in reference to Ptahemheb but probably also covers the other individuals named Ptahemheb and Neferher are known from other potter accounts discussed in this chapter O DeM 869 also published by Grandet and dated to a year 6 records deliveries made by Hori of qbw and lbw vessels to Right Both Hori and Parahotep are not otherwise attested in the potter texts In O DeM 868 details of delivery are grouped according to individual potters In line 13 Neferher delivers vessels to Left (t rj smM this is the only statement concerning Right or Left in this text That four potters deliver during the same general period emphasizes the potential number of potters involved in delivery which is not generally apparent in many of the potter texts Ptahemheb and Neferher make deliveries on different days in IV bt The vessel numbers vary except for those delivered as the making good of deficits by Ptahemheb which are consistent sums (II 3-4) The vessels delivered include qbw and Ibw vessels as well as gy andjnlt this text therefore provides further evidence thatjnJtt vessels were part of the potters repertoire

Grandet follows Gutgesell in assigning a date in the mid-20th Dynasty to O DeM 868 and 869 19thMy assignment of a late Dynasty date to the other account ostraca of Ptahemheb and

Neferher (0 Cairo 25591 O Cairo 25633 and O DeM 343) is based on the record of Ptahemhebs deliveries in P Greg firmly dated by Janssen to the reign of Siptah186 Gutgesell places Ptahemheb in the 20th Dynasty on the basis of the occurrence of this name in P Turin 2006+ 1961 usually dated to year 29 of Ramesses 111 [87 The Ptahemheb in this text is not a potter and so is a different individual I propose that the late 19th Dynasty date of the other documents should therefore be retained and should also be adopted for O DeM 868 and 869

Further texts relevant to potters in Grandets volume include O DeM 877 in which a list of arrears in water supplies are measured in jnlt vessels O DeM 871-3 are sherds bearing the phrase mJ qd Grandet considers these phrases along with the phrase ml m-rJrt p-Jtm-nlr complete by the hand ofPahemnetjerthe priest on O DeM 870 as delivery marks inscribed on the pots themselves18S

186 Janssen Village Varia 115-6 187 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 252 309-12 188 Catalogue des ostraca IX 49-50

UNT

Marel

sectl Eil Die A Papyr Einwc zusHin Verw Angell besch~

Bei suchur wichtil Andre Vortei Juni 2( nicht-li recherc

Beirr allgem

bull Der MaXI

mieh Aufn Doni Sieh~

J Ja grap dazu

2 Sieht tause Peri Gutg Teil1 el ME Held Janss Histo

6 MeD Valb

g Venn Witnl II Ta

10 Ein P II Gutg 12 Allan 13 Held

Page 21: Woodcutters, Potters and Doorkeepers Service Personnel of the Deir El Medina Workmen

II

48 POTTERS

day 30 fashioning [x (vessels)] III 11]t 10 while he (fashioned)118 [x (vessels)] 35 b day 20119

Vhel total 230 qbw vessels [ ] the n specifYing it (wp Sf) ~ 23 jn~11 vessels blkw

In recording the actual work of the potters this text is unique While units of 50 vessels seem to statu be specified any connection with a blkw is not made explicit and can only be inferredYo perio

Janssen also cites the example of O DeM 35 on which a note above line 7 recording entries been for IIprt 19 of year 28 of Ramesses III reads entered by the hand of the potter as one b3kw 100 these qbw vessels 45 lbw vessels Although this text indicates that the b3kw consisted of 100 qbw Th vessels and 45 lbw vessels the phrase m w( b3kw could imply that the vessels enumerated were the e those making up this particular delivery perhaps differing from although equivalent to the recor contents of earlier deliveries and the standard b3kw The higher number of qbw vessels than Ibw epagt vessels which is very unusual when compared with other texts enumerating these two types 5 ep suggests that this entry is exceptional not only in its formulation It may be that this delivery ofth required special enumeration perhaps the potter altered the original order and provided an bee) equivalent number of qbw vessels instead of lbw vessels P

The two uneertain entries of O DeM 154 and O DeM 35 are the only texts in which actual Ram vessel types are enumerated in 20u Dynasty journal ostraca O DeM 35 in particular may suggest reads that the composition of b3kw could be flexible Other surviving records of pottery deliveries from An e the reign of Rarnesses III usually state only whether or not the potter entered his deliveries deliv complete or was in deficit O DeM 143 vso 5 datable to year 24 of Ramesses III does fo11o however enter a deficit of lbw vessels for the five epagomenal days Although the exact figures as 65 are lost the final two lines record an unknown total (dnuf) of qbw vessels and a total of 680 lbw char~ vessels these probably being deficits incurred since IV smw 30 the day the potter first fell behind disru in deliveries as the account records In O DeM 165 which largely documents deficits incurred in prt 1 year 30 III prt and thereafter a note to one side records year 29 entered for the five whih (epagomenal) days 30 lbw vessels his deficit 85 (11 4amiddot5a) vesst

Where vessel numbers are enumerated in these 20th Dynasty texts they vary in some cases notin considerably although the relationships of these numbers with the context of the documents must onw be kept in mind The vessel types are less varied than in the 19th Dynasty sources Mostly qbw and that 1 [bw vessels are enumerated in large quantities which confirms that these vessel types were the here basis of the potters b 3kw The deficit accounts from the reign of Ramesses II (group III) record If only qbw and lbw vesselsl2I in contrast with the variety of vessels represented in the delivery deliv lists The delivery lists of the 19th Dynasty appear to be exceptional in the variety of vessel types large they enumerate They may represent deliveries from other specialized workshops or supplies for vess particular purposes The similarity between the 19th Dynasty delivery lists of pottery and wood on en1r) the one hand and of specialty breads and beer on the other hand may indicate that these inter deliveries were in general more specialized they were perhaps associated with festivals Such an here association is illuminated by a study of one of the vessel types less commonly enumerated in A1 these texts (see section 42) However the regularity of delivery in these lists recorded in tenmiddotday b3kJi blocks is closely comparable with the regular b3kw delivery For the 20th Dynasty it must be potu borne in mind that b3kw which is mostly unqualified in the journal ostraca may cover a range of the ( vessel types sing

liS Q0--1i11 122 G ll9 Cerny noted that the line here was left blank 123 J~

120 The specification of jnJz1 vessels may also suggest that this text refers to a specialized perhaps unique lUF

production series For jnJzt see section 42 me 121 0 DeM 91 O Berlin P 10840 vso O IFAO 387 126 C

em to

ntries 100

l qbw were

) the nbw types livery ed an

actual 19gest from veries does

igures 101bw )ehind red in ~ fivc

cases must wand re thc ccord livery types es for odon thcsc Ichan ted in n-day lst be 1ge of

mique

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 49

35 bikw in the late 20th Dynasty papyrus documents Where pottery deliveries are recorded in the journal papyri the numbers of vessels involved and the name of the potter are often included A further contrast with earlier records is that the tenn bkw is rarely employed The more fonnal status of the papyri may explain such differences This status may also be one reason despite the large amount of documentation surviving from this period deliveries of pottery are only recorded occasionally Those that are recorded may have been special deliveries and hence worthy of note When bkw are recorded as in earlier records these may be variable in size and consist largely ofbw and qbw vessels

The recto ofP Turin 2070133 134 + 3 fragments (KRIVI 426-8) contains journal entries for the epagomenal days of the year 2 of a king later than Ramesses IV 122 The entry for the final day records the deliveries of the potter Right the potter - 29 [qb]w vessels 145 lbw vessels Five epagomenal days 100 [+ 45] Ibwvessels [Left] the potter 29 [qbw] vessels 145lbwvessels 5 epagomenal days 145 (Col II 10-11) The deliveries are enumerated separately for each side of the crew although if the restorations are correct the totals are the same for each side As is to be expected qbw and bw vessels are the only vessel types mentioned

P Turin 1881+ (Pleyte and Rossi pI 1-8 KRIVI 609-19) records entries for years 6-8 of Ramesses IX the potter is only mentioned on three occasions in year 7 For IV lu 29 the entry reads received by the hand of the potter ~Ahawy - qbw vessels 65 bw vessels 65 (vso V 1-2) An entry for 65 handfuls of plants follows in this list and seems to be associated with this delivery An entry on the same line also records 2 khar of k3Y (Ulq~ ~ ) probably roe123 The following line records again by his hand (wlm m-fjrtj) (for) I prt 10 100 [b[w] vessels as well as 65 handfuls of plants and an unknown measure of roe It seems that the potter had also been charged with delivering produce to the village perhaps the organization of deliveries was disrupted in this period Other entries record deliveries received by the hand of scribes 124 In III prt 18 almost three months later ~Ahawy made another delivery of 300 Ibw vessels (vso VI 7-8) while in III smw there were received by the hand of the potter (for) Right and Left 1501bw vessels and 70 qbw vessels (vso VII 1-2) P Turin 1881 + is an unusual text which rather than noting events day by day records only a few days from a few months of each year perhaps days on which events occurred that were more significant in the eyes of the scribe Valbelle observes that the scribe was running out of space on the papyrus increasing the likelihood that the entries he recorded were those he considered important125

If the deliveries recorded in this text were the only ones made for year 7 of Ramesses IX the delivery patterns of the potters may have changed Rather than delivering units every decade large deliveries were made every two to three months This would explain the large totals of vessels supplied However as Janssen cautions scribal inaccuracies mean that the absence of an entry in the journal does not necessarily mean that the delivery was not made126 An alternative interpretation is that the standard deliveries were made every ten days and that those recorded here were supplementary and worthy of special mention

An entry in P Turin 1900+ (KRl VI 619-24) vso 117 may indicate that regular deliveries of blkw continued at least in the early years of Ramesses IX Year 9 II 31Jt 19 records Right the potters b3kw [ ] (wnmy p qd n b3kw [ J) The context of this delivery is similar to those of the earlier 20th Dynasty with supply of fuel and gypsum being recorded as well However the single mention of a potters bkw in this entry in the papyrus may be as unique as those in P

122 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 242 123 Janssen Village Varia 53 124 For example vso 2a vso 5 5 vso 5 10 vso 6 1 125 Ouvriers 63-4 126 Commodity Prices 486

l

50 POTTERS

Turin l88l Journal entries from years 10 and 17 of Ramesses IX support this interpretation P A Turin 2071140 (KRIVI 63715) rto 9 records delivery of vegetables and pottery 2l() qb(w) varia vessels 110 [+ x] [bw vessels for day 30 IV smw year 10 The Turin Necropolis Journal of year vana 17 rto B II 2-3 (Botti and Peet pI 16) is the only record of a pottery delivery in this substantial inclu text covering two full months potter rAhawy 33 qbw vessels 165 [bw vessels This may Dyna indicate that the delivery was an unusual hence noteworthy event especially in relation to (HO references to problems with smdt organization earlier in the text (see section 37) the p

Deliveries of varying quantities of pottery are entered a number of times for different sides of recei the crew in the journal of year 3 of Ramesses X (P Turin 1898 + Botti and Peet pI 50-63 KRI Re VI 687-99) On III prt 18 even though the crew was not working because of the foreigners cornr (Omyw) 30 qb(w) vessels and 30 [+ x] [[bw] vessels were delivered to Right (rto I 11) On the wood last day of IV prt 9 qb(w) and 27 ([)bw vessels were delivered to Left (the entry for Right is comp lost rto II 14) The entry for II smw 19 records crew not working Right 28 qb(w) vessels 300 Janss [b(w) vessels Left 28 qb(w) vessels 15 g1(y) vessels 300 [b(w) vessels (rto III 9-10) The entry amou for g1y vessels is unusual in this text Two days later there was a further delivery for Right alone largel the potter - 30 qb(w) vessels 150 [b(w) vessels (rto III 13-14) In the month of III smw qbw Alt and [bw vessels were delivered on two occasions day 5 and day 30127 On IV smw 1 1 qbw was texts

delivered perhaps to Right while 90 [bw vessels were delivered to Left (rto V 18-9) If each are in delivery of vessels to the village was flexible in size and composition the entries in this journal as a c may also illustrate that deliveries to different sides of the crew could be varied as well quant

The journal text of year 1 of Ramesses XI P Turin 1898+ VSO128 records for I 10t 24 Right excep

from the hand of (the) potter [ ] 18 qb(w) vessels 50 [+x] [bw vessels Left from the hand of 37 In(the) potter [ ]y129 10 [+x] (Hh vessels [r~R~~o] [ J (vso Text A 2-4) Again the Otherdelivery is separately enumerated for the different sides of the crew breaks in the text mean that unprethe composition of the delivery is unknown If the entry on line 4 is a variant orthography of a this b type of vessel (1(1130 it may indicate a specialized delivery because (1(1 vessels are not firingotherwise attested in the pottery deliveries l3I Further deliveries are recorded in this journal again therein a very broken context by the hand ofthe potter [ ] lbw vessels 51 [+ x ] (vso dockets B taken5-6) later 18 qbw vessels and 50 lbw vessels are recorded (vso dockets C 2) This is the latest or adrsurviving record of pottery deliveries to the necropolis workmen in the 20th Dynasty deficit Impac36 Conclusion the meanings ofb1kw

TheThe Turin Necropolis journals seem to support the interpretation of the nature of the b1kw found detailein the earlier documentation Despite the possibility that delivery patterns may have altered or that from t some entries may represent extra deliveries these documents indicate that [bw and qbw vessels earlyformed the core of any quota of pottery delivered to the village occasionally supplemented with irregulother vessel types the pa III It

127 On III sectmw 529 qb(w) vessels and 150 bw vessels were delivered to Right Left received 19 qb(w) month vessels and 150 bw vessels (Botti and Peet pI 57 rto IV 15-9) The papyrus is damaged in the entries for III sectmw 30 but the surviving text indicates that deliveries of over 100 bw vessels were made to Right and both fbw and rqlbw vessels were delivered to Left (Botti and Peet pI 59 rto V 17-19) Unusually this latter entry records bw vessels before qbw 132 For 128 Botti and Peet pI 63 KRI VI 850-1 I follow the reassessment of Jtirgen von Beckerath in my reading 34 see of this text Papyrus Turin 1898+ vso SAK21 (1994)29-33 133 Th( 129 Perhaps the name of the potter CAhawy can be restored here 134 C J 130 Wh V 532 W F Reineke Der Zusammenhang der altagyptischen Hohl- und UingenmaBe MID 9 East e (1963)151 observlt 131 4343 vessels are included in a list of products in O Cairo 25678 vso 17 along with fbw vessels (1 18) discuss Valbelle citing this text considers that 4343 vessels could replace qbw vessels and were perhaps be mad synonymous (in her reference Duvriers 265 n 12 read 25678 for 25673) 135 Con

n p b(w) year ntial may m to

es of KRI

yenlers 11 the ht is 300 ~ntry

lone qbw was each lmal

ight ld of I the that ofa not

gain s B atest

lUnd that sels with

b(w) 8 for tand this

ding

[09

18) haps

DOCUMENTIKG SUPPLY 51

A further correspondence between the papyrus documents and the earlier ostraca is the variation in the numbers of vessels being delivered If these figures do represent regular bkw the variation in vessel totals may reflect responses to the changing needs of the crew perhaps including orders made by the superiors of the crew to the potters The use of bkw in one 20th

Dynasty account ostracon exemplifies the flexible character of commissions O Gardiner 80 4-5 (HO 6114) states after recording the complete deliveries during III smw received as the bkw of the potter entered complete like his custom of every day This text implies that the deliveries received during that month constituted the potters commission which he managed to fulfiL

Records survive of other members of the smdt such as gardeners and woodcutters receiving commands to deliver specific amounts132 Janssen notes the commission received by the woodcutter Saroy in year 29 III fJt 7 to deliver 380 units every 10 days This order can be compared with that of Saroys colleague who received a commission to deliver 500 units 133 As Janssen observes the quotas of the woodcutters often deviated quickly from these specified amounts (see above p 20) Such orders might have been regular normal occurrences that are largely invisible in the written record

Although no known text records such an assignment to the potters to deliver specific amounts texts that record varying quantities of ceramics and texts in which vessels other than qbw and tbw are included suggest that such commissions were madc The bkw may therefore be understood as a commission or expected dclivery of a predetermined unit of ceramics Although theoretically quantifiablc the bkw was flexible so that we cannot determinc what amount was expected except in specific deliveries

37 Implications ofdefiCits Other factors may also have operated to produce differential sizes of deliveries Firing was an unpredictable process with a certain amount of wasters inevitably being produced each time On this basis Christopher Eyre has suggested the one bkw may have been the equivalent of one firing which could vary in composition and in success134 Although this hypothesis is viable there is no direct evidence to support it and it is also possible that the needs of the crew were taken into account in each individual bkw or work requirement Where problems in the workshop or administrative breakdowns affected deliveries these are likely to be reflected in the records as deficits By examining patterns of deficit within the documentation it is possible to observe the impact of external problems in the Theban area on the potters deliveries in the mid 20th Dynasty

The journal ostraca of the reigns of Ramesses III and IV (Group I) again provide the most detailed documentation of delivery and deficit although only very general trends can be deduced from the materiaL Janssens analysis of pottery deliveries at the end of Ramesses Ills reign to early Ramesses IV led to the conclusion that deliveries of commodities were generally very irregular at this time whereas in the preceding years they had been more stable 135 The details of the pattern of deficits can be supplemented by a few account ostraca from the reign of Ramesses III It must be borne in mind that the idiosyncrasies of scribal record keeping mean that some months record no deliveries at all even though deliveries were most probably made

132 For the commissioning of the smdt see J J Janssen The Year of the Strikes BSEG 16 (1992) 44 n 34 see also Janssens section 7 in this volume 133 The Year of the Strikes 44-6 134 C J Eyre Work and the Organization of Work in the New Kingdom in Labor in the Ancient Near East ed M A Powell (New Haven 1987) 193 Janssen bkw From Work to Product 90 n observes that if this were the case the potters would have delivered once per decade The limited evidence discussed in 31 and a review of the delivery dates in the texts included in 33 indicate that deliveries could be made on more than one occasion during the ten-day period 135 Commodity Prices 488

52 POTTERS

The account of O Gardiner 80 (HO 61 4) for year 21 of Ramesses III records deliveries that O were made complete for the entire month of III smw the final line entered complete like his bJrn custom of every day although formulaic may be an indicator of a reputation for efficiency and for t punctuality The records from a few years later appear to tarnish this reputation The account text far 11 O DeM 143 datable to year 24 while recording complete deliveries for III smw 30 and IV smw coml 10 and 20 enters deficits for IV smw 30 the five epagomenal days and the first two decades of I appe 3bt (11 1-7) Reasons for the accumulation of such a substantial deficit beyond internal incre production problems are unknown This text warns us that although the relationship between admi administrative problems at Deir el-Medina and deficit is clear at times less easily identifiable in th factors may also have had an impact By year 27 deliveries appear to have returned to normal the p with no deficits being entered and every delivery recorded as complete (0 DeM 33 vso 8 O TI DeM 34 rto 7 16 vso 11) a deficit is however noted for the epagomenal days of year 28 in O agair DeM 156 vso 4 that

From year 29 deficits are again a consistent feature of the record during the time when labour inc01 troubles began to disrupt the community The first hint of delivery problems may be found in the whet problematic O Strasbourg H 26 If the entries on the recto refer to the potter this text records mad~ complete deliveries throughout I and II smw and probably through the epagomenal days and II there 3bt The verso may refer more explicitly to pottery deliveries with the final line recording IV coul Jbt 10 deficit of the [potter) However the reading of qd is based on a restoration (Cerny Nb in thi 3561) and the status of this text as a pottery account could be questioned There are more certain Th references to delivery from later in year 29 In I prt 30 the potter made deliveries to Right and perio Left details of the content of delivery are not given (0 Turin 57007 vso 4-5) The strike action ambi began in the village only ten days later on II prt 10136 The only further entry recording a pottery Peet delivery is in P Turin 1961 (Pleyte and Rossi pI 99) possibly from the end of year 29 IV prt 30 outsi notes for Right the potter I Y while the potter l is noted for Left (vso II 5 7)137 There are there no further records of pottery deliveries until year 30 although the consistent deficits incurred by reorg the woodcutters during year 29 and into year 30 are evidence of the impact of the strikes (see for II above p 21)138 authc

Deficits are recorded in an account text for III prt 30 and probably IV prt 10 of year 30 but a Peet delivery oftvo b3kw was promptly made to remedy this deficit (0 DeM 165 rto 1-2) O DeM ~Aha 154 rto 15-16 of year 31 records the delivery of two b3kw on II smw 29 probably overdue entric payments for days 10 and 20 A number of fbw vessels are also specified I interpret these as and perhaps an early payment for II smw 30 although they may relate to the two b3kw A deficit of 65 speci is noted Complete deliveries are made in IV lJl but since they are noted specifically they may perha have been considered late one b3kw being entered on day 13 for day 10 and one being entered Th for Right only on day 21 (0 DeM 157 8-9 17) From then into the reign of Ramesses IV the may potters made deliveries late or were making good deficits In II smw 7 of year 32 the debt was diffic paid for I smw 30 and at the same time the b3kw was delivered three days early for II smw 10 (0 or the

19thDeM 38 7 17 23) No sooner had these deliveries been made then the potter was in debt again I for the rest of the month Disruptions to pottery and fuel deliveries (see above p 21) throughout wide] year 30 and into year 31 are symptoms of continued labour problems within the village or of subst general administrative problems in the Theban area 139

mont side I

136 RAD 49 15 P J Frandsen Editing reality the Turin Strike Papyrus in Studies in Egyptology presented to Miriam Lichtheim ed S Israelit-Groll (Jerusalem 1990) 166-99 Risbo 137 Janssen considers that the documentation of half units may point to a scarcity of materials Commodity availa Prices 488 A reference to a half unit may also be found in an anonymous papyrus fragment in Turin 140 Fo (Cerny MSS 3616) which records the potter 2h this probably means 2h bJkw 141 Fo 138 Janssen The Year ofthe Strikes 46-8 BerIir B9 Disruptions in local administration may have directly impacted pottery production if as Colin Hope bkw suggests the state provided clay to these workshops Egyptian Pottery Shire Egyptology 5 (princes been ~

8 that ce his yand It text smw

s of ternal tween fiable Irmal 8 O in O

aboUT in the ~cords

md II ~ IV YNb ertain It and ~ction ottery Jrt 30 re are ed by (see

but a DeM erdue se as of65 may

tered the twas 0(0 19ain ~hout or of

~logy

ity

ffope inces

DOCUMENTlIG SUPPLY 53

O DeM 40 rto 15 from I gUt of year 1 of Ramesses IV records that the potter delivered three bgkw on day 24 probably overdue deliveries for days 10 and 20 (the deficits are not noted) and for the epagomenal days for which the deficit was entered in a note in a separate column on the far left A deficit is also recorded for day 30 (vso 9) From this point on the deliveries tend to be complete although often a few days late140 There are still occasional deficits but the deliveries appear to have been generally more regular than in the final years of Ramesses IILI41 The increasing irregularity of delivery is probably a symptom of the general decay of the administration of the Necropolis at the end of a long reign The more regular deliveries beginning in the first year of Ramesses IV perhaps correspond with a renewed interest in the Necropolis on the part of the successor king who was eager to get work on his tomb underway

These documents provide the only opportunity to trace a pattern of deficit in pottery deliveries against well documented changes and problems in the administration of the village They show that such an equation between the two is possible this may have implications for the more incomplete records of the end of the dynasty It is difficult to determine from the papyrus texts whether deliveries continued on a regular basis in the closing years of the 20th Dynasty or were made in large consignments more infrequently as the surviving evidence seems to suggest Since there were significant civil disturbances in the Theban area throughout this period deliveries could have been affected to the point that they became more unusual events and warranted entry in the journals

The Turin Necropolis journal for year 17 of Ramesses IX provides the best example from this period From II prl on the text includes entries concerning the smdt in general from the ambiguous entry taking the smdt of the Tomb of Left by the scribe of the Tomb Hori (Botti and Peet pI 14 rto B I 8) to the entries a few lines later crew not working while the smdt were outside under the authority (rJ(wyraquo of the two scribes of the Necropolis [ ] crew not working there being no smdt outside (rto B I 12) These entries seem to indicate that there was some reorganization of or problem with the smdt although a record of a wood delivery was entered for II prl 15 The entry for II prt 18 records crew not working while their smdt were under the authority of the two scribes of the Tomb of the Outside without any payments (1) (Botti and Peet pI 15 rto B I 18) On II prt 24 a delivery of fish was made and on day 25 the potter rAhawy delivered a number of vessels (Botti and Peet pI 16 rto B II 1-3) Although these entries are difficult to interpret it seems that the crew was facing both deficits in grain delivery and problems with the smdt In this context the delivery of pottery can perhaps be seen as a special occurrence no text from the end of the 20 th Dynasty explicitly records a potters deficit perhaps indicating that there was no longer an expected pattern to delivery

The interpretations presented here are speculative moreover other factors that left no trace may have had an impact on production The deficits entered for year 25 of Ramesses III are difficult to explain except in terms of unknowable production problems specific to the workshops or the personal circumstances of the potters as are the causes for the deficits recorded in the early 19th Dynasty Such deficits cannot be equated with any known problems in the village or the wider Theban area The accounts of the potters Menna and N akhy in the early 19th Dynasty record substantial deficits especially those incurred by Menna in a year 9 where he is in deficit for five months totalling 53 qbw vessels and 575 fbw vessels Further deficit totals perhaps for the other side of the crew are even larger 94 qbw vessels and 992 lbw vessels (0 Berlin P 10840) The

Risborough 1987) 10 This argument may apply only to high quality ceramics considering the ready availability ofNile silt for the production of most basic vessels 140 For example O DeM 47 rto 3 11 vso 4 141 For example the following texts record deficits in year 1 = I prt 30 (0 DeM 47 rto 11) III prt 30 (0 Berlin P 12641 + 12628 7) II smw 20(7) (0 DeM 161 vso 3) O DeM 44 rto 20 records a delivery of 1y bklv for III smw 29 Janssen considers that since no delivery was recorded for day 20 materials may have been scarce at this time Commodity Prices 488

--54 POTTERS

patterns of deficit incurred by the potters that can be traced in the texts cannot generally be Ana correlated with external administrative problems and decay rese

proc sect4 Equations of word and object an analysis offour pot-types A notable feature of the potter texts from Deir el-Medina is the substantial number of vessels 41 delivered to the village every ten days Although the exact number due in each bkw varied the I ha totals of some deliveries indicate that there was a significant and constant need for ceramics in the thrOl community In the lives of the villagers this pottery was essential It was the principal means to mult store prepare and serve food and to carry out many other activities within the domestic and work refer spheres Janssen observes in Commodity Prices that we have virtually no cvidence for the enun exchange value of ceramics beeause price texts generally refer only to metal or stone vessels 142

used Vessels used for a wide variety of domestic purposes would have had a low value and high class turnover millions of pot sherds were found within the rubbish dumps of the village including the offo Grands PuitS 143 Since their role was so essential it is desirable to learn about the various forms of In thl the vessels - their sizes and range of functions - in order to advance our understanding of the lJl villagers daily lives possi

Holthoerl44 noted that most Mesopotamian names of vessels relate directly to their material their function or their capacity but concluded that the Egyptians derived their vessel names from something other than vessel function This conclusion was largely based on the 1935 lexicographic analysis of Egyptian vessels by Robert du Mesnil du Buisson whose study is the only one that covers a wide range of ceramics including some of the vessel names that occur in the Deir el-Medina potter texts He considered that the qbw vessel was connected to qb fresh cool an appropriate concept for a jar145 He equated the gy vessel with the verb gw to be narrow perhaps suggesting a jar with a narrow neck 146

Edward Brovarski has done preliminary work on some Old Kingdom and First Intermediate Period vessel terms147 and Patricia Paice has studies connections between vessel shapes and their functions as depicted in tomb reliefs 148 The most valuable recent examination of the intersection of lexicography and a ceramic corpus is that of Janet Bourriau and Stephen Quirke on the Middle Kingdom ceramic repertoire from Lahun l49

An approach comparable to that taken at Lahun would be ideal for the material from Deir elshy Fig 1 Medina but a full statistical analysis of the archaeological material in relation to the textual data Urk r that is a prerequisite for determining lexicographic relations is beyond the scope of this study

The VI

Jb-nraquo142 407_8 and n 5 lS enu 143 ibid 488

vessel 144 New Kingdom Pharaonic Sites The Pottery 41 see J Bourriau and S Quirke The Late Middle

terminKingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects in Lahun studies ed S Quirke (Reigate 1998) 60shydeterm1 for a more recent discussion of the basis of classifications

145 Les noms et signes egyptiens designant des vases ou objets simiaires (Paris 1935)30 l46 Noms et signes 72 Janssen Commodity Prices 427 considers that du Mesnil du Buissons suggestions 150 FoUl

and explanations for the gly are unconvincing and concludes that no identification of the gly is apparant P Turi Ricardo A Caminos considered it to be an open bowl or cup since it was used more as a container for Howevl

ISl Jansvegetables and flowers than liquids (CLEM 194-5) corresponding to the use of gy vessels for natron 152 Thelotus leaves and fruit in the Medinet Habu festival lists A Spalinger Medinet Habu and Deir el-Yledina IS3 TheCombined in Deir el-Medina in the Third Millennium AD A Tribute to Jac J Janssen eds R 1 Demaree

and A Egberts Egyptologische Uitgaven 14 (Leiden 2000) 314 Although the shape of the gl) remains these m unknown Janssen has determined a capacity of 20 hin Two Ancient Egyptian Ships Logs Papyrus Leiden detenni 1350 verso and Papyrus Turin 2008 + 2016 (Leiden 1961)88 vessel l47 Lexicographical Studies in Egyptian Pottery Bulletin de Liaison du Groupe International dEtude de determi fa Ceramique Egyptienne 7 (1982) 36-7 154 P GJ 14S The Pottery of Daily Life in Ancient Egypt JSSEA 19 (1989) 50-88 bibliogr 149 The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects 60-83 IS5 Com

lly be

essels d the in the ansto lwork Dr the oels142

1 high ngthe rmsof of the

lterial s from

1935 is the

cur in fresh to be

lediate i their ection fiddle

eir elshyt data study

v1iddle 8) 60shy

~stions

Jaranl ler for latron -edina maree mains Leiden

~de de

EQUA TJONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 55

Analysis of the occurrence of vessel types in the potter texts can be related to the present stage of research into vessel shape and size to produce some further insights both into the potters products and into the documentation for the supply of particular ceramic types

41 The basic pots qbw and [bw I have shown above that [bw and qbw vessels formed the basis of deliveries to the village

19th 20ththroughout the and Dynasties Therefore it seems likely that they were simple multipurpose vessels distinct from each another in shape andor size There is a standard way of referring to them in the records qbw vessels precede [bw vessels and many fewer are usually enumerated This relationship points to a qualitative differentiation between the two ISO Both are used as containers for liquids such as beer and waterl5l I consider that these two terms designate classes of vessels rather than fixed single shapes their names perhaps referring to a wider range of forms Difference in size may account for the differentation in numbers delivered in the texts In the following discussion I assess the evidence for these two classes of vessels

Jb lbw) vessels are included among the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak indicating a possible shape for the vessel152

tlBoo~WJ~O 01It 0P L II I I

Fig 1 ob-nw-k vessels in the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak (Wreszinski Atlas II pI 33 Urk IV 636)

The vessel shown is distinctive being beaker-like and wider at the base than at the neck JS3 The ub-nw-k vessel here is the equivalent of the u-m-Icw of P Harris I 36a 7 A significant number is enumerated in this text as containers tor incense perhaps indicating a smaller cup-like vessel l54 Janssen has considered that the [x]-n-k termination which is fairly common in vessel terminology indicates that the vessels were cups the name of the vessel given in the compound determines the shape155 In the inscription of the High Priest Osorkon the Oblb-n-k is written

150 Four texts which enumerate qbw and fbw vessels show a ratio of 15 O Or Inst Chicago 16698 rto 3 P Turin 2070133 134 + frgs rto 10-11 Giornale of year 17 rto B II 1-3 P Turin 1898 rto III 14 However since these are isolated examples it is uncertain how widely applicable such a ratio was 151 Janssen Commodity Prices 433 Valbelle Ouvriers 265 152 The equivalence between the lb andlbw is confirmed in CLEM 186-7 153 The determinative given for a qby vessel in the offering list ofThutmose III at Elcphantine indicates that these may have been quite close in shape to the IJb-nw-h of the Karnak list The simple elongated beaker determinative is quite distinct from the determinatives given for the other vases in the list including the Ub vessel which is shon with a definite neck (Urk IV 828 4) However the occurrence of different determinatives within a single text does not offer a basis for a classification of vessel forms 154 P Grandet Le Papyrus Harris I (EM 9999) BdE 109 (Cairo 1994) I 272 see vol IT 141 n 576 for a bibliography for lbw l55 Commodity Prices 409

I

56 POTTERS

with a goblet detenninative ls6 The vessels recorded in these texts may be smaller cup versions of thai larger Ibw jars with the wide mouth and lack of defined neck perhaps pointing to a vessel associated with food preparation and service 157 The delivery list O DeM 288 records fb-nw-kJ

cor 1

vessels perhaps as a fuller writing of bw or as a distinct fonn vithin the Ibw class Vessels ves categorized as Ibw may have had a generalized function as cups or containers for both liquid and con solid foods A comparison can be made with the ~nw vessels which are recorded in significant 4W numbers in the papyrus documents from Lahun and are equated by Bourriau and Quirke with the 346 drinking cups known from the site the only vessel fonn which they consider could have been used in such numbers 158 The bkw of the Deir el-Medina potters show that Ibw vessels too were

lbw 50

delivered in large quantities the The lower numbers of qbw vessels in the deliveries may be related to their larger size In Poids o

No 5135 3 the weight of a metal qbw vessel is stated to be 20 deben or 18 kg Valbelle betv concludes from this that the qbw was significantly larger than the Ibw 159 That qbw designates a POttl simple storage jar may be indicated by the name itself If the connection suggested by du Mesnil two du Buisson between qbw vessels and qb cool can be accepted it may suggest that qbw vessels were storage jars perhaps for water and other liquids The connection may also suggest the

sigh one

material of manufacture qbw vessels could have been made from marl clay which cools water Helc through evaporation

As storage jars qbw vessels may have been connected in shape or broad function with the qbwshyIf a have

n-wt canopic jar The coincidence of the name suggests some correspondence The simple canopic jar fonns given by Georges Nagel for Tomb 359 seem similar in shape to vessels found in the cellar of a house in the village160 However Nagels sample is so small that any identification is tentative Janssen cautions that the standard shape of a canopic jar was rarely used as the fonn of bronze or pottery vessels 161 This may be a principle of decorum vessels with a funerary purpose not being equated in fonn with ordinary domestic ceramics The connection between qbw and qbw-n-wt may be simply that they were both in one fonn or another storage jars

Although the qbw may have been proportionally larger than the lbw it is very unlikely that

capa temp capa appn meas

Cc vso cannc into i

either fonn had a fixed capacity at Deir el-Medina W W Struve [V V Struve] offered the only attempt to determine the capacity of the qbw (or qby) vessel based largely on Greek evidence and his research on P Boulaq 18162 Wolfgang HeIcks review of this evidence led him to conclude

dOCUJ

repre betw( vesse restril than 1

156 R A Caminos The Chronicle ofPrince Osorkon Analecta Orientalia 37 (Rome 1958) 129 157 p Cairo 58088 indicates that bw could have had a large size in this case accommodating 3 ds measures See also Janssen Commodity Prices 433 n 170 C Daniel Les noms egyptiens de certains types de vases

proba fixed

In

grecs Studia et Acta Orientalia 5-6 (1967) 383-5 equates the lIb vessel with the Greek 10 olt7tW and the vesse

Mycenaean di-pa He notes that the di-pa depicted on a tablet corresponds in shape with the form of the fib indicated by the determinative used for the word The depictions of the di-pa that Daniel cites are not 163 DG

comparable in form with the Ibw depicted in the Karnak offering list D H F Gray Linear Band evidee Archaeology Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies of the UniverSity of London 6 (1959) pI 7 I andDI would argue that the form of the lbw was very flexible 164 It 1

158 Bourriau and Quirke The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects 74 some 159 Catalogues des poids a inscriptions hieratiques de Deir el-Medineh Nos 5001-5423 DFIFAO 16 165 Da~

(Cairo 1973) 18 166 FOI 160 La ceramique du Nouvel Empire aDeir el Medineh DFIFAO 10 (Cairo 1938)35 cf 122 no 38 42 SpaHn 44 167 Da 161 Commodity Prices 412 sugges 162 Mathematischer Papyrus des staatlichen Museums der SchOnen Kunste in Moskau (Berlin 1930) 55 Ceram withn2 25 1itr

lions of vessel

-nw-k

Vessels llid and ilificant vith the Ie been )0 were

n Poids lalbelle ~ates a Mesnil vessels est the s water

le qbwshysimple

s found lat any rarely vessels s The omlor

~ly that Iteonly lce and melude

~asures

le vases and the the b are not Band pI 7 I

AO 16

3842

gt30) 55

EQliAnONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 57

that the qbw had no fixed capacity Rather it seems that vessels such as the Ibw and qbw could correspond to a range of different ds measures 163

Two texts may point to some perhaps proportional equivalence between qbw vessels and dpr vessels In O DeM 135 the record of the accumulated deficits of two potters includes a conversion from dpr vessels into qbw vessels 9 dpr vessels to (=) qbw vessels making Urn) 4Yz (see section 31) Such a conversion may indicate a size ratio between the vessels O DeM 346 vso 3 records 42 dpr vessels [making Urn)] 22 qbt vessels (see n 89 for the restoration) Ibw vessels may also be equated with dpr vessels in O DeM 202 dpr vessels 30 [as] 15 bw 50 (1 3_4)164 The restoration here is problematic and the hypothesis of any equivalence between the two types must remain tentative

O Berlin P 10654 vso displays a similar complexity in possible equivalences this time between qbw vessels and jnJt vessels This text (discussed in section 33) seems to record the potters production of ceramics on days 10 20 and 30 of II bt and day 10 of IIIilt The final two lines state total 230 of (n) qbw vessels [ ] specifying it (wp st) 23 jnJt vessels At first sight such a text seems to point to a proportional relationship between these vessels a qbw being one tenth of ajnJt Such a ratio is quite possible because jnJt vessels do seem to have been large Heicks calculations from O Gardiner 81 indicate that ajnJt vessel was 2 of a mnt-amphora 165

If a mnt had a liquid capacity of c 20 hin and a hin was 048 litres the capacity of a jnlzt would have been c 53 hin or 2551itres O Berlin P 10654 vso would then show that a qbw vessel had a capacity of c 53 hin or 25 litres whieh is a sensible size for a storage jar 166 Although it is tempting to make such equations from this data this evidence is based on assumptions about the capacity of other vessel types so is tentative HeIck estimated that the ds vessel had a eapacity of approximately 3 litres 167 If so the qbw in P Boulaq 18 would have been double the size ofa ds measure in order to contain the 2 ds (e 6 litres)

Contextual study of the equation between qbw vessels and other types in O Berlin P 10654 vso O DeM 135 and O DeM 346 vso indicates some form of size ratio operated although we cannot easily determine the flexibility of that ratio or how it was used A conversion of one vessel into its equivalent of another type is unusual in a text like O Berlin P 10654 vso which seems to document the actual produetion of vessels even their firing If the last two lines of the text represent the total of ceramics produced in this process then the specification of a relationship between the two vessels types is rather strange Perhaps the original order was for 230 qbw vessels and this was then converted into the equivalent in jn~t vessels Ifjn~t vessels had a more restricted even ritual function the equivalence expressed here may be more abstract or complex than a ratio of capacity The size of vessels delivered may have been standardized to some extent probably based on ease of delivery and manageability within a domestic eontext rather than as fixed measures

In such a context a value relationship might well have operated The jnlzt as a specialized vessel may have had a more established value in relation to which the qbw vessels could be set

163 Das Bier im Alten Agypten (Berlin 1971) 47 See also Anthony Spalingers re-evaluation of the evidence for the capacity of these vessels including discussion of O DeM 135 and 202 Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 314 His conclusions largely correspond with mine 164 It may also be possible to read dpr 30 Urnl 15 lbw 50 which would support the hypothesis of some sort ofequivalence 165 Das Bier 47 16lt5 For a review of evidence concerning the capacity of the mnl including discussion of this text see A Spalinger Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 312-3 167 Das Bier 46 R L Miller (is-vessels Beer Mugs Cirrhosis and Casting Slag GM 115 (1990) 64 suggests that the ds was a drinking vessel perhaps to be equated with depictions given in Nagel Ceramique 199-206 Miller identifies a jar found at Saqqara as a ds vessel noting that it had a capacity of 25 litres roughly corresponding to Heicks estimate

58 POTTERS

In O DeM 135 the scribe may well have calculated the value of the vessels owed down to the half vessel A parallel for this is found in O Turin 57062 vso 4 where 2Yz jnJtt vessels are set

dlagainst five vessel types which precede them (their names are lost) The recording of five vessels compared with half that amount in jnJtt vessels producing the unusual amount of a half vessel tt

2again suggests a value equivalence Since vessels do not appear with fixed values in the price

SJtexts their worth may well have been assessed in relation to other vessel types st b42 A specialized vessel jnJzt DApart from the two vessel types or classes that formed the basis of the deliveries of ceramics to rethe village the potter texts also occasionally enumerate other types jnJtt vessels although well

known from other contexts are rare in the potter texts A few texts that may indicate their ritproduction or delivery by the Deir el-Medina potters illuminate aspects of its function and context

of use The pattern of occurrence of jnJtt vessels indicates a specialized vessel type the shape of which is unknown The jnJtt vessel is most widely documented as a storage container for beer and as Walter F Reineke notes outside the data from Deir el-Medina it was often made of gold or silver J68 That this vessel could be supplied as part of the ceramic requirement of the village seems to be indicated by the delivery lists from the early 19th Dynasty (Category E) Some of these lists record jnJzt vessels although they are not always indisputably connected with the smdt potters

In the Category E delivery lists of wood and ceramics jnJtt vessels occur four times their total Ccamount being low in comparison with the other vessels enumerated in these texts In O DeM 1 6 una total of 7 jnlu vessels are delivered 5 of good quality 2 of poor In O DeM 17 4 only 3 jnJzt aUvessels were delivered (2 good 1 poor) in comparison with 290 lbw recorded in the previous intline and in O DeM 15 3 7 jn~lt vessels were delivered as against 295 Ibw vessels 16 jnJzt povessels are documented in O DeM 23 5 (the text is broken and the reading at the end of the line

uncertain)169 bei ve~Only two texts explicitly includejnJtt vessels in pottery deliveries 0 Qurna 6181 records two

jnJtt vessels among the deficit of 55 qbw and 265 Ibw vessels incurred by the potter Menna O IJry Michaelides 33 rto 3-6 J70 This text records for III Jot 30 matching deliveries from a potter to vex

Right and Left among other deliveries of wood and gypsum the potter 1 jnlp vessels 20 (pJ qd 1 jnJzt 20)171 The stroke read as one after the title p qd could refer to the bkw of the potter not

with jnJtt vessels being an addition to the quota delivered 172 jnJtt vessels were therefore a wit gocomponent of the potters repertoire and this fact may complicate the interpretation of other texts

where they occur173 More generally jnJzt vessels are recorded as being delivered filled with beer I thisand thus are probably not associated with ceramic delivery

174 (

Me(J68 Der Zusammenhang der altagyptischen Hohl- und UingenmaBe MID 9 (1963) 146 175( 169 Kitchen restores 16jnli vessels [by the hand of A]meneminet (KRII 367 8 a-b) but there does not 176 1appear to be space for this formula in the break The rest of this text is similar to the other wood and pottery

177pounddelivery lists See the discussion of parallel texts in section 23 170 Goedicke-Wente pJ 67 However I follow CernYs transcription of the text here (Nb 10830)

178 1

Cau171 Contra Goedicke and Wente who restore IT1l ] on line 3 On line 7 Goedicke and Wente read 27 jnlt 197vessels instead of 20 vessels and the restoration for the [plasterer] (Pi q() given by Cerny 179 1

172 Alternatively it could refer to a single potter although this would be unusual in this context (see section Rek21) Compare the reading of this text with that discussed for O DeM 154 rto 15-6 in section 34 Egy

173 Other entries for this day include specialty breads and ds measures of beer (117-8) while the folloVing somentry for IV Jt 1 records a festival of Hathor (1 9) Although an association with a festival context is Dietpossible the delivery of jnlts as discussed by Spahnger is recorded separately from the breads and ds inameasures and is included among more standard delveries Medinet Habu and Dei elmiddotMedina Combined note310-311 Earl

l to the are set vessels vessel e price

mics to ~h well e their ~ontext

mpe of Ir beer of gold village ome of le smdt

ir total M 16 r 3jn~f

revious 16 jn~t he line

ds two mao O )tter to (pJ qd potter fore a r texts th beer

oes not pottery

27 jn~t

section

llowing rrtext is and ds

lbined

EQUATIONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 59

jn~t vessels of beer occur consistently in a series of six Category E ostraca that seem to document the delivery of commodities associated with festival or temple offerings174 Four of these texts state that the commodities were delivered by an individual in O DeM 20 and O DeM 25 the deliveries are made by a local priest Each of these six texts lists items that include speciality foodstuffs and jn~t vessels of beer rather than the fuel and plain unfilled pottery of standard deliveries II smw 12 by the hand of the local priest (w(b Sf) 175 60 large j nJzt vessels of beer entered 56 deficit 4 120 (bundles of) vegetables ISO s(t cakes and 100 rJzs cakes (0 DeM 20) The only exception in this group is O DeM 26 where 30 large jn~1f vessels are recorded 27 are entered (jw) and there is a deficit on No beer is recorded with these vessels

The recto of O DeM 29 may confirm that lists containing such products are associated with rituals or festivals rather than deliveries of materials to the village 176

total of various (sbn)jnl)tvessels of beer 653 [+x] the record of the [ ] which were given as offerings (snw) [] good bread loaves of [ ] s(t cake [x oipeJ rJzs cakes [ J jnJzt vessels of beer [ J beer [ ]

Connections of this vessel type with the temple or festival sphere nmy explain features of the unique and difficult distribution text O BM 50728 discussed in section 23 The text records the allocation ofjnJzt vessels to individual crew members The 10 + 5 jnJzt vessels seem to be grouped into four different categories perhaps accordin~ to quality of the vessel or its contents and possibly its shape or finish 177 5 doubly good (~reg) jnJzt vessels in the fashion of hbny [vessels] being returned (m hyt) 2 for Baky I for Huy 1 (for) (Omek 1 for Qaha totalS (11 5-6) Six vessels given to individuals in line 7 one for each nmn are stated to be middling good (11fr mshyhry-jb) and line 10 enumerates two vessels that also have a designation perhaps reading not (J I~~ 3)very poor _ 1

If the jnJzt vessels were more specialized beer vessels used in festival or ritual contexts then the note of quality either of contents or of the vessel itself would have been important This concern with quality can also be seen in the delivery lists where the jnJzt vessels are described as either good or poor 178

Particularly difficult to understand in this context are the writings of hbny perhaps referring to this well-known amphora-shaped vessel I19 The five doubly goodjnl)t vessels are designated in

174 O DeM 19 20 21 25 26 27 For further discussion of these texts see Spalinger Deir e1middotMedina and Medinet Habu Combined 311

(1 0

175 l=n (1 1) For another writing of this title see O DeM 25 2 176 The verso of this text records only nswt bjty mnmiddotmrtmiddotrr 177 For the use of red ink in this text see p 19 n 75 above

178 O DeM 1 6 174 For discussion of the meaning of snn 1~ in these contexts see D Valbelle Catalogue des poids ainscriptions hieratiques de Deir eAmiddotfedineh Nos 500l-5423 DFIFAO 16 (Cairo 1977)23 179 Wh II 487 There are depictions of the hbnylhbnt vessel in Urk IV 11308 11352 and in the tomb of Rekhmire N de G Davies The Tomb of Rekh-mi-r~ at Thebes The Metropolitan Museum of Art Egyptian Expedition 11 (New York 1943) I pIs 33 34 In these examples it is shaped as an amphora sometimes without handles and often contains honey E A W Budge An Egyptian Hieroglyphic Dictionary (London 1920)446 gave the capacity of a hbnt ndst as one quarter of a hin F G Hilton-Price in an earlier publication Notes on Some Egyptian Antiquities in My Collection TSBA 9 (1886) 353 noted the same capacity for this vessel Here see also T G H James The Heqanakhte Papers and Other Early Middle Kingdom Documents (New York 1962) 118

60 POTTERS

the fashion of hbny vessels (~[]~IlJ1J 0) (vso 5) This seems to express an equivalence between the two vessel types perhaps representing an addition or finish to the jn~lt vessel that increased its value Du Mesnil du Buisson speculated in his discussion of the hhnl vessel that the word related to hbny ebony t ruJ-Oi) and indicated a blackened colour or lustre to the vesseL I80 hbny also occurs as an annotation above the entries of jnit vessels for particular workmen in lines 8-12 of the recto The entry on line 13 (hhny n [ ]) may indicate that hhny vessels themselves were also delivered to the workmen named in the following lines So far as I know hbny vessels do not occur in other Deir el-Medina textsl8J These notations may also refer to some sort of finishing to the j nit vesseL

The inclusion of more unusual designations for the vessels certainly points to the exceptional nature ofthe delivery in O BM 50728 as does the entry of an amount ((i(w) of bJq oil (8) in line lOon the verso after the specification of 10 further jnlJl vessels for particular workmen (pJ WpWl

n plIO n jnlJt n tJ jst) Janssen observes that this oil was rarely used by the workmen as it was too expensive 182 It is possible that the text refers to the delivery of jnit vessels of bJq oil the references to quality therefore referring to the quality of oil rather than the vessel itself The designation hbny may be associated with this as welL

Complicating this analysis is the proposed large size of jnit vessels (discussed in section 41) which may account to some extent for its more restricted function within the vessel repertoire jnlJt vessels occur only rarely in the Medinet Habu festival calendar indicating that even within the temple their use was specialized ls3 The ealculation of the equivalence in contents of the vessels in O Gardiner 81 indicates that we are dealing with a set capacity for these vessel types in this text 184 If the capacity of a jnit was 53 hin or 255 Htres this would equate to a significant quantity ofbJq oil per person 185

O BM 50728 remains a puzzle Despite thc difficulties in interpretation it seems most likely that it records allocation of vessels possibly filled with oil or beer for festival or cultic purposes The careful documentation of such a distribution may also indicate that the vessels were not to be kept by the men perhaps only being used by them for the event and then returned to the temple A large size may serve to explain their more limited and specialized oecurrence in the data perhaps restricted to the religious sphere rather than playing a role in the domestic life of the villagers

In this instance contextual analysis of texts that seem to relate to ceramic deliveries can alter our understanding of these texts and illuminate the role and function of a vessel type in the community For vessels that were delivered more commonly we can observe the potential for flexibility in the classification systems these would repay further detailed study sectS Conclusion Analysis of the texts concerning pottery delivery leaves a number of questions unanswered and areas unexplored the limited number of sources available and problems inherent in them restrict their potential for interpretation However some insights into the organization and administrative structures of Deir el-Medina are fortheoming from the material Within the meticulous record keeping of the village the key theme seems to be flexibility This flexibility is apparent in the

180 Noms et signes 28 181 Janssen did not include them in his chapter on Vessels in Commodity Prices None of the references for the entry in the Wb II 487 has a Deir e1-Medina provenance 182 Commodity Prices 330 183 On the occurrence of the jnltt in the Medinet Hahn festival lists see A Spalinger Medinet Habn and Deir ei-Medina Combined 311-2 ]84 Heick Das Bier 46 185 Even if the mnt was only 10 hin a jnltt would still be of a substantial size c 11-12 iitres Janssen Commodity Prices 434

N

CONCLUSION 61

number of potters assigned to the crew the size and content of the quota required every 10 days and the timing of deliveries The final section of my study also points to the potential flexibility of form size and function of the pots themselves

Although we can find implications in the potter texts for features of society beyond the village itself such as the specifie interpretation of bkw or the occurrence of vessels in royal festival calendars it must be borne in mind that the real value of the Deir el-Medina material lies in its potential to illuminate the lives of ordinary people in Ramessid Egypt For that purpose we need to attend most closely to the village context

Appendix The potters of Deir el-Medina Names of potters in documents relating to the delivery of ceramics

I

Names of potters in documents concerning matters other than the supply of ceramics

I 1 (Omek i Turin Strike Papyrus RAD 476 I

2 Khonsu bull O Turin 57192 1

3 Herunefer bull O DeM 73 rto 2

4 Paaeminet I O Berlin P 12343 vso 3

5 Bakenmut P Turin 2018 A rto la 5 rto IV 17 vso I 6 B rto II 4 D I rto 14 P BM 10068 vso V l3

6 Wenennefer P BM 10068 vso V 14

alence el that 1at the to the ticular thbny ar as I ) refer

ltional in line middotwpwt it was til the f The

1 41) rtoire within of the pes in ificant

likely poses tto be ~mple data of the

1 alter in the ial for

d and estrict rative ecord in the

rences

)U and

nssen

1 I Menna O IFAO 387 1 O Qurna 618i1 O DeM 91 1 O Berlin P 10840 vso 1

2 bull Nakhy I

O IFAO 3874 O DeM 914

3 I Ptahemheb O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O DeM 343 2 P Greg vso B 8 rto A11

4 Parahotep O DeM 868

5 Hori O DeM 868 O DeM 869

6 Herunefer O Cairo 25597 rto 3

7 Neferher O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O Cairo 25633 vso 2

8 Amennakht O DeM 44 rto 8

9 Dmek P Turin 2081+2095 rto 1

10 ltAhawy P Turin 1881 vso V 1 VI 7 VII 1 () Giornale of year 17 rto B II 2 P Turin 2018 A vso 1 12 B rto II 11 B vso II 17 P BM 10068 vso VI 25 P Turin 2014 rto 27-8 P BM 10054 vso II 9

62 POTTERS

Addendnm

Pierre Grandets Catalogue des ostraca hieratiques non litteraires de Deir el-Medineh IXbecame available just as this chapter went to the press This volume contains a number of important potter texts I have included them in the tables on pages 33-7 and provide a short account of them here

O DeM is the longest and most detailed potter account known to me I will be adressing the issues it raises in a further publication It records deliveries made by the potters Ptahemheb Parahotep Hori and Neferher for the months of I bt to I prt of a year 6 The title p qd occurs only in line I in reference to Ptahemheb but probably also covers the other individuals named Ptahemheb and Neferher are known from other potter accounts discussed in this chapter O DeM 869 also published by Grandet and dated to a year 6 records deliveries made by Hori of qbw and lbw vessels to Right Both Hori and Parahotep are not otherwise attested in the potter texts In O DeM 868 details of delivery are grouped according to individual potters In line 13 Neferher delivers vessels to Left (t rj smM this is the only statement concerning Right or Left in this text That four potters deliver during the same general period emphasizes the potential number of potters involved in delivery which is not generally apparent in many of the potter texts Ptahemheb and Neferher make deliveries on different days in IV bt The vessel numbers vary except for those delivered as the making good of deficits by Ptahemheb which are consistent sums (II 3-4) The vessels delivered include qbw and Ibw vessels as well as gy andjnlt this text therefore provides further evidence thatjnJtt vessels were part of the potters repertoire

Grandet follows Gutgesell in assigning a date in the mid-20th Dynasty to O DeM 868 and 869 19thMy assignment of a late Dynasty date to the other account ostraca of Ptahemheb and

Neferher (0 Cairo 25591 O Cairo 25633 and O DeM 343) is based on the record of Ptahemhebs deliveries in P Greg firmly dated by Janssen to the reign of Siptah186 Gutgesell places Ptahemheb in the 20th Dynasty on the basis of the occurrence of this name in P Turin 2006+ 1961 usually dated to year 29 of Ramesses 111 [87 The Ptahemheb in this text is not a potter and so is a different individual I propose that the late 19th Dynasty date of the other documents should therefore be retained and should also be adopted for O DeM 868 and 869

Further texts relevant to potters in Grandets volume include O DeM 877 in which a list of arrears in water supplies are measured in jnlt vessels O DeM 871-3 are sherds bearing the phrase mJ qd Grandet considers these phrases along with the phrase ml m-rJrt p-Jtm-nlr complete by the hand ofPahemnetjerthe priest on O DeM 870 as delivery marks inscribed on the pots themselves18S

186 Janssen Village Varia 115-6 187 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 252 309-12 188 Catalogue des ostraca IX 49-50

UNT

Marel

sectl Eil Die A Papyr Einwc zusHin Verw Angell besch~

Bei suchur wichtil Andre Vortei Juni 2( nicht-li recherc

Beirr allgem

bull Der MaXI

mieh Aufn Doni Sieh~

J Ja grap dazu

2 Sieht tause Peri Gutg Teil1 el ME Held Janss Histo

6 MeD Valb

g Venn Witnl II Ta

10 Ein P II Gutg 12 Allan 13 Held

Page 22: Woodcutters, Potters and Doorkeepers Service Personnel of the Deir El Medina Workmen

em to

ntries 100

l qbw were

) the nbw types livery ed an

actual 19gest from veries does

igures 101bw )ehind red in ~ fivc

cases must wand re thc ccord livery types es for odon thcsc Ichan ted in n-day lst be 1ge of

mique

DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 49

35 bikw in the late 20th Dynasty papyrus documents Where pottery deliveries are recorded in the journal papyri the numbers of vessels involved and the name of the potter are often included A further contrast with earlier records is that the tenn bkw is rarely employed The more fonnal status of the papyri may explain such differences This status may also be one reason despite the large amount of documentation surviving from this period deliveries of pottery are only recorded occasionally Those that are recorded may have been special deliveries and hence worthy of note When bkw are recorded as in earlier records these may be variable in size and consist largely ofbw and qbw vessels

The recto ofP Turin 2070133 134 + 3 fragments (KRIVI 426-8) contains journal entries for the epagomenal days of the year 2 of a king later than Ramesses IV 122 The entry for the final day records the deliveries of the potter Right the potter - 29 [qb]w vessels 145 lbw vessels Five epagomenal days 100 [+ 45] Ibwvessels [Left] the potter 29 [qbw] vessels 145lbwvessels 5 epagomenal days 145 (Col II 10-11) The deliveries are enumerated separately for each side of the crew although if the restorations are correct the totals are the same for each side As is to be expected qbw and bw vessels are the only vessel types mentioned

P Turin 1881+ (Pleyte and Rossi pI 1-8 KRIVI 609-19) records entries for years 6-8 of Ramesses IX the potter is only mentioned on three occasions in year 7 For IV lu 29 the entry reads received by the hand of the potter ~Ahawy - qbw vessels 65 bw vessels 65 (vso V 1-2) An entry for 65 handfuls of plants follows in this list and seems to be associated with this delivery An entry on the same line also records 2 khar of k3Y (Ulq~ ~ ) probably roe123 The following line records again by his hand (wlm m-fjrtj) (for) I prt 10 100 [b[w] vessels as well as 65 handfuls of plants and an unknown measure of roe It seems that the potter had also been charged with delivering produce to the village perhaps the organization of deliveries was disrupted in this period Other entries record deliveries received by the hand of scribes 124 In III prt 18 almost three months later ~Ahawy made another delivery of 300 Ibw vessels (vso VI 7-8) while in III smw there were received by the hand of the potter (for) Right and Left 1501bw vessels and 70 qbw vessels (vso VII 1-2) P Turin 1881 + is an unusual text which rather than noting events day by day records only a few days from a few months of each year perhaps days on which events occurred that were more significant in the eyes of the scribe Valbelle observes that the scribe was running out of space on the papyrus increasing the likelihood that the entries he recorded were those he considered important125

If the deliveries recorded in this text were the only ones made for year 7 of Ramesses IX the delivery patterns of the potters may have changed Rather than delivering units every decade large deliveries were made every two to three months This would explain the large totals of vessels supplied However as Janssen cautions scribal inaccuracies mean that the absence of an entry in the journal does not necessarily mean that the delivery was not made126 An alternative interpretation is that the standard deliveries were made every ten days and that those recorded here were supplementary and worthy of special mention

An entry in P Turin 1900+ (KRl VI 619-24) vso 117 may indicate that regular deliveries of blkw continued at least in the early years of Ramesses IX Year 9 II 31Jt 19 records Right the potters b3kw [ ] (wnmy p qd n b3kw [ J) The context of this delivery is similar to those of the earlier 20th Dynasty with supply of fuel and gypsum being recorded as well However the single mention of a potters bkw in this entry in the papyrus may be as unique as those in P

122 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 242 123 Janssen Village Varia 53 124 For example vso 2a vso 5 5 vso 5 10 vso 6 1 125 Ouvriers 63-4 126 Commodity Prices 486

l

50 POTTERS

Turin l88l Journal entries from years 10 and 17 of Ramesses IX support this interpretation P A Turin 2071140 (KRIVI 63715) rto 9 records delivery of vegetables and pottery 2l() qb(w) varia vessels 110 [+ x] [bw vessels for day 30 IV smw year 10 The Turin Necropolis Journal of year vana 17 rto B II 2-3 (Botti and Peet pI 16) is the only record of a pottery delivery in this substantial inclu text covering two full months potter rAhawy 33 qbw vessels 165 [bw vessels This may Dyna indicate that the delivery was an unusual hence noteworthy event especially in relation to (HO references to problems with smdt organization earlier in the text (see section 37) the p

Deliveries of varying quantities of pottery are entered a number of times for different sides of recei the crew in the journal of year 3 of Ramesses X (P Turin 1898 + Botti and Peet pI 50-63 KRI Re VI 687-99) On III prt 18 even though the crew was not working because of the foreigners cornr (Omyw) 30 qb(w) vessels and 30 [+ x] [[bw] vessels were delivered to Right (rto I 11) On the wood last day of IV prt 9 qb(w) and 27 ([)bw vessels were delivered to Left (the entry for Right is comp lost rto II 14) The entry for II smw 19 records crew not working Right 28 qb(w) vessels 300 Janss [b(w) vessels Left 28 qb(w) vessels 15 g1(y) vessels 300 [b(w) vessels (rto III 9-10) The entry amou for g1y vessels is unusual in this text Two days later there was a further delivery for Right alone largel the potter - 30 qb(w) vessels 150 [b(w) vessels (rto III 13-14) In the month of III smw qbw Alt and [bw vessels were delivered on two occasions day 5 and day 30127 On IV smw 1 1 qbw was texts

delivered perhaps to Right while 90 [bw vessels were delivered to Left (rto V 18-9) If each are in delivery of vessels to the village was flexible in size and composition the entries in this journal as a c may also illustrate that deliveries to different sides of the crew could be varied as well quant

The journal text of year 1 of Ramesses XI P Turin 1898+ VSO128 records for I 10t 24 Right excep

from the hand of (the) potter [ ] 18 qb(w) vessels 50 [+x] [bw vessels Left from the hand of 37 In(the) potter [ ]y129 10 [+x] (Hh vessels [r~R~~o] [ J (vso Text A 2-4) Again the Otherdelivery is separately enumerated for the different sides of the crew breaks in the text mean that unprethe composition of the delivery is unknown If the entry on line 4 is a variant orthography of a this b type of vessel (1(1130 it may indicate a specialized delivery because (1(1 vessels are not firingotherwise attested in the pottery deliveries l3I Further deliveries are recorded in this journal again therein a very broken context by the hand ofthe potter [ ] lbw vessels 51 [+ x ] (vso dockets B taken5-6) later 18 qbw vessels and 50 lbw vessels are recorded (vso dockets C 2) This is the latest or adrsurviving record of pottery deliveries to the necropolis workmen in the 20th Dynasty deficit Impac36 Conclusion the meanings ofb1kw

TheThe Turin Necropolis journals seem to support the interpretation of the nature of the b1kw found detailein the earlier documentation Despite the possibility that delivery patterns may have altered or that from t some entries may represent extra deliveries these documents indicate that [bw and qbw vessels earlyformed the core of any quota of pottery delivered to the village occasionally supplemented with irregulother vessel types the pa III It

127 On III sectmw 529 qb(w) vessels and 150 bw vessels were delivered to Right Left received 19 qb(w) month vessels and 150 bw vessels (Botti and Peet pI 57 rto IV 15-9) The papyrus is damaged in the entries for III sectmw 30 but the surviving text indicates that deliveries of over 100 bw vessels were made to Right and both fbw and rqlbw vessels were delivered to Left (Botti and Peet pI 59 rto V 17-19) Unusually this latter entry records bw vessels before qbw 132 For 128 Botti and Peet pI 63 KRI VI 850-1 I follow the reassessment of Jtirgen von Beckerath in my reading 34 see of this text Papyrus Turin 1898+ vso SAK21 (1994)29-33 133 Th( 129 Perhaps the name of the potter CAhawy can be restored here 134 C J 130 Wh V 532 W F Reineke Der Zusammenhang der altagyptischen Hohl- und UingenmaBe MID 9 East e (1963)151 observlt 131 4343 vessels are included in a list of products in O Cairo 25678 vso 17 along with fbw vessels (1 18) discuss Valbelle citing this text considers that 4343 vessels could replace qbw vessels and were perhaps be mad synonymous (in her reference Duvriers 265 n 12 read 25678 for 25673) 135 Con

n p b(w) year ntial may m to

es of KRI

yenlers 11 the ht is 300 ~ntry

lone qbw was each lmal

ight ld of I the that ofa not

gain s B atest

lUnd that sels with

b(w) 8 for tand this

ding

[09

18) haps

DOCUMENTIKG SUPPLY 51

A further correspondence between the papyrus documents and the earlier ostraca is the variation in the numbers of vessels being delivered If these figures do represent regular bkw the variation in vessel totals may reflect responses to the changing needs of the crew perhaps including orders made by the superiors of the crew to the potters The use of bkw in one 20th

Dynasty account ostracon exemplifies the flexible character of commissions O Gardiner 80 4-5 (HO 6114) states after recording the complete deliveries during III smw received as the bkw of the potter entered complete like his custom of every day This text implies that the deliveries received during that month constituted the potters commission which he managed to fulfiL

Records survive of other members of the smdt such as gardeners and woodcutters receiving commands to deliver specific amounts132 Janssen notes the commission received by the woodcutter Saroy in year 29 III fJt 7 to deliver 380 units every 10 days This order can be compared with that of Saroys colleague who received a commission to deliver 500 units 133 As Janssen observes the quotas of the woodcutters often deviated quickly from these specified amounts (see above p 20) Such orders might have been regular normal occurrences that are largely invisible in the written record

Although no known text records such an assignment to the potters to deliver specific amounts texts that record varying quantities of ceramics and texts in which vessels other than qbw and tbw are included suggest that such commissions were madc The bkw may therefore be understood as a commission or expected dclivery of a predetermined unit of ceramics Although theoretically quantifiablc the bkw was flexible so that we cannot determinc what amount was expected except in specific deliveries

37 Implications ofdefiCits Other factors may also have operated to produce differential sizes of deliveries Firing was an unpredictable process with a certain amount of wasters inevitably being produced each time On this basis Christopher Eyre has suggested the one bkw may have been the equivalent of one firing which could vary in composition and in success134 Although this hypothesis is viable there is no direct evidence to support it and it is also possible that the needs of the crew were taken into account in each individual bkw or work requirement Where problems in the workshop or administrative breakdowns affected deliveries these are likely to be reflected in the records as deficits By examining patterns of deficit within the documentation it is possible to observe the impact of external problems in the Theban area on the potters deliveries in the mid 20th Dynasty

The journal ostraca of the reigns of Ramesses III and IV (Group I) again provide the most detailed documentation of delivery and deficit although only very general trends can be deduced from the materiaL Janssens analysis of pottery deliveries at the end of Ramesses Ills reign to early Ramesses IV led to the conclusion that deliveries of commodities were generally very irregular at this time whereas in the preceding years they had been more stable 135 The details of the pattern of deficits can be supplemented by a few account ostraca from the reign of Ramesses III It must be borne in mind that the idiosyncrasies of scribal record keeping mean that some months record no deliveries at all even though deliveries were most probably made

132 For the commissioning of the smdt see J J Janssen The Year of the Strikes BSEG 16 (1992) 44 n 34 see also Janssens section 7 in this volume 133 The Year of the Strikes 44-6 134 C J Eyre Work and the Organization of Work in the New Kingdom in Labor in the Ancient Near East ed M A Powell (New Haven 1987) 193 Janssen bkw From Work to Product 90 n observes that if this were the case the potters would have delivered once per decade The limited evidence discussed in 31 and a review of the delivery dates in the texts included in 33 indicate that deliveries could be made on more than one occasion during the ten-day period 135 Commodity Prices 488

52 POTTERS

The account of O Gardiner 80 (HO 61 4) for year 21 of Ramesses III records deliveries that O were made complete for the entire month of III smw the final line entered complete like his bJrn custom of every day although formulaic may be an indicator of a reputation for efficiency and for t punctuality The records from a few years later appear to tarnish this reputation The account text far 11 O DeM 143 datable to year 24 while recording complete deliveries for III smw 30 and IV smw coml 10 and 20 enters deficits for IV smw 30 the five epagomenal days and the first two decades of I appe 3bt (11 1-7) Reasons for the accumulation of such a substantial deficit beyond internal incre production problems are unknown This text warns us that although the relationship between admi administrative problems at Deir el-Medina and deficit is clear at times less easily identifiable in th factors may also have had an impact By year 27 deliveries appear to have returned to normal the p with no deficits being entered and every delivery recorded as complete (0 DeM 33 vso 8 O TI DeM 34 rto 7 16 vso 11) a deficit is however noted for the epagomenal days of year 28 in O agair DeM 156 vso 4 that

From year 29 deficits are again a consistent feature of the record during the time when labour inc01 troubles began to disrupt the community The first hint of delivery problems may be found in the whet problematic O Strasbourg H 26 If the entries on the recto refer to the potter this text records mad~ complete deliveries throughout I and II smw and probably through the epagomenal days and II there 3bt The verso may refer more explicitly to pottery deliveries with the final line recording IV coul Jbt 10 deficit of the [potter) However the reading of qd is based on a restoration (Cerny Nb in thi 3561) and the status of this text as a pottery account could be questioned There are more certain Th references to delivery from later in year 29 In I prt 30 the potter made deliveries to Right and perio Left details of the content of delivery are not given (0 Turin 57007 vso 4-5) The strike action ambi began in the village only ten days later on II prt 10136 The only further entry recording a pottery Peet delivery is in P Turin 1961 (Pleyte and Rossi pI 99) possibly from the end of year 29 IV prt 30 outsi notes for Right the potter I Y while the potter l is noted for Left (vso II 5 7)137 There are there no further records of pottery deliveries until year 30 although the consistent deficits incurred by reorg the woodcutters during year 29 and into year 30 are evidence of the impact of the strikes (see for II above p 21)138 authc

Deficits are recorded in an account text for III prt 30 and probably IV prt 10 of year 30 but a Peet delivery oftvo b3kw was promptly made to remedy this deficit (0 DeM 165 rto 1-2) O DeM ~Aha 154 rto 15-16 of year 31 records the delivery of two b3kw on II smw 29 probably overdue entric payments for days 10 and 20 A number of fbw vessels are also specified I interpret these as and perhaps an early payment for II smw 30 although they may relate to the two b3kw A deficit of 65 speci is noted Complete deliveries are made in IV lJl but since they are noted specifically they may perha have been considered late one b3kw being entered on day 13 for day 10 and one being entered Th for Right only on day 21 (0 DeM 157 8-9 17) From then into the reign of Ramesses IV the may potters made deliveries late or were making good deficits In II smw 7 of year 32 the debt was diffic paid for I smw 30 and at the same time the b3kw was delivered three days early for II smw 10 (0 or the

19thDeM 38 7 17 23) No sooner had these deliveries been made then the potter was in debt again I for the rest of the month Disruptions to pottery and fuel deliveries (see above p 21) throughout wide] year 30 and into year 31 are symptoms of continued labour problems within the village or of subst general administrative problems in the Theban area 139

mont side I

136 RAD 49 15 P J Frandsen Editing reality the Turin Strike Papyrus in Studies in Egyptology presented to Miriam Lichtheim ed S Israelit-Groll (Jerusalem 1990) 166-99 Risbo 137 Janssen considers that the documentation of half units may point to a scarcity of materials Commodity availa Prices 488 A reference to a half unit may also be found in an anonymous papyrus fragment in Turin 140 Fo (Cerny MSS 3616) which records the potter 2h this probably means 2h bJkw 141 Fo 138 Janssen The Year ofthe Strikes 46-8 BerIir B9 Disruptions in local administration may have directly impacted pottery production if as Colin Hope bkw suggests the state provided clay to these workshops Egyptian Pottery Shire Egyptology 5 (princes been ~

8 that ce his yand It text smw

s of ternal tween fiable Irmal 8 O in O

aboUT in the ~cords

md II ~ IV YNb ertain It and ~ction ottery Jrt 30 re are ed by (see

but a DeM erdue se as of65 may

tered the twas 0(0 19ain ~hout or of

~logy

ity

ffope inces

DOCUMENTlIG SUPPLY 53

O DeM 40 rto 15 from I gUt of year 1 of Ramesses IV records that the potter delivered three bgkw on day 24 probably overdue deliveries for days 10 and 20 (the deficits are not noted) and for the epagomenal days for which the deficit was entered in a note in a separate column on the far left A deficit is also recorded for day 30 (vso 9) From this point on the deliveries tend to be complete although often a few days late140 There are still occasional deficits but the deliveries appear to have been generally more regular than in the final years of Ramesses IILI41 The increasing irregularity of delivery is probably a symptom of the general decay of the administration of the Necropolis at the end of a long reign The more regular deliveries beginning in the first year of Ramesses IV perhaps correspond with a renewed interest in the Necropolis on the part of the successor king who was eager to get work on his tomb underway

These documents provide the only opportunity to trace a pattern of deficit in pottery deliveries against well documented changes and problems in the administration of the village They show that such an equation between the two is possible this may have implications for the more incomplete records of the end of the dynasty It is difficult to determine from the papyrus texts whether deliveries continued on a regular basis in the closing years of the 20th Dynasty or were made in large consignments more infrequently as the surviving evidence seems to suggest Since there were significant civil disturbances in the Theban area throughout this period deliveries could have been affected to the point that they became more unusual events and warranted entry in the journals

The Turin Necropolis journal for year 17 of Ramesses IX provides the best example from this period From II prl on the text includes entries concerning the smdt in general from the ambiguous entry taking the smdt of the Tomb of Left by the scribe of the Tomb Hori (Botti and Peet pI 14 rto B I 8) to the entries a few lines later crew not working while the smdt were outside under the authority (rJ(wyraquo of the two scribes of the Necropolis [ ] crew not working there being no smdt outside (rto B I 12) These entries seem to indicate that there was some reorganization of or problem with the smdt although a record of a wood delivery was entered for II prl 15 The entry for II prt 18 records crew not working while their smdt were under the authority of the two scribes of the Tomb of the Outside without any payments (1) (Botti and Peet pI 15 rto B I 18) On II prt 24 a delivery of fish was made and on day 25 the potter rAhawy delivered a number of vessels (Botti and Peet pI 16 rto B II 1-3) Although these entries are difficult to interpret it seems that the crew was facing both deficits in grain delivery and problems with the smdt In this context the delivery of pottery can perhaps be seen as a special occurrence no text from the end of the 20 th Dynasty explicitly records a potters deficit perhaps indicating that there was no longer an expected pattern to delivery

The interpretations presented here are speculative moreover other factors that left no trace may have had an impact on production The deficits entered for year 25 of Ramesses III are difficult to explain except in terms of unknowable production problems specific to the workshops or the personal circumstances of the potters as are the causes for the deficits recorded in the early 19th Dynasty Such deficits cannot be equated with any known problems in the village or the wider Theban area The accounts of the potters Menna and N akhy in the early 19th Dynasty record substantial deficits especially those incurred by Menna in a year 9 where he is in deficit for five months totalling 53 qbw vessels and 575 fbw vessels Further deficit totals perhaps for the other side of the crew are even larger 94 qbw vessels and 992 lbw vessels (0 Berlin P 10840) The

Risborough 1987) 10 This argument may apply only to high quality ceramics considering the ready availability ofNile silt for the production of most basic vessels 140 For example O DeM 47 rto 3 11 vso 4 141 For example the following texts record deficits in year 1 = I prt 30 (0 DeM 47 rto 11) III prt 30 (0 Berlin P 12641 + 12628 7) II smw 20(7) (0 DeM 161 vso 3) O DeM 44 rto 20 records a delivery of 1y bklv for III smw 29 Janssen considers that since no delivery was recorded for day 20 materials may have been scarce at this time Commodity Prices 488

--54 POTTERS

patterns of deficit incurred by the potters that can be traced in the texts cannot generally be Ana correlated with external administrative problems and decay rese

proc sect4 Equations of word and object an analysis offour pot-types A notable feature of the potter texts from Deir el-Medina is the substantial number of vessels 41 delivered to the village every ten days Although the exact number due in each bkw varied the I ha totals of some deliveries indicate that there was a significant and constant need for ceramics in the thrOl community In the lives of the villagers this pottery was essential It was the principal means to mult store prepare and serve food and to carry out many other activities within the domestic and work refer spheres Janssen observes in Commodity Prices that we have virtually no cvidence for the enun exchange value of ceramics beeause price texts generally refer only to metal or stone vessels 142

used Vessels used for a wide variety of domestic purposes would have had a low value and high class turnover millions of pot sherds were found within the rubbish dumps of the village including the offo Grands PuitS 143 Since their role was so essential it is desirable to learn about the various forms of In thl the vessels - their sizes and range of functions - in order to advance our understanding of the lJl villagers daily lives possi

Holthoerl44 noted that most Mesopotamian names of vessels relate directly to their material their function or their capacity but concluded that the Egyptians derived their vessel names from something other than vessel function This conclusion was largely based on the 1935 lexicographic analysis of Egyptian vessels by Robert du Mesnil du Buisson whose study is the only one that covers a wide range of ceramics including some of the vessel names that occur in the Deir el-Medina potter texts He considered that the qbw vessel was connected to qb fresh cool an appropriate concept for a jar145 He equated the gy vessel with the verb gw to be narrow perhaps suggesting a jar with a narrow neck 146

Edward Brovarski has done preliminary work on some Old Kingdom and First Intermediate Period vessel terms147 and Patricia Paice has studies connections between vessel shapes and their functions as depicted in tomb reliefs 148 The most valuable recent examination of the intersection of lexicography and a ceramic corpus is that of Janet Bourriau and Stephen Quirke on the Middle Kingdom ceramic repertoire from Lahun l49

An approach comparable to that taken at Lahun would be ideal for the material from Deir elshy Fig 1 Medina but a full statistical analysis of the archaeological material in relation to the textual data Urk r that is a prerequisite for determining lexicographic relations is beyond the scope of this study

The VI

Jb-nraquo142 407_8 and n 5 lS enu 143 ibid 488

vessel 144 New Kingdom Pharaonic Sites The Pottery 41 see J Bourriau and S Quirke The Late Middle

terminKingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects in Lahun studies ed S Quirke (Reigate 1998) 60shydeterm1 for a more recent discussion of the basis of classifications

145 Les noms et signes egyptiens designant des vases ou objets simiaires (Paris 1935)30 l46 Noms et signes 72 Janssen Commodity Prices 427 considers that du Mesnil du Buissons suggestions 150 FoUl

and explanations for the gly are unconvincing and concludes that no identification of the gly is apparant P Turi Ricardo A Caminos considered it to be an open bowl or cup since it was used more as a container for Howevl

ISl Jansvegetables and flowers than liquids (CLEM 194-5) corresponding to the use of gy vessels for natron 152 Thelotus leaves and fruit in the Medinet Habu festival lists A Spalinger Medinet Habu and Deir el-Yledina IS3 TheCombined in Deir el-Medina in the Third Millennium AD A Tribute to Jac J Janssen eds R 1 Demaree

and A Egberts Egyptologische Uitgaven 14 (Leiden 2000) 314 Although the shape of the gl) remains these m unknown Janssen has determined a capacity of 20 hin Two Ancient Egyptian Ships Logs Papyrus Leiden detenni 1350 verso and Papyrus Turin 2008 + 2016 (Leiden 1961)88 vessel l47 Lexicographical Studies in Egyptian Pottery Bulletin de Liaison du Groupe International dEtude de determi fa Ceramique Egyptienne 7 (1982) 36-7 154 P GJ 14S The Pottery of Daily Life in Ancient Egypt JSSEA 19 (1989) 50-88 bibliogr 149 The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects 60-83 IS5 Com

lly be

essels d the in the ansto lwork Dr the oels142

1 high ngthe rmsof of the

lterial s from

1935 is the

cur in fresh to be

lediate i their ection fiddle

eir elshyt data study

v1iddle 8) 60shy

~stions

Jaranl ler for latron -edina maree mains Leiden

~de de

EQUA TJONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 55

Analysis of the occurrence of vessel types in the potter texts can be related to the present stage of research into vessel shape and size to produce some further insights both into the potters products and into the documentation for the supply of particular ceramic types

41 The basic pots qbw and [bw I have shown above that [bw and qbw vessels formed the basis of deliveries to the village

19th 20ththroughout the and Dynasties Therefore it seems likely that they were simple multipurpose vessels distinct from each another in shape andor size There is a standard way of referring to them in the records qbw vessels precede [bw vessels and many fewer are usually enumerated This relationship points to a qualitative differentiation between the two ISO Both are used as containers for liquids such as beer and waterl5l I consider that these two terms designate classes of vessels rather than fixed single shapes their names perhaps referring to a wider range of forms Difference in size may account for the differentation in numbers delivered in the texts In the following discussion I assess the evidence for these two classes of vessels

Jb lbw) vessels are included among the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak indicating a possible shape for the vessel152

tlBoo~WJ~O 01It 0P L II I I

Fig 1 ob-nw-k vessels in the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak (Wreszinski Atlas II pI 33 Urk IV 636)

The vessel shown is distinctive being beaker-like and wider at the base than at the neck JS3 The ub-nw-k vessel here is the equivalent of the u-m-Icw of P Harris I 36a 7 A significant number is enumerated in this text as containers tor incense perhaps indicating a smaller cup-like vessel l54 Janssen has considered that the [x]-n-k termination which is fairly common in vessel terminology indicates that the vessels were cups the name of the vessel given in the compound determines the shape155 In the inscription of the High Priest Osorkon the Oblb-n-k is written

150 Four texts which enumerate qbw and fbw vessels show a ratio of 15 O Or Inst Chicago 16698 rto 3 P Turin 2070133 134 + frgs rto 10-11 Giornale of year 17 rto B II 1-3 P Turin 1898 rto III 14 However since these are isolated examples it is uncertain how widely applicable such a ratio was 151 Janssen Commodity Prices 433 Valbelle Ouvriers 265 152 The equivalence between the lb andlbw is confirmed in CLEM 186-7 153 The determinative given for a qby vessel in the offering list ofThutmose III at Elcphantine indicates that these may have been quite close in shape to the IJb-nw-h of the Karnak list The simple elongated beaker determinative is quite distinct from the determinatives given for the other vases in the list including the Ub vessel which is shon with a definite neck (Urk IV 828 4) However the occurrence of different determinatives within a single text does not offer a basis for a classification of vessel forms 154 P Grandet Le Papyrus Harris I (EM 9999) BdE 109 (Cairo 1994) I 272 see vol IT 141 n 576 for a bibliography for lbw l55 Commodity Prices 409

I

56 POTTERS

with a goblet detenninative ls6 The vessels recorded in these texts may be smaller cup versions of thai larger Ibw jars with the wide mouth and lack of defined neck perhaps pointing to a vessel associated with food preparation and service 157 The delivery list O DeM 288 records fb-nw-kJ

cor 1

vessels perhaps as a fuller writing of bw or as a distinct fonn vithin the Ibw class Vessels ves categorized as Ibw may have had a generalized function as cups or containers for both liquid and con solid foods A comparison can be made with the ~nw vessels which are recorded in significant 4W numbers in the papyrus documents from Lahun and are equated by Bourriau and Quirke with the 346 drinking cups known from the site the only vessel fonn which they consider could have been used in such numbers 158 The bkw of the Deir el-Medina potters show that Ibw vessels too were

lbw 50

delivered in large quantities the The lower numbers of qbw vessels in the deliveries may be related to their larger size In Poids o

No 5135 3 the weight of a metal qbw vessel is stated to be 20 deben or 18 kg Valbelle betv concludes from this that the qbw was significantly larger than the Ibw 159 That qbw designates a POttl simple storage jar may be indicated by the name itself If the connection suggested by du Mesnil two du Buisson between qbw vessels and qb cool can be accepted it may suggest that qbw vessels were storage jars perhaps for water and other liquids The connection may also suggest the

sigh one

material of manufacture qbw vessels could have been made from marl clay which cools water Helc through evaporation

As storage jars qbw vessels may have been connected in shape or broad function with the qbwshyIf a have

n-wt canopic jar The coincidence of the name suggests some correspondence The simple canopic jar fonns given by Georges Nagel for Tomb 359 seem similar in shape to vessels found in the cellar of a house in the village160 However Nagels sample is so small that any identification is tentative Janssen cautions that the standard shape of a canopic jar was rarely used as the fonn of bronze or pottery vessels 161 This may be a principle of decorum vessels with a funerary purpose not being equated in fonn with ordinary domestic ceramics The connection between qbw and qbw-n-wt may be simply that they were both in one fonn or another storage jars

Although the qbw may have been proportionally larger than the lbw it is very unlikely that

capa temp capa appn meas

Cc vso cannc into i

either fonn had a fixed capacity at Deir el-Medina W W Struve [V V Struve] offered the only attempt to determine the capacity of the qbw (or qby) vessel based largely on Greek evidence and his research on P Boulaq 18162 Wolfgang HeIcks review of this evidence led him to conclude

dOCUJ

repre betw( vesse restril than 1

156 R A Caminos The Chronicle ofPrince Osorkon Analecta Orientalia 37 (Rome 1958) 129 157 p Cairo 58088 indicates that bw could have had a large size in this case accommodating 3 ds measures See also Janssen Commodity Prices 433 n 170 C Daniel Les noms egyptiens de certains types de vases

proba fixed

In

grecs Studia et Acta Orientalia 5-6 (1967) 383-5 equates the lIb vessel with the Greek 10 olt7tW and the vesse

Mycenaean di-pa He notes that the di-pa depicted on a tablet corresponds in shape with the form of the fib indicated by the determinative used for the word The depictions of the di-pa that Daniel cites are not 163 DG

comparable in form with the Ibw depicted in the Karnak offering list D H F Gray Linear Band evidee Archaeology Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies of the UniverSity of London 6 (1959) pI 7 I andDI would argue that the form of the lbw was very flexible 164 It 1

158 Bourriau and Quirke The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects 74 some 159 Catalogues des poids a inscriptions hieratiques de Deir el-Medineh Nos 5001-5423 DFIFAO 16 165 Da~

(Cairo 1973) 18 166 FOI 160 La ceramique du Nouvel Empire aDeir el Medineh DFIFAO 10 (Cairo 1938)35 cf 122 no 38 42 SpaHn 44 167 Da 161 Commodity Prices 412 sugges 162 Mathematischer Papyrus des staatlichen Museums der SchOnen Kunste in Moskau (Berlin 1930) 55 Ceram withn2 25 1itr

lions of vessel

-nw-k

Vessels llid and ilificant vith the Ie been )0 were

n Poids lalbelle ~ates a Mesnil vessels est the s water

le qbwshysimple

s found lat any rarely vessels s The omlor

~ly that Iteonly lce and melude

~asures

le vases and the the b are not Band pI 7 I

AO 16

3842

gt30) 55

EQliAnONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 57

that the qbw had no fixed capacity Rather it seems that vessels such as the Ibw and qbw could correspond to a range of different ds measures 163

Two texts may point to some perhaps proportional equivalence between qbw vessels and dpr vessels In O DeM 135 the record of the accumulated deficits of two potters includes a conversion from dpr vessels into qbw vessels 9 dpr vessels to (=) qbw vessels making Urn) 4Yz (see section 31) Such a conversion may indicate a size ratio between the vessels O DeM 346 vso 3 records 42 dpr vessels [making Urn)] 22 qbt vessels (see n 89 for the restoration) Ibw vessels may also be equated with dpr vessels in O DeM 202 dpr vessels 30 [as] 15 bw 50 (1 3_4)164 The restoration here is problematic and the hypothesis of any equivalence between the two types must remain tentative

O Berlin P 10654 vso displays a similar complexity in possible equivalences this time between qbw vessels and jnJt vessels This text (discussed in section 33) seems to record the potters production of ceramics on days 10 20 and 30 of II bt and day 10 of IIIilt The final two lines state total 230 of (n) qbw vessels [ ] specifying it (wp st) 23 jnJt vessels At first sight such a text seems to point to a proportional relationship between these vessels a qbw being one tenth of ajnJt Such a ratio is quite possible because jnJt vessels do seem to have been large Heicks calculations from O Gardiner 81 indicate that ajnJt vessel was 2 of a mnt-amphora 165

If a mnt had a liquid capacity of c 20 hin and a hin was 048 litres the capacity of a jnlzt would have been c 53 hin or 2551itres O Berlin P 10654 vso would then show that a qbw vessel had a capacity of c 53 hin or 25 litres whieh is a sensible size for a storage jar 166 Although it is tempting to make such equations from this data this evidence is based on assumptions about the capacity of other vessel types so is tentative HeIck estimated that the ds vessel had a eapacity of approximately 3 litres 167 If so the qbw in P Boulaq 18 would have been double the size ofa ds measure in order to contain the 2 ds (e 6 litres)

Contextual study of the equation between qbw vessels and other types in O Berlin P 10654 vso O DeM 135 and O DeM 346 vso indicates some form of size ratio operated although we cannot easily determine the flexibility of that ratio or how it was used A conversion of one vessel into its equivalent of another type is unusual in a text like O Berlin P 10654 vso which seems to document the actual produetion of vessels even their firing If the last two lines of the text represent the total of ceramics produced in this process then the specification of a relationship between the two vessels types is rather strange Perhaps the original order was for 230 qbw vessels and this was then converted into the equivalent in jn~t vessels Ifjn~t vessels had a more restricted even ritual function the equivalence expressed here may be more abstract or complex than a ratio of capacity The size of vessels delivered may have been standardized to some extent probably based on ease of delivery and manageability within a domestic eontext rather than as fixed measures

In such a context a value relationship might well have operated The jnlzt as a specialized vessel may have had a more established value in relation to which the qbw vessels could be set

163 Das Bier im Alten Agypten (Berlin 1971) 47 See also Anthony Spalingers re-evaluation of the evidence for the capacity of these vessels including discussion of O DeM 135 and 202 Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 314 His conclusions largely correspond with mine 164 It may also be possible to read dpr 30 Urnl 15 lbw 50 which would support the hypothesis of some sort ofequivalence 165 Das Bier 47 16lt5 For a review of evidence concerning the capacity of the mnl including discussion of this text see A Spalinger Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 312-3 167 Das Bier 46 R L Miller (is-vessels Beer Mugs Cirrhosis and Casting Slag GM 115 (1990) 64 suggests that the ds was a drinking vessel perhaps to be equated with depictions given in Nagel Ceramique 199-206 Miller identifies a jar found at Saqqara as a ds vessel noting that it had a capacity of 25 litres roughly corresponding to Heicks estimate

58 POTTERS

In O DeM 135 the scribe may well have calculated the value of the vessels owed down to the half vessel A parallel for this is found in O Turin 57062 vso 4 where 2Yz jnJtt vessels are set

dlagainst five vessel types which precede them (their names are lost) The recording of five vessels compared with half that amount in jnJtt vessels producing the unusual amount of a half vessel tt

2again suggests a value equivalence Since vessels do not appear with fixed values in the price

SJtexts their worth may well have been assessed in relation to other vessel types st b42 A specialized vessel jnJzt DApart from the two vessel types or classes that formed the basis of the deliveries of ceramics to rethe village the potter texts also occasionally enumerate other types jnJtt vessels although well

known from other contexts are rare in the potter texts A few texts that may indicate their ritproduction or delivery by the Deir el-Medina potters illuminate aspects of its function and context

of use The pattern of occurrence of jnJtt vessels indicates a specialized vessel type the shape of which is unknown The jnJtt vessel is most widely documented as a storage container for beer and as Walter F Reineke notes outside the data from Deir el-Medina it was often made of gold or silver J68 That this vessel could be supplied as part of the ceramic requirement of the village seems to be indicated by the delivery lists from the early 19th Dynasty (Category E) Some of these lists record jnJzt vessels although they are not always indisputably connected with the smdt potters

In the Category E delivery lists of wood and ceramics jnJtt vessels occur four times their total Ccamount being low in comparison with the other vessels enumerated in these texts In O DeM 1 6 una total of 7 jnlu vessels are delivered 5 of good quality 2 of poor In O DeM 17 4 only 3 jnJzt aUvessels were delivered (2 good 1 poor) in comparison with 290 lbw recorded in the previous intline and in O DeM 15 3 7 jn~lt vessels were delivered as against 295 Ibw vessels 16 jnJzt povessels are documented in O DeM 23 5 (the text is broken and the reading at the end of the line

uncertain)169 bei ve~Only two texts explicitly includejnJtt vessels in pottery deliveries 0 Qurna 6181 records two

jnJtt vessels among the deficit of 55 qbw and 265 Ibw vessels incurred by the potter Menna O IJry Michaelides 33 rto 3-6 J70 This text records for III Jot 30 matching deliveries from a potter to vex

Right and Left among other deliveries of wood and gypsum the potter 1 jnlp vessels 20 (pJ qd 1 jnJzt 20)171 The stroke read as one after the title p qd could refer to the bkw of the potter not

with jnJtt vessels being an addition to the quota delivered 172 jnJtt vessels were therefore a wit gocomponent of the potters repertoire and this fact may complicate the interpretation of other texts

where they occur173 More generally jnJzt vessels are recorded as being delivered filled with beer I thisand thus are probably not associated with ceramic delivery

174 (

Me(J68 Der Zusammenhang der altagyptischen Hohl- und UingenmaBe MID 9 (1963) 146 175( 169 Kitchen restores 16jnli vessels [by the hand of A]meneminet (KRII 367 8 a-b) but there does not 176 1appear to be space for this formula in the break The rest of this text is similar to the other wood and pottery

177pounddelivery lists See the discussion of parallel texts in section 23 170 Goedicke-Wente pJ 67 However I follow CernYs transcription of the text here (Nb 10830)

178 1

Cau171 Contra Goedicke and Wente who restore IT1l ] on line 3 On line 7 Goedicke and Wente read 27 jnlt 197vessels instead of 20 vessels and the restoration for the [plasterer] (Pi q() given by Cerny 179 1

172 Alternatively it could refer to a single potter although this would be unusual in this context (see section Rek21) Compare the reading of this text with that discussed for O DeM 154 rto 15-6 in section 34 Egy

173 Other entries for this day include specialty breads and ds measures of beer (117-8) while the folloVing somentry for IV Jt 1 records a festival of Hathor (1 9) Although an association with a festival context is Dietpossible the delivery of jnlts as discussed by Spahnger is recorded separately from the breads and ds inameasures and is included among more standard delveries Medinet Habu and Dei elmiddotMedina Combined note310-311 Earl

l to the are set vessels vessel e price

mics to ~h well e their ~ontext

mpe of Ir beer of gold village ome of le smdt

ir total M 16 r 3jn~f

revious 16 jn~t he line

ds two mao O )tter to (pJ qd potter fore a r texts th beer

oes not pottery

27 jn~t

section

llowing rrtext is and ds

lbined

EQUATIONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 59

jn~t vessels of beer occur consistently in a series of six Category E ostraca that seem to document the delivery of commodities associated with festival or temple offerings174 Four of these texts state that the commodities were delivered by an individual in O DeM 20 and O DeM 25 the deliveries are made by a local priest Each of these six texts lists items that include speciality foodstuffs and jn~t vessels of beer rather than the fuel and plain unfilled pottery of standard deliveries II smw 12 by the hand of the local priest (w(b Sf) 175 60 large j nJzt vessels of beer entered 56 deficit 4 120 (bundles of) vegetables ISO s(t cakes and 100 rJzs cakes (0 DeM 20) The only exception in this group is O DeM 26 where 30 large jn~1f vessels are recorded 27 are entered (jw) and there is a deficit on No beer is recorded with these vessels

The recto of O DeM 29 may confirm that lists containing such products are associated with rituals or festivals rather than deliveries of materials to the village 176

total of various (sbn)jnl)tvessels of beer 653 [+x] the record of the [ ] which were given as offerings (snw) [] good bread loaves of [ ] s(t cake [x oipeJ rJzs cakes [ J jnJzt vessels of beer [ J beer [ ]

Connections of this vessel type with the temple or festival sphere nmy explain features of the unique and difficult distribution text O BM 50728 discussed in section 23 The text records the allocation ofjnJzt vessels to individual crew members The 10 + 5 jnJzt vessels seem to be grouped into four different categories perhaps accordin~ to quality of the vessel or its contents and possibly its shape or finish 177 5 doubly good (~reg) jnJzt vessels in the fashion of hbny [vessels] being returned (m hyt) 2 for Baky I for Huy 1 (for) (Omek 1 for Qaha totalS (11 5-6) Six vessels given to individuals in line 7 one for each nmn are stated to be middling good (11fr mshyhry-jb) and line 10 enumerates two vessels that also have a designation perhaps reading not (J I~~ 3)very poor _ 1

If the jnJzt vessels were more specialized beer vessels used in festival or ritual contexts then the note of quality either of contents or of the vessel itself would have been important This concern with quality can also be seen in the delivery lists where the jnJzt vessels are described as either good or poor 178

Particularly difficult to understand in this context are the writings of hbny perhaps referring to this well-known amphora-shaped vessel I19 The five doubly goodjnl)t vessels are designated in

174 O DeM 19 20 21 25 26 27 For further discussion of these texts see Spalinger Deir e1middotMedina and Medinet Habu Combined 311

(1 0

175 l=n (1 1) For another writing of this title see O DeM 25 2 176 The verso of this text records only nswt bjty mnmiddotmrtmiddotrr 177 For the use of red ink in this text see p 19 n 75 above

178 O DeM 1 6 174 For discussion of the meaning of snn 1~ in these contexts see D Valbelle Catalogue des poids ainscriptions hieratiques de Deir eAmiddotfedineh Nos 500l-5423 DFIFAO 16 (Cairo 1977)23 179 Wh II 487 There are depictions of the hbnylhbnt vessel in Urk IV 11308 11352 and in the tomb of Rekhmire N de G Davies The Tomb of Rekh-mi-r~ at Thebes The Metropolitan Museum of Art Egyptian Expedition 11 (New York 1943) I pIs 33 34 In these examples it is shaped as an amphora sometimes without handles and often contains honey E A W Budge An Egyptian Hieroglyphic Dictionary (London 1920)446 gave the capacity of a hbnt ndst as one quarter of a hin F G Hilton-Price in an earlier publication Notes on Some Egyptian Antiquities in My Collection TSBA 9 (1886) 353 noted the same capacity for this vessel Here see also T G H James The Heqanakhte Papers and Other Early Middle Kingdom Documents (New York 1962) 118

60 POTTERS

the fashion of hbny vessels (~[]~IlJ1J 0) (vso 5) This seems to express an equivalence between the two vessel types perhaps representing an addition or finish to the jn~lt vessel that increased its value Du Mesnil du Buisson speculated in his discussion of the hhnl vessel that the word related to hbny ebony t ruJ-Oi) and indicated a blackened colour or lustre to the vesseL I80 hbny also occurs as an annotation above the entries of jnit vessels for particular workmen in lines 8-12 of the recto The entry on line 13 (hhny n [ ]) may indicate that hhny vessels themselves were also delivered to the workmen named in the following lines So far as I know hbny vessels do not occur in other Deir el-Medina textsl8J These notations may also refer to some sort of finishing to the j nit vesseL

The inclusion of more unusual designations for the vessels certainly points to the exceptional nature ofthe delivery in O BM 50728 as does the entry of an amount ((i(w) of bJq oil (8) in line lOon the verso after the specification of 10 further jnlJl vessels for particular workmen (pJ WpWl

n plIO n jnlJt n tJ jst) Janssen observes that this oil was rarely used by the workmen as it was too expensive 182 It is possible that the text refers to the delivery of jnit vessels of bJq oil the references to quality therefore referring to the quality of oil rather than the vessel itself The designation hbny may be associated with this as welL

Complicating this analysis is the proposed large size of jnit vessels (discussed in section 41) which may account to some extent for its more restricted function within the vessel repertoire jnlJt vessels occur only rarely in the Medinet Habu festival calendar indicating that even within the temple their use was specialized ls3 The ealculation of the equivalence in contents of the vessels in O Gardiner 81 indicates that we are dealing with a set capacity for these vessel types in this text 184 If the capacity of a jnit was 53 hin or 255 Htres this would equate to a significant quantity ofbJq oil per person 185

O BM 50728 remains a puzzle Despite thc difficulties in interpretation it seems most likely that it records allocation of vessels possibly filled with oil or beer for festival or cultic purposes The careful documentation of such a distribution may also indicate that the vessels were not to be kept by the men perhaps only being used by them for the event and then returned to the temple A large size may serve to explain their more limited and specialized oecurrence in the data perhaps restricted to the religious sphere rather than playing a role in the domestic life of the villagers

In this instance contextual analysis of texts that seem to relate to ceramic deliveries can alter our understanding of these texts and illuminate the role and function of a vessel type in the community For vessels that were delivered more commonly we can observe the potential for flexibility in the classification systems these would repay further detailed study sectS Conclusion Analysis of the texts concerning pottery delivery leaves a number of questions unanswered and areas unexplored the limited number of sources available and problems inherent in them restrict their potential for interpretation However some insights into the organization and administrative structures of Deir el-Medina are fortheoming from the material Within the meticulous record keeping of the village the key theme seems to be flexibility This flexibility is apparent in the

180 Noms et signes 28 181 Janssen did not include them in his chapter on Vessels in Commodity Prices None of the references for the entry in the Wb II 487 has a Deir e1-Medina provenance 182 Commodity Prices 330 183 On the occurrence of the jnltt in the Medinet Hahn festival lists see A Spalinger Medinet Habn and Deir ei-Medina Combined 311-2 ]84 Heick Das Bier 46 185 Even if the mnt was only 10 hin a jnltt would still be of a substantial size c 11-12 iitres Janssen Commodity Prices 434

N

CONCLUSION 61

number of potters assigned to the crew the size and content of the quota required every 10 days and the timing of deliveries The final section of my study also points to the potential flexibility of form size and function of the pots themselves

Although we can find implications in the potter texts for features of society beyond the village itself such as the specifie interpretation of bkw or the occurrence of vessels in royal festival calendars it must be borne in mind that the real value of the Deir el-Medina material lies in its potential to illuminate the lives of ordinary people in Ramessid Egypt For that purpose we need to attend most closely to the village context

Appendix The potters of Deir el-Medina Names of potters in documents relating to the delivery of ceramics

I

Names of potters in documents concerning matters other than the supply of ceramics

I 1 (Omek i Turin Strike Papyrus RAD 476 I

2 Khonsu bull O Turin 57192 1

3 Herunefer bull O DeM 73 rto 2

4 Paaeminet I O Berlin P 12343 vso 3

5 Bakenmut P Turin 2018 A rto la 5 rto IV 17 vso I 6 B rto II 4 D I rto 14 P BM 10068 vso V l3

6 Wenennefer P BM 10068 vso V 14

alence el that 1at the to the ticular thbny ar as I ) refer

ltional in line middotwpwt it was til the f The

1 41) rtoire within of the pes in ificant

likely poses tto be ~mple data of the

1 alter in the ial for

d and estrict rative ecord in the

rences

)U and

nssen

1 I Menna O IFAO 387 1 O Qurna 618i1 O DeM 91 1 O Berlin P 10840 vso 1

2 bull Nakhy I

O IFAO 3874 O DeM 914

3 I Ptahemheb O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O DeM 343 2 P Greg vso B 8 rto A11

4 Parahotep O DeM 868

5 Hori O DeM 868 O DeM 869

6 Herunefer O Cairo 25597 rto 3

7 Neferher O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O Cairo 25633 vso 2

8 Amennakht O DeM 44 rto 8

9 Dmek P Turin 2081+2095 rto 1

10 ltAhawy P Turin 1881 vso V 1 VI 7 VII 1 () Giornale of year 17 rto B II 2 P Turin 2018 A vso 1 12 B rto II 11 B vso II 17 P BM 10068 vso VI 25 P Turin 2014 rto 27-8 P BM 10054 vso II 9

62 POTTERS

Addendnm

Pierre Grandets Catalogue des ostraca hieratiques non litteraires de Deir el-Medineh IXbecame available just as this chapter went to the press This volume contains a number of important potter texts I have included them in the tables on pages 33-7 and provide a short account of them here

O DeM is the longest and most detailed potter account known to me I will be adressing the issues it raises in a further publication It records deliveries made by the potters Ptahemheb Parahotep Hori and Neferher for the months of I bt to I prt of a year 6 The title p qd occurs only in line I in reference to Ptahemheb but probably also covers the other individuals named Ptahemheb and Neferher are known from other potter accounts discussed in this chapter O DeM 869 also published by Grandet and dated to a year 6 records deliveries made by Hori of qbw and lbw vessels to Right Both Hori and Parahotep are not otherwise attested in the potter texts In O DeM 868 details of delivery are grouped according to individual potters In line 13 Neferher delivers vessels to Left (t rj smM this is the only statement concerning Right or Left in this text That four potters deliver during the same general period emphasizes the potential number of potters involved in delivery which is not generally apparent in many of the potter texts Ptahemheb and Neferher make deliveries on different days in IV bt The vessel numbers vary except for those delivered as the making good of deficits by Ptahemheb which are consistent sums (II 3-4) The vessels delivered include qbw and Ibw vessels as well as gy andjnlt this text therefore provides further evidence thatjnJtt vessels were part of the potters repertoire

Grandet follows Gutgesell in assigning a date in the mid-20th Dynasty to O DeM 868 and 869 19thMy assignment of a late Dynasty date to the other account ostraca of Ptahemheb and

Neferher (0 Cairo 25591 O Cairo 25633 and O DeM 343) is based on the record of Ptahemhebs deliveries in P Greg firmly dated by Janssen to the reign of Siptah186 Gutgesell places Ptahemheb in the 20th Dynasty on the basis of the occurrence of this name in P Turin 2006+ 1961 usually dated to year 29 of Ramesses 111 [87 The Ptahemheb in this text is not a potter and so is a different individual I propose that the late 19th Dynasty date of the other documents should therefore be retained and should also be adopted for O DeM 868 and 869

Further texts relevant to potters in Grandets volume include O DeM 877 in which a list of arrears in water supplies are measured in jnlt vessels O DeM 871-3 are sherds bearing the phrase mJ qd Grandet considers these phrases along with the phrase ml m-rJrt p-Jtm-nlr complete by the hand ofPahemnetjerthe priest on O DeM 870 as delivery marks inscribed on the pots themselves18S

186 Janssen Village Varia 115-6 187 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 252 309-12 188 Catalogue des ostraca IX 49-50

UNT

Marel

sectl Eil Die A Papyr Einwc zusHin Verw Angell besch~

Bei suchur wichtil Andre Vortei Juni 2( nicht-li recherc

Beirr allgem

bull Der MaXI

mieh Aufn Doni Sieh~

J Ja grap dazu

2 Sieht tause Peri Gutg Teil1 el ME Held Janss Histo

6 MeD Valb

g Venn Witnl II Ta

10 Ein P II Gutg 12 Allan 13 Held

Page 23: Woodcutters, Potters and Doorkeepers Service Personnel of the Deir El Medina Workmen

l

50 POTTERS

Turin l88l Journal entries from years 10 and 17 of Ramesses IX support this interpretation P A Turin 2071140 (KRIVI 63715) rto 9 records delivery of vegetables and pottery 2l() qb(w) varia vessels 110 [+ x] [bw vessels for day 30 IV smw year 10 The Turin Necropolis Journal of year vana 17 rto B II 2-3 (Botti and Peet pI 16) is the only record of a pottery delivery in this substantial inclu text covering two full months potter rAhawy 33 qbw vessels 165 [bw vessels This may Dyna indicate that the delivery was an unusual hence noteworthy event especially in relation to (HO references to problems with smdt organization earlier in the text (see section 37) the p

Deliveries of varying quantities of pottery are entered a number of times for different sides of recei the crew in the journal of year 3 of Ramesses X (P Turin 1898 + Botti and Peet pI 50-63 KRI Re VI 687-99) On III prt 18 even though the crew was not working because of the foreigners cornr (Omyw) 30 qb(w) vessels and 30 [+ x] [[bw] vessels were delivered to Right (rto I 11) On the wood last day of IV prt 9 qb(w) and 27 ([)bw vessels were delivered to Left (the entry for Right is comp lost rto II 14) The entry for II smw 19 records crew not working Right 28 qb(w) vessels 300 Janss [b(w) vessels Left 28 qb(w) vessels 15 g1(y) vessels 300 [b(w) vessels (rto III 9-10) The entry amou for g1y vessels is unusual in this text Two days later there was a further delivery for Right alone largel the potter - 30 qb(w) vessels 150 [b(w) vessels (rto III 13-14) In the month of III smw qbw Alt and [bw vessels were delivered on two occasions day 5 and day 30127 On IV smw 1 1 qbw was texts

delivered perhaps to Right while 90 [bw vessels were delivered to Left (rto V 18-9) If each are in delivery of vessels to the village was flexible in size and composition the entries in this journal as a c may also illustrate that deliveries to different sides of the crew could be varied as well quant

The journal text of year 1 of Ramesses XI P Turin 1898+ VSO128 records for I 10t 24 Right excep

from the hand of (the) potter [ ] 18 qb(w) vessels 50 [+x] [bw vessels Left from the hand of 37 In(the) potter [ ]y129 10 [+x] (Hh vessels [r~R~~o] [ J (vso Text A 2-4) Again the Otherdelivery is separately enumerated for the different sides of the crew breaks in the text mean that unprethe composition of the delivery is unknown If the entry on line 4 is a variant orthography of a this b type of vessel (1(1130 it may indicate a specialized delivery because (1(1 vessels are not firingotherwise attested in the pottery deliveries l3I Further deliveries are recorded in this journal again therein a very broken context by the hand ofthe potter [ ] lbw vessels 51 [+ x ] (vso dockets B taken5-6) later 18 qbw vessels and 50 lbw vessels are recorded (vso dockets C 2) This is the latest or adrsurviving record of pottery deliveries to the necropolis workmen in the 20th Dynasty deficit Impac36 Conclusion the meanings ofb1kw

TheThe Turin Necropolis journals seem to support the interpretation of the nature of the b1kw found detailein the earlier documentation Despite the possibility that delivery patterns may have altered or that from t some entries may represent extra deliveries these documents indicate that [bw and qbw vessels earlyformed the core of any quota of pottery delivered to the village occasionally supplemented with irregulother vessel types the pa III It

127 On III sectmw 529 qb(w) vessels and 150 bw vessels were delivered to Right Left received 19 qb(w) month vessels and 150 bw vessels (Botti and Peet pI 57 rto IV 15-9) The papyrus is damaged in the entries for III sectmw 30 but the surviving text indicates that deliveries of over 100 bw vessels were made to Right and both fbw and rqlbw vessels were delivered to Left (Botti and Peet pI 59 rto V 17-19) Unusually this latter entry records bw vessels before qbw 132 For 128 Botti and Peet pI 63 KRI VI 850-1 I follow the reassessment of Jtirgen von Beckerath in my reading 34 see of this text Papyrus Turin 1898+ vso SAK21 (1994)29-33 133 Th( 129 Perhaps the name of the potter CAhawy can be restored here 134 C J 130 Wh V 532 W F Reineke Der Zusammenhang der altagyptischen Hohl- und UingenmaBe MID 9 East e (1963)151 observlt 131 4343 vessels are included in a list of products in O Cairo 25678 vso 17 along with fbw vessels (1 18) discuss Valbelle citing this text considers that 4343 vessels could replace qbw vessels and were perhaps be mad synonymous (in her reference Duvriers 265 n 12 read 25678 for 25673) 135 Con

n p b(w) year ntial may m to

es of KRI

yenlers 11 the ht is 300 ~ntry

lone qbw was each lmal

ight ld of I the that ofa not

gain s B atest

lUnd that sels with

b(w) 8 for tand this

ding

[09

18) haps

DOCUMENTIKG SUPPLY 51

A further correspondence between the papyrus documents and the earlier ostraca is the variation in the numbers of vessels being delivered If these figures do represent regular bkw the variation in vessel totals may reflect responses to the changing needs of the crew perhaps including orders made by the superiors of the crew to the potters The use of bkw in one 20th

Dynasty account ostracon exemplifies the flexible character of commissions O Gardiner 80 4-5 (HO 6114) states after recording the complete deliveries during III smw received as the bkw of the potter entered complete like his custom of every day This text implies that the deliveries received during that month constituted the potters commission which he managed to fulfiL

Records survive of other members of the smdt such as gardeners and woodcutters receiving commands to deliver specific amounts132 Janssen notes the commission received by the woodcutter Saroy in year 29 III fJt 7 to deliver 380 units every 10 days This order can be compared with that of Saroys colleague who received a commission to deliver 500 units 133 As Janssen observes the quotas of the woodcutters often deviated quickly from these specified amounts (see above p 20) Such orders might have been regular normal occurrences that are largely invisible in the written record

Although no known text records such an assignment to the potters to deliver specific amounts texts that record varying quantities of ceramics and texts in which vessels other than qbw and tbw are included suggest that such commissions were madc The bkw may therefore be understood as a commission or expected dclivery of a predetermined unit of ceramics Although theoretically quantifiablc the bkw was flexible so that we cannot determinc what amount was expected except in specific deliveries

37 Implications ofdefiCits Other factors may also have operated to produce differential sizes of deliveries Firing was an unpredictable process with a certain amount of wasters inevitably being produced each time On this basis Christopher Eyre has suggested the one bkw may have been the equivalent of one firing which could vary in composition and in success134 Although this hypothesis is viable there is no direct evidence to support it and it is also possible that the needs of the crew were taken into account in each individual bkw or work requirement Where problems in the workshop or administrative breakdowns affected deliveries these are likely to be reflected in the records as deficits By examining patterns of deficit within the documentation it is possible to observe the impact of external problems in the Theban area on the potters deliveries in the mid 20th Dynasty

The journal ostraca of the reigns of Ramesses III and IV (Group I) again provide the most detailed documentation of delivery and deficit although only very general trends can be deduced from the materiaL Janssens analysis of pottery deliveries at the end of Ramesses Ills reign to early Ramesses IV led to the conclusion that deliveries of commodities were generally very irregular at this time whereas in the preceding years they had been more stable 135 The details of the pattern of deficits can be supplemented by a few account ostraca from the reign of Ramesses III It must be borne in mind that the idiosyncrasies of scribal record keeping mean that some months record no deliveries at all even though deliveries were most probably made

132 For the commissioning of the smdt see J J Janssen The Year of the Strikes BSEG 16 (1992) 44 n 34 see also Janssens section 7 in this volume 133 The Year of the Strikes 44-6 134 C J Eyre Work and the Organization of Work in the New Kingdom in Labor in the Ancient Near East ed M A Powell (New Haven 1987) 193 Janssen bkw From Work to Product 90 n observes that if this were the case the potters would have delivered once per decade The limited evidence discussed in 31 and a review of the delivery dates in the texts included in 33 indicate that deliveries could be made on more than one occasion during the ten-day period 135 Commodity Prices 488

52 POTTERS

The account of O Gardiner 80 (HO 61 4) for year 21 of Ramesses III records deliveries that O were made complete for the entire month of III smw the final line entered complete like his bJrn custom of every day although formulaic may be an indicator of a reputation for efficiency and for t punctuality The records from a few years later appear to tarnish this reputation The account text far 11 O DeM 143 datable to year 24 while recording complete deliveries for III smw 30 and IV smw coml 10 and 20 enters deficits for IV smw 30 the five epagomenal days and the first two decades of I appe 3bt (11 1-7) Reasons for the accumulation of such a substantial deficit beyond internal incre production problems are unknown This text warns us that although the relationship between admi administrative problems at Deir el-Medina and deficit is clear at times less easily identifiable in th factors may also have had an impact By year 27 deliveries appear to have returned to normal the p with no deficits being entered and every delivery recorded as complete (0 DeM 33 vso 8 O TI DeM 34 rto 7 16 vso 11) a deficit is however noted for the epagomenal days of year 28 in O agair DeM 156 vso 4 that

From year 29 deficits are again a consistent feature of the record during the time when labour inc01 troubles began to disrupt the community The first hint of delivery problems may be found in the whet problematic O Strasbourg H 26 If the entries on the recto refer to the potter this text records mad~ complete deliveries throughout I and II smw and probably through the epagomenal days and II there 3bt The verso may refer more explicitly to pottery deliveries with the final line recording IV coul Jbt 10 deficit of the [potter) However the reading of qd is based on a restoration (Cerny Nb in thi 3561) and the status of this text as a pottery account could be questioned There are more certain Th references to delivery from later in year 29 In I prt 30 the potter made deliveries to Right and perio Left details of the content of delivery are not given (0 Turin 57007 vso 4-5) The strike action ambi began in the village only ten days later on II prt 10136 The only further entry recording a pottery Peet delivery is in P Turin 1961 (Pleyte and Rossi pI 99) possibly from the end of year 29 IV prt 30 outsi notes for Right the potter I Y while the potter l is noted for Left (vso II 5 7)137 There are there no further records of pottery deliveries until year 30 although the consistent deficits incurred by reorg the woodcutters during year 29 and into year 30 are evidence of the impact of the strikes (see for II above p 21)138 authc

Deficits are recorded in an account text for III prt 30 and probably IV prt 10 of year 30 but a Peet delivery oftvo b3kw was promptly made to remedy this deficit (0 DeM 165 rto 1-2) O DeM ~Aha 154 rto 15-16 of year 31 records the delivery of two b3kw on II smw 29 probably overdue entric payments for days 10 and 20 A number of fbw vessels are also specified I interpret these as and perhaps an early payment for II smw 30 although they may relate to the two b3kw A deficit of 65 speci is noted Complete deliveries are made in IV lJl but since they are noted specifically they may perha have been considered late one b3kw being entered on day 13 for day 10 and one being entered Th for Right only on day 21 (0 DeM 157 8-9 17) From then into the reign of Ramesses IV the may potters made deliveries late or were making good deficits In II smw 7 of year 32 the debt was diffic paid for I smw 30 and at the same time the b3kw was delivered three days early for II smw 10 (0 or the

19thDeM 38 7 17 23) No sooner had these deliveries been made then the potter was in debt again I for the rest of the month Disruptions to pottery and fuel deliveries (see above p 21) throughout wide] year 30 and into year 31 are symptoms of continued labour problems within the village or of subst general administrative problems in the Theban area 139

mont side I

136 RAD 49 15 P J Frandsen Editing reality the Turin Strike Papyrus in Studies in Egyptology presented to Miriam Lichtheim ed S Israelit-Groll (Jerusalem 1990) 166-99 Risbo 137 Janssen considers that the documentation of half units may point to a scarcity of materials Commodity availa Prices 488 A reference to a half unit may also be found in an anonymous papyrus fragment in Turin 140 Fo (Cerny MSS 3616) which records the potter 2h this probably means 2h bJkw 141 Fo 138 Janssen The Year ofthe Strikes 46-8 BerIir B9 Disruptions in local administration may have directly impacted pottery production if as Colin Hope bkw suggests the state provided clay to these workshops Egyptian Pottery Shire Egyptology 5 (princes been ~

8 that ce his yand It text smw

s of ternal tween fiable Irmal 8 O in O

aboUT in the ~cords

md II ~ IV YNb ertain It and ~ction ottery Jrt 30 re are ed by (see

but a DeM erdue se as of65 may

tered the twas 0(0 19ain ~hout or of

~logy

ity

ffope inces

DOCUMENTlIG SUPPLY 53

O DeM 40 rto 15 from I gUt of year 1 of Ramesses IV records that the potter delivered three bgkw on day 24 probably overdue deliveries for days 10 and 20 (the deficits are not noted) and for the epagomenal days for which the deficit was entered in a note in a separate column on the far left A deficit is also recorded for day 30 (vso 9) From this point on the deliveries tend to be complete although often a few days late140 There are still occasional deficits but the deliveries appear to have been generally more regular than in the final years of Ramesses IILI41 The increasing irregularity of delivery is probably a symptom of the general decay of the administration of the Necropolis at the end of a long reign The more regular deliveries beginning in the first year of Ramesses IV perhaps correspond with a renewed interest in the Necropolis on the part of the successor king who was eager to get work on his tomb underway

These documents provide the only opportunity to trace a pattern of deficit in pottery deliveries against well documented changes and problems in the administration of the village They show that such an equation between the two is possible this may have implications for the more incomplete records of the end of the dynasty It is difficult to determine from the papyrus texts whether deliveries continued on a regular basis in the closing years of the 20th Dynasty or were made in large consignments more infrequently as the surviving evidence seems to suggest Since there were significant civil disturbances in the Theban area throughout this period deliveries could have been affected to the point that they became more unusual events and warranted entry in the journals

The Turin Necropolis journal for year 17 of Ramesses IX provides the best example from this period From II prl on the text includes entries concerning the smdt in general from the ambiguous entry taking the smdt of the Tomb of Left by the scribe of the Tomb Hori (Botti and Peet pI 14 rto B I 8) to the entries a few lines later crew not working while the smdt were outside under the authority (rJ(wyraquo of the two scribes of the Necropolis [ ] crew not working there being no smdt outside (rto B I 12) These entries seem to indicate that there was some reorganization of or problem with the smdt although a record of a wood delivery was entered for II prl 15 The entry for II prt 18 records crew not working while their smdt were under the authority of the two scribes of the Tomb of the Outside without any payments (1) (Botti and Peet pI 15 rto B I 18) On II prt 24 a delivery of fish was made and on day 25 the potter rAhawy delivered a number of vessels (Botti and Peet pI 16 rto B II 1-3) Although these entries are difficult to interpret it seems that the crew was facing both deficits in grain delivery and problems with the smdt In this context the delivery of pottery can perhaps be seen as a special occurrence no text from the end of the 20 th Dynasty explicitly records a potters deficit perhaps indicating that there was no longer an expected pattern to delivery

The interpretations presented here are speculative moreover other factors that left no trace may have had an impact on production The deficits entered for year 25 of Ramesses III are difficult to explain except in terms of unknowable production problems specific to the workshops or the personal circumstances of the potters as are the causes for the deficits recorded in the early 19th Dynasty Such deficits cannot be equated with any known problems in the village or the wider Theban area The accounts of the potters Menna and N akhy in the early 19th Dynasty record substantial deficits especially those incurred by Menna in a year 9 where he is in deficit for five months totalling 53 qbw vessels and 575 fbw vessels Further deficit totals perhaps for the other side of the crew are even larger 94 qbw vessels and 992 lbw vessels (0 Berlin P 10840) The

Risborough 1987) 10 This argument may apply only to high quality ceramics considering the ready availability ofNile silt for the production of most basic vessels 140 For example O DeM 47 rto 3 11 vso 4 141 For example the following texts record deficits in year 1 = I prt 30 (0 DeM 47 rto 11) III prt 30 (0 Berlin P 12641 + 12628 7) II smw 20(7) (0 DeM 161 vso 3) O DeM 44 rto 20 records a delivery of 1y bklv for III smw 29 Janssen considers that since no delivery was recorded for day 20 materials may have been scarce at this time Commodity Prices 488

--54 POTTERS

patterns of deficit incurred by the potters that can be traced in the texts cannot generally be Ana correlated with external administrative problems and decay rese

proc sect4 Equations of word and object an analysis offour pot-types A notable feature of the potter texts from Deir el-Medina is the substantial number of vessels 41 delivered to the village every ten days Although the exact number due in each bkw varied the I ha totals of some deliveries indicate that there was a significant and constant need for ceramics in the thrOl community In the lives of the villagers this pottery was essential It was the principal means to mult store prepare and serve food and to carry out many other activities within the domestic and work refer spheres Janssen observes in Commodity Prices that we have virtually no cvidence for the enun exchange value of ceramics beeause price texts generally refer only to metal or stone vessels 142

used Vessels used for a wide variety of domestic purposes would have had a low value and high class turnover millions of pot sherds were found within the rubbish dumps of the village including the offo Grands PuitS 143 Since their role was so essential it is desirable to learn about the various forms of In thl the vessels - their sizes and range of functions - in order to advance our understanding of the lJl villagers daily lives possi

Holthoerl44 noted that most Mesopotamian names of vessels relate directly to their material their function or their capacity but concluded that the Egyptians derived their vessel names from something other than vessel function This conclusion was largely based on the 1935 lexicographic analysis of Egyptian vessels by Robert du Mesnil du Buisson whose study is the only one that covers a wide range of ceramics including some of the vessel names that occur in the Deir el-Medina potter texts He considered that the qbw vessel was connected to qb fresh cool an appropriate concept for a jar145 He equated the gy vessel with the verb gw to be narrow perhaps suggesting a jar with a narrow neck 146

Edward Brovarski has done preliminary work on some Old Kingdom and First Intermediate Period vessel terms147 and Patricia Paice has studies connections between vessel shapes and their functions as depicted in tomb reliefs 148 The most valuable recent examination of the intersection of lexicography and a ceramic corpus is that of Janet Bourriau and Stephen Quirke on the Middle Kingdom ceramic repertoire from Lahun l49

An approach comparable to that taken at Lahun would be ideal for the material from Deir elshy Fig 1 Medina but a full statistical analysis of the archaeological material in relation to the textual data Urk r that is a prerequisite for determining lexicographic relations is beyond the scope of this study

The VI

Jb-nraquo142 407_8 and n 5 lS enu 143 ibid 488

vessel 144 New Kingdom Pharaonic Sites The Pottery 41 see J Bourriau and S Quirke The Late Middle

terminKingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects in Lahun studies ed S Quirke (Reigate 1998) 60shydeterm1 for a more recent discussion of the basis of classifications

145 Les noms et signes egyptiens designant des vases ou objets simiaires (Paris 1935)30 l46 Noms et signes 72 Janssen Commodity Prices 427 considers that du Mesnil du Buissons suggestions 150 FoUl

and explanations for the gly are unconvincing and concludes that no identification of the gly is apparant P Turi Ricardo A Caminos considered it to be an open bowl or cup since it was used more as a container for Howevl

ISl Jansvegetables and flowers than liquids (CLEM 194-5) corresponding to the use of gy vessels for natron 152 Thelotus leaves and fruit in the Medinet Habu festival lists A Spalinger Medinet Habu and Deir el-Yledina IS3 TheCombined in Deir el-Medina in the Third Millennium AD A Tribute to Jac J Janssen eds R 1 Demaree

and A Egberts Egyptologische Uitgaven 14 (Leiden 2000) 314 Although the shape of the gl) remains these m unknown Janssen has determined a capacity of 20 hin Two Ancient Egyptian Ships Logs Papyrus Leiden detenni 1350 verso and Papyrus Turin 2008 + 2016 (Leiden 1961)88 vessel l47 Lexicographical Studies in Egyptian Pottery Bulletin de Liaison du Groupe International dEtude de determi fa Ceramique Egyptienne 7 (1982) 36-7 154 P GJ 14S The Pottery of Daily Life in Ancient Egypt JSSEA 19 (1989) 50-88 bibliogr 149 The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects 60-83 IS5 Com

lly be

essels d the in the ansto lwork Dr the oels142

1 high ngthe rmsof of the

lterial s from

1935 is the

cur in fresh to be

lediate i their ection fiddle

eir elshyt data study

v1iddle 8) 60shy

~stions

Jaranl ler for latron -edina maree mains Leiden

~de de

EQUA TJONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 55

Analysis of the occurrence of vessel types in the potter texts can be related to the present stage of research into vessel shape and size to produce some further insights both into the potters products and into the documentation for the supply of particular ceramic types

41 The basic pots qbw and [bw I have shown above that [bw and qbw vessels formed the basis of deliveries to the village

19th 20ththroughout the and Dynasties Therefore it seems likely that they were simple multipurpose vessels distinct from each another in shape andor size There is a standard way of referring to them in the records qbw vessels precede [bw vessels and many fewer are usually enumerated This relationship points to a qualitative differentiation between the two ISO Both are used as containers for liquids such as beer and waterl5l I consider that these two terms designate classes of vessels rather than fixed single shapes their names perhaps referring to a wider range of forms Difference in size may account for the differentation in numbers delivered in the texts In the following discussion I assess the evidence for these two classes of vessels

Jb lbw) vessels are included among the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak indicating a possible shape for the vessel152

tlBoo~WJ~O 01It 0P L II I I

Fig 1 ob-nw-k vessels in the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak (Wreszinski Atlas II pI 33 Urk IV 636)

The vessel shown is distinctive being beaker-like and wider at the base than at the neck JS3 The ub-nw-k vessel here is the equivalent of the u-m-Icw of P Harris I 36a 7 A significant number is enumerated in this text as containers tor incense perhaps indicating a smaller cup-like vessel l54 Janssen has considered that the [x]-n-k termination which is fairly common in vessel terminology indicates that the vessels were cups the name of the vessel given in the compound determines the shape155 In the inscription of the High Priest Osorkon the Oblb-n-k is written

150 Four texts which enumerate qbw and fbw vessels show a ratio of 15 O Or Inst Chicago 16698 rto 3 P Turin 2070133 134 + frgs rto 10-11 Giornale of year 17 rto B II 1-3 P Turin 1898 rto III 14 However since these are isolated examples it is uncertain how widely applicable such a ratio was 151 Janssen Commodity Prices 433 Valbelle Ouvriers 265 152 The equivalence between the lb andlbw is confirmed in CLEM 186-7 153 The determinative given for a qby vessel in the offering list ofThutmose III at Elcphantine indicates that these may have been quite close in shape to the IJb-nw-h of the Karnak list The simple elongated beaker determinative is quite distinct from the determinatives given for the other vases in the list including the Ub vessel which is shon with a definite neck (Urk IV 828 4) However the occurrence of different determinatives within a single text does not offer a basis for a classification of vessel forms 154 P Grandet Le Papyrus Harris I (EM 9999) BdE 109 (Cairo 1994) I 272 see vol IT 141 n 576 for a bibliography for lbw l55 Commodity Prices 409

I

56 POTTERS

with a goblet detenninative ls6 The vessels recorded in these texts may be smaller cup versions of thai larger Ibw jars with the wide mouth and lack of defined neck perhaps pointing to a vessel associated with food preparation and service 157 The delivery list O DeM 288 records fb-nw-kJ

cor 1

vessels perhaps as a fuller writing of bw or as a distinct fonn vithin the Ibw class Vessels ves categorized as Ibw may have had a generalized function as cups or containers for both liquid and con solid foods A comparison can be made with the ~nw vessels which are recorded in significant 4W numbers in the papyrus documents from Lahun and are equated by Bourriau and Quirke with the 346 drinking cups known from the site the only vessel fonn which they consider could have been used in such numbers 158 The bkw of the Deir el-Medina potters show that Ibw vessels too were

lbw 50

delivered in large quantities the The lower numbers of qbw vessels in the deliveries may be related to their larger size In Poids o

No 5135 3 the weight of a metal qbw vessel is stated to be 20 deben or 18 kg Valbelle betv concludes from this that the qbw was significantly larger than the Ibw 159 That qbw designates a POttl simple storage jar may be indicated by the name itself If the connection suggested by du Mesnil two du Buisson between qbw vessels and qb cool can be accepted it may suggest that qbw vessels were storage jars perhaps for water and other liquids The connection may also suggest the

sigh one

material of manufacture qbw vessels could have been made from marl clay which cools water Helc through evaporation

As storage jars qbw vessels may have been connected in shape or broad function with the qbwshyIf a have

n-wt canopic jar The coincidence of the name suggests some correspondence The simple canopic jar fonns given by Georges Nagel for Tomb 359 seem similar in shape to vessels found in the cellar of a house in the village160 However Nagels sample is so small that any identification is tentative Janssen cautions that the standard shape of a canopic jar was rarely used as the fonn of bronze or pottery vessels 161 This may be a principle of decorum vessels with a funerary purpose not being equated in fonn with ordinary domestic ceramics The connection between qbw and qbw-n-wt may be simply that they were both in one fonn or another storage jars

Although the qbw may have been proportionally larger than the lbw it is very unlikely that

capa temp capa appn meas

Cc vso cannc into i

either fonn had a fixed capacity at Deir el-Medina W W Struve [V V Struve] offered the only attempt to determine the capacity of the qbw (or qby) vessel based largely on Greek evidence and his research on P Boulaq 18162 Wolfgang HeIcks review of this evidence led him to conclude

dOCUJ

repre betw( vesse restril than 1

156 R A Caminos The Chronicle ofPrince Osorkon Analecta Orientalia 37 (Rome 1958) 129 157 p Cairo 58088 indicates that bw could have had a large size in this case accommodating 3 ds measures See also Janssen Commodity Prices 433 n 170 C Daniel Les noms egyptiens de certains types de vases

proba fixed

In

grecs Studia et Acta Orientalia 5-6 (1967) 383-5 equates the lIb vessel with the Greek 10 olt7tW and the vesse

Mycenaean di-pa He notes that the di-pa depicted on a tablet corresponds in shape with the form of the fib indicated by the determinative used for the word The depictions of the di-pa that Daniel cites are not 163 DG

comparable in form with the Ibw depicted in the Karnak offering list D H F Gray Linear Band evidee Archaeology Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies of the UniverSity of London 6 (1959) pI 7 I andDI would argue that the form of the lbw was very flexible 164 It 1

158 Bourriau and Quirke The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects 74 some 159 Catalogues des poids a inscriptions hieratiques de Deir el-Medineh Nos 5001-5423 DFIFAO 16 165 Da~

(Cairo 1973) 18 166 FOI 160 La ceramique du Nouvel Empire aDeir el Medineh DFIFAO 10 (Cairo 1938)35 cf 122 no 38 42 SpaHn 44 167 Da 161 Commodity Prices 412 sugges 162 Mathematischer Papyrus des staatlichen Museums der SchOnen Kunste in Moskau (Berlin 1930) 55 Ceram withn2 25 1itr

lions of vessel

-nw-k

Vessels llid and ilificant vith the Ie been )0 were

n Poids lalbelle ~ates a Mesnil vessels est the s water

le qbwshysimple

s found lat any rarely vessels s The omlor

~ly that Iteonly lce and melude

~asures

le vases and the the b are not Band pI 7 I

AO 16

3842

gt30) 55

EQliAnONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 57

that the qbw had no fixed capacity Rather it seems that vessels such as the Ibw and qbw could correspond to a range of different ds measures 163

Two texts may point to some perhaps proportional equivalence between qbw vessels and dpr vessels In O DeM 135 the record of the accumulated deficits of two potters includes a conversion from dpr vessels into qbw vessels 9 dpr vessels to (=) qbw vessels making Urn) 4Yz (see section 31) Such a conversion may indicate a size ratio between the vessels O DeM 346 vso 3 records 42 dpr vessels [making Urn)] 22 qbt vessels (see n 89 for the restoration) Ibw vessels may also be equated with dpr vessels in O DeM 202 dpr vessels 30 [as] 15 bw 50 (1 3_4)164 The restoration here is problematic and the hypothesis of any equivalence between the two types must remain tentative

O Berlin P 10654 vso displays a similar complexity in possible equivalences this time between qbw vessels and jnJt vessels This text (discussed in section 33) seems to record the potters production of ceramics on days 10 20 and 30 of II bt and day 10 of IIIilt The final two lines state total 230 of (n) qbw vessels [ ] specifying it (wp st) 23 jnJt vessels At first sight such a text seems to point to a proportional relationship between these vessels a qbw being one tenth of ajnJt Such a ratio is quite possible because jnJt vessels do seem to have been large Heicks calculations from O Gardiner 81 indicate that ajnJt vessel was 2 of a mnt-amphora 165

If a mnt had a liquid capacity of c 20 hin and a hin was 048 litres the capacity of a jnlzt would have been c 53 hin or 2551itres O Berlin P 10654 vso would then show that a qbw vessel had a capacity of c 53 hin or 25 litres whieh is a sensible size for a storage jar 166 Although it is tempting to make such equations from this data this evidence is based on assumptions about the capacity of other vessel types so is tentative HeIck estimated that the ds vessel had a eapacity of approximately 3 litres 167 If so the qbw in P Boulaq 18 would have been double the size ofa ds measure in order to contain the 2 ds (e 6 litres)

Contextual study of the equation between qbw vessels and other types in O Berlin P 10654 vso O DeM 135 and O DeM 346 vso indicates some form of size ratio operated although we cannot easily determine the flexibility of that ratio or how it was used A conversion of one vessel into its equivalent of another type is unusual in a text like O Berlin P 10654 vso which seems to document the actual produetion of vessels even their firing If the last two lines of the text represent the total of ceramics produced in this process then the specification of a relationship between the two vessels types is rather strange Perhaps the original order was for 230 qbw vessels and this was then converted into the equivalent in jn~t vessels Ifjn~t vessels had a more restricted even ritual function the equivalence expressed here may be more abstract or complex than a ratio of capacity The size of vessels delivered may have been standardized to some extent probably based on ease of delivery and manageability within a domestic eontext rather than as fixed measures

In such a context a value relationship might well have operated The jnlzt as a specialized vessel may have had a more established value in relation to which the qbw vessels could be set

163 Das Bier im Alten Agypten (Berlin 1971) 47 See also Anthony Spalingers re-evaluation of the evidence for the capacity of these vessels including discussion of O DeM 135 and 202 Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 314 His conclusions largely correspond with mine 164 It may also be possible to read dpr 30 Urnl 15 lbw 50 which would support the hypothesis of some sort ofequivalence 165 Das Bier 47 16lt5 For a review of evidence concerning the capacity of the mnl including discussion of this text see A Spalinger Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 312-3 167 Das Bier 46 R L Miller (is-vessels Beer Mugs Cirrhosis and Casting Slag GM 115 (1990) 64 suggests that the ds was a drinking vessel perhaps to be equated with depictions given in Nagel Ceramique 199-206 Miller identifies a jar found at Saqqara as a ds vessel noting that it had a capacity of 25 litres roughly corresponding to Heicks estimate

58 POTTERS

In O DeM 135 the scribe may well have calculated the value of the vessels owed down to the half vessel A parallel for this is found in O Turin 57062 vso 4 where 2Yz jnJtt vessels are set

dlagainst five vessel types which precede them (their names are lost) The recording of five vessels compared with half that amount in jnJtt vessels producing the unusual amount of a half vessel tt

2again suggests a value equivalence Since vessels do not appear with fixed values in the price

SJtexts their worth may well have been assessed in relation to other vessel types st b42 A specialized vessel jnJzt DApart from the two vessel types or classes that formed the basis of the deliveries of ceramics to rethe village the potter texts also occasionally enumerate other types jnJtt vessels although well

known from other contexts are rare in the potter texts A few texts that may indicate their ritproduction or delivery by the Deir el-Medina potters illuminate aspects of its function and context

of use The pattern of occurrence of jnJtt vessels indicates a specialized vessel type the shape of which is unknown The jnJtt vessel is most widely documented as a storage container for beer and as Walter F Reineke notes outside the data from Deir el-Medina it was often made of gold or silver J68 That this vessel could be supplied as part of the ceramic requirement of the village seems to be indicated by the delivery lists from the early 19th Dynasty (Category E) Some of these lists record jnJzt vessels although they are not always indisputably connected with the smdt potters

In the Category E delivery lists of wood and ceramics jnJtt vessels occur four times their total Ccamount being low in comparison with the other vessels enumerated in these texts In O DeM 1 6 una total of 7 jnlu vessels are delivered 5 of good quality 2 of poor In O DeM 17 4 only 3 jnJzt aUvessels were delivered (2 good 1 poor) in comparison with 290 lbw recorded in the previous intline and in O DeM 15 3 7 jn~lt vessels were delivered as against 295 Ibw vessels 16 jnJzt povessels are documented in O DeM 23 5 (the text is broken and the reading at the end of the line

uncertain)169 bei ve~Only two texts explicitly includejnJtt vessels in pottery deliveries 0 Qurna 6181 records two

jnJtt vessels among the deficit of 55 qbw and 265 Ibw vessels incurred by the potter Menna O IJry Michaelides 33 rto 3-6 J70 This text records for III Jot 30 matching deliveries from a potter to vex

Right and Left among other deliveries of wood and gypsum the potter 1 jnlp vessels 20 (pJ qd 1 jnJzt 20)171 The stroke read as one after the title p qd could refer to the bkw of the potter not

with jnJtt vessels being an addition to the quota delivered 172 jnJtt vessels were therefore a wit gocomponent of the potters repertoire and this fact may complicate the interpretation of other texts

where they occur173 More generally jnJzt vessels are recorded as being delivered filled with beer I thisand thus are probably not associated with ceramic delivery

174 (

Me(J68 Der Zusammenhang der altagyptischen Hohl- und UingenmaBe MID 9 (1963) 146 175( 169 Kitchen restores 16jnli vessels [by the hand of A]meneminet (KRII 367 8 a-b) but there does not 176 1appear to be space for this formula in the break The rest of this text is similar to the other wood and pottery

177pounddelivery lists See the discussion of parallel texts in section 23 170 Goedicke-Wente pJ 67 However I follow CernYs transcription of the text here (Nb 10830)

178 1

Cau171 Contra Goedicke and Wente who restore IT1l ] on line 3 On line 7 Goedicke and Wente read 27 jnlt 197vessels instead of 20 vessels and the restoration for the [plasterer] (Pi q() given by Cerny 179 1

172 Alternatively it could refer to a single potter although this would be unusual in this context (see section Rek21) Compare the reading of this text with that discussed for O DeM 154 rto 15-6 in section 34 Egy

173 Other entries for this day include specialty breads and ds measures of beer (117-8) while the folloVing somentry for IV Jt 1 records a festival of Hathor (1 9) Although an association with a festival context is Dietpossible the delivery of jnlts as discussed by Spahnger is recorded separately from the breads and ds inameasures and is included among more standard delveries Medinet Habu and Dei elmiddotMedina Combined note310-311 Earl

l to the are set vessels vessel e price

mics to ~h well e their ~ontext

mpe of Ir beer of gold village ome of le smdt

ir total M 16 r 3jn~f

revious 16 jn~t he line

ds two mao O )tter to (pJ qd potter fore a r texts th beer

oes not pottery

27 jn~t

section

llowing rrtext is and ds

lbined

EQUATIONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 59

jn~t vessels of beer occur consistently in a series of six Category E ostraca that seem to document the delivery of commodities associated with festival or temple offerings174 Four of these texts state that the commodities were delivered by an individual in O DeM 20 and O DeM 25 the deliveries are made by a local priest Each of these six texts lists items that include speciality foodstuffs and jn~t vessels of beer rather than the fuel and plain unfilled pottery of standard deliveries II smw 12 by the hand of the local priest (w(b Sf) 175 60 large j nJzt vessels of beer entered 56 deficit 4 120 (bundles of) vegetables ISO s(t cakes and 100 rJzs cakes (0 DeM 20) The only exception in this group is O DeM 26 where 30 large jn~1f vessels are recorded 27 are entered (jw) and there is a deficit on No beer is recorded with these vessels

The recto of O DeM 29 may confirm that lists containing such products are associated with rituals or festivals rather than deliveries of materials to the village 176

total of various (sbn)jnl)tvessels of beer 653 [+x] the record of the [ ] which were given as offerings (snw) [] good bread loaves of [ ] s(t cake [x oipeJ rJzs cakes [ J jnJzt vessels of beer [ J beer [ ]

Connections of this vessel type with the temple or festival sphere nmy explain features of the unique and difficult distribution text O BM 50728 discussed in section 23 The text records the allocation ofjnJzt vessels to individual crew members The 10 + 5 jnJzt vessels seem to be grouped into four different categories perhaps accordin~ to quality of the vessel or its contents and possibly its shape or finish 177 5 doubly good (~reg) jnJzt vessels in the fashion of hbny [vessels] being returned (m hyt) 2 for Baky I for Huy 1 (for) (Omek 1 for Qaha totalS (11 5-6) Six vessels given to individuals in line 7 one for each nmn are stated to be middling good (11fr mshyhry-jb) and line 10 enumerates two vessels that also have a designation perhaps reading not (J I~~ 3)very poor _ 1

If the jnJzt vessels were more specialized beer vessels used in festival or ritual contexts then the note of quality either of contents or of the vessel itself would have been important This concern with quality can also be seen in the delivery lists where the jnJzt vessels are described as either good or poor 178

Particularly difficult to understand in this context are the writings of hbny perhaps referring to this well-known amphora-shaped vessel I19 The five doubly goodjnl)t vessels are designated in

174 O DeM 19 20 21 25 26 27 For further discussion of these texts see Spalinger Deir e1middotMedina and Medinet Habu Combined 311

(1 0

175 l=n (1 1) For another writing of this title see O DeM 25 2 176 The verso of this text records only nswt bjty mnmiddotmrtmiddotrr 177 For the use of red ink in this text see p 19 n 75 above

178 O DeM 1 6 174 For discussion of the meaning of snn 1~ in these contexts see D Valbelle Catalogue des poids ainscriptions hieratiques de Deir eAmiddotfedineh Nos 500l-5423 DFIFAO 16 (Cairo 1977)23 179 Wh II 487 There are depictions of the hbnylhbnt vessel in Urk IV 11308 11352 and in the tomb of Rekhmire N de G Davies The Tomb of Rekh-mi-r~ at Thebes The Metropolitan Museum of Art Egyptian Expedition 11 (New York 1943) I pIs 33 34 In these examples it is shaped as an amphora sometimes without handles and often contains honey E A W Budge An Egyptian Hieroglyphic Dictionary (London 1920)446 gave the capacity of a hbnt ndst as one quarter of a hin F G Hilton-Price in an earlier publication Notes on Some Egyptian Antiquities in My Collection TSBA 9 (1886) 353 noted the same capacity for this vessel Here see also T G H James The Heqanakhte Papers and Other Early Middle Kingdom Documents (New York 1962) 118

60 POTTERS

the fashion of hbny vessels (~[]~IlJ1J 0) (vso 5) This seems to express an equivalence between the two vessel types perhaps representing an addition or finish to the jn~lt vessel that increased its value Du Mesnil du Buisson speculated in his discussion of the hhnl vessel that the word related to hbny ebony t ruJ-Oi) and indicated a blackened colour or lustre to the vesseL I80 hbny also occurs as an annotation above the entries of jnit vessels for particular workmen in lines 8-12 of the recto The entry on line 13 (hhny n [ ]) may indicate that hhny vessels themselves were also delivered to the workmen named in the following lines So far as I know hbny vessels do not occur in other Deir el-Medina textsl8J These notations may also refer to some sort of finishing to the j nit vesseL

The inclusion of more unusual designations for the vessels certainly points to the exceptional nature ofthe delivery in O BM 50728 as does the entry of an amount ((i(w) of bJq oil (8) in line lOon the verso after the specification of 10 further jnlJl vessels for particular workmen (pJ WpWl

n plIO n jnlJt n tJ jst) Janssen observes that this oil was rarely used by the workmen as it was too expensive 182 It is possible that the text refers to the delivery of jnit vessels of bJq oil the references to quality therefore referring to the quality of oil rather than the vessel itself The designation hbny may be associated with this as welL

Complicating this analysis is the proposed large size of jnit vessels (discussed in section 41) which may account to some extent for its more restricted function within the vessel repertoire jnlJt vessels occur only rarely in the Medinet Habu festival calendar indicating that even within the temple their use was specialized ls3 The ealculation of the equivalence in contents of the vessels in O Gardiner 81 indicates that we are dealing with a set capacity for these vessel types in this text 184 If the capacity of a jnit was 53 hin or 255 Htres this would equate to a significant quantity ofbJq oil per person 185

O BM 50728 remains a puzzle Despite thc difficulties in interpretation it seems most likely that it records allocation of vessels possibly filled with oil or beer for festival or cultic purposes The careful documentation of such a distribution may also indicate that the vessels were not to be kept by the men perhaps only being used by them for the event and then returned to the temple A large size may serve to explain their more limited and specialized oecurrence in the data perhaps restricted to the religious sphere rather than playing a role in the domestic life of the villagers

In this instance contextual analysis of texts that seem to relate to ceramic deliveries can alter our understanding of these texts and illuminate the role and function of a vessel type in the community For vessels that were delivered more commonly we can observe the potential for flexibility in the classification systems these would repay further detailed study sectS Conclusion Analysis of the texts concerning pottery delivery leaves a number of questions unanswered and areas unexplored the limited number of sources available and problems inherent in them restrict their potential for interpretation However some insights into the organization and administrative structures of Deir el-Medina are fortheoming from the material Within the meticulous record keeping of the village the key theme seems to be flexibility This flexibility is apparent in the

180 Noms et signes 28 181 Janssen did not include them in his chapter on Vessels in Commodity Prices None of the references for the entry in the Wb II 487 has a Deir e1-Medina provenance 182 Commodity Prices 330 183 On the occurrence of the jnltt in the Medinet Hahn festival lists see A Spalinger Medinet Habn and Deir ei-Medina Combined 311-2 ]84 Heick Das Bier 46 185 Even if the mnt was only 10 hin a jnltt would still be of a substantial size c 11-12 iitres Janssen Commodity Prices 434

N

CONCLUSION 61

number of potters assigned to the crew the size and content of the quota required every 10 days and the timing of deliveries The final section of my study also points to the potential flexibility of form size and function of the pots themselves

Although we can find implications in the potter texts for features of society beyond the village itself such as the specifie interpretation of bkw or the occurrence of vessels in royal festival calendars it must be borne in mind that the real value of the Deir el-Medina material lies in its potential to illuminate the lives of ordinary people in Ramessid Egypt For that purpose we need to attend most closely to the village context

Appendix The potters of Deir el-Medina Names of potters in documents relating to the delivery of ceramics

I

Names of potters in documents concerning matters other than the supply of ceramics

I 1 (Omek i Turin Strike Papyrus RAD 476 I

2 Khonsu bull O Turin 57192 1

3 Herunefer bull O DeM 73 rto 2

4 Paaeminet I O Berlin P 12343 vso 3

5 Bakenmut P Turin 2018 A rto la 5 rto IV 17 vso I 6 B rto II 4 D I rto 14 P BM 10068 vso V l3

6 Wenennefer P BM 10068 vso V 14

alence el that 1at the to the ticular thbny ar as I ) refer

ltional in line middotwpwt it was til the f The

1 41) rtoire within of the pes in ificant

likely poses tto be ~mple data of the

1 alter in the ial for

d and estrict rative ecord in the

rences

)U and

nssen

1 I Menna O IFAO 387 1 O Qurna 618i1 O DeM 91 1 O Berlin P 10840 vso 1

2 bull Nakhy I

O IFAO 3874 O DeM 914

3 I Ptahemheb O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O DeM 343 2 P Greg vso B 8 rto A11

4 Parahotep O DeM 868

5 Hori O DeM 868 O DeM 869

6 Herunefer O Cairo 25597 rto 3

7 Neferher O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O Cairo 25633 vso 2

8 Amennakht O DeM 44 rto 8

9 Dmek P Turin 2081+2095 rto 1

10 ltAhawy P Turin 1881 vso V 1 VI 7 VII 1 () Giornale of year 17 rto B II 2 P Turin 2018 A vso 1 12 B rto II 11 B vso II 17 P BM 10068 vso VI 25 P Turin 2014 rto 27-8 P BM 10054 vso II 9

62 POTTERS

Addendnm

Pierre Grandets Catalogue des ostraca hieratiques non litteraires de Deir el-Medineh IXbecame available just as this chapter went to the press This volume contains a number of important potter texts I have included them in the tables on pages 33-7 and provide a short account of them here

O DeM is the longest and most detailed potter account known to me I will be adressing the issues it raises in a further publication It records deliveries made by the potters Ptahemheb Parahotep Hori and Neferher for the months of I bt to I prt of a year 6 The title p qd occurs only in line I in reference to Ptahemheb but probably also covers the other individuals named Ptahemheb and Neferher are known from other potter accounts discussed in this chapter O DeM 869 also published by Grandet and dated to a year 6 records deliveries made by Hori of qbw and lbw vessels to Right Both Hori and Parahotep are not otherwise attested in the potter texts In O DeM 868 details of delivery are grouped according to individual potters In line 13 Neferher delivers vessels to Left (t rj smM this is the only statement concerning Right or Left in this text That four potters deliver during the same general period emphasizes the potential number of potters involved in delivery which is not generally apparent in many of the potter texts Ptahemheb and Neferher make deliveries on different days in IV bt The vessel numbers vary except for those delivered as the making good of deficits by Ptahemheb which are consistent sums (II 3-4) The vessels delivered include qbw and Ibw vessels as well as gy andjnlt this text therefore provides further evidence thatjnJtt vessels were part of the potters repertoire

Grandet follows Gutgesell in assigning a date in the mid-20th Dynasty to O DeM 868 and 869 19thMy assignment of a late Dynasty date to the other account ostraca of Ptahemheb and

Neferher (0 Cairo 25591 O Cairo 25633 and O DeM 343) is based on the record of Ptahemhebs deliveries in P Greg firmly dated by Janssen to the reign of Siptah186 Gutgesell places Ptahemheb in the 20th Dynasty on the basis of the occurrence of this name in P Turin 2006+ 1961 usually dated to year 29 of Ramesses 111 [87 The Ptahemheb in this text is not a potter and so is a different individual I propose that the late 19th Dynasty date of the other documents should therefore be retained and should also be adopted for O DeM 868 and 869

Further texts relevant to potters in Grandets volume include O DeM 877 in which a list of arrears in water supplies are measured in jnlt vessels O DeM 871-3 are sherds bearing the phrase mJ qd Grandet considers these phrases along with the phrase ml m-rJrt p-Jtm-nlr complete by the hand ofPahemnetjerthe priest on O DeM 870 as delivery marks inscribed on the pots themselves18S

186 Janssen Village Varia 115-6 187 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 252 309-12 188 Catalogue des ostraca IX 49-50

UNT

Marel

sectl Eil Die A Papyr Einwc zusHin Verw Angell besch~

Bei suchur wichtil Andre Vortei Juni 2( nicht-li recherc

Beirr allgem

bull Der MaXI

mieh Aufn Doni Sieh~

J Ja grap dazu

2 Sieht tause Peri Gutg Teil1 el ME Held Janss Histo

6 MeD Valb

g Venn Witnl II Ta

10 Ein P II Gutg 12 Allan 13 Held

Page 24: Woodcutters, Potters and Doorkeepers Service Personnel of the Deir El Medina Workmen

n p b(w) year ntial may m to

es of KRI

yenlers 11 the ht is 300 ~ntry

lone qbw was each lmal

ight ld of I the that ofa not

gain s B atest

lUnd that sels with

b(w) 8 for tand this

ding

[09

18) haps

DOCUMENTIKG SUPPLY 51

A further correspondence between the papyrus documents and the earlier ostraca is the variation in the numbers of vessels being delivered If these figures do represent regular bkw the variation in vessel totals may reflect responses to the changing needs of the crew perhaps including orders made by the superiors of the crew to the potters The use of bkw in one 20th

Dynasty account ostracon exemplifies the flexible character of commissions O Gardiner 80 4-5 (HO 6114) states after recording the complete deliveries during III smw received as the bkw of the potter entered complete like his custom of every day This text implies that the deliveries received during that month constituted the potters commission which he managed to fulfiL

Records survive of other members of the smdt such as gardeners and woodcutters receiving commands to deliver specific amounts132 Janssen notes the commission received by the woodcutter Saroy in year 29 III fJt 7 to deliver 380 units every 10 days This order can be compared with that of Saroys colleague who received a commission to deliver 500 units 133 As Janssen observes the quotas of the woodcutters often deviated quickly from these specified amounts (see above p 20) Such orders might have been regular normal occurrences that are largely invisible in the written record

Although no known text records such an assignment to the potters to deliver specific amounts texts that record varying quantities of ceramics and texts in which vessels other than qbw and tbw are included suggest that such commissions were madc The bkw may therefore be understood as a commission or expected dclivery of a predetermined unit of ceramics Although theoretically quantifiablc the bkw was flexible so that we cannot determinc what amount was expected except in specific deliveries

37 Implications ofdefiCits Other factors may also have operated to produce differential sizes of deliveries Firing was an unpredictable process with a certain amount of wasters inevitably being produced each time On this basis Christopher Eyre has suggested the one bkw may have been the equivalent of one firing which could vary in composition and in success134 Although this hypothesis is viable there is no direct evidence to support it and it is also possible that the needs of the crew were taken into account in each individual bkw or work requirement Where problems in the workshop or administrative breakdowns affected deliveries these are likely to be reflected in the records as deficits By examining patterns of deficit within the documentation it is possible to observe the impact of external problems in the Theban area on the potters deliveries in the mid 20th Dynasty

The journal ostraca of the reigns of Ramesses III and IV (Group I) again provide the most detailed documentation of delivery and deficit although only very general trends can be deduced from the materiaL Janssens analysis of pottery deliveries at the end of Ramesses Ills reign to early Ramesses IV led to the conclusion that deliveries of commodities were generally very irregular at this time whereas in the preceding years they had been more stable 135 The details of the pattern of deficits can be supplemented by a few account ostraca from the reign of Ramesses III It must be borne in mind that the idiosyncrasies of scribal record keeping mean that some months record no deliveries at all even though deliveries were most probably made

132 For the commissioning of the smdt see J J Janssen The Year of the Strikes BSEG 16 (1992) 44 n 34 see also Janssens section 7 in this volume 133 The Year of the Strikes 44-6 134 C J Eyre Work and the Organization of Work in the New Kingdom in Labor in the Ancient Near East ed M A Powell (New Haven 1987) 193 Janssen bkw From Work to Product 90 n observes that if this were the case the potters would have delivered once per decade The limited evidence discussed in 31 and a review of the delivery dates in the texts included in 33 indicate that deliveries could be made on more than one occasion during the ten-day period 135 Commodity Prices 488

52 POTTERS

The account of O Gardiner 80 (HO 61 4) for year 21 of Ramesses III records deliveries that O were made complete for the entire month of III smw the final line entered complete like his bJrn custom of every day although formulaic may be an indicator of a reputation for efficiency and for t punctuality The records from a few years later appear to tarnish this reputation The account text far 11 O DeM 143 datable to year 24 while recording complete deliveries for III smw 30 and IV smw coml 10 and 20 enters deficits for IV smw 30 the five epagomenal days and the first two decades of I appe 3bt (11 1-7) Reasons for the accumulation of such a substantial deficit beyond internal incre production problems are unknown This text warns us that although the relationship between admi administrative problems at Deir el-Medina and deficit is clear at times less easily identifiable in th factors may also have had an impact By year 27 deliveries appear to have returned to normal the p with no deficits being entered and every delivery recorded as complete (0 DeM 33 vso 8 O TI DeM 34 rto 7 16 vso 11) a deficit is however noted for the epagomenal days of year 28 in O agair DeM 156 vso 4 that

From year 29 deficits are again a consistent feature of the record during the time when labour inc01 troubles began to disrupt the community The first hint of delivery problems may be found in the whet problematic O Strasbourg H 26 If the entries on the recto refer to the potter this text records mad~ complete deliveries throughout I and II smw and probably through the epagomenal days and II there 3bt The verso may refer more explicitly to pottery deliveries with the final line recording IV coul Jbt 10 deficit of the [potter) However the reading of qd is based on a restoration (Cerny Nb in thi 3561) and the status of this text as a pottery account could be questioned There are more certain Th references to delivery from later in year 29 In I prt 30 the potter made deliveries to Right and perio Left details of the content of delivery are not given (0 Turin 57007 vso 4-5) The strike action ambi began in the village only ten days later on II prt 10136 The only further entry recording a pottery Peet delivery is in P Turin 1961 (Pleyte and Rossi pI 99) possibly from the end of year 29 IV prt 30 outsi notes for Right the potter I Y while the potter l is noted for Left (vso II 5 7)137 There are there no further records of pottery deliveries until year 30 although the consistent deficits incurred by reorg the woodcutters during year 29 and into year 30 are evidence of the impact of the strikes (see for II above p 21)138 authc

Deficits are recorded in an account text for III prt 30 and probably IV prt 10 of year 30 but a Peet delivery oftvo b3kw was promptly made to remedy this deficit (0 DeM 165 rto 1-2) O DeM ~Aha 154 rto 15-16 of year 31 records the delivery of two b3kw on II smw 29 probably overdue entric payments for days 10 and 20 A number of fbw vessels are also specified I interpret these as and perhaps an early payment for II smw 30 although they may relate to the two b3kw A deficit of 65 speci is noted Complete deliveries are made in IV lJl but since they are noted specifically they may perha have been considered late one b3kw being entered on day 13 for day 10 and one being entered Th for Right only on day 21 (0 DeM 157 8-9 17) From then into the reign of Ramesses IV the may potters made deliveries late or were making good deficits In II smw 7 of year 32 the debt was diffic paid for I smw 30 and at the same time the b3kw was delivered three days early for II smw 10 (0 or the

19thDeM 38 7 17 23) No sooner had these deliveries been made then the potter was in debt again I for the rest of the month Disruptions to pottery and fuel deliveries (see above p 21) throughout wide] year 30 and into year 31 are symptoms of continued labour problems within the village or of subst general administrative problems in the Theban area 139

mont side I

136 RAD 49 15 P J Frandsen Editing reality the Turin Strike Papyrus in Studies in Egyptology presented to Miriam Lichtheim ed S Israelit-Groll (Jerusalem 1990) 166-99 Risbo 137 Janssen considers that the documentation of half units may point to a scarcity of materials Commodity availa Prices 488 A reference to a half unit may also be found in an anonymous papyrus fragment in Turin 140 Fo (Cerny MSS 3616) which records the potter 2h this probably means 2h bJkw 141 Fo 138 Janssen The Year ofthe Strikes 46-8 BerIir B9 Disruptions in local administration may have directly impacted pottery production if as Colin Hope bkw suggests the state provided clay to these workshops Egyptian Pottery Shire Egyptology 5 (princes been ~

8 that ce his yand It text smw

s of ternal tween fiable Irmal 8 O in O

aboUT in the ~cords

md II ~ IV YNb ertain It and ~ction ottery Jrt 30 re are ed by (see

but a DeM erdue se as of65 may

tered the twas 0(0 19ain ~hout or of

~logy

ity

ffope inces

DOCUMENTlIG SUPPLY 53

O DeM 40 rto 15 from I gUt of year 1 of Ramesses IV records that the potter delivered three bgkw on day 24 probably overdue deliveries for days 10 and 20 (the deficits are not noted) and for the epagomenal days for which the deficit was entered in a note in a separate column on the far left A deficit is also recorded for day 30 (vso 9) From this point on the deliveries tend to be complete although often a few days late140 There are still occasional deficits but the deliveries appear to have been generally more regular than in the final years of Ramesses IILI41 The increasing irregularity of delivery is probably a symptom of the general decay of the administration of the Necropolis at the end of a long reign The more regular deliveries beginning in the first year of Ramesses IV perhaps correspond with a renewed interest in the Necropolis on the part of the successor king who was eager to get work on his tomb underway

These documents provide the only opportunity to trace a pattern of deficit in pottery deliveries against well documented changes and problems in the administration of the village They show that such an equation between the two is possible this may have implications for the more incomplete records of the end of the dynasty It is difficult to determine from the papyrus texts whether deliveries continued on a regular basis in the closing years of the 20th Dynasty or were made in large consignments more infrequently as the surviving evidence seems to suggest Since there were significant civil disturbances in the Theban area throughout this period deliveries could have been affected to the point that they became more unusual events and warranted entry in the journals

The Turin Necropolis journal for year 17 of Ramesses IX provides the best example from this period From II prl on the text includes entries concerning the smdt in general from the ambiguous entry taking the smdt of the Tomb of Left by the scribe of the Tomb Hori (Botti and Peet pI 14 rto B I 8) to the entries a few lines later crew not working while the smdt were outside under the authority (rJ(wyraquo of the two scribes of the Necropolis [ ] crew not working there being no smdt outside (rto B I 12) These entries seem to indicate that there was some reorganization of or problem with the smdt although a record of a wood delivery was entered for II prl 15 The entry for II prt 18 records crew not working while their smdt were under the authority of the two scribes of the Tomb of the Outside without any payments (1) (Botti and Peet pI 15 rto B I 18) On II prt 24 a delivery of fish was made and on day 25 the potter rAhawy delivered a number of vessels (Botti and Peet pI 16 rto B II 1-3) Although these entries are difficult to interpret it seems that the crew was facing both deficits in grain delivery and problems with the smdt In this context the delivery of pottery can perhaps be seen as a special occurrence no text from the end of the 20 th Dynasty explicitly records a potters deficit perhaps indicating that there was no longer an expected pattern to delivery

The interpretations presented here are speculative moreover other factors that left no trace may have had an impact on production The deficits entered for year 25 of Ramesses III are difficult to explain except in terms of unknowable production problems specific to the workshops or the personal circumstances of the potters as are the causes for the deficits recorded in the early 19th Dynasty Such deficits cannot be equated with any known problems in the village or the wider Theban area The accounts of the potters Menna and N akhy in the early 19th Dynasty record substantial deficits especially those incurred by Menna in a year 9 where he is in deficit for five months totalling 53 qbw vessels and 575 fbw vessels Further deficit totals perhaps for the other side of the crew are even larger 94 qbw vessels and 992 lbw vessels (0 Berlin P 10840) The

Risborough 1987) 10 This argument may apply only to high quality ceramics considering the ready availability ofNile silt for the production of most basic vessels 140 For example O DeM 47 rto 3 11 vso 4 141 For example the following texts record deficits in year 1 = I prt 30 (0 DeM 47 rto 11) III prt 30 (0 Berlin P 12641 + 12628 7) II smw 20(7) (0 DeM 161 vso 3) O DeM 44 rto 20 records a delivery of 1y bklv for III smw 29 Janssen considers that since no delivery was recorded for day 20 materials may have been scarce at this time Commodity Prices 488

--54 POTTERS

patterns of deficit incurred by the potters that can be traced in the texts cannot generally be Ana correlated with external administrative problems and decay rese

proc sect4 Equations of word and object an analysis offour pot-types A notable feature of the potter texts from Deir el-Medina is the substantial number of vessels 41 delivered to the village every ten days Although the exact number due in each bkw varied the I ha totals of some deliveries indicate that there was a significant and constant need for ceramics in the thrOl community In the lives of the villagers this pottery was essential It was the principal means to mult store prepare and serve food and to carry out many other activities within the domestic and work refer spheres Janssen observes in Commodity Prices that we have virtually no cvidence for the enun exchange value of ceramics beeause price texts generally refer only to metal or stone vessels 142

used Vessels used for a wide variety of domestic purposes would have had a low value and high class turnover millions of pot sherds were found within the rubbish dumps of the village including the offo Grands PuitS 143 Since their role was so essential it is desirable to learn about the various forms of In thl the vessels - their sizes and range of functions - in order to advance our understanding of the lJl villagers daily lives possi

Holthoerl44 noted that most Mesopotamian names of vessels relate directly to their material their function or their capacity but concluded that the Egyptians derived their vessel names from something other than vessel function This conclusion was largely based on the 1935 lexicographic analysis of Egyptian vessels by Robert du Mesnil du Buisson whose study is the only one that covers a wide range of ceramics including some of the vessel names that occur in the Deir el-Medina potter texts He considered that the qbw vessel was connected to qb fresh cool an appropriate concept for a jar145 He equated the gy vessel with the verb gw to be narrow perhaps suggesting a jar with a narrow neck 146

Edward Brovarski has done preliminary work on some Old Kingdom and First Intermediate Period vessel terms147 and Patricia Paice has studies connections between vessel shapes and their functions as depicted in tomb reliefs 148 The most valuable recent examination of the intersection of lexicography and a ceramic corpus is that of Janet Bourriau and Stephen Quirke on the Middle Kingdom ceramic repertoire from Lahun l49

An approach comparable to that taken at Lahun would be ideal for the material from Deir elshy Fig 1 Medina but a full statistical analysis of the archaeological material in relation to the textual data Urk r that is a prerequisite for determining lexicographic relations is beyond the scope of this study

The VI

Jb-nraquo142 407_8 and n 5 lS enu 143 ibid 488

vessel 144 New Kingdom Pharaonic Sites The Pottery 41 see J Bourriau and S Quirke The Late Middle

terminKingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects in Lahun studies ed S Quirke (Reigate 1998) 60shydeterm1 for a more recent discussion of the basis of classifications

145 Les noms et signes egyptiens designant des vases ou objets simiaires (Paris 1935)30 l46 Noms et signes 72 Janssen Commodity Prices 427 considers that du Mesnil du Buissons suggestions 150 FoUl

and explanations for the gly are unconvincing and concludes that no identification of the gly is apparant P Turi Ricardo A Caminos considered it to be an open bowl or cup since it was used more as a container for Howevl

ISl Jansvegetables and flowers than liquids (CLEM 194-5) corresponding to the use of gy vessels for natron 152 Thelotus leaves and fruit in the Medinet Habu festival lists A Spalinger Medinet Habu and Deir el-Yledina IS3 TheCombined in Deir el-Medina in the Third Millennium AD A Tribute to Jac J Janssen eds R 1 Demaree

and A Egberts Egyptologische Uitgaven 14 (Leiden 2000) 314 Although the shape of the gl) remains these m unknown Janssen has determined a capacity of 20 hin Two Ancient Egyptian Ships Logs Papyrus Leiden detenni 1350 verso and Papyrus Turin 2008 + 2016 (Leiden 1961)88 vessel l47 Lexicographical Studies in Egyptian Pottery Bulletin de Liaison du Groupe International dEtude de determi fa Ceramique Egyptienne 7 (1982) 36-7 154 P GJ 14S The Pottery of Daily Life in Ancient Egypt JSSEA 19 (1989) 50-88 bibliogr 149 The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects 60-83 IS5 Com

lly be

essels d the in the ansto lwork Dr the oels142

1 high ngthe rmsof of the

lterial s from

1935 is the

cur in fresh to be

lediate i their ection fiddle

eir elshyt data study

v1iddle 8) 60shy

~stions

Jaranl ler for latron -edina maree mains Leiden

~de de

EQUA TJONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 55

Analysis of the occurrence of vessel types in the potter texts can be related to the present stage of research into vessel shape and size to produce some further insights both into the potters products and into the documentation for the supply of particular ceramic types

41 The basic pots qbw and [bw I have shown above that [bw and qbw vessels formed the basis of deliveries to the village

19th 20ththroughout the and Dynasties Therefore it seems likely that they were simple multipurpose vessels distinct from each another in shape andor size There is a standard way of referring to them in the records qbw vessels precede [bw vessels and many fewer are usually enumerated This relationship points to a qualitative differentiation between the two ISO Both are used as containers for liquids such as beer and waterl5l I consider that these two terms designate classes of vessels rather than fixed single shapes their names perhaps referring to a wider range of forms Difference in size may account for the differentation in numbers delivered in the texts In the following discussion I assess the evidence for these two classes of vessels

Jb lbw) vessels are included among the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak indicating a possible shape for the vessel152

tlBoo~WJ~O 01It 0P L II I I

Fig 1 ob-nw-k vessels in the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak (Wreszinski Atlas II pI 33 Urk IV 636)

The vessel shown is distinctive being beaker-like and wider at the base than at the neck JS3 The ub-nw-k vessel here is the equivalent of the u-m-Icw of P Harris I 36a 7 A significant number is enumerated in this text as containers tor incense perhaps indicating a smaller cup-like vessel l54 Janssen has considered that the [x]-n-k termination which is fairly common in vessel terminology indicates that the vessels were cups the name of the vessel given in the compound determines the shape155 In the inscription of the High Priest Osorkon the Oblb-n-k is written

150 Four texts which enumerate qbw and fbw vessels show a ratio of 15 O Or Inst Chicago 16698 rto 3 P Turin 2070133 134 + frgs rto 10-11 Giornale of year 17 rto B II 1-3 P Turin 1898 rto III 14 However since these are isolated examples it is uncertain how widely applicable such a ratio was 151 Janssen Commodity Prices 433 Valbelle Ouvriers 265 152 The equivalence between the lb andlbw is confirmed in CLEM 186-7 153 The determinative given for a qby vessel in the offering list ofThutmose III at Elcphantine indicates that these may have been quite close in shape to the IJb-nw-h of the Karnak list The simple elongated beaker determinative is quite distinct from the determinatives given for the other vases in the list including the Ub vessel which is shon with a definite neck (Urk IV 828 4) However the occurrence of different determinatives within a single text does not offer a basis for a classification of vessel forms 154 P Grandet Le Papyrus Harris I (EM 9999) BdE 109 (Cairo 1994) I 272 see vol IT 141 n 576 for a bibliography for lbw l55 Commodity Prices 409

I

56 POTTERS

with a goblet detenninative ls6 The vessels recorded in these texts may be smaller cup versions of thai larger Ibw jars with the wide mouth and lack of defined neck perhaps pointing to a vessel associated with food preparation and service 157 The delivery list O DeM 288 records fb-nw-kJ

cor 1

vessels perhaps as a fuller writing of bw or as a distinct fonn vithin the Ibw class Vessels ves categorized as Ibw may have had a generalized function as cups or containers for both liquid and con solid foods A comparison can be made with the ~nw vessels which are recorded in significant 4W numbers in the papyrus documents from Lahun and are equated by Bourriau and Quirke with the 346 drinking cups known from the site the only vessel fonn which they consider could have been used in such numbers 158 The bkw of the Deir el-Medina potters show that Ibw vessels too were

lbw 50

delivered in large quantities the The lower numbers of qbw vessels in the deliveries may be related to their larger size In Poids o

No 5135 3 the weight of a metal qbw vessel is stated to be 20 deben or 18 kg Valbelle betv concludes from this that the qbw was significantly larger than the Ibw 159 That qbw designates a POttl simple storage jar may be indicated by the name itself If the connection suggested by du Mesnil two du Buisson between qbw vessels and qb cool can be accepted it may suggest that qbw vessels were storage jars perhaps for water and other liquids The connection may also suggest the

sigh one

material of manufacture qbw vessels could have been made from marl clay which cools water Helc through evaporation

As storage jars qbw vessels may have been connected in shape or broad function with the qbwshyIf a have

n-wt canopic jar The coincidence of the name suggests some correspondence The simple canopic jar fonns given by Georges Nagel for Tomb 359 seem similar in shape to vessels found in the cellar of a house in the village160 However Nagels sample is so small that any identification is tentative Janssen cautions that the standard shape of a canopic jar was rarely used as the fonn of bronze or pottery vessels 161 This may be a principle of decorum vessels with a funerary purpose not being equated in fonn with ordinary domestic ceramics The connection between qbw and qbw-n-wt may be simply that they were both in one fonn or another storage jars

Although the qbw may have been proportionally larger than the lbw it is very unlikely that

capa temp capa appn meas

Cc vso cannc into i

either fonn had a fixed capacity at Deir el-Medina W W Struve [V V Struve] offered the only attempt to determine the capacity of the qbw (or qby) vessel based largely on Greek evidence and his research on P Boulaq 18162 Wolfgang HeIcks review of this evidence led him to conclude

dOCUJ

repre betw( vesse restril than 1

156 R A Caminos The Chronicle ofPrince Osorkon Analecta Orientalia 37 (Rome 1958) 129 157 p Cairo 58088 indicates that bw could have had a large size in this case accommodating 3 ds measures See also Janssen Commodity Prices 433 n 170 C Daniel Les noms egyptiens de certains types de vases

proba fixed

In

grecs Studia et Acta Orientalia 5-6 (1967) 383-5 equates the lIb vessel with the Greek 10 olt7tW and the vesse

Mycenaean di-pa He notes that the di-pa depicted on a tablet corresponds in shape with the form of the fib indicated by the determinative used for the word The depictions of the di-pa that Daniel cites are not 163 DG

comparable in form with the Ibw depicted in the Karnak offering list D H F Gray Linear Band evidee Archaeology Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies of the UniverSity of London 6 (1959) pI 7 I andDI would argue that the form of the lbw was very flexible 164 It 1

158 Bourriau and Quirke The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects 74 some 159 Catalogues des poids a inscriptions hieratiques de Deir el-Medineh Nos 5001-5423 DFIFAO 16 165 Da~

(Cairo 1973) 18 166 FOI 160 La ceramique du Nouvel Empire aDeir el Medineh DFIFAO 10 (Cairo 1938)35 cf 122 no 38 42 SpaHn 44 167 Da 161 Commodity Prices 412 sugges 162 Mathematischer Papyrus des staatlichen Museums der SchOnen Kunste in Moskau (Berlin 1930) 55 Ceram withn2 25 1itr

lions of vessel

-nw-k

Vessels llid and ilificant vith the Ie been )0 were

n Poids lalbelle ~ates a Mesnil vessels est the s water

le qbwshysimple

s found lat any rarely vessels s The omlor

~ly that Iteonly lce and melude

~asures

le vases and the the b are not Band pI 7 I

AO 16

3842

gt30) 55

EQliAnONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 57

that the qbw had no fixed capacity Rather it seems that vessels such as the Ibw and qbw could correspond to a range of different ds measures 163

Two texts may point to some perhaps proportional equivalence between qbw vessels and dpr vessels In O DeM 135 the record of the accumulated deficits of two potters includes a conversion from dpr vessels into qbw vessels 9 dpr vessels to (=) qbw vessels making Urn) 4Yz (see section 31) Such a conversion may indicate a size ratio between the vessels O DeM 346 vso 3 records 42 dpr vessels [making Urn)] 22 qbt vessels (see n 89 for the restoration) Ibw vessels may also be equated with dpr vessels in O DeM 202 dpr vessels 30 [as] 15 bw 50 (1 3_4)164 The restoration here is problematic and the hypothesis of any equivalence between the two types must remain tentative

O Berlin P 10654 vso displays a similar complexity in possible equivalences this time between qbw vessels and jnJt vessels This text (discussed in section 33) seems to record the potters production of ceramics on days 10 20 and 30 of II bt and day 10 of IIIilt The final two lines state total 230 of (n) qbw vessels [ ] specifying it (wp st) 23 jnJt vessels At first sight such a text seems to point to a proportional relationship between these vessels a qbw being one tenth of ajnJt Such a ratio is quite possible because jnJt vessels do seem to have been large Heicks calculations from O Gardiner 81 indicate that ajnJt vessel was 2 of a mnt-amphora 165

If a mnt had a liquid capacity of c 20 hin and a hin was 048 litres the capacity of a jnlzt would have been c 53 hin or 2551itres O Berlin P 10654 vso would then show that a qbw vessel had a capacity of c 53 hin or 25 litres whieh is a sensible size for a storage jar 166 Although it is tempting to make such equations from this data this evidence is based on assumptions about the capacity of other vessel types so is tentative HeIck estimated that the ds vessel had a eapacity of approximately 3 litres 167 If so the qbw in P Boulaq 18 would have been double the size ofa ds measure in order to contain the 2 ds (e 6 litres)

Contextual study of the equation between qbw vessels and other types in O Berlin P 10654 vso O DeM 135 and O DeM 346 vso indicates some form of size ratio operated although we cannot easily determine the flexibility of that ratio or how it was used A conversion of one vessel into its equivalent of another type is unusual in a text like O Berlin P 10654 vso which seems to document the actual produetion of vessels even their firing If the last two lines of the text represent the total of ceramics produced in this process then the specification of a relationship between the two vessels types is rather strange Perhaps the original order was for 230 qbw vessels and this was then converted into the equivalent in jn~t vessels Ifjn~t vessels had a more restricted even ritual function the equivalence expressed here may be more abstract or complex than a ratio of capacity The size of vessels delivered may have been standardized to some extent probably based on ease of delivery and manageability within a domestic eontext rather than as fixed measures

In such a context a value relationship might well have operated The jnlzt as a specialized vessel may have had a more established value in relation to which the qbw vessels could be set

163 Das Bier im Alten Agypten (Berlin 1971) 47 See also Anthony Spalingers re-evaluation of the evidence for the capacity of these vessels including discussion of O DeM 135 and 202 Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 314 His conclusions largely correspond with mine 164 It may also be possible to read dpr 30 Urnl 15 lbw 50 which would support the hypothesis of some sort ofequivalence 165 Das Bier 47 16lt5 For a review of evidence concerning the capacity of the mnl including discussion of this text see A Spalinger Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 312-3 167 Das Bier 46 R L Miller (is-vessels Beer Mugs Cirrhosis and Casting Slag GM 115 (1990) 64 suggests that the ds was a drinking vessel perhaps to be equated with depictions given in Nagel Ceramique 199-206 Miller identifies a jar found at Saqqara as a ds vessel noting that it had a capacity of 25 litres roughly corresponding to Heicks estimate

58 POTTERS

In O DeM 135 the scribe may well have calculated the value of the vessels owed down to the half vessel A parallel for this is found in O Turin 57062 vso 4 where 2Yz jnJtt vessels are set

dlagainst five vessel types which precede them (their names are lost) The recording of five vessels compared with half that amount in jnJtt vessels producing the unusual amount of a half vessel tt

2again suggests a value equivalence Since vessels do not appear with fixed values in the price

SJtexts their worth may well have been assessed in relation to other vessel types st b42 A specialized vessel jnJzt DApart from the two vessel types or classes that formed the basis of the deliveries of ceramics to rethe village the potter texts also occasionally enumerate other types jnJtt vessels although well

known from other contexts are rare in the potter texts A few texts that may indicate their ritproduction or delivery by the Deir el-Medina potters illuminate aspects of its function and context

of use The pattern of occurrence of jnJtt vessels indicates a specialized vessel type the shape of which is unknown The jnJtt vessel is most widely documented as a storage container for beer and as Walter F Reineke notes outside the data from Deir el-Medina it was often made of gold or silver J68 That this vessel could be supplied as part of the ceramic requirement of the village seems to be indicated by the delivery lists from the early 19th Dynasty (Category E) Some of these lists record jnJzt vessels although they are not always indisputably connected with the smdt potters

In the Category E delivery lists of wood and ceramics jnJtt vessels occur four times their total Ccamount being low in comparison with the other vessels enumerated in these texts In O DeM 1 6 una total of 7 jnlu vessels are delivered 5 of good quality 2 of poor In O DeM 17 4 only 3 jnJzt aUvessels were delivered (2 good 1 poor) in comparison with 290 lbw recorded in the previous intline and in O DeM 15 3 7 jn~lt vessels were delivered as against 295 Ibw vessels 16 jnJzt povessels are documented in O DeM 23 5 (the text is broken and the reading at the end of the line

uncertain)169 bei ve~Only two texts explicitly includejnJtt vessels in pottery deliveries 0 Qurna 6181 records two

jnJtt vessels among the deficit of 55 qbw and 265 Ibw vessels incurred by the potter Menna O IJry Michaelides 33 rto 3-6 J70 This text records for III Jot 30 matching deliveries from a potter to vex

Right and Left among other deliveries of wood and gypsum the potter 1 jnlp vessels 20 (pJ qd 1 jnJzt 20)171 The stroke read as one after the title p qd could refer to the bkw of the potter not

with jnJtt vessels being an addition to the quota delivered 172 jnJtt vessels were therefore a wit gocomponent of the potters repertoire and this fact may complicate the interpretation of other texts

where they occur173 More generally jnJzt vessels are recorded as being delivered filled with beer I thisand thus are probably not associated with ceramic delivery

174 (

Me(J68 Der Zusammenhang der altagyptischen Hohl- und UingenmaBe MID 9 (1963) 146 175( 169 Kitchen restores 16jnli vessels [by the hand of A]meneminet (KRII 367 8 a-b) but there does not 176 1appear to be space for this formula in the break The rest of this text is similar to the other wood and pottery

177pounddelivery lists See the discussion of parallel texts in section 23 170 Goedicke-Wente pJ 67 However I follow CernYs transcription of the text here (Nb 10830)

178 1

Cau171 Contra Goedicke and Wente who restore IT1l ] on line 3 On line 7 Goedicke and Wente read 27 jnlt 197vessels instead of 20 vessels and the restoration for the [plasterer] (Pi q() given by Cerny 179 1

172 Alternatively it could refer to a single potter although this would be unusual in this context (see section Rek21) Compare the reading of this text with that discussed for O DeM 154 rto 15-6 in section 34 Egy

173 Other entries for this day include specialty breads and ds measures of beer (117-8) while the folloVing somentry for IV Jt 1 records a festival of Hathor (1 9) Although an association with a festival context is Dietpossible the delivery of jnlts as discussed by Spahnger is recorded separately from the breads and ds inameasures and is included among more standard delveries Medinet Habu and Dei elmiddotMedina Combined note310-311 Earl

l to the are set vessels vessel e price

mics to ~h well e their ~ontext

mpe of Ir beer of gold village ome of le smdt

ir total M 16 r 3jn~f

revious 16 jn~t he line

ds two mao O )tter to (pJ qd potter fore a r texts th beer

oes not pottery

27 jn~t

section

llowing rrtext is and ds

lbined

EQUATIONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 59

jn~t vessels of beer occur consistently in a series of six Category E ostraca that seem to document the delivery of commodities associated with festival or temple offerings174 Four of these texts state that the commodities were delivered by an individual in O DeM 20 and O DeM 25 the deliveries are made by a local priest Each of these six texts lists items that include speciality foodstuffs and jn~t vessels of beer rather than the fuel and plain unfilled pottery of standard deliveries II smw 12 by the hand of the local priest (w(b Sf) 175 60 large j nJzt vessels of beer entered 56 deficit 4 120 (bundles of) vegetables ISO s(t cakes and 100 rJzs cakes (0 DeM 20) The only exception in this group is O DeM 26 where 30 large jn~1f vessels are recorded 27 are entered (jw) and there is a deficit on No beer is recorded with these vessels

The recto of O DeM 29 may confirm that lists containing such products are associated with rituals or festivals rather than deliveries of materials to the village 176

total of various (sbn)jnl)tvessels of beer 653 [+x] the record of the [ ] which were given as offerings (snw) [] good bread loaves of [ ] s(t cake [x oipeJ rJzs cakes [ J jnJzt vessels of beer [ J beer [ ]

Connections of this vessel type with the temple or festival sphere nmy explain features of the unique and difficult distribution text O BM 50728 discussed in section 23 The text records the allocation ofjnJzt vessels to individual crew members The 10 + 5 jnJzt vessels seem to be grouped into four different categories perhaps accordin~ to quality of the vessel or its contents and possibly its shape or finish 177 5 doubly good (~reg) jnJzt vessels in the fashion of hbny [vessels] being returned (m hyt) 2 for Baky I for Huy 1 (for) (Omek 1 for Qaha totalS (11 5-6) Six vessels given to individuals in line 7 one for each nmn are stated to be middling good (11fr mshyhry-jb) and line 10 enumerates two vessels that also have a designation perhaps reading not (J I~~ 3)very poor _ 1

If the jnJzt vessels were more specialized beer vessels used in festival or ritual contexts then the note of quality either of contents or of the vessel itself would have been important This concern with quality can also be seen in the delivery lists where the jnJzt vessels are described as either good or poor 178

Particularly difficult to understand in this context are the writings of hbny perhaps referring to this well-known amphora-shaped vessel I19 The five doubly goodjnl)t vessels are designated in

174 O DeM 19 20 21 25 26 27 For further discussion of these texts see Spalinger Deir e1middotMedina and Medinet Habu Combined 311

(1 0

175 l=n (1 1) For another writing of this title see O DeM 25 2 176 The verso of this text records only nswt bjty mnmiddotmrtmiddotrr 177 For the use of red ink in this text see p 19 n 75 above

178 O DeM 1 6 174 For discussion of the meaning of snn 1~ in these contexts see D Valbelle Catalogue des poids ainscriptions hieratiques de Deir eAmiddotfedineh Nos 500l-5423 DFIFAO 16 (Cairo 1977)23 179 Wh II 487 There are depictions of the hbnylhbnt vessel in Urk IV 11308 11352 and in the tomb of Rekhmire N de G Davies The Tomb of Rekh-mi-r~ at Thebes The Metropolitan Museum of Art Egyptian Expedition 11 (New York 1943) I pIs 33 34 In these examples it is shaped as an amphora sometimes without handles and often contains honey E A W Budge An Egyptian Hieroglyphic Dictionary (London 1920)446 gave the capacity of a hbnt ndst as one quarter of a hin F G Hilton-Price in an earlier publication Notes on Some Egyptian Antiquities in My Collection TSBA 9 (1886) 353 noted the same capacity for this vessel Here see also T G H James The Heqanakhte Papers and Other Early Middle Kingdom Documents (New York 1962) 118

60 POTTERS

the fashion of hbny vessels (~[]~IlJ1J 0) (vso 5) This seems to express an equivalence between the two vessel types perhaps representing an addition or finish to the jn~lt vessel that increased its value Du Mesnil du Buisson speculated in his discussion of the hhnl vessel that the word related to hbny ebony t ruJ-Oi) and indicated a blackened colour or lustre to the vesseL I80 hbny also occurs as an annotation above the entries of jnit vessels for particular workmen in lines 8-12 of the recto The entry on line 13 (hhny n [ ]) may indicate that hhny vessels themselves were also delivered to the workmen named in the following lines So far as I know hbny vessels do not occur in other Deir el-Medina textsl8J These notations may also refer to some sort of finishing to the j nit vesseL

The inclusion of more unusual designations for the vessels certainly points to the exceptional nature ofthe delivery in O BM 50728 as does the entry of an amount ((i(w) of bJq oil (8) in line lOon the verso after the specification of 10 further jnlJl vessels for particular workmen (pJ WpWl

n plIO n jnlJt n tJ jst) Janssen observes that this oil was rarely used by the workmen as it was too expensive 182 It is possible that the text refers to the delivery of jnit vessels of bJq oil the references to quality therefore referring to the quality of oil rather than the vessel itself The designation hbny may be associated with this as welL

Complicating this analysis is the proposed large size of jnit vessels (discussed in section 41) which may account to some extent for its more restricted function within the vessel repertoire jnlJt vessels occur only rarely in the Medinet Habu festival calendar indicating that even within the temple their use was specialized ls3 The ealculation of the equivalence in contents of the vessels in O Gardiner 81 indicates that we are dealing with a set capacity for these vessel types in this text 184 If the capacity of a jnit was 53 hin or 255 Htres this would equate to a significant quantity ofbJq oil per person 185

O BM 50728 remains a puzzle Despite thc difficulties in interpretation it seems most likely that it records allocation of vessels possibly filled with oil or beer for festival or cultic purposes The careful documentation of such a distribution may also indicate that the vessels were not to be kept by the men perhaps only being used by them for the event and then returned to the temple A large size may serve to explain their more limited and specialized oecurrence in the data perhaps restricted to the religious sphere rather than playing a role in the domestic life of the villagers

In this instance contextual analysis of texts that seem to relate to ceramic deliveries can alter our understanding of these texts and illuminate the role and function of a vessel type in the community For vessels that were delivered more commonly we can observe the potential for flexibility in the classification systems these would repay further detailed study sectS Conclusion Analysis of the texts concerning pottery delivery leaves a number of questions unanswered and areas unexplored the limited number of sources available and problems inherent in them restrict their potential for interpretation However some insights into the organization and administrative structures of Deir el-Medina are fortheoming from the material Within the meticulous record keeping of the village the key theme seems to be flexibility This flexibility is apparent in the

180 Noms et signes 28 181 Janssen did not include them in his chapter on Vessels in Commodity Prices None of the references for the entry in the Wb II 487 has a Deir e1-Medina provenance 182 Commodity Prices 330 183 On the occurrence of the jnltt in the Medinet Hahn festival lists see A Spalinger Medinet Habn and Deir ei-Medina Combined 311-2 ]84 Heick Das Bier 46 185 Even if the mnt was only 10 hin a jnltt would still be of a substantial size c 11-12 iitres Janssen Commodity Prices 434

N

CONCLUSION 61

number of potters assigned to the crew the size and content of the quota required every 10 days and the timing of deliveries The final section of my study also points to the potential flexibility of form size and function of the pots themselves

Although we can find implications in the potter texts for features of society beyond the village itself such as the specifie interpretation of bkw or the occurrence of vessels in royal festival calendars it must be borne in mind that the real value of the Deir el-Medina material lies in its potential to illuminate the lives of ordinary people in Ramessid Egypt For that purpose we need to attend most closely to the village context

Appendix The potters of Deir el-Medina Names of potters in documents relating to the delivery of ceramics

I

Names of potters in documents concerning matters other than the supply of ceramics

I 1 (Omek i Turin Strike Papyrus RAD 476 I

2 Khonsu bull O Turin 57192 1

3 Herunefer bull O DeM 73 rto 2

4 Paaeminet I O Berlin P 12343 vso 3

5 Bakenmut P Turin 2018 A rto la 5 rto IV 17 vso I 6 B rto II 4 D I rto 14 P BM 10068 vso V l3

6 Wenennefer P BM 10068 vso V 14

alence el that 1at the to the ticular thbny ar as I ) refer

ltional in line middotwpwt it was til the f The

1 41) rtoire within of the pes in ificant

likely poses tto be ~mple data of the

1 alter in the ial for

d and estrict rative ecord in the

rences

)U and

nssen

1 I Menna O IFAO 387 1 O Qurna 618i1 O DeM 91 1 O Berlin P 10840 vso 1

2 bull Nakhy I

O IFAO 3874 O DeM 914

3 I Ptahemheb O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O DeM 343 2 P Greg vso B 8 rto A11

4 Parahotep O DeM 868

5 Hori O DeM 868 O DeM 869

6 Herunefer O Cairo 25597 rto 3

7 Neferher O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O Cairo 25633 vso 2

8 Amennakht O DeM 44 rto 8

9 Dmek P Turin 2081+2095 rto 1

10 ltAhawy P Turin 1881 vso V 1 VI 7 VII 1 () Giornale of year 17 rto B II 2 P Turin 2018 A vso 1 12 B rto II 11 B vso II 17 P BM 10068 vso VI 25 P Turin 2014 rto 27-8 P BM 10054 vso II 9

62 POTTERS

Addendnm

Pierre Grandets Catalogue des ostraca hieratiques non litteraires de Deir el-Medineh IXbecame available just as this chapter went to the press This volume contains a number of important potter texts I have included them in the tables on pages 33-7 and provide a short account of them here

O DeM is the longest and most detailed potter account known to me I will be adressing the issues it raises in a further publication It records deliveries made by the potters Ptahemheb Parahotep Hori and Neferher for the months of I bt to I prt of a year 6 The title p qd occurs only in line I in reference to Ptahemheb but probably also covers the other individuals named Ptahemheb and Neferher are known from other potter accounts discussed in this chapter O DeM 869 also published by Grandet and dated to a year 6 records deliveries made by Hori of qbw and lbw vessels to Right Both Hori and Parahotep are not otherwise attested in the potter texts In O DeM 868 details of delivery are grouped according to individual potters In line 13 Neferher delivers vessels to Left (t rj smM this is the only statement concerning Right or Left in this text That four potters deliver during the same general period emphasizes the potential number of potters involved in delivery which is not generally apparent in many of the potter texts Ptahemheb and Neferher make deliveries on different days in IV bt The vessel numbers vary except for those delivered as the making good of deficits by Ptahemheb which are consistent sums (II 3-4) The vessels delivered include qbw and Ibw vessels as well as gy andjnlt this text therefore provides further evidence thatjnJtt vessels were part of the potters repertoire

Grandet follows Gutgesell in assigning a date in the mid-20th Dynasty to O DeM 868 and 869 19thMy assignment of a late Dynasty date to the other account ostraca of Ptahemheb and

Neferher (0 Cairo 25591 O Cairo 25633 and O DeM 343) is based on the record of Ptahemhebs deliveries in P Greg firmly dated by Janssen to the reign of Siptah186 Gutgesell places Ptahemheb in the 20th Dynasty on the basis of the occurrence of this name in P Turin 2006+ 1961 usually dated to year 29 of Ramesses 111 [87 The Ptahemheb in this text is not a potter and so is a different individual I propose that the late 19th Dynasty date of the other documents should therefore be retained and should also be adopted for O DeM 868 and 869

Further texts relevant to potters in Grandets volume include O DeM 877 in which a list of arrears in water supplies are measured in jnlt vessels O DeM 871-3 are sherds bearing the phrase mJ qd Grandet considers these phrases along with the phrase ml m-rJrt p-Jtm-nlr complete by the hand ofPahemnetjerthe priest on O DeM 870 as delivery marks inscribed on the pots themselves18S

186 Janssen Village Varia 115-6 187 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 252 309-12 188 Catalogue des ostraca IX 49-50

UNT

Marel

sectl Eil Die A Papyr Einwc zusHin Verw Angell besch~

Bei suchur wichtil Andre Vortei Juni 2( nicht-li recherc

Beirr allgem

bull Der MaXI

mieh Aufn Doni Sieh~

J Ja grap dazu

2 Sieht tause Peri Gutg Teil1 el ME Held Janss Histo

6 MeD Valb

g Venn Witnl II Ta

10 Ein P II Gutg 12 Allan 13 Held

Page 25: Woodcutters, Potters and Doorkeepers Service Personnel of the Deir El Medina Workmen

52 POTTERS

The account of O Gardiner 80 (HO 61 4) for year 21 of Ramesses III records deliveries that O were made complete for the entire month of III smw the final line entered complete like his bJrn custom of every day although formulaic may be an indicator of a reputation for efficiency and for t punctuality The records from a few years later appear to tarnish this reputation The account text far 11 O DeM 143 datable to year 24 while recording complete deliveries for III smw 30 and IV smw coml 10 and 20 enters deficits for IV smw 30 the five epagomenal days and the first two decades of I appe 3bt (11 1-7) Reasons for the accumulation of such a substantial deficit beyond internal incre production problems are unknown This text warns us that although the relationship between admi administrative problems at Deir el-Medina and deficit is clear at times less easily identifiable in th factors may also have had an impact By year 27 deliveries appear to have returned to normal the p with no deficits being entered and every delivery recorded as complete (0 DeM 33 vso 8 O TI DeM 34 rto 7 16 vso 11) a deficit is however noted for the epagomenal days of year 28 in O agair DeM 156 vso 4 that

From year 29 deficits are again a consistent feature of the record during the time when labour inc01 troubles began to disrupt the community The first hint of delivery problems may be found in the whet problematic O Strasbourg H 26 If the entries on the recto refer to the potter this text records mad~ complete deliveries throughout I and II smw and probably through the epagomenal days and II there 3bt The verso may refer more explicitly to pottery deliveries with the final line recording IV coul Jbt 10 deficit of the [potter) However the reading of qd is based on a restoration (Cerny Nb in thi 3561) and the status of this text as a pottery account could be questioned There are more certain Th references to delivery from later in year 29 In I prt 30 the potter made deliveries to Right and perio Left details of the content of delivery are not given (0 Turin 57007 vso 4-5) The strike action ambi began in the village only ten days later on II prt 10136 The only further entry recording a pottery Peet delivery is in P Turin 1961 (Pleyte and Rossi pI 99) possibly from the end of year 29 IV prt 30 outsi notes for Right the potter I Y while the potter l is noted for Left (vso II 5 7)137 There are there no further records of pottery deliveries until year 30 although the consistent deficits incurred by reorg the woodcutters during year 29 and into year 30 are evidence of the impact of the strikes (see for II above p 21)138 authc

Deficits are recorded in an account text for III prt 30 and probably IV prt 10 of year 30 but a Peet delivery oftvo b3kw was promptly made to remedy this deficit (0 DeM 165 rto 1-2) O DeM ~Aha 154 rto 15-16 of year 31 records the delivery of two b3kw on II smw 29 probably overdue entric payments for days 10 and 20 A number of fbw vessels are also specified I interpret these as and perhaps an early payment for II smw 30 although they may relate to the two b3kw A deficit of 65 speci is noted Complete deliveries are made in IV lJl but since they are noted specifically they may perha have been considered late one b3kw being entered on day 13 for day 10 and one being entered Th for Right only on day 21 (0 DeM 157 8-9 17) From then into the reign of Ramesses IV the may potters made deliveries late or were making good deficits In II smw 7 of year 32 the debt was diffic paid for I smw 30 and at the same time the b3kw was delivered three days early for II smw 10 (0 or the

19thDeM 38 7 17 23) No sooner had these deliveries been made then the potter was in debt again I for the rest of the month Disruptions to pottery and fuel deliveries (see above p 21) throughout wide] year 30 and into year 31 are symptoms of continued labour problems within the village or of subst general administrative problems in the Theban area 139

mont side I

136 RAD 49 15 P J Frandsen Editing reality the Turin Strike Papyrus in Studies in Egyptology presented to Miriam Lichtheim ed S Israelit-Groll (Jerusalem 1990) 166-99 Risbo 137 Janssen considers that the documentation of half units may point to a scarcity of materials Commodity availa Prices 488 A reference to a half unit may also be found in an anonymous papyrus fragment in Turin 140 Fo (Cerny MSS 3616) which records the potter 2h this probably means 2h bJkw 141 Fo 138 Janssen The Year ofthe Strikes 46-8 BerIir B9 Disruptions in local administration may have directly impacted pottery production if as Colin Hope bkw suggests the state provided clay to these workshops Egyptian Pottery Shire Egyptology 5 (princes been ~

8 that ce his yand It text smw

s of ternal tween fiable Irmal 8 O in O

aboUT in the ~cords

md II ~ IV YNb ertain It and ~ction ottery Jrt 30 re are ed by (see

but a DeM erdue se as of65 may

tered the twas 0(0 19ain ~hout or of

~logy

ity

ffope inces

DOCUMENTlIG SUPPLY 53

O DeM 40 rto 15 from I gUt of year 1 of Ramesses IV records that the potter delivered three bgkw on day 24 probably overdue deliveries for days 10 and 20 (the deficits are not noted) and for the epagomenal days for which the deficit was entered in a note in a separate column on the far left A deficit is also recorded for day 30 (vso 9) From this point on the deliveries tend to be complete although often a few days late140 There are still occasional deficits but the deliveries appear to have been generally more regular than in the final years of Ramesses IILI41 The increasing irregularity of delivery is probably a symptom of the general decay of the administration of the Necropolis at the end of a long reign The more regular deliveries beginning in the first year of Ramesses IV perhaps correspond with a renewed interest in the Necropolis on the part of the successor king who was eager to get work on his tomb underway

These documents provide the only opportunity to trace a pattern of deficit in pottery deliveries against well documented changes and problems in the administration of the village They show that such an equation between the two is possible this may have implications for the more incomplete records of the end of the dynasty It is difficult to determine from the papyrus texts whether deliveries continued on a regular basis in the closing years of the 20th Dynasty or were made in large consignments more infrequently as the surviving evidence seems to suggest Since there were significant civil disturbances in the Theban area throughout this period deliveries could have been affected to the point that they became more unusual events and warranted entry in the journals

The Turin Necropolis journal for year 17 of Ramesses IX provides the best example from this period From II prl on the text includes entries concerning the smdt in general from the ambiguous entry taking the smdt of the Tomb of Left by the scribe of the Tomb Hori (Botti and Peet pI 14 rto B I 8) to the entries a few lines later crew not working while the smdt were outside under the authority (rJ(wyraquo of the two scribes of the Necropolis [ ] crew not working there being no smdt outside (rto B I 12) These entries seem to indicate that there was some reorganization of or problem with the smdt although a record of a wood delivery was entered for II prl 15 The entry for II prt 18 records crew not working while their smdt were under the authority of the two scribes of the Tomb of the Outside without any payments (1) (Botti and Peet pI 15 rto B I 18) On II prt 24 a delivery of fish was made and on day 25 the potter rAhawy delivered a number of vessels (Botti and Peet pI 16 rto B II 1-3) Although these entries are difficult to interpret it seems that the crew was facing both deficits in grain delivery and problems with the smdt In this context the delivery of pottery can perhaps be seen as a special occurrence no text from the end of the 20 th Dynasty explicitly records a potters deficit perhaps indicating that there was no longer an expected pattern to delivery

The interpretations presented here are speculative moreover other factors that left no trace may have had an impact on production The deficits entered for year 25 of Ramesses III are difficult to explain except in terms of unknowable production problems specific to the workshops or the personal circumstances of the potters as are the causes for the deficits recorded in the early 19th Dynasty Such deficits cannot be equated with any known problems in the village or the wider Theban area The accounts of the potters Menna and N akhy in the early 19th Dynasty record substantial deficits especially those incurred by Menna in a year 9 where he is in deficit for five months totalling 53 qbw vessels and 575 fbw vessels Further deficit totals perhaps for the other side of the crew are even larger 94 qbw vessels and 992 lbw vessels (0 Berlin P 10840) The

Risborough 1987) 10 This argument may apply only to high quality ceramics considering the ready availability ofNile silt for the production of most basic vessels 140 For example O DeM 47 rto 3 11 vso 4 141 For example the following texts record deficits in year 1 = I prt 30 (0 DeM 47 rto 11) III prt 30 (0 Berlin P 12641 + 12628 7) II smw 20(7) (0 DeM 161 vso 3) O DeM 44 rto 20 records a delivery of 1y bklv for III smw 29 Janssen considers that since no delivery was recorded for day 20 materials may have been scarce at this time Commodity Prices 488

--54 POTTERS

patterns of deficit incurred by the potters that can be traced in the texts cannot generally be Ana correlated with external administrative problems and decay rese

proc sect4 Equations of word and object an analysis offour pot-types A notable feature of the potter texts from Deir el-Medina is the substantial number of vessels 41 delivered to the village every ten days Although the exact number due in each bkw varied the I ha totals of some deliveries indicate that there was a significant and constant need for ceramics in the thrOl community In the lives of the villagers this pottery was essential It was the principal means to mult store prepare and serve food and to carry out many other activities within the domestic and work refer spheres Janssen observes in Commodity Prices that we have virtually no cvidence for the enun exchange value of ceramics beeause price texts generally refer only to metal or stone vessels 142

used Vessels used for a wide variety of domestic purposes would have had a low value and high class turnover millions of pot sherds were found within the rubbish dumps of the village including the offo Grands PuitS 143 Since their role was so essential it is desirable to learn about the various forms of In thl the vessels - their sizes and range of functions - in order to advance our understanding of the lJl villagers daily lives possi

Holthoerl44 noted that most Mesopotamian names of vessels relate directly to their material their function or their capacity but concluded that the Egyptians derived their vessel names from something other than vessel function This conclusion was largely based on the 1935 lexicographic analysis of Egyptian vessels by Robert du Mesnil du Buisson whose study is the only one that covers a wide range of ceramics including some of the vessel names that occur in the Deir el-Medina potter texts He considered that the qbw vessel was connected to qb fresh cool an appropriate concept for a jar145 He equated the gy vessel with the verb gw to be narrow perhaps suggesting a jar with a narrow neck 146

Edward Brovarski has done preliminary work on some Old Kingdom and First Intermediate Period vessel terms147 and Patricia Paice has studies connections between vessel shapes and their functions as depicted in tomb reliefs 148 The most valuable recent examination of the intersection of lexicography and a ceramic corpus is that of Janet Bourriau and Stephen Quirke on the Middle Kingdom ceramic repertoire from Lahun l49

An approach comparable to that taken at Lahun would be ideal for the material from Deir elshy Fig 1 Medina but a full statistical analysis of the archaeological material in relation to the textual data Urk r that is a prerequisite for determining lexicographic relations is beyond the scope of this study

The VI

Jb-nraquo142 407_8 and n 5 lS enu 143 ibid 488

vessel 144 New Kingdom Pharaonic Sites The Pottery 41 see J Bourriau and S Quirke The Late Middle

terminKingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects in Lahun studies ed S Quirke (Reigate 1998) 60shydeterm1 for a more recent discussion of the basis of classifications

145 Les noms et signes egyptiens designant des vases ou objets simiaires (Paris 1935)30 l46 Noms et signes 72 Janssen Commodity Prices 427 considers that du Mesnil du Buissons suggestions 150 FoUl

and explanations for the gly are unconvincing and concludes that no identification of the gly is apparant P Turi Ricardo A Caminos considered it to be an open bowl or cup since it was used more as a container for Howevl

ISl Jansvegetables and flowers than liquids (CLEM 194-5) corresponding to the use of gy vessels for natron 152 Thelotus leaves and fruit in the Medinet Habu festival lists A Spalinger Medinet Habu and Deir el-Yledina IS3 TheCombined in Deir el-Medina in the Third Millennium AD A Tribute to Jac J Janssen eds R 1 Demaree

and A Egberts Egyptologische Uitgaven 14 (Leiden 2000) 314 Although the shape of the gl) remains these m unknown Janssen has determined a capacity of 20 hin Two Ancient Egyptian Ships Logs Papyrus Leiden detenni 1350 verso and Papyrus Turin 2008 + 2016 (Leiden 1961)88 vessel l47 Lexicographical Studies in Egyptian Pottery Bulletin de Liaison du Groupe International dEtude de determi fa Ceramique Egyptienne 7 (1982) 36-7 154 P GJ 14S The Pottery of Daily Life in Ancient Egypt JSSEA 19 (1989) 50-88 bibliogr 149 The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects 60-83 IS5 Com

lly be

essels d the in the ansto lwork Dr the oels142

1 high ngthe rmsof of the

lterial s from

1935 is the

cur in fresh to be

lediate i their ection fiddle

eir elshyt data study

v1iddle 8) 60shy

~stions

Jaranl ler for latron -edina maree mains Leiden

~de de

EQUA TJONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 55

Analysis of the occurrence of vessel types in the potter texts can be related to the present stage of research into vessel shape and size to produce some further insights both into the potters products and into the documentation for the supply of particular ceramic types

41 The basic pots qbw and [bw I have shown above that [bw and qbw vessels formed the basis of deliveries to the village

19th 20ththroughout the and Dynasties Therefore it seems likely that they were simple multipurpose vessels distinct from each another in shape andor size There is a standard way of referring to them in the records qbw vessels precede [bw vessels and many fewer are usually enumerated This relationship points to a qualitative differentiation between the two ISO Both are used as containers for liquids such as beer and waterl5l I consider that these two terms designate classes of vessels rather than fixed single shapes their names perhaps referring to a wider range of forms Difference in size may account for the differentation in numbers delivered in the texts In the following discussion I assess the evidence for these two classes of vessels

Jb lbw) vessels are included among the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak indicating a possible shape for the vessel152

tlBoo~WJ~O 01It 0P L II I I

Fig 1 ob-nw-k vessels in the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak (Wreszinski Atlas II pI 33 Urk IV 636)

The vessel shown is distinctive being beaker-like and wider at the base than at the neck JS3 The ub-nw-k vessel here is the equivalent of the u-m-Icw of P Harris I 36a 7 A significant number is enumerated in this text as containers tor incense perhaps indicating a smaller cup-like vessel l54 Janssen has considered that the [x]-n-k termination which is fairly common in vessel terminology indicates that the vessels were cups the name of the vessel given in the compound determines the shape155 In the inscription of the High Priest Osorkon the Oblb-n-k is written

150 Four texts which enumerate qbw and fbw vessels show a ratio of 15 O Or Inst Chicago 16698 rto 3 P Turin 2070133 134 + frgs rto 10-11 Giornale of year 17 rto B II 1-3 P Turin 1898 rto III 14 However since these are isolated examples it is uncertain how widely applicable such a ratio was 151 Janssen Commodity Prices 433 Valbelle Ouvriers 265 152 The equivalence between the lb andlbw is confirmed in CLEM 186-7 153 The determinative given for a qby vessel in the offering list ofThutmose III at Elcphantine indicates that these may have been quite close in shape to the IJb-nw-h of the Karnak list The simple elongated beaker determinative is quite distinct from the determinatives given for the other vases in the list including the Ub vessel which is shon with a definite neck (Urk IV 828 4) However the occurrence of different determinatives within a single text does not offer a basis for a classification of vessel forms 154 P Grandet Le Papyrus Harris I (EM 9999) BdE 109 (Cairo 1994) I 272 see vol IT 141 n 576 for a bibliography for lbw l55 Commodity Prices 409

I

56 POTTERS

with a goblet detenninative ls6 The vessels recorded in these texts may be smaller cup versions of thai larger Ibw jars with the wide mouth and lack of defined neck perhaps pointing to a vessel associated with food preparation and service 157 The delivery list O DeM 288 records fb-nw-kJ

cor 1

vessels perhaps as a fuller writing of bw or as a distinct fonn vithin the Ibw class Vessels ves categorized as Ibw may have had a generalized function as cups or containers for both liquid and con solid foods A comparison can be made with the ~nw vessels which are recorded in significant 4W numbers in the papyrus documents from Lahun and are equated by Bourriau and Quirke with the 346 drinking cups known from the site the only vessel fonn which they consider could have been used in such numbers 158 The bkw of the Deir el-Medina potters show that Ibw vessels too were

lbw 50

delivered in large quantities the The lower numbers of qbw vessels in the deliveries may be related to their larger size In Poids o

No 5135 3 the weight of a metal qbw vessel is stated to be 20 deben or 18 kg Valbelle betv concludes from this that the qbw was significantly larger than the Ibw 159 That qbw designates a POttl simple storage jar may be indicated by the name itself If the connection suggested by du Mesnil two du Buisson between qbw vessels and qb cool can be accepted it may suggest that qbw vessels were storage jars perhaps for water and other liquids The connection may also suggest the

sigh one

material of manufacture qbw vessels could have been made from marl clay which cools water Helc through evaporation

As storage jars qbw vessels may have been connected in shape or broad function with the qbwshyIf a have

n-wt canopic jar The coincidence of the name suggests some correspondence The simple canopic jar fonns given by Georges Nagel for Tomb 359 seem similar in shape to vessels found in the cellar of a house in the village160 However Nagels sample is so small that any identification is tentative Janssen cautions that the standard shape of a canopic jar was rarely used as the fonn of bronze or pottery vessels 161 This may be a principle of decorum vessels with a funerary purpose not being equated in fonn with ordinary domestic ceramics The connection between qbw and qbw-n-wt may be simply that they were both in one fonn or another storage jars

Although the qbw may have been proportionally larger than the lbw it is very unlikely that

capa temp capa appn meas

Cc vso cannc into i

either fonn had a fixed capacity at Deir el-Medina W W Struve [V V Struve] offered the only attempt to determine the capacity of the qbw (or qby) vessel based largely on Greek evidence and his research on P Boulaq 18162 Wolfgang HeIcks review of this evidence led him to conclude

dOCUJ

repre betw( vesse restril than 1

156 R A Caminos The Chronicle ofPrince Osorkon Analecta Orientalia 37 (Rome 1958) 129 157 p Cairo 58088 indicates that bw could have had a large size in this case accommodating 3 ds measures See also Janssen Commodity Prices 433 n 170 C Daniel Les noms egyptiens de certains types de vases

proba fixed

In

grecs Studia et Acta Orientalia 5-6 (1967) 383-5 equates the lIb vessel with the Greek 10 olt7tW and the vesse

Mycenaean di-pa He notes that the di-pa depicted on a tablet corresponds in shape with the form of the fib indicated by the determinative used for the word The depictions of the di-pa that Daniel cites are not 163 DG

comparable in form with the Ibw depicted in the Karnak offering list D H F Gray Linear Band evidee Archaeology Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies of the UniverSity of London 6 (1959) pI 7 I andDI would argue that the form of the lbw was very flexible 164 It 1

158 Bourriau and Quirke The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects 74 some 159 Catalogues des poids a inscriptions hieratiques de Deir el-Medineh Nos 5001-5423 DFIFAO 16 165 Da~

(Cairo 1973) 18 166 FOI 160 La ceramique du Nouvel Empire aDeir el Medineh DFIFAO 10 (Cairo 1938)35 cf 122 no 38 42 SpaHn 44 167 Da 161 Commodity Prices 412 sugges 162 Mathematischer Papyrus des staatlichen Museums der SchOnen Kunste in Moskau (Berlin 1930) 55 Ceram withn2 25 1itr

lions of vessel

-nw-k

Vessels llid and ilificant vith the Ie been )0 were

n Poids lalbelle ~ates a Mesnil vessels est the s water

le qbwshysimple

s found lat any rarely vessels s The omlor

~ly that Iteonly lce and melude

~asures

le vases and the the b are not Band pI 7 I

AO 16

3842

gt30) 55

EQliAnONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 57

that the qbw had no fixed capacity Rather it seems that vessels such as the Ibw and qbw could correspond to a range of different ds measures 163

Two texts may point to some perhaps proportional equivalence between qbw vessels and dpr vessels In O DeM 135 the record of the accumulated deficits of two potters includes a conversion from dpr vessels into qbw vessels 9 dpr vessels to (=) qbw vessels making Urn) 4Yz (see section 31) Such a conversion may indicate a size ratio between the vessels O DeM 346 vso 3 records 42 dpr vessels [making Urn)] 22 qbt vessels (see n 89 for the restoration) Ibw vessels may also be equated with dpr vessels in O DeM 202 dpr vessels 30 [as] 15 bw 50 (1 3_4)164 The restoration here is problematic and the hypothesis of any equivalence between the two types must remain tentative

O Berlin P 10654 vso displays a similar complexity in possible equivalences this time between qbw vessels and jnJt vessels This text (discussed in section 33) seems to record the potters production of ceramics on days 10 20 and 30 of II bt and day 10 of IIIilt The final two lines state total 230 of (n) qbw vessels [ ] specifying it (wp st) 23 jnJt vessels At first sight such a text seems to point to a proportional relationship between these vessels a qbw being one tenth of ajnJt Such a ratio is quite possible because jnJt vessels do seem to have been large Heicks calculations from O Gardiner 81 indicate that ajnJt vessel was 2 of a mnt-amphora 165

If a mnt had a liquid capacity of c 20 hin and a hin was 048 litres the capacity of a jnlzt would have been c 53 hin or 2551itres O Berlin P 10654 vso would then show that a qbw vessel had a capacity of c 53 hin or 25 litres whieh is a sensible size for a storage jar 166 Although it is tempting to make such equations from this data this evidence is based on assumptions about the capacity of other vessel types so is tentative HeIck estimated that the ds vessel had a eapacity of approximately 3 litres 167 If so the qbw in P Boulaq 18 would have been double the size ofa ds measure in order to contain the 2 ds (e 6 litres)

Contextual study of the equation between qbw vessels and other types in O Berlin P 10654 vso O DeM 135 and O DeM 346 vso indicates some form of size ratio operated although we cannot easily determine the flexibility of that ratio or how it was used A conversion of one vessel into its equivalent of another type is unusual in a text like O Berlin P 10654 vso which seems to document the actual produetion of vessels even their firing If the last two lines of the text represent the total of ceramics produced in this process then the specification of a relationship between the two vessels types is rather strange Perhaps the original order was for 230 qbw vessels and this was then converted into the equivalent in jn~t vessels Ifjn~t vessels had a more restricted even ritual function the equivalence expressed here may be more abstract or complex than a ratio of capacity The size of vessels delivered may have been standardized to some extent probably based on ease of delivery and manageability within a domestic eontext rather than as fixed measures

In such a context a value relationship might well have operated The jnlzt as a specialized vessel may have had a more established value in relation to which the qbw vessels could be set

163 Das Bier im Alten Agypten (Berlin 1971) 47 See also Anthony Spalingers re-evaluation of the evidence for the capacity of these vessels including discussion of O DeM 135 and 202 Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 314 His conclusions largely correspond with mine 164 It may also be possible to read dpr 30 Urnl 15 lbw 50 which would support the hypothesis of some sort ofequivalence 165 Das Bier 47 16lt5 For a review of evidence concerning the capacity of the mnl including discussion of this text see A Spalinger Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 312-3 167 Das Bier 46 R L Miller (is-vessels Beer Mugs Cirrhosis and Casting Slag GM 115 (1990) 64 suggests that the ds was a drinking vessel perhaps to be equated with depictions given in Nagel Ceramique 199-206 Miller identifies a jar found at Saqqara as a ds vessel noting that it had a capacity of 25 litres roughly corresponding to Heicks estimate

58 POTTERS

In O DeM 135 the scribe may well have calculated the value of the vessels owed down to the half vessel A parallel for this is found in O Turin 57062 vso 4 where 2Yz jnJtt vessels are set

dlagainst five vessel types which precede them (their names are lost) The recording of five vessels compared with half that amount in jnJtt vessels producing the unusual amount of a half vessel tt

2again suggests a value equivalence Since vessels do not appear with fixed values in the price

SJtexts their worth may well have been assessed in relation to other vessel types st b42 A specialized vessel jnJzt DApart from the two vessel types or classes that formed the basis of the deliveries of ceramics to rethe village the potter texts also occasionally enumerate other types jnJtt vessels although well

known from other contexts are rare in the potter texts A few texts that may indicate their ritproduction or delivery by the Deir el-Medina potters illuminate aspects of its function and context

of use The pattern of occurrence of jnJtt vessels indicates a specialized vessel type the shape of which is unknown The jnJtt vessel is most widely documented as a storage container for beer and as Walter F Reineke notes outside the data from Deir el-Medina it was often made of gold or silver J68 That this vessel could be supplied as part of the ceramic requirement of the village seems to be indicated by the delivery lists from the early 19th Dynasty (Category E) Some of these lists record jnJzt vessels although they are not always indisputably connected with the smdt potters

In the Category E delivery lists of wood and ceramics jnJtt vessels occur four times their total Ccamount being low in comparison with the other vessels enumerated in these texts In O DeM 1 6 una total of 7 jnlu vessels are delivered 5 of good quality 2 of poor In O DeM 17 4 only 3 jnJzt aUvessels were delivered (2 good 1 poor) in comparison with 290 lbw recorded in the previous intline and in O DeM 15 3 7 jn~lt vessels were delivered as against 295 Ibw vessels 16 jnJzt povessels are documented in O DeM 23 5 (the text is broken and the reading at the end of the line

uncertain)169 bei ve~Only two texts explicitly includejnJtt vessels in pottery deliveries 0 Qurna 6181 records two

jnJtt vessels among the deficit of 55 qbw and 265 Ibw vessels incurred by the potter Menna O IJry Michaelides 33 rto 3-6 J70 This text records for III Jot 30 matching deliveries from a potter to vex

Right and Left among other deliveries of wood and gypsum the potter 1 jnlp vessels 20 (pJ qd 1 jnJzt 20)171 The stroke read as one after the title p qd could refer to the bkw of the potter not

with jnJtt vessels being an addition to the quota delivered 172 jnJtt vessels were therefore a wit gocomponent of the potters repertoire and this fact may complicate the interpretation of other texts

where they occur173 More generally jnJzt vessels are recorded as being delivered filled with beer I thisand thus are probably not associated with ceramic delivery

174 (

Me(J68 Der Zusammenhang der altagyptischen Hohl- und UingenmaBe MID 9 (1963) 146 175( 169 Kitchen restores 16jnli vessels [by the hand of A]meneminet (KRII 367 8 a-b) but there does not 176 1appear to be space for this formula in the break The rest of this text is similar to the other wood and pottery

177pounddelivery lists See the discussion of parallel texts in section 23 170 Goedicke-Wente pJ 67 However I follow CernYs transcription of the text here (Nb 10830)

178 1

Cau171 Contra Goedicke and Wente who restore IT1l ] on line 3 On line 7 Goedicke and Wente read 27 jnlt 197vessels instead of 20 vessels and the restoration for the [plasterer] (Pi q() given by Cerny 179 1

172 Alternatively it could refer to a single potter although this would be unusual in this context (see section Rek21) Compare the reading of this text with that discussed for O DeM 154 rto 15-6 in section 34 Egy

173 Other entries for this day include specialty breads and ds measures of beer (117-8) while the folloVing somentry for IV Jt 1 records a festival of Hathor (1 9) Although an association with a festival context is Dietpossible the delivery of jnlts as discussed by Spahnger is recorded separately from the breads and ds inameasures and is included among more standard delveries Medinet Habu and Dei elmiddotMedina Combined note310-311 Earl

l to the are set vessels vessel e price

mics to ~h well e their ~ontext

mpe of Ir beer of gold village ome of le smdt

ir total M 16 r 3jn~f

revious 16 jn~t he line

ds two mao O )tter to (pJ qd potter fore a r texts th beer

oes not pottery

27 jn~t

section

llowing rrtext is and ds

lbined

EQUATIONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 59

jn~t vessels of beer occur consistently in a series of six Category E ostraca that seem to document the delivery of commodities associated with festival or temple offerings174 Four of these texts state that the commodities were delivered by an individual in O DeM 20 and O DeM 25 the deliveries are made by a local priest Each of these six texts lists items that include speciality foodstuffs and jn~t vessels of beer rather than the fuel and plain unfilled pottery of standard deliveries II smw 12 by the hand of the local priest (w(b Sf) 175 60 large j nJzt vessels of beer entered 56 deficit 4 120 (bundles of) vegetables ISO s(t cakes and 100 rJzs cakes (0 DeM 20) The only exception in this group is O DeM 26 where 30 large jn~1f vessels are recorded 27 are entered (jw) and there is a deficit on No beer is recorded with these vessels

The recto of O DeM 29 may confirm that lists containing such products are associated with rituals or festivals rather than deliveries of materials to the village 176

total of various (sbn)jnl)tvessels of beer 653 [+x] the record of the [ ] which were given as offerings (snw) [] good bread loaves of [ ] s(t cake [x oipeJ rJzs cakes [ J jnJzt vessels of beer [ J beer [ ]

Connections of this vessel type with the temple or festival sphere nmy explain features of the unique and difficult distribution text O BM 50728 discussed in section 23 The text records the allocation ofjnJzt vessels to individual crew members The 10 + 5 jnJzt vessels seem to be grouped into four different categories perhaps accordin~ to quality of the vessel or its contents and possibly its shape or finish 177 5 doubly good (~reg) jnJzt vessels in the fashion of hbny [vessels] being returned (m hyt) 2 for Baky I for Huy 1 (for) (Omek 1 for Qaha totalS (11 5-6) Six vessels given to individuals in line 7 one for each nmn are stated to be middling good (11fr mshyhry-jb) and line 10 enumerates two vessels that also have a designation perhaps reading not (J I~~ 3)very poor _ 1

If the jnJzt vessels were more specialized beer vessels used in festival or ritual contexts then the note of quality either of contents or of the vessel itself would have been important This concern with quality can also be seen in the delivery lists where the jnJzt vessels are described as either good or poor 178

Particularly difficult to understand in this context are the writings of hbny perhaps referring to this well-known amphora-shaped vessel I19 The five doubly goodjnl)t vessels are designated in

174 O DeM 19 20 21 25 26 27 For further discussion of these texts see Spalinger Deir e1middotMedina and Medinet Habu Combined 311

(1 0

175 l=n (1 1) For another writing of this title see O DeM 25 2 176 The verso of this text records only nswt bjty mnmiddotmrtmiddotrr 177 For the use of red ink in this text see p 19 n 75 above

178 O DeM 1 6 174 For discussion of the meaning of snn 1~ in these contexts see D Valbelle Catalogue des poids ainscriptions hieratiques de Deir eAmiddotfedineh Nos 500l-5423 DFIFAO 16 (Cairo 1977)23 179 Wh II 487 There are depictions of the hbnylhbnt vessel in Urk IV 11308 11352 and in the tomb of Rekhmire N de G Davies The Tomb of Rekh-mi-r~ at Thebes The Metropolitan Museum of Art Egyptian Expedition 11 (New York 1943) I pIs 33 34 In these examples it is shaped as an amphora sometimes without handles and often contains honey E A W Budge An Egyptian Hieroglyphic Dictionary (London 1920)446 gave the capacity of a hbnt ndst as one quarter of a hin F G Hilton-Price in an earlier publication Notes on Some Egyptian Antiquities in My Collection TSBA 9 (1886) 353 noted the same capacity for this vessel Here see also T G H James The Heqanakhte Papers and Other Early Middle Kingdom Documents (New York 1962) 118

60 POTTERS

the fashion of hbny vessels (~[]~IlJ1J 0) (vso 5) This seems to express an equivalence between the two vessel types perhaps representing an addition or finish to the jn~lt vessel that increased its value Du Mesnil du Buisson speculated in his discussion of the hhnl vessel that the word related to hbny ebony t ruJ-Oi) and indicated a blackened colour or lustre to the vesseL I80 hbny also occurs as an annotation above the entries of jnit vessels for particular workmen in lines 8-12 of the recto The entry on line 13 (hhny n [ ]) may indicate that hhny vessels themselves were also delivered to the workmen named in the following lines So far as I know hbny vessels do not occur in other Deir el-Medina textsl8J These notations may also refer to some sort of finishing to the j nit vesseL

The inclusion of more unusual designations for the vessels certainly points to the exceptional nature ofthe delivery in O BM 50728 as does the entry of an amount ((i(w) of bJq oil (8) in line lOon the verso after the specification of 10 further jnlJl vessels for particular workmen (pJ WpWl

n plIO n jnlJt n tJ jst) Janssen observes that this oil was rarely used by the workmen as it was too expensive 182 It is possible that the text refers to the delivery of jnit vessels of bJq oil the references to quality therefore referring to the quality of oil rather than the vessel itself The designation hbny may be associated with this as welL

Complicating this analysis is the proposed large size of jnit vessels (discussed in section 41) which may account to some extent for its more restricted function within the vessel repertoire jnlJt vessels occur only rarely in the Medinet Habu festival calendar indicating that even within the temple their use was specialized ls3 The ealculation of the equivalence in contents of the vessels in O Gardiner 81 indicates that we are dealing with a set capacity for these vessel types in this text 184 If the capacity of a jnit was 53 hin or 255 Htres this would equate to a significant quantity ofbJq oil per person 185

O BM 50728 remains a puzzle Despite thc difficulties in interpretation it seems most likely that it records allocation of vessels possibly filled with oil or beer for festival or cultic purposes The careful documentation of such a distribution may also indicate that the vessels were not to be kept by the men perhaps only being used by them for the event and then returned to the temple A large size may serve to explain their more limited and specialized oecurrence in the data perhaps restricted to the religious sphere rather than playing a role in the domestic life of the villagers

In this instance contextual analysis of texts that seem to relate to ceramic deliveries can alter our understanding of these texts and illuminate the role and function of a vessel type in the community For vessels that were delivered more commonly we can observe the potential for flexibility in the classification systems these would repay further detailed study sectS Conclusion Analysis of the texts concerning pottery delivery leaves a number of questions unanswered and areas unexplored the limited number of sources available and problems inherent in them restrict their potential for interpretation However some insights into the organization and administrative structures of Deir el-Medina are fortheoming from the material Within the meticulous record keeping of the village the key theme seems to be flexibility This flexibility is apparent in the

180 Noms et signes 28 181 Janssen did not include them in his chapter on Vessels in Commodity Prices None of the references for the entry in the Wb II 487 has a Deir e1-Medina provenance 182 Commodity Prices 330 183 On the occurrence of the jnltt in the Medinet Hahn festival lists see A Spalinger Medinet Habn and Deir ei-Medina Combined 311-2 ]84 Heick Das Bier 46 185 Even if the mnt was only 10 hin a jnltt would still be of a substantial size c 11-12 iitres Janssen Commodity Prices 434

N

CONCLUSION 61

number of potters assigned to the crew the size and content of the quota required every 10 days and the timing of deliveries The final section of my study also points to the potential flexibility of form size and function of the pots themselves

Although we can find implications in the potter texts for features of society beyond the village itself such as the specifie interpretation of bkw or the occurrence of vessels in royal festival calendars it must be borne in mind that the real value of the Deir el-Medina material lies in its potential to illuminate the lives of ordinary people in Ramessid Egypt For that purpose we need to attend most closely to the village context

Appendix The potters of Deir el-Medina Names of potters in documents relating to the delivery of ceramics

I

Names of potters in documents concerning matters other than the supply of ceramics

I 1 (Omek i Turin Strike Papyrus RAD 476 I

2 Khonsu bull O Turin 57192 1

3 Herunefer bull O DeM 73 rto 2

4 Paaeminet I O Berlin P 12343 vso 3

5 Bakenmut P Turin 2018 A rto la 5 rto IV 17 vso I 6 B rto II 4 D I rto 14 P BM 10068 vso V l3

6 Wenennefer P BM 10068 vso V 14

alence el that 1at the to the ticular thbny ar as I ) refer

ltional in line middotwpwt it was til the f The

1 41) rtoire within of the pes in ificant

likely poses tto be ~mple data of the

1 alter in the ial for

d and estrict rative ecord in the

rences

)U and

nssen

1 I Menna O IFAO 387 1 O Qurna 618i1 O DeM 91 1 O Berlin P 10840 vso 1

2 bull Nakhy I

O IFAO 3874 O DeM 914

3 I Ptahemheb O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O DeM 343 2 P Greg vso B 8 rto A11

4 Parahotep O DeM 868

5 Hori O DeM 868 O DeM 869

6 Herunefer O Cairo 25597 rto 3

7 Neferher O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O Cairo 25633 vso 2

8 Amennakht O DeM 44 rto 8

9 Dmek P Turin 2081+2095 rto 1

10 ltAhawy P Turin 1881 vso V 1 VI 7 VII 1 () Giornale of year 17 rto B II 2 P Turin 2018 A vso 1 12 B rto II 11 B vso II 17 P BM 10068 vso VI 25 P Turin 2014 rto 27-8 P BM 10054 vso II 9

62 POTTERS

Addendnm

Pierre Grandets Catalogue des ostraca hieratiques non litteraires de Deir el-Medineh IXbecame available just as this chapter went to the press This volume contains a number of important potter texts I have included them in the tables on pages 33-7 and provide a short account of them here

O DeM is the longest and most detailed potter account known to me I will be adressing the issues it raises in a further publication It records deliveries made by the potters Ptahemheb Parahotep Hori and Neferher for the months of I bt to I prt of a year 6 The title p qd occurs only in line I in reference to Ptahemheb but probably also covers the other individuals named Ptahemheb and Neferher are known from other potter accounts discussed in this chapter O DeM 869 also published by Grandet and dated to a year 6 records deliveries made by Hori of qbw and lbw vessels to Right Both Hori and Parahotep are not otherwise attested in the potter texts In O DeM 868 details of delivery are grouped according to individual potters In line 13 Neferher delivers vessels to Left (t rj smM this is the only statement concerning Right or Left in this text That four potters deliver during the same general period emphasizes the potential number of potters involved in delivery which is not generally apparent in many of the potter texts Ptahemheb and Neferher make deliveries on different days in IV bt The vessel numbers vary except for those delivered as the making good of deficits by Ptahemheb which are consistent sums (II 3-4) The vessels delivered include qbw and Ibw vessels as well as gy andjnlt this text therefore provides further evidence thatjnJtt vessels were part of the potters repertoire

Grandet follows Gutgesell in assigning a date in the mid-20th Dynasty to O DeM 868 and 869 19thMy assignment of a late Dynasty date to the other account ostraca of Ptahemheb and

Neferher (0 Cairo 25591 O Cairo 25633 and O DeM 343) is based on the record of Ptahemhebs deliveries in P Greg firmly dated by Janssen to the reign of Siptah186 Gutgesell places Ptahemheb in the 20th Dynasty on the basis of the occurrence of this name in P Turin 2006+ 1961 usually dated to year 29 of Ramesses 111 [87 The Ptahemheb in this text is not a potter and so is a different individual I propose that the late 19th Dynasty date of the other documents should therefore be retained and should also be adopted for O DeM 868 and 869

Further texts relevant to potters in Grandets volume include O DeM 877 in which a list of arrears in water supplies are measured in jnlt vessels O DeM 871-3 are sherds bearing the phrase mJ qd Grandet considers these phrases along with the phrase ml m-rJrt p-Jtm-nlr complete by the hand ofPahemnetjerthe priest on O DeM 870 as delivery marks inscribed on the pots themselves18S

186 Janssen Village Varia 115-6 187 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 252 309-12 188 Catalogue des ostraca IX 49-50

UNT

Marel

sectl Eil Die A Papyr Einwc zusHin Verw Angell besch~

Bei suchur wichtil Andre Vortei Juni 2( nicht-li recherc

Beirr allgem

bull Der MaXI

mieh Aufn Doni Sieh~

J Ja grap dazu

2 Sieht tause Peri Gutg Teil1 el ME Held Janss Histo

6 MeD Valb

g Venn Witnl II Ta

10 Ein P II Gutg 12 Allan 13 Held

Page 26: Woodcutters, Potters and Doorkeepers Service Personnel of the Deir El Medina Workmen

8 that ce his yand It text smw

s of ternal tween fiable Irmal 8 O in O

aboUT in the ~cords

md II ~ IV YNb ertain It and ~ction ottery Jrt 30 re are ed by (see

but a DeM erdue se as of65 may

tered the twas 0(0 19ain ~hout or of

~logy

ity

ffope inces

DOCUMENTlIG SUPPLY 53

O DeM 40 rto 15 from I gUt of year 1 of Ramesses IV records that the potter delivered three bgkw on day 24 probably overdue deliveries for days 10 and 20 (the deficits are not noted) and for the epagomenal days for which the deficit was entered in a note in a separate column on the far left A deficit is also recorded for day 30 (vso 9) From this point on the deliveries tend to be complete although often a few days late140 There are still occasional deficits but the deliveries appear to have been generally more regular than in the final years of Ramesses IILI41 The increasing irregularity of delivery is probably a symptom of the general decay of the administration of the Necropolis at the end of a long reign The more regular deliveries beginning in the first year of Ramesses IV perhaps correspond with a renewed interest in the Necropolis on the part of the successor king who was eager to get work on his tomb underway

These documents provide the only opportunity to trace a pattern of deficit in pottery deliveries against well documented changes and problems in the administration of the village They show that such an equation between the two is possible this may have implications for the more incomplete records of the end of the dynasty It is difficult to determine from the papyrus texts whether deliveries continued on a regular basis in the closing years of the 20th Dynasty or were made in large consignments more infrequently as the surviving evidence seems to suggest Since there were significant civil disturbances in the Theban area throughout this period deliveries could have been affected to the point that they became more unusual events and warranted entry in the journals

The Turin Necropolis journal for year 17 of Ramesses IX provides the best example from this period From II prl on the text includes entries concerning the smdt in general from the ambiguous entry taking the smdt of the Tomb of Left by the scribe of the Tomb Hori (Botti and Peet pI 14 rto B I 8) to the entries a few lines later crew not working while the smdt were outside under the authority (rJ(wyraquo of the two scribes of the Necropolis [ ] crew not working there being no smdt outside (rto B I 12) These entries seem to indicate that there was some reorganization of or problem with the smdt although a record of a wood delivery was entered for II prl 15 The entry for II prt 18 records crew not working while their smdt were under the authority of the two scribes of the Tomb of the Outside without any payments (1) (Botti and Peet pI 15 rto B I 18) On II prt 24 a delivery of fish was made and on day 25 the potter rAhawy delivered a number of vessels (Botti and Peet pI 16 rto B II 1-3) Although these entries are difficult to interpret it seems that the crew was facing both deficits in grain delivery and problems with the smdt In this context the delivery of pottery can perhaps be seen as a special occurrence no text from the end of the 20 th Dynasty explicitly records a potters deficit perhaps indicating that there was no longer an expected pattern to delivery

The interpretations presented here are speculative moreover other factors that left no trace may have had an impact on production The deficits entered for year 25 of Ramesses III are difficult to explain except in terms of unknowable production problems specific to the workshops or the personal circumstances of the potters as are the causes for the deficits recorded in the early 19th Dynasty Such deficits cannot be equated with any known problems in the village or the wider Theban area The accounts of the potters Menna and N akhy in the early 19th Dynasty record substantial deficits especially those incurred by Menna in a year 9 where he is in deficit for five months totalling 53 qbw vessels and 575 fbw vessels Further deficit totals perhaps for the other side of the crew are even larger 94 qbw vessels and 992 lbw vessels (0 Berlin P 10840) The

Risborough 1987) 10 This argument may apply only to high quality ceramics considering the ready availability ofNile silt for the production of most basic vessels 140 For example O DeM 47 rto 3 11 vso 4 141 For example the following texts record deficits in year 1 = I prt 30 (0 DeM 47 rto 11) III prt 30 (0 Berlin P 12641 + 12628 7) II smw 20(7) (0 DeM 161 vso 3) O DeM 44 rto 20 records a delivery of 1y bklv for III smw 29 Janssen considers that since no delivery was recorded for day 20 materials may have been scarce at this time Commodity Prices 488

--54 POTTERS

patterns of deficit incurred by the potters that can be traced in the texts cannot generally be Ana correlated with external administrative problems and decay rese

proc sect4 Equations of word and object an analysis offour pot-types A notable feature of the potter texts from Deir el-Medina is the substantial number of vessels 41 delivered to the village every ten days Although the exact number due in each bkw varied the I ha totals of some deliveries indicate that there was a significant and constant need for ceramics in the thrOl community In the lives of the villagers this pottery was essential It was the principal means to mult store prepare and serve food and to carry out many other activities within the domestic and work refer spheres Janssen observes in Commodity Prices that we have virtually no cvidence for the enun exchange value of ceramics beeause price texts generally refer only to metal or stone vessels 142

used Vessels used for a wide variety of domestic purposes would have had a low value and high class turnover millions of pot sherds were found within the rubbish dumps of the village including the offo Grands PuitS 143 Since their role was so essential it is desirable to learn about the various forms of In thl the vessels - their sizes and range of functions - in order to advance our understanding of the lJl villagers daily lives possi

Holthoerl44 noted that most Mesopotamian names of vessels relate directly to their material their function or their capacity but concluded that the Egyptians derived their vessel names from something other than vessel function This conclusion was largely based on the 1935 lexicographic analysis of Egyptian vessels by Robert du Mesnil du Buisson whose study is the only one that covers a wide range of ceramics including some of the vessel names that occur in the Deir el-Medina potter texts He considered that the qbw vessel was connected to qb fresh cool an appropriate concept for a jar145 He equated the gy vessel with the verb gw to be narrow perhaps suggesting a jar with a narrow neck 146

Edward Brovarski has done preliminary work on some Old Kingdom and First Intermediate Period vessel terms147 and Patricia Paice has studies connections between vessel shapes and their functions as depicted in tomb reliefs 148 The most valuable recent examination of the intersection of lexicography and a ceramic corpus is that of Janet Bourriau and Stephen Quirke on the Middle Kingdom ceramic repertoire from Lahun l49

An approach comparable to that taken at Lahun would be ideal for the material from Deir elshy Fig 1 Medina but a full statistical analysis of the archaeological material in relation to the textual data Urk r that is a prerequisite for determining lexicographic relations is beyond the scope of this study

The VI

Jb-nraquo142 407_8 and n 5 lS enu 143 ibid 488

vessel 144 New Kingdom Pharaonic Sites The Pottery 41 see J Bourriau and S Quirke The Late Middle

terminKingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects in Lahun studies ed S Quirke (Reigate 1998) 60shydeterm1 for a more recent discussion of the basis of classifications

145 Les noms et signes egyptiens designant des vases ou objets simiaires (Paris 1935)30 l46 Noms et signes 72 Janssen Commodity Prices 427 considers that du Mesnil du Buissons suggestions 150 FoUl

and explanations for the gly are unconvincing and concludes that no identification of the gly is apparant P Turi Ricardo A Caminos considered it to be an open bowl or cup since it was used more as a container for Howevl

ISl Jansvegetables and flowers than liquids (CLEM 194-5) corresponding to the use of gy vessels for natron 152 Thelotus leaves and fruit in the Medinet Habu festival lists A Spalinger Medinet Habu and Deir el-Yledina IS3 TheCombined in Deir el-Medina in the Third Millennium AD A Tribute to Jac J Janssen eds R 1 Demaree

and A Egberts Egyptologische Uitgaven 14 (Leiden 2000) 314 Although the shape of the gl) remains these m unknown Janssen has determined a capacity of 20 hin Two Ancient Egyptian Ships Logs Papyrus Leiden detenni 1350 verso and Papyrus Turin 2008 + 2016 (Leiden 1961)88 vessel l47 Lexicographical Studies in Egyptian Pottery Bulletin de Liaison du Groupe International dEtude de determi fa Ceramique Egyptienne 7 (1982) 36-7 154 P GJ 14S The Pottery of Daily Life in Ancient Egypt JSSEA 19 (1989) 50-88 bibliogr 149 The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects 60-83 IS5 Com

lly be

essels d the in the ansto lwork Dr the oels142

1 high ngthe rmsof of the

lterial s from

1935 is the

cur in fresh to be

lediate i their ection fiddle

eir elshyt data study

v1iddle 8) 60shy

~stions

Jaranl ler for latron -edina maree mains Leiden

~de de

EQUA TJONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 55

Analysis of the occurrence of vessel types in the potter texts can be related to the present stage of research into vessel shape and size to produce some further insights both into the potters products and into the documentation for the supply of particular ceramic types

41 The basic pots qbw and [bw I have shown above that [bw and qbw vessels formed the basis of deliveries to the village

19th 20ththroughout the and Dynasties Therefore it seems likely that they were simple multipurpose vessels distinct from each another in shape andor size There is a standard way of referring to them in the records qbw vessels precede [bw vessels and many fewer are usually enumerated This relationship points to a qualitative differentiation between the two ISO Both are used as containers for liquids such as beer and waterl5l I consider that these two terms designate classes of vessels rather than fixed single shapes their names perhaps referring to a wider range of forms Difference in size may account for the differentation in numbers delivered in the texts In the following discussion I assess the evidence for these two classes of vessels

Jb lbw) vessels are included among the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak indicating a possible shape for the vessel152

tlBoo~WJ~O 01It 0P L II I I

Fig 1 ob-nw-k vessels in the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak (Wreszinski Atlas II pI 33 Urk IV 636)

The vessel shown is distinctive being beaker-like and wider at the base than at the neck JS3 The ub-nw-k vessel here is the equivalent of the u-m-Icw of P Harris I 36a 7 A significant number is enumerated in this text as containers tor incense perhaps indicating a smaller cup-like vessel l54 Janssen has considered that the [x]-n-k termination which is fairly common in vessel terminology indicates that the vessels were cups the name of the vessel given in the compound determines the shape155 In the inscription of the High Priest Osorkon the Oblb-n-k is written

150 Four texts which enumerate qbw and fbw vessels show a ratio of 15 O Or Inst Chicago 16698 rto 3 P Turin 2070133 134 + frgs rto 10-11 Giornale of year 17 rto B II 1-3 P Turin 1898 rto III 14 However since these are isolated examples it is uncertain how widely applicable such a ratio was 151 Janssen Commodity Prices 433 Valbelle Ouvriers 265 152 The equivalence between the lb andlbw is confirmed in CLEM 186-7 153 The determinative given for a qby vessel in the offering list ofThutmose III at Elcphantine indicates that these may have been quite close in shape to the IJb-nw-h of the Karnak list The simple elongated beaker determinative is quite distinct from the determinatives given for the other vases in the list including the Ub vessel which is shon with a definite neck (Urk IV 828 4) However the occurrence of different determinatives within a single text does not offer a basis for a classification of vessel forms 154 P Grandet Le Papyrus Harris I (EM 9999) BdE 109 (Cairo 1994) I 272 see vol IT 141 n 576 for a bibliography for lbw l55 Commodity Prices 409

I

56 POTTERS

with a goblet detenninative ls6 The vessels recorded in these texts may be smaller cup versions of thai larger Ibw jars with the wide mouth and lack of defined neck perhaps pointing to a vessel associated with food preparation and service 157 The delivery list O DeM 288 records fb-nw-kJ

cor 1

vessels perhaps as a fuller writing of bw or as a distinct fonn vithin the Ibw class Vessels ves categorized as Ibw may have had a generalized function as cups or containers for both liquid and con solid foods A comparison can be made with the ~nw vessels which are recorded in significant 4W numbers in the papyrus documents from Lahun and are equated by Bourriau and Quirke with the 346 drinking cups known from the site the only vessel fonn which they consider could have been used in such numbers 158 The bkw of the Deir el-Medina potters show that Ibw vessels too were

lbw 50

delivered in large quantities the The lower numbers of qbw vessels in the deliveries may be related to their larger size In Poids o

No 5135 3 the weight of a metal qbw vessel is stated to be 20 deben or 18 kg Valbelle betv concludes from this that the qbw was significantly larger than the Ibw 159 That qbw designates a POttl simple storage jar may be indicated by the name itself If the connection suggested by du Mesnil two du Buisson between qbw vessels and qb cool can be accepted it may suggest that qbw vessels were storage jars perhaps for water and other liquids The connection may also suggest the

sigh one

material of manufacture qbw vessels could have been made from marl clay which cools water Helc through evaporation

As storage jars qbw vessels may have been connected in shape or broad function with the qbwshyIf a have

n-wt canopic jar The coincidence of the name suggests some correspondence The simple canopic jar fonns given by Georges Nagel for Tomb 359 seem similar in shape to vessels found in the cellar of a house in the village160 However Nagels sample is so small that any identification is tentative Janssen cautions that the standard shape of a canopic jar was rarely used as the fonn of bronze or pottery vessels 161 This may be a principle of decorum vessels with a funerary purpose not being equated in fonn with ordinary domestic ceramics The connection between qbw and qbw-n-wt may be simply that they were both in one fonn or another storage jars

Although the qbw may have been proportionally larger than the lbw it is very unlikely that

capa temp capa appn meas

Cc vso cannc into i

either fonn had a fixed capacity at Deir el-Medina W W Struve [V V Struve] offered the only attempt to determine the capacity of the qbw (or qby) vessel based largely on Greek evidence and his research on P Boulaq 18162 Wolfgang HeIcks review of this evidence led him to conclude

dOCUJ

repre betw( vesse restril than 1

156 R A Caminos The Chronicle ofPrince Osorkon Analecta Orientalia 37 (Rome 1958) 129 157 p Cairo 58088 indicates that bw could have had a large size in this case accommodating 3 ds measures See also Janssen Commodity Prices 433 n 170 C Daniel Les noms egyptiens de certains types de vases

proba fixed

In

grecs Studia et Acta Orientalia 5-6 (1967) 383-5 equates the lIb vessel with the Greek 10 olt7tW and the vesse

Mycenaean di-pa He notes that the di-pa depicted on a tablet corresponds in shape with the form of the fib indicated by the determinative used for the word The depictions of the di-pa that Daniel cites are not 163 DG

comparable in form with the Ibw depicted in the Karnak offering list D H F Gray Linear Band evidee Archaeology Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies of the UniverSity of London 6 (1959) pI 7 I andDI would argue that the form of the lbw was very flexible 164 It 1

158 Bourriau and Quirke The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects 74 some 159 Catalogues des poids a inscriptions hieratiques de Deir el-Medineh Nos 5001-5423 DFIFAO 16 165 Da~

(Cairo 1973) 18 166 FOI 160 La ceramique du Nouvel Empire aDeir el Medineh DFIFAO 10 (Cairo 1938)35 cf 122 no 38 42 SpaHn 44 167 Da 161 Commodity Prices 412 sugges 162 Mathematischer Papyrus des staatlichen Museums der SchOnen Kunste in Moskau (Berlin 1930) 55 Ceram withn2 25 1itr

lions of vessel

-nw-k

Vessels llid and ilificant vith the Ie been )0 were

n Poids lalbelle ~ates a Mesnil vessels est the s water

le qbwshysimple

s found lat any rarely vessels s The omlor

~ly that Iteonly lce and melude

~asures

le vases and the the b are not Band pI 7 I

AO 16

3842

gt30) 55

EQliAnONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 57

that the qbw had no fixed capacity Rather it seems that vessels such as the Ibw and qbw could correspond to a range of different ds measures 163

Two texts may point to some perhaps proportional equivalence between qbw vessels and dpr vessels In O DeM 135 the record of the accumulated deficits of two potters includes a conversion from dpr vessels into qbw vessels 9 dpr vessels to (=) qbw vessels making Urn) 4Yz (see section 31) Such a conversion may indicate a size ratio between the vessels O DeM 346 vso 3 records 42 dpr vessels [making Urn)] 22 qbt vessels (see n 89 for the restoration) Ibw vessels may also be equated with dpr vessels in O DeM 202 dpr vessels 30 [as] 15 bw 50 (1 3_4)164 The restoration here is problematic and the hypothesis of any equivalence between the two types must remain tentative

O Berlin P 10654 vso displays a similar complexity in possible equivalences this time between qbw vessels and jnJt vessels This text (discussed in section 33) seems to record the potters production of ceramics on days 10 20 and 30 of II bt and day 10 of IIIilt The final two lines state total 230 of (n) qbw vessels [ ] specifying it (wp st) 23 jnJt vessels At first sight such a text seems to point to a proportional relationship between these vessels a qbw being one tenth of ajnJt Such a ratio is quite possible because jnJt vessels do seem to have been large Heicks calculations from O Gardiner 81 indicate that ajnJt vessel was 2 of a mnt-amphora 165

If a mnt had a liquid capacity of c 20 hin and a hin was 048 litres the capacity of a jnlzt would have been c 53 hin or 2551itres O Berlin P 10654 vso would then show that a qbw vessel had a capacity of c 53 hin or 25 litres whieh is a sensible size for a storage jar 166 Although it is tempting to make such equations from this data this evidence is based on assumptions about the capacity of other vessel types so is tentative HeIck estimated that the ds vessel had a eapacity of approximately 3 litres 167 If so the qbw in P Boulaq 18 would have been double the size ofa ds measure in order to contain the 2 ds (e 6 litres)

Contextual study of the equation between qbw vessels and other types in O Berlin P 10654 vso O DeM 135 and O DeM 346 vso indicates some form of size ratio operated although we cannot easily determine the flexibility of that ratio or how it was used A conversion of one vessel into its equivalent of another type is unusual in a text like O Berlin P 10654 vso which seems to document the actual produetion of vessels even their firing If the last two lines of the text represent the total of ceramics produced in this process then the specification of a relationship between the two vessels types is rather strange Perhaps the original order was for 230 qbw vessels and this was then converted into the equivalent in jn~t vessels Ifjn~t vessels had a more restricted even ritual function the equivalence expressed here may be more abstract or complex than a ratio of capacity The size of vessels delivered may have been standardized to some extent probably based on ease of delivery and manageability within a domestic eontext rather than as fixed measures

In such a context a value relationship might well have operated The jnlzt as a specialized vessel may have had a more established value in relation to which the qbw vessels could be set

163 Das Bier im Alten Agypten (Berlin 1971) 47 See also Anthony Spalingers re-evaluation of the evidence for the capacity of these vessels including discussion of O DeM 135 and 202 Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 314 His conclusions largely correspond with mine 164 It may also be possible to read dpr 30 Urnl 15 lbw 50 which would support the hypothesis of some sort ofequivalence 165 Das Bier 47 16lt5 For a review of evidence concerning the capacity of the mnl including discussion of this text see A Spalinger Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 312-3 167 Das Bier 46 R L Miller (is-vessels Beer Mugs Cirrhosis and Casting Slag GM 115 (1990) 64 suggests that the ds was a drinking vessel perhaps to be equated with depictions given in Nagel Ceramique 199-206 Miller identifies a jar found at Saqqara as a ds vessel noting that it had a capacity of 25 litres roughly corresponding to Heicks estimate

58 POTTERS

In O DeM 135 the scribe may well have calculated the value of the vessels owed down to the half vessel A parallel for this is found in O Turin 57062 vso 4 where 2Yz jnJtt vessels are set

dlagainst five vessel types which precede them (their names are lost) The recording of five vessels compared with half that amount in jnJtt vessels producing the unusual amount of a half vessel tt

2again suggests a value equivalence Since vessels do not appear with fixed values in the price

SJtexts their worth may well have been assessed in relation to other vessel types st b42 A specialized vessel jnJzt DApart from the two vessel types or classes that formed the basis of the deliveries of ceramics to rethe village the potter texts also occasionally enumerate other types jnJtt vessels although well

known from other contexts are rare in the potter texts A few texts that may indicate their ritproduction or delivery by the Deir el-Medina potters illuminate aspects of its function and context

of use The pattern of occurrence of jnJtt vessels indicates a specialized vessel type the shape of which is unknown The jnJtt vessel is most widely documented as a storage container for beer and as Walter F Reineke notes outside the data from Deir el-Medina it was often made of gold or silver J68 That this vessel could be supplied as part of the ceramic requirement of the village seems to be indicated by the delivery lists from the early 19th Dynasty (Category E) Some of these lists record jnJzt vessels although they are not always indisputably connected with the smdt potters

In the Category E delivery lists of wood and ceramics jnJtt vessels occur four times their total Ccamount being low in comparison with the other vessels enumerated in these texts In O DeM 1 6 una total of 7 jnlu vessels are delivered 5 of good quality 2 of poor In O DeM 17 4 only 3 jnJzt aUvessels were delivered (2 good 1 poor) in comparison with 290 lbw recorded in the previous intline and in O DeM 15 3 7 jn~lt vessels were delivered as against 295 Ibw vessels 16 jnJzt povessels are documented in O DeM 23 5 (the text is broken and the reading at the end of the line

uncertain)169 bei ve~Only two texts explicitly includejnJtt vessels in pottery deliveries 0 Qurna 6181 records two

jnJtt vessels among the deficit of 55 qbw and 265 Ibw vessels incurred by the potter Menna O IJry Michaelides 33 rto 3-6 J70 This text records for III Jot 30 matching deliveries from a potter to vex

Right and Left among other deliveries of wood and gypsum the potter 1 jnlp vessels 20 (pJ qd 1 jnJzt 20)171 The stroke read as one after the title p qd could refer to the bkw of the potter not

with jnJtt vessels being an addition to the quota delivered 172 jnJtt vessels were therefore a wit gocomponent of the potters repertoire and this fact may complicate the interpretation of other texts

where they occur173 More generally jnJzt vessels are recorded as being delivered filled with beer I thisand thus are probably not associated with ceramic delivery

174 (

Me(J68 Der Zusammenhang der altagyptischen Hohl- und UingenmaBe MID 9 (1963) 146 175( 169 Kitchen restores 16jnli vessels [by the hand of A]meneminet (KRII 367 8 a-b) but there does not 176 1appear to be space for this formula in the break The rest of this text is similar to the other wood and pottery

177pounddelivery lists See the discussion of parallel texts in section 23 170 Goedicke-Wente pJ 67 However I follow CernYs transcription of the text here (Nb 10830)

178 1

Cau171 Contra Goedicke and Wente who restore IT1l ] on line 3 On line 7 Goedicke and Wente read 27 jnlt 197vessels instead of 20 vessels and the restoration for the [plasterer] (Pi q() given by Cerny 179 1

172 Alternatively it could refer to a single potter although this would be unusual in this context (see section Rek21) Compare the reading of this text with that discussed for O DeM 154 rto 15-6 in section 34 Egy

173 Other entries for this day include specialty breads and ds measures of beer (117-8) while the folloVing somentry for IV Jt 1 records a festival of Hathor (1 9) Although an association with a festival context is Dietpossible the delivery of jnlts as discussed by Spahnger is recorded separately from the breads and ds inameasures and is included among more standard delveries Medinet Habu and Dei elmiddotMedina Combined note310-311 Earl

l to the are set vessels vessel e price

mics to ~h well e their ~ontext

mpe of Ir beer of gold village ome of le smdt

ir total M 16 r 3jn~f

revious 16 jn~t he line

ds two mao O )tter to (pJ qd potter fore a r texts th beer

oes not pottery

27 jn~t

section

llowing rrtext is and ds

lbined

EQUATIONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 59

jn~t vessels of beer occur consistently in a series of six Category E ostraca that seem to document the delivery of commodities associated with festival or temple offerings174 Four of these texts state that the commodities were delivered by an individual in O DeM 20 and O DeM 25 the deliveries are made by a local priest Each of these six texts lists items that include speciality foodstuffs and jn~t vessels of beer rather than the fuel and plain unfilled pottery of standard deliveries II smw 12 by the hand of the local priest (w(b Sf) 175 60 large j nJzt vessels of beer entered 56 deficit 4 120 (bundles of) vegetables ISO s(t cakes and 100 rJzs cakes (0 DeM 20) The only exception in this group is O DeM 26 where 30 large jn~1f vessels are recorded 27 are entered (jw) and there is a deficit on No beer is recorded with these vessels

The recto of O DeM 29 may confirm that lists containing such products are associated with rituals or festivals rather than deliveries of materials to the village 176

total of various (sbn)jnl)tvessels of beer 653 [+x] the record of the [ ] which were given as offerings (snw) [] good bread loaves of [ ] s(t cake [x oipeJ rJzs cakes [ J jnJzt vessels of beer [ J beer [ ]

Connections of this vessel type with the temple or festival sphere nmy explain features of the unique and difficult distribution text O BM 50728 discussed in section 23 The text records the allocation ofjnJzt vessels to individual crew members The 10 + 5 jnJzt vessels seem to be grouped into four different categories perhaps accordin~ to quality of the vessel or its contents and possibly its shape or finish 177 5 doubly good (~reg) jnJzt vessels in the fashion of hbny [vessels] being returned (m hyt) 2 for Baky I for Huy 1 (for) (Omek 1 for Qaha totalS (11 5-6) Six vessels given to individuals in line 7 one for each nmn are stated to be middling good (11fr mshyhry-jb) and line 10 enumerates two vessels that also have a designation perhaps reading not (J I~~ 3)very poor _ 1

If the jnJzt vessels were more specialized beer vessels used in festival or ritual contexts then the note of quality either of contents or of the vessel itself would have been important This concern with quality can also be seen in the delivery lists where the jnJzt vessels are described as either good or poor 178

Particularly difficult to understand in this context are the writings of hbny perhaps referring to this well-known amphora-shaped vessel I19 The five doubly goodjnl)t vessels are designated in

174 O DeM 19 20 21 25 26 27 For further discussion of these texts see Spalinger Deir e1middotMedina and Medinet Habu Combined 311

(1 0

175 l=n (1 1) For another writing of this title see O DeM 25 2 176 The verso of this text records only nswt bjty mnmiddotmrtmiddotrr 177 For the use of red ink in this text see p 19 n 75 above

178 O DeM 1 6 174 For discussion of the meaning of snn 1~ in these contexts see D Valbelle Catalogue des poids ainscriptions hieratiques de Deir eAmiddotfedineh Nos 500l-5423 DFIFAO 16 (Cairo 1977)23 179 Wh II 487 There are depictions of the hbnylhbnt vessel in Urk IV 11308 11352 and in the tomb of Rekhmire N de G Davies The Tomb of Rekh-mi-r~ at Thebes The Metropolitan Museum of Art Egyptian Expedition 11 (New York 1943) I pIs 33 34 In these examples it is shaped as an amphora sometimes without handles and often contains honey E A W Budge An Egyptian Hieroglyphic Dictionary (London 1920)446 gave the capacity of a hbnt ndst as one quarter of a hin F G Hilton-Price in an earlier publication Notes on Some Egyptian Antiquities in My Collection TSBA 9 (1886) 353 noted the same capacity for this vessel Here see also T G H James The Heqanakhte Papers and Other Early Middle Kingdom Documents (New York 1962) 118

60 POTTERS

the fashion of hbny vessels (~[]~IlJ1J 0) (vso 5) This seems to express an equivalence between the two vessel types perhaps representing an addition or finish to the jn~lt vessel that increased its value Du Mesnil du Buisson speculated in his discussion of the hhnl vessel that the word related to hbny ebony t ruJ-Oi) and indicated a blackened colour or lustre to the vesseL I80 hbny also occurs as an annotation above the entries of jnit vessels for particular workmen in lines 8-12 of the recto The entry on line 13 (hhny n [ ]) may indicate that hhny vessels themselves were also delivered to the workmen named in the following lines So far as I know hbny vessels do not occur in other Deir el-Medina textsl8J These notations may also refer to some sort of finishing to the j nit vesseL

The inclusion of more unusual designations for the vessels certainly points to the exceptional nature ofthe delivery in O BM 50728 as does the entry of an amount ((i(w) of bJq oil (8) in line lOon the verso after the specification of 10 further jnlJl vessels for particular workmen (pJ WpWl

n plIO n jnlJt n tJ jst) Janssen observes that this oil was rarely used by the workmen as it was too expensive 182 It is possible that the text refers to the delivery of jnit vessels of bJq oil the references to quality therefore referring to the quality of oil rather than the vessel itself The designation hbny may be associated with this as welL

Complicating this analysis is the proposed large size of jnit vessels (discussed in section 41) which may account to some extent for its more restricted function within the vessel repertoire jnlJt vessels occur only rarely in the Medinet Habu festival calendar indicating that even within the temple their use was specialized ls3 The ealculation of the equivalence in contents of the vessels in O Gardiner 81 indicates that we are dealing with a set capacity for these vessel types in this text 184 If the capacity of a jnit was 53 hin or 255 Htres this would equate to a significant quantity ofbJq oil per person 185

O BM 50728 remains a puzzle Despite thc difficulties in interpretation it seems most likely that it records allocation of vessels possibly filled with oil or beer for festival or cultic purposes The careful documentation of such a distribution may also indicate that the vessels were not to be kept by the men perhaps only being used by them for the event and then returned to the temple A large size may serve to explain their more limited and specialized oecurrence in the data perhaps restricted to the religious sphere rather than playing a role in the domestic life of the villagers

In this instance contextual analysis of texts that seem to relate to ceramic deliveries can alter our understanding of these texts and illuminate the role and function of a vessel type in the community For vessels that were delivered more commonly we can observe the potential for flexibility in the classification systems these would repay further detailed study sectS Conclusion Analysis of the texts concerning pottery delivery leaves a number of questions unanswered and areas unexplored the limited number of sources available and problems inherent in them restrict their potential for interpretation However some insights into the organization and administrative structures of Deir el-Medina are fortheoming from the material Within the meticulous record keeping of the village the key theme seems to be flexibility This flexibility is apparent in the

180 Noms et signes 28 181 Janssen did not include them in his chapter on Vessels in Commodity Prices None of the references for the entry in the Wb II 487 has a Deir e1-Medina provenance 182 Commodity Prices 330 183 On the occurrence of the jnltt in the Medinet Hahn festival lists see A Spalinger Medinet Habn and Deir ei-Medina Combined 311-2 ]84 Heick Das Bier 46 185 Even if the mnt was only 10 hin a jnltt would still be of a substantial size c 11-12 iitres Janssen Commodity Prices 434

N

CONCLUSION 61

number of potters assigned to the crew the size and content of the quota required every 10 days and the timing of deliveries The final section of my study also points to the potential flexibility of form size and function of the pots themselves

Although we can find implications in the potter texts for features of society beyond the village itself such as the specifie interpretation of bkw or the occurrence of vessels in royal festival calendars it must be borne in mind that the real value of the Deir el-Medina material lies in its potential to illuminate the lives of ordinary people in Ramessid Egypt For that purpose we need to attend most closely to the village context

Appendix The potters of Deir el-Medina Names of potters in documents relating to the delivery of ceramics

I

Names of potters in documents concerning matters other than the supply of ceramics

I 1 (Omek i Turin Strike Papyrus RAD 476 I

2 Khonsu bull O Turin 57192 1

3 Herunefer bull O DeM 73 rto 2

4 Paaeminet I O Berlin P 12343 vso 3

5 Bakenmut P Turin 2018 A rto la 5 rto IV 17 vso I 6 B rto II 4 D I rto 14 P BM 10068 vso V l3

6 Wenennefer P BM 10068 vso V 14

alence el that 1at the to the ticular thbny ar as I ) refer

ltional in line middotwpwt it was til the f The

1 41) rtoire within of the pes in ificant

likely poses tto be ~mple data of the

1 alter in the ial for

d and estrict rative ecord in the

rences

)U and

nssen

1 I Menna O IFAO 387 1 O Qurna 618i1 O DeM 91 1 O Berlin P 10840 vso 1

2 bull Nakhy I

O IFAO 3874 O DeM 914

3 I Ptahemheb O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O DeM 343 2 P Greg vso B 8 rto A11

4 Parahotep O DeM 868

5 Hori O DeM 868 O DeM 869

6 Herunefer O Cairo 25597 rto 3

7 Neferher O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O Cairo 25633 vso 2

8 Amennakht O DeM 44 rto 8

9 Dmek P Turin 2081+2095 rto 1

10 ltAhawy P Turin 1881 vso V 1 VI 7 VII 1 () Giornale of year 17 rto B II 2 P Turin 2018 A vso 1 12 B rto II 11 B vso II 17 P BM 10068 vso VI 25 P Turin 2014 rto 27-8 P BM 10054 vso II 9

62 POTTERS

Addendnm

Pierre Grandets Catalogue des ostraca hieratiques non litteraires de Deir el-Medineh IXbecame available just as this chapter went to the press This volume contains a number of important potter texts I have included them in the tables on pages 33-7 and provide a short account of them here

O DeM is the longest and most detailed potter account known to me I will be adressing the issues it raises in a further publication It records deliveries made by the potters Ptahemheb Parahotep Hori and Neferher for the months of I bt to I prt of a year 6 The title p qd occurs only in line I in reference to Ptahemheb but probably also covers the other individuals named Ptahemheb and Neferher are known from other potter accounts discussed in this chapter O DeM 869 also published by Grandet and dated to a year 6 records deliveries made by Hori of qbw and lbw vessels to Right Both Hori and Parahotep are not otherwise attested in the potter texts In O DeM 868 details of delivery are grouped according to individual potters In line 13 Neferher delivers vessels to Left (t rj smM this is the only statement concerning Right or Left in this text That four potters deliver during the same general period emphasizes the potential number of potters involved in delivery which is not generally apparent in many of the potter texts Ptahemheb and Neferher make deliveries on different days in IV bt The vessel numbers vary except for those delivered as the making good of deficits by Ptahemheb which are consistent sums (II 3-4) The vessels delivered include qbw and Ibw vessels as well as gy andjnlt this text therefore provides further evidence thatjnJtt vessels were part of the potters repertoire

Grandet follows Gutgesell in assigning a date in the mid-20th Dynasty to O DeM 868 and 869 19thMy assignment of a late Dynasty date to the other account ostraca of Ptahemheb and

Neferher (0 Cairo 25591 O Cairo 25633 and O DeM 343) is based on the record of Ptahemhebs deliveries in P Greg firmly dated by Janssen to the reign of Siptah186 Gutgesell places Ptahemheb in the 20th Dynasty on the basis of the occurrence of this name in P Turin 2006+ 1961 usually dated to year 29 of Ramesses 111 [87 The Ptahemheb in this text is not a potter and so is a different individual I propose that the late 19th Dynasty date of the other documents should therefore be retained and should also be adopted for O DeM 868 and 869

Further texts relevant to potters in Grandets volume include O DeM 877 in which a list of arrears in water supplies are measured in jnlt vessels O DeM 871-3 are sherds bearing the phrase mJ qd Grandet considers these phrases along with the phrase ml m-rJrt p-Jtm-nlr complete by the hand ofPahemnetjerthe priest on O DeM 870 as delivery marks inscribed on the pots themselves18S

186 Janssen Village Varia 115-6 187 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 252 309-12 188 Catalogue des ostraca IX 49-50

UNT

Marel

sectl Eil Die A Papyr Einwc zusHin Verw Angell besch~

Bei suchur wichtil Andre Vortei Juni 2( nicht-li recherc

Beirr allgem

bull Der MaXI

mieh Aufn Doni Sieh~

J Ja grap dazu

2 Sieht tause Peri Gutg Teil1 el ME Held Janss Histo

6 MeD Valb

g Venn Witnl II Ta

10 Ein P II Gutg 12 Allan 13 Held

Page 27: Woodcutters, Potters and Doorkeepers Service Personnel of the Deir El Medina Workmen

--54 POTTERS

patterns of deficit incurred by the potters that can be traced in the texts cannot generally be Ana correlated with external administrative problems and decay rese

proc sect4 Equations of word and object an analysis offour pot-types A notable feature of the potter texts from Deir el-Medina is the substantial number of vessels 41 delivered to the village every ten days Although the exact number due in each bkw varied the I ha totals of some deliveries indicate that there was a significant and constant need for ceramics in the thrOl community In the lives of the villagers this pottery was essential It was the principal means to mult store prepare and serve food and to carry out many other activities within the domestic and work refer spheres Janssen observes in Commodity Prices that we have virtually no cvidence for the enun exchange value of ceramics beeause price texts generally refer only to metal or stone vessels 142

used Vessels used for a wide variety of domestic purposes would have had a low value and high class turnover millions of pot sherds were found within the rubbish dumps of the village including the offo Grands PuitS 143 Since their role was so essential it is desirable to learn about the various forms of In thl the vessels - their sizes and range of functions - in order to advance our understanding of the lJl villagers daily lives possi

Holthoerl44 noted that most Mesopotamian names of vessels relate directly to their material their function or their capacity but concluded that the Egyptians derived their vessel names from something other than vessel function This conclusion was largely based on the 1935 lexicographic analysis of Egyptian vessels by Robert du Mesnil du Buisson whose study is the only one that covers a wide range of ceramics including some of the vessel names that occur in the Deir el-Medina potter texts He considered that the qbw vessel was connected to qb fresh cool an appropriate concept for a jar145 He equated the gy vessel with the verb gw to be narrow perhaps suggesting a jar with a narrow neck 146

Edward Brovarski has done preliminary work on some Old Kingdom and First Intermediate Period vessel terms147 and Patricia Paice has studies connections between vessel shapes and their functions as depicted in tomb reliefs 148 The most valuable recent examination of the intersection of lexicography and a ceramic corpus is that of Janet Bourriau and Stephen Quirke on the Middle Kingdom ceramic repertoire from Lahun l49

An approach comparable to that taken at Lahun would be ideal for the material from Deir elshy Fig 1 Medina but a full statistical analysis of the archaeological material in relation to the textual data Urk r that is a prerequisite for determining lexicographic relations is beyond the scope of this study

The VI

Jb-nraquo142 407_8 and n 5 lS enu 143 ibid 488

vessel 144 New Kingdom Pharaonic Sites The Pottery 41 see J Bourriau and S Quirke The Late Middle

terminKingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects in Lahun studies ed S Quirke (Reigate 1998) 60shydeterm1 for a more recent discussion of the basis of classifications

145 Les noms et signes egyptiens designant des vases ou objets simiaires (Paris 1935)30 l46 Noms et signes 72 Janssen Commodity Prices 427 considers that du Mesnil du Buissons suggestions 150 FoUl

and explanations for the gly are unconvincing and concludes that no identification of the gly is apparant P Turi Ricardo A Caminos considered it to be an open bowl or cup since it was used more as a container for Howevl

ISl Jansvegetables and flowers than liquids (CLEM 194-5) corresponding to the use of gy vessels for natron 152 Thelotus leaves and fruit in the Medinet Habu festival lists A Spalinger Medinet Habu and Deir el-Yledina IS3 TheCombined in Deir el-Medina in the Third Millennium AD A Tribute to Jac J Janssen eds R 1 Demaree

and A Egberts Egyptologische Uitgaven 14 (Leiden 2000) 314 Although the shape of the gl) remains these m unknown Janssen has determined a capacity of 20 hin Two Ancient Egyptian Ships Logs Papyrus Leiden detenni 1350 verso and Papyrus Turin 2008 + 2016 (Leiden 1961)88 vessel l47 Lexicographical Studies in Egyptian Pottery Bulletin de Liaison du Groupe International dEtude de determi fa Ceramique Egyptienne 7 (1982) 36-7 154 P GJ 14S The Pottery of Daily Life in Ancient Egypt JSSEA 19 (1989) 50-88 bibliogr 149 The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects 60-83 IS5 Com

lly be

essels d the in the ansto lwork Dr the oels142

1 high ngthe rmsof of the

lterial s from

1935 is the

cur in fresh to be

lediate i their ection fiddle

eir elshyt data study

v1iddle 8) 60shy

~stions

Jaranl ler for latron -edina maree mains Leiden

~de de

EQUA TJONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 55

Analysis of the occurrence of vessel types in the potter texts can be related to the present stage of research into vessel shape and size to produce some further insights both into the potters products and into the documentation for the supply of particular ceramic types

41 The basic pots qbw and [bw I have shown above that [bw and qbw vessels formed the basis of deliveries to the village

19th 20ththroughout the and Dynasties Therefore it seems likely that they were simple multipurpose vessels distinct from each another in shape andor size There is a standard way of referring to them in the records qbw vessels precede [bw vessels and many fewer are usually enumerated This relationship points to a qualitative differentiation between the two ISO Both are used as containers for liquids such as beer and waterl5l I consider that these two terms designate classes of vessels rather than fixed single shapes their names perhaps referring to a wider range of forms Difference in size may account for the differentation in numbers delivered in the texts In the following discussion I assess the evidence for these two classes of vessels

Jb lbw) vessels are included among the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak indicating a possible shape for the vessel152

tlBoo~WJ~O 01It 0P L II I I

Fig 1 ob-nw-k vessels in the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak (Wreszinski Atlas II pI 33 Urk IV 636)

The vessel shown is distinctive being beaker-like and wider at the base than at the neck JS3 The ub-nw-k vessel here is the equivalent of the u-m-Icw of P Harris I 36a 7 A significant number is enumerated in this text as containers tor incense perhaps indicating a smaller cup-like vessel l54 Janssen has considered that the [x]-n-k termination which is fairly common in vessel terminology indicates that the vessels were cups the name of the vessel given in the compound determines the shape155 In the inscription of the High Priest Osorkon the Oblb-n-k is written

150 Four texts which enumerate qbw and fbw vessels show a ratio of 15 O Or Inst Chicago 16698 rto 3 P Turin 2070133 134 + frgs rto 10-11 Giornale of year 17 rto B II 1-3 P Turin 1898 rto III 14 However since these are isolated examples it is uncertain how widely applicable such a ratio was 151 Janssen Commodity Prices 433 Valbelle Ouvriers 265 152 The equivalence between the lb andlbw is confirmed in CLEM 186-7 153 The determinative given for a qby vessel in the offering list ofThutmose III at Elcphantine indicates that these may have been quite close in shape to the IJb-nw-h of the Karnak list The simple elongated beaker determinative is quite distinct from the determinatives given for the other vases in the list including the Ub vessel which is shon with a definite neck (Urk IV 828 4) However the occurrence of different determinatives within a single text does not offer a basis for a classification of vessel forms 154 P Grandet Le Papyrus Harris I (EM 9999) BdE 109 (Cairo 1994) I 272 see vol IT 141 n 576 for a bibliography for lbw l55 Commodity Prices 409

I

56 POTTERS

with a goblet detenninative ls6 The vessels recorded in these texts may be smaller cup versions of thai larger Ibw jars with the wide mouth and lack of defined neck perhaps pointing to a vessel associated with food preparation and service 157 The delivery list O DeM 288 records fb-nw-kJ

cor 1

vessels perhaps as a fuller writing of bw or as a distinct fonn vithin the Ibw class Vessels ves categorized as Ibw may have had a generalized function as cups or containers for both liquid and con solid foods A comparison can be made with the ~nw vessels which are recorded in significant 4W numbers in the papyrus documents from Lahun and are equated by Bourriau and Quirke with the 346 drinking cups known from the site the only vessel fonn which they consider could have been used in such numbers 158 The bkw of the Deir el-Medina potters show that Ibw vessels too were

lbw 50

delivered in large quantities the The lower numbers of qbw vessels in the deliveries may be related to their larger size In Poids o

No 5135 3 the weight of a metal qbw vessel is stated to be 20 deben or 18 kg Valbelle betv concludes from this that the qbw was significantly larger than the Ibw 159 That qbw designates a POttl simple storage jar may be indicated by the name itself If the connection suggested by du Mesnil two du Buisson between qbw vessels and qb cool can be accepted it may suggest that qbw vessels were storage jars perhaps for water and other liquids The connection may also suggest the

sigh one

material of manufacture qbw vessels could have been made from marl clay which cools water Helc through evaporation

As storage jars qbw vessels may have been connected in shape or broad function with the qbwshyIf a have

n-wt canopic jar The coincidence of the name suggests some correspondence The simple canopic jar fonns given by Georges Nagel for Tomb 359 seem similar in shape to vessels found in the cellar of a house in the village160 However Nagels sample is so small that any identification is tentative Janssen cautions that the standard shape of a canopic jar was rarely used as the fonn of bronze or pottery vessels 161 This may be a principle of decorum vessels with a funerary purpose not being equated in fonn with ordinary domestic ceramics The connection between qbw and qbw-n-wt may be simply that they were both in one fonn or another storage jars

Although the qbw may have been proportionally larger than the lbw it is very unlikely that

capa temp capa appn meas

Cc vso cannc into i

either fonn had a fixed capacity at Deir el-Medina W W Struve [V V Struve] offered the only attempt to determine the capacity of the qbw (or qby) vessel based largely on Greek evidence and his research on P Boulaq 18162 Wolfgang HeIcks review of this evidence led him to conclude

dOCUJ

repre betw( vesse restril than 1

156 R A Caminos The Chronicle ofPrince Osorkon Analecta Orientalia 37 (Rome 1958) 129 157 p Cairo 58088 indicates that bw could have had a large size in this case accommodating 3 ds measures See also Janssen Commodity Prices 433 n 170 C Daniel Les noms egyptiens de certains types de vases

proba fixed

In

grecs Studia et Acta Orientalia 5-6 (1967) 383-5 equates the lIb vessel with the Greek 10 olt7tW and the vesse

Mycenaean di-pa He notes that the di-pa depicted on a tablet corresponds in shape with the form of the fib indicated by the determinative used for the word The depictions of the di-pa that Daniel cites are not 163 DG

comparable in form with the Ibw depicted in the Karnak offering list D H F Gray Linear Band evidee Archaeology Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies of the UniverSity of London 6 (1959) pI 7 I andDI would argue that the form of the lbw was very flexible 164 It 1

158 Bourriau and Quirke The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects 74 some 159 Catalogues des poids a inscriptions hieratiques de Deir el-Medineh Nos 5001-5423 DFIFAO 16 165 Da~

(Cairo 1973) 18 166 FOI 160 La ceramique du Nouvel Empire aDeir el Medineh DFIFAO 10 (Cairo 1938)35 cf 122 no 38 42 SpaHn 44 167 Da 161 Commodity Prices 412 sugges 162 Mathematischer Papyrus des staatlichen Museums der SchOnen Kunste in Moskau (Berlin 1930) 55 Ceram withn2 25 1itr

lions of vessel

-nw-k

Vessels llid and ilificant vith the Ie been )0 were

n Poids lalbelle ~ates a Mesnil vessels est the s water

le qbwshysimple

s found lat any rarely vessels s The omlor

~ly that Iteonly lce and melude

~asures

le vases and the the b are not Band pI 7 I

AO 16

3842

gt30) 55

EQliAnONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 57

that the qbw had no fixed capacity Rather it seems that vessels such as the Ibw and qbw could correspond to a range of different ds measures 163

Two texts may point to some perhaps proportional equivalence between qbw vessels and dpr vessels In O DeM 135 the record of the accumulated deficits of two potters includes a conversion from dpr vessels into qbw vessels 9 dpr vessels to (=) qbw vessels making Urn) 4Yz (see section 31) Such a conversion may indicate a size ratio between the vessels O DeM 346 vso 3 records 42 dpr vessels [making Urn)] 22 qbt vessels (see n 89 for the restoration) Ibw vessels may also be equated with dpr vessels in O DeM 202 dpr vessels 30 [as] 15 bw 50 (1 3_4)164 The restoration here is problematic and the hypothesis of any equivalence between the two types must remain tentative

O Berlin P 10654 vso displays a similar complexity in possible equivalences this time between qbw vessels and jnJt vessels This text (discussed in section 33) seems to record the potters production of ceramics on days 10 20 and 30 of II bt and day 10 of IIIilt The final two lines state total 230 of (n) qbw vessels [ ] specifying it (wp st) 23 jnJt vessels At first sight such a text seems to point to a proportional relationship between these vessels a qbw being one tenth of ajnJt Such a ratio is quite possible because jnJt vessels do seem to have been large Heicks calculations from O Gardiner 81 indicate that ajnJt vessel was 2 of a mnt-amphora 165

If a mnt had a liquid capacity of c 20 hin and a hin was 048 litres the capacity of a jnlzt would have been c 53 hin or 2551itres O Berlin P 10654 vso would then show that a qbw vessel had a capacity of c 53 hin or 25 litres whieh is a sensible size for a storage jar 166 Although it is tempting to make such equations from this data this evidence is based on assumptions about the capacity of other vessel types so is tentative HeIck estimated that the ds vessel had a eapacity of approximately 3 litres 167 If so the qbw in P Boulaq 18 would have been double the size ofa ds measure in order to contain the 2 ds (e 6 litres)

Contextual study of the equation between qbw vessels and other types in O Berlin P 10654 vso O DeM 135 and O DeM 346 vso indicates some form of size ratio operated although we cannot easily determine the flexibility of that ratio or how it was used A conversion of one vessel into its equivalent of another type is unusual in a text like O Berlin P 10654 vso which seems to document the actual produetion of vessels even their firing If the last two lines of the text represent the total of ceramics produced in this process then the specification of a relationship between the two vessels types is rather strange Perhaps the original order was for 230 qbw vessels and this was then converted into the equivalent in jn~t vessels Ifjn~t vessels had a more restricted even ritual function the equivalence expressed here may be more abstract or complex than a ratio of capacity The size of vessels delivered may have been standardized to some extent probably based on ease of delivery and manageability within a domestic eontext rather than as fixed measures

In such a context a value relationship might well have operated The jnlzt as a specialized vessel may have had a more established value in relation to which the qbw vessels could be set

163 Das Bier im Alten Agypten (Berlin 1971) 47 See also Anthony Spalingers re-evaluation of the evidence for the capacity of these vessels including discussion of O DeM 135 and 202 Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 314 His conclusions largely correspond with mine 164 It may also be possible to read dpr 30 Urnl 15 lbw 50 which would support the hypothesis of some sort ofequivalence 165 Das Bier 47 16lt5 For a review of evidence concerning the capacity of the mnl including discussion of this text see A Spalinger Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 312-3 167 Das Bier 46 R L Miller (is-vessels Beer Mugs Cirrhosis and Casting Slag GM 115 (1990) 64 suggests that the ds was a drinking vessel perhaps to be equated with depictions given in Nagel Ceramique 199-206 Miller identifies a jar found at Saqqara as a ds vessel noting that it had a capacity of 25 litres roughly corresponding to Heicks estimate

58 POTTERS

In O DeM 135 the scribe may well have calculated the value of the vessels owed down to the half vessel A parallel for this is found in O Turin 57062 vso 4 where 2Yz jnJtt vessels are set

dlagainst five vessel types which precede them (their names are lost) The recording of five vessels compared with half that amount in jnJtt vessels producing the unusual amount of a half vessel tt

2again suggests a value equivalence Since vessels do not appear with fixed values in the price

SJtexts their worth may well have been assessed in relation to other vessel types st b42 A specialized vessel jnJzt DApart from the two vessel types or classes that formed the basis of the deliveries of ceramics to rethe village the potter texts also occasionally enumerate other types jnJtt vessels although well

known from other contexts are rare in the potter texts A few texts that may indicate their ritproduction or delivery by the Deir el-Medina potters illuminate aspects of its function and context

of use The pattern of occurrence of jnJtt vessels indicates a specialized vessel type the shape of which is unknown The jnJtt vessel is most widely documented as a storage container for beer and as Walter F Reineke notes outside the data from Deir el-Medina it was often made of gold or silver J68 That this vessel could be supplied as part of the ceramic requirement of the village seems to be indicated by the delivery lists from the early 19th Dynasty (Category E) Some of these lists record jnJzt vessels although they are not always indisputably connected with the smdt potters

In the Category E delivery lists of wood and ceramics jnJtt vessels occur four times their total Ccamount being low in comparison with the other vessels enumerated in these texts In O DeM 1 6 una total of 7 jnlu vessels are delivered 5 of good quality 2 of poor In O DeM 17 4 only 3 jnJzt aUvessels were delivered (2 good 1 poor) in comparison with 290 lbw recorded in the previous intline and in O DeM 15 3 7 jn~lt vessels were delivered as against 295 Ibw vessels 16 jnJzt povessels are documented in O DeM 23 5 (the text is broken and the reading at the end of the line

uncertain)169 bei ve~Only two texts explicitly includejnJtt vessels in pottery deliveries 0 Qurna 6181 records two

jnJtt vessels among the deficit of 55 qbw and 265 Ibw vessels incurred by the potter Menna O IJry Michaelides 33 rto 3-6 J70 This text records for III Jot 30 matching deliveries from a potter to vex

Right and Left among other deliveries of wood and gypsum the potter 1 jnlp vessels 20 (pJ qd 1 jnJzt 20)171 The stroke read as one after the title p qd could refer to the bkw of the potter not

with jnJtt vessels being an addition to the quota delivered 172 jnJtt vessels were therefore a wit gocomponent of the potters repertoire and this fact may complicate the interpretation of other texts

where they occur173 More generally jnJzt vessels are recorded as being delivered filled with beer I thisand thus are probably not associated with ceramic delivery

174 (

Me(J68 Der Zusammenhang der altagyptischen Hohl- und UingenmaBe MID 9 (1963) 146 175( 169 Kitchen restores 16jnli vessels [by the hand of A]meneminet (KRII 367 8 a-b) but there does not 176 1appear to be space for this formula in the break The rest of this text is similar to the other wood and pottery

177pounddelivery lists See the discussion of parallel texts in section 23 170 Goedicke-Wente pJ 67 However I follow CernYs transcription of the text here (Nb 10830)

178 1

Cau171 Contra Goedicke and Wente who restore IT1l ] on line 3 On line 7 Goedicke and Wente read 27 jnlt 197vessels instead of 20 vessels and the restoration for the [plasterer] (Pi q() given by Cerny 179 1

172 Alternatively it could refer to a single potter although this would be unusual in this context (see section Rek21) Compare the reading of this text with that discussed for O DeM 154 rto 15-6 in section 34 Egy

173 Other entries for this day include specialty breads and ds measures of beer (117-8) while the folloVing somentry for IV Jt 1 records a festival of Hathor (1 9) Although an association with a festival context is Dietpossible the delivery of jnlts as discussed by Spahnger is recorded separately from the breads and ds inameasures and is included among more standard delveries Medinet Habu and Dei elmiddotMedina Combined note310-311 Earl

l to the are set vessels vessel e price

mics to ~h well e their ~ontext

mpe of Ir beer of gold village ome of le smdt

ir total M 16 r 3jn~f

revious 16 jn~t he line

ds two mao O )tter to (pJ qd potter fore a r texts th beer

oes not pottery

27 jn~t

section

llowing rrtext is and ds

lbined

EQUATIONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 59

jn~t vessels of beer occur consistently in a series of six Category E ostraca that seem to document the delivery of commodities associated with festival or temple offerings174 Four of these texts state that the commodities were delivered by an individual in O DeM 20 and O DeM 25 the deliveries are made by a local priest Each of these six texts lists items that include speciality foodstuffs and jn~t vessels of beer rather than the fuel and plain unfilled pottery of standard deliveries II smw 12 by the hand of the local priest (w(b Sf) 175 60 large j nJzt vessels of beer entered 56 deficit 4 120 (bundles of) vegetables ISO s(t cakes and 100 rJzs cakes (0 DeM 20) The only exception in this group is O DeM 26 where 30 large jn~1f vessels are recorded 27 are entered (jw) and there is a deficit on No beer is recorded with these vessels

The recto of O DeM 29 may confirm that lists containing such products are associated with rituals or festivals rather than deliveries of materials to the village 176

total of various (sbn)jnl)tvessels of beer 653 [+x] the record of the [ ] which were given as offerings (snw) [] good bread loaves of [ ] s(t cake [x oipeJ rJzs cakes [ J jnJzt vessels of beer [ J beer [ ]

Connections of this vessel type with the temple or festival sphere nmy explain features of the unique and difficult distribution text O BM 50728 discussed in section 23 The text records the allocation ofjnJzt vessels to individual crew members The 10 + 5 jnJzt vessels seem to be grouped into four different categories perhaps accordin~ to quality of the vessel or its contents and possibly its shape or finish 177 5 doubly good (~reg) jnJzt vessels in the fashion of hbny [vessels] being returned (m hyt) 2 for Baky I for Huy 1 (for) (Omek 1 for Qaha totalS (11 5-6) Six vessels given to individuals in line 7 one for each nmn are stated to be middling good (11fr mshyhry-jb) and line 10 enumerates two vessels that also have a designation perhaps reading not (J I~~ 3)very poor _ 1

If the jnJzt vessels were more specialized beer vessels used in festival or ritual contexts then the note of quality either of contents or of the vessel itself would have been important This concern with quality can also be seen in the delivery lists where the jnJzt vessels are described as either good or poor 178

Particularly difficult to understand in this context are the writings of hbny perhaps referring to this well-known amphora-shaped vessel I19 The five doubly goodjnl)t vessels are designated in

174 O DeM 19 20 21 25 26 27 For further discussion of these texts see Spalinger Deir e1middotMedina and Medinet Habu Combined 311

(1 0

175 l=n (1 1) For another writing of this title see O DeM 25 2 176 The verso of this text records only nswt bjty mnmiddotmrtmiddotrr 177 For the use of red ink in this text see p 19 n 75 above

178 O DeM 1 6 174 For discussion of the meaning of snn 1~ in these contexts see D Valbelle Catalogue des poids ainscriptions hieratiques de Deir eAmiddotfedineh Nos 500l-5423 DFIFAO 16 (Cairo 1977)23 179 Wh II 487 There are depictions of the hbnylhbnt vessel in Urk IV 11308 11352 and in the tomb of Rekhmire N de G Davies The Tomb of Rekh-mi-r~ at Thebes The Metropolitan Museum of Art Egyptian Expedition 11 (New York 1943) I pIs 33 34 In these examples it is shaped as an amphora sometimes without handles and often contains honey E A W Budge An Egyptian Hieroglyphic Dictionary (London 1920)446 gave the capacity of a hbnt ndst as one quarter of a hin F G Hilton-Price in an earlier publication Notes on Some Egyptian Antiquities in My Collection TSBA 9 (1886) 353 noted the same capacity for this vessel Here see also T G H James The Heqanakhte Papers and Other Early Middle Kingdom Documents (New York 1962) 118

60 POTTERS

the fashion of hbny vessels (~[]~IlJ1J 0) (vso 5) This seems to express an equivalence between the two vessel types perhaps representing an addition or finish to the jn~lt vessel that increased its value Du Mesnil du Buisson speculated in his discussion of the hhnl vessel that the word related to hbny ebony t ruJ-Oi) and indicated a blackened colour or lustre to the vesseL I80 hbny also occurs as an annotation above the entries of jnit vessels for particular workmen in lines 8-12 of the recto The entry on line 13 (hhny n [ ]) may indicate that hhny vessels themselves were also delivered to the workmen named in the following lines So far as I know hbny vessels do not occur in other Deir el-Medina textsl8J These notations may also refer to some sort of finishing to the j nit vesseL

The inclusion of more unusual designations for the vessels certainly points to the exceptional nature ofthe delivery in O BM 50728 as does the entry of an amount ((i(w) of bJq oil (8) in line lOon the verso after the specification of 10 further jnlJl vessels for particular workmen (pJ WpWl

n plIO n jnlJt n tJ jst) Janssen observes that this oil was rarely used by the workmen as it was too expensive 182 It is possible that the text refers to the delivery of jnit vessels of bJq oil the references to quality therefore referring to the quality of oil rather than the vessel itself The designation hbny may be associated with this as welL

Complicating this analysis is the proposed large size of jnit vessels (discussed in section 41) which may account to some extent for its more restricted function within the vessel repertoire jnlJt vessels occur only rarely in the Medinet Habu festival calendar indicating that even within the temple their use was specialized ls3 The ealculation of the equivalence in contents of the vessels in O Gardiner 81 indicates that we are dealing with a set capacity for these vessel types in this text 184 If the capacity of a jnit was 53 hin or 255 Htres this would equate to a significant quantity ofbJq oil per person 185

O BM 50728 remains a puzzle Despite thc difficulties in interpretation it seems most likely that it records allocation of vessels possibly filled with oil or beer for festival or cultic purposes The careful documentation of such a distribution may also indicate that the vessels were not to be kept by the men perhaps only being used by them for the event and then returned to the temple A large size may serve to explain their more limited and specialized oecurrence in the data perhaps restricted to the religious sphere rather than playing a role in the domestic life of the villagers

In this instance contextual analysis of texts that seem to relate to ceramic deliveries can alter our understanding of these texts and illuminate the role and function of a vessel type in the community For vessels that were delivered more commonly we can observe the potential for flexibility in the classification systems these would repay further detailed study sectS Conclusion Analysis of the texts concerning pottery delivery leaves a number of questions unanswered and areas unexplored the limited number of sources available and problems inherent in them restrict their potential for interpretation However some insights into the organization and administrative structures of Deir el-Medina are fortheoming from the material Within the meticulous record keeping of the village the key theme seems to be flexibility This flexibility is apparent in the

180 Noms et signes 28 181 Janssen did not include them in his chapter on Vessels in Commodity Prices None of the references for the entry in the Wb II 487 has a Deir e1-Medina provenance 182 Commodity Prices 330 183 On the occurrence of the jnltt in the Medinet Hahn festival lists see A Spalinger Medinet Habn and Deir ei-Medina Combined 311-2 ]84 Heick Das Bier 46 185 Even if the mnt was only 10 hin a jnltt would still be of a substantial size c 11-12 iitres Janssen Commodity Prices 434

N

CONCLUSION 61

number of potters assigned to the crew the size and content of the quota required every 10 days and the timing of deliveries The final section of my study also points to the potential flexibility of form size and function of the pots themselves

Although we can find implications in the potter texts for features of society beyond the village itself such as the specifie interpretation of bkw or the occurrence of vessels in royal festival calendars it must be borne in mind that the real value of the Deir el-Medina material lies in its potential to illuminate the lives of ordinary people in Ramessid Egypt For that purpose we need to attend most closely to the village context

Appendix The potters of Deir el-Medina Names of potters in documents relating to the delivery of ceramics

I

Names of potters in documents concerning matters other than the supply of ceramics

I 1 (Omek i Turin Strike Papyrus RAD 476 I

2 Khonsu bull O Turin 57192 1

3 Herunefer bull O DeM 73 rto 2

4 Paaeminet I O Berlin P 12343 vso 3

5 Bakenmut P Turin 2018 A rto la 5 rto IV 17 vso I 6 B rto II 4 D I rto 14 P BM 10068 vso V l3

6 Wenennefer P BM 10068 vso V 14

alence el that 1at the to the ticular thbny ar as I ) refer

ltional in line middotwpwt it was til the f The

1 41) rtoire within of the pes in ificant

likely poses tto be ~mple data of the

1 alter in the ial for

d and estrict rative ecord in the

rences

)U and

nssen

1 I Menna O IFAO 387 1 O Qurna 618i1 O DeM 91 1 O Berlin P 10840 vso 1

2 bull Nakhy I

O IFAO 3874 O DeM 914

3 I Ptahemheb O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O DeM 343 2 P Greg vso B 8 rto A11

4 Parahotep O DeM 868

5 Hori O DeM 868 O DeM 869

6 Herunefer O Cairo 25597 rto 3

7 Neferher O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O Cairo 25633 vso 2

8 Amennakht O DeM 44 rto 8

9 Dmek P Turin 2081+2095 rto 1

10 ltAhawy P Turin 1881 vso V 1 VI 7 VII 1 () Giornale of year 17 rto B II 2 P Turin 2018 A vso 1 12 B rto II 11 B vso II 17 P BM 10068 vso VI 25 P Turin 2014 rto 27-8 P BM 10054 vso II 9

62 POTTERS

Addendnm

Pierre Grandets Catalogue des ostraca hieratiques non litteraires de Deir el-Medineh IXbecame available just as this chapter went to the press This volume contains a number of important potter texts I have included them in the tables on pages 33-7 and provide a short account of them here

O DeM is the longest and most detailed potter account known to me I will be adressing the issues it raises in a further publication It records deliveries made by the potters Ptahemheb Parahotep Hori and Neferher for the months of I bt to I prt of a year 6 The title p qd occurs only in line I in reference to Ptahemheb but probably also covers the other individuals named Ptahemheb and Neferher are known from other potter accounts discussed in this chapter O DeM 869 also published by Grandet and dated to a year 6 records deliveries made by Hori of qbw and lbw vessels to Right Both Hori and Parahotep are not otherwise attested in the potter texts In O DeM 868 details of delivery are grouped according to individual potters In line 13 Neferher delivers vessels to Left (t rj smM this is the only statement concerning Right or Left in this text That four potters deliver during the same general period emphasizes the potential number of potters involved in delivery which is not generally apparent in many of the potter texts Ptahemheb and Neferher make deliveries on different days in IV bt The vessel numbers vary except for those delivered as the making good of deficits by Ptahemheb which are consistent sums (II 3-4) The vessels delivered include qbw and Ibw vessels as well as gy andjnlt this text therefore provides further evidence thatjnJtt vessels were part of the potters repertoire

Grandet follows Gutgesell in assigning a date in the mid-20th Dynasty to O DeM 868 and 869 19thMy assignment of a late Dynasty date to the other account ostraca of Ptahemheb and

Neferher (0 Cairo 25591 O Cairo 25633 and O DeM 343) is based on the record of Ptahemhebs deliveries in P Greg firmly dated by Janssen to the reign of Siptah186 Gutgesell places Ptahemheb in the 20th Dynasty on the basis of the occurrence of this name in P Turin 2006+ 1961 usually dated to year 29 of Ramesses 111 [87 The Ptahemheb in this text is not a potter and so is a different individual I propose that the late 19th Dynasty date of the other documents should therefore be retained and should also be adopted for O DeM 868 and 869

Further texts relevant to potters in Grandets volume include O DeM 877 in which a list of arrears in water supplies are measured in jnlt vessels O DeM 871-3 are sherds bearing the phrase mJ qd Grandet considers these phrases along with the phrase ml m-rJrt p-Jtm-nlr complete by the hand ofPahemnetjerthe priest on O DeM 870 as delivery marks inscribed on the pots themselves18S

186 Janssen Village Varia 115-6 187 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 252 309-12 188 Catalogue des ostraca IX 49-50

UNT

Marel

sectl Eil Die A Papyr Einwc zusHin Verw Angell besch~

Bei suchur wichtil Andre Vortei Juni 2( nicht-li recherc

Beirr allgem

bull Der MaXI

mieh Aufn Doni Sieh~

J Ja grap dazu

2 Sieht tause Peri Gutg Teil1 el ME Held Janss Histo

6 MeD Valb

g Venn Witnl II Ta

10 Ein P II Gutg 12 Allan 13 Held

Page 28: Woodcutters, Potters and Doorkeepers Service Personnel of the Deir El Medina Workmen

lly be

essels d the in the ansto lwork Dr the oels142

1 high ngthe rmsof of the

lterial s from

1935 is the

cur in fresh to be

lediate i their ection fiddle

eir elshyt data study

v1iddle 8) 60shy

~stions

Jaranl ler for latron -edina maree mains Leiden

~de de

EQUA TJONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 55

Analysis of the occurrence of vessel types in the potter texts can be related to the present stage of research into vessel shape and size to produce some further insights both into the potters products and into the documentation for the supply of particular ceramic types

41 The basic pots qbw and [bw I have shown above that [bw and qbw vessels formed the basis of deliveries to the village

19th 20ththroughout the and Dynasties Therefore it seems likely that they were simple multipurpose vessels distinct from each another in shape andor size There is a standard way of referring to them in the records qbw vessels precede [bw vessels and many fewer are usually enumerated This relationship points to a qualitative differentiation between the two ISO Both are used as containers for liquids such as beer and waterl5l I consider that these two terms designate classes of vessels rather than fixed single shapes their names perhaps referring to a wider range of forms Difference in size may account for the differentation in numbers delivered in the texts In the following discussion I assess the evidence for these two classes of vessels

Jb lbw) vessels are included among the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak indicating a possible shape for the vessel152

tlBoo~WJ~O 01It 0P L II I I

Fig 1 ob-nw-k vessels in the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak (Wreszinski Atlas II pI 33 Urk IV 636)

The vessel shown is distinctive being beaker-like and wider at the base than at the neck JS3 The ub-nw-k vessel here is the equivalent of the u-m-Icw of P Harris I 36a 7 A significant number is enumerated in this text as containers tor incense perhaps indicating a smaller cup-like vessel l54 Janssen has considered that the [x]-n-k termination which is fairly common in vessel terminology indicates that the vessels were cups the name of the vessel given in the compound determines the shape155 In the inscription of the High Priest Osorkon the Oblb-n-k is written

150 Four texts which enumerate qbw and fbw vessels show a ratio of 15 O Or Inst Chicago 16698 rto 3 P Turin 2070133 134 + frgs rto 10-11 Giornale of year 17 rto B II 1-3 P Turin 1898 rto III 14 However since these are isolated examples it is uncertain how widely applicable such a ratio was 151 Janssen Commodity Prices 433 Valbelle Ouvriers 265 152 The equivalence between the lb andlbw is confirmed in CLEM 186-7 153 The determinative given for a qby vessel in the offering list ofThutmose III at Elcphantine indicates that these may have been quite close in shape to the IJb-nw-h of the Karnak list The simple elongated beaker determinative is quite distinct from the determinatives given for the other vases in the list including the Ub vessel which is shon with a definite neck (Urk IV 828 4) However the occurrence of different determinatives within a single text does not offer a basis for a classification of vessel forms 154 P Grandet Le Papyrus Harris I (EM 9999) BdE 109 (Cairo 1994) I 272 see vol IT 141 n 576 for a bibliography for lbw l55 Commodity Prices 409

I

56 POTTERS

with a goblet detenninative ls6 The vessels recorded in these texts may be smaller cup versions of thai larger Ibw jars with the wide mouth and lack of defined neck perhaps pointing to a vessel associated with food preparation and service 157 The delivery list O DeM 288 records fb-nw-kJ

cor 1

vessels perhaps as a fuller writing of bw or as a distinct fonn vithin the Ibw class Vessels ves categorized as Ibw may have had a generalized function as cups or containers for both liquid and con solid foods A comparison can be made with the ~nw vessels which are recorded in significant 4W numbers in the papyrus documents from Lahun and are equated by Bourriau and Quirke with the 346 drinking cups known from the site the only vessel fonn which they consider could have been used in such numbers 158 The bkw of the Deir el-Medina potters show that Ibw vessels too were

lbw 50

delivered in large quantities the The lower numbers of qbw vessels in the deliveries may be related to their larger size In Poids o

No 5135 3 the weight of a metal qbw vessel is stated to be 20 deben or 18 kg Valbelle betv concludes from this that the qbw was significantly larger than the Ibw 159 That qbw designates a POttl simple storage jar may be indicated by the name itself If the connection suggested by du Mesnil two du Buisson between qbw vessels and qb cool can be accepted it may suggest that qbw vessels were storage jars perhaps for water and other liquids The connection may also suggest the

sigh one

material of manufacture qbw vessels could have been made from marl clay which cools water Helc through evaporation

As storage jars qbw vessels may have been connected in shape or broad function with the qbwshyIf a have

n-wt canopic jar The coincidence of the name suggests some correspondence The simple canopic jar fonns given by Georges Nagel for Tomb 359 seem similar in shape to vessels found in the cellar of a house in the village160 However Nagels sample is so small that any identification is tentative Janssen cautions that the standard shape of a canopic jar was rarely used as the fonn of bronze or pottery vessels 161 This may be a principle of decorum vessels with a funerary purpose not being equated in fonn with ordinary domestic ceramics The connection between qbw and qbw-n-wt may be simply that they were both in one fonn or another storage jars

Although the qbw may have been proportionally larger than the lbw it is very unlikely that

capa temp capa appn meas

Cc vso cannc into i

either fonn had a fixed capacity at Deir el-Medina W W Struve [V V Struve] offered the only attempt to determine the capacity of the qbw (or qby) vessel based largely on Greek evidence and his research on P Boulaq 18162 Wolfgang HeIcks review of this evidence led him to conclude

dOCUJ

repre betw( vesse restril than 1

156 R A Caminos The Chronicle ofPrince Osorkon Analecta Orientalia 37 (Rome 1958) 129 157 p Cairo 58088 indicates that bw could have had a large size in this case accommodating 3 ds measures See also Janssen Commodity Prices 433 n 170 C Daniel Les noms egyptiens de certains types de vases

proba fixed

In

grecs Studia et Acta Orientalia 5-6 (1967) 383-5 equates the lIb vessel with the Greek 10 olt7tW and the vesse

Mycenaean di-pa He notes that the di-pa depicted on a tablet corresponds in shape with the form of the fib indicated by the determinative used for the word The depictions of the di-pa that Daniel cites are not 163 DG

comparable in form with the Ibw depicted in the Karnak offering list D H F Gray Linear Band evidee Archaeology Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies of the UniverSity of London 6 (1959) pI 7 I andDI would argue that the form of the lbw was very flexible 164 It 1

158 Bourriau and Quirke The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects 74 some 159 Catalogues des poids a inscriptions hieratiques de Deir el-Medineh Nos 5001-5423 DFIFAO 16 165 Da~

(Cairo 1973) 18 166 FOI 160 La ceramique du Nouvel Empire aDeir el Medineh DFIFAO 10 (Cairo 1938)35 cf 122 no 38 42 SpaHn 44 167 Da 161 Commodity Prices 412 sugges 162 Mathematischer Papyrus des staatlichen Museums der SchOnen Kunste in Moskau (Berlin 1930) 55 Ceram withn2 25 1itr

lions of vessel

-nw-k

Vessels llid and ilificant vith the Ie been )0 were

n Poids lalbelle ~ates a Mesnil vessels est the s water

le qbwshysimple

s found lat any rarely vessels s The omlor

~ly that Iteonly lce and melude

~asures

le vases and the the b are not Band pI 7 I

AO 16

3842

gt30) 55

EQliAnONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 57

that the qbw had no fixed capacity Rather it seems that vessels such as the Ibw and qbw could correspond to a range of different ds measures 163

Two texts may point to some perhaps proportional equivalence between qbw vessels and dpr vessels In O DeM 135 the record of the accumulated deficits of two potters includes a conversion from dpr vessels into qbw vessels 9 dpr vessels to (=) qbw vessels making Urn) 4Yz (see section 31) Such a conversion may indicate a size ratio between the vessels O DeM 346 vso 3 records 42 dpr vessels [making Urn)] 22 qbt vessels (see n 89 for the restoration) Ibw vessels may also be equated with dpr vessels in O DeM 202 dpr vessels 30 [as] 15 bw 50 (1 3_4)164 The restoration here is problematic and the hypothesis of any equivalence between the two types must remain tentative

O Berlin P 10654 vso displays a similar complexity in possible equivalences this time between qbw vessels and jnJt vessels This text (discussed in section 33) seems to record the potters production of ceramics on days 10 20 and 30 of II bt and day 10 of IIIilt The final two lines state total 230 of (n) qbw vessels [ ] specifying it (wp st) 23 jnJt vessels At first sight such a text seems to point to a proportional relationship between these vessels a qbw being one tenth of ajnJt Such a ratio is quite possible because jnJt vessels do seem to have been large Heicks calculations from O Gardiner 81 indicate that ajnJt vessel was 2 of a mnt-amphora 165

If a mnt had a liquid capacity of c 20 hin and a hin was 048 litres the capacity of a jnlzt would have been c 53 hin or 2551itres O Berlin P 10654 vso would then show that a qbw vessel had a capacity of c 53 hin or 25 litres whieh is a sensible size for a storage jar 166 Although it is tempting to make such equations from this data this evidence is based on assumptions about the capacity of other vessel types so is tentative HeIck estimated that the ds vessel had a eapacity of approximately 3 litres 167 If so the qbw in P Boulaq 18 would have been double the size ofa ds measure in order to contain the 2 ds (e 6 litres)

Contextual study of the equation between qbw vessels and other types in O Berlin P 10654 vso O DeM 135 and O DeM 346 vso indicates some form of size ratio operated although we cannot easily determine the flexibility of that ratio or how it was used A conversion of one vessel into its equivalent of another type is unusual in a text like O Berlin P 10654 vso which seems to document the actual produetion of vessels even their firing If the last two lines of the text represent the total of ceramics produced in this process then the specification of a relationship between the two vessels types is rather strange Perhaps the original order was for 230 qbw vessels and this was then converted into the equivalent in jn~t vessels Ifjn~t vessels had a more restricted even ritual function the equivalence expressed here may be more abstract or complex than a ratio of capacity The size of vessels delivered may have been standardized to some extent probably based on ease of delivery and manageability within a domestic eontext rather than as fixed measures

In such a context a value relationship might well have operated The jnlzt as a specialized vessel may have had a more established value in relation to which the qbw vessels could be set

163 Das Bier im Alten Agypten (Berlin 1971) 47 See also Anthony Spalingers re-evaluation of the evidence for the capacity of these vessels including discussion of O DeM 135 and 202 Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 314 His conclusions largely correspond with mine 164 It may also be possible to read dpr 30 Urnl 15 lbw 50 which would support the hypothesis of some sort ofequivalence 165 Das Bier 47 16lt5 For a review of evidence concerning the capacity of the mnl including discussion of this text see A Spalinger Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 312-3 167 Das Bier 46 R L Miller (is-vessels Beer Mugs Cirrhosis and Casting Slag GM 115 (1990) 64 suggests that the ds was a drinking vessel perhaps to be equated with depictions given in Nagel Ceramique 199-206 Miller identifies a jar found at Saqqara as a ds vessel noting that it had a capacity of 25 litres roughly corresponding to Heicks estimate

58 POTTERS

In O DeM 135 the scribe may well have calculated the value of the vessels owed down to the half vessel A parallel for this is found in O Turin 57062 vso 4 where 2Yz jnJtt vessels are set

dlagainst five vessel types which precede them (their names are lost) The recording of five vessels compared with half that amount in jnJtt vessels producing the unusual amount of a half vessel tt

2again suggests a value equivalence Since vessels do not appear with fixed values in the price

SJtexts their worth may well have been assessed in relation to other vessel types st b42 A specialized vessel jnJzt DApart from the two vessel types or classes that formed the basis of the deliveries of ceramics to rethe village the potter texts also occasionally enumerate other types jnJtt vessels although well

known from other contexts are rare in the potter texts A few texts that may indicate their ritproduction or delivery by the Deir el-Medina potters illuminate aspects of its function and context

of use The pattern of occurrence of jnJtt vessels indicates a specialized vessel type the shape of which is unknown The jnJtt vessel is most widely documented as a storage container for beer and as Walter F Reineke notes outside the data from Deir el-Medina it was often made of gold or silver J68 That this vessel could be supplied as part of the ceramic requirement of the village seems to be indicated by the delivery lists from the early 19th Dynasty (Category E) Some of these lists record jnJzt vessels although they are not always indisputably connected with the smdt potters

In the Category E delivery lists of wood and ceramics jnJtt vessels occur four times their total Ccamount being low in comparison with the other vessels enumerated in these texts In O DeM 1 6 una total of 7 jnlu vessels are delivered 5 of good quality 2 of poor In O DeM 17 4 only 3 jnJzt aUvessels were delivered (2 good 1 poor) in comparison with 290 lbw recorded in the previous intline and in O DeM 15 3 7 jn~lt vessels were delivered as against 295 Ibw vessels 16 jnJzt povessels are documented in O DeM 23 5 (the text is broken and the reading at the end of the line

uncertain)169 bei ve~Only two texts explicitly includejnJtt vessels in pottery deliveries 0 Qurna 6181 records two

jnJtt vessels among the deficit of 55 qbw and 265 Ibw vessels incurred by the potter Menna O IJry Michaelides 33 rto 3-6 J70 This text records for III Jot 30 matching deliveries from a potter to vex

Right and Left among other deliveries of wood and gypsum the potter 1 jnlp vessels 20 (pJ qd 1 jnJzt 20)171 The stroke read as one after the title p qd could refer to the bkw of the potter not

with jnJtt vessels being an addition to the quota delivered 172 jnJtt vessels were therefore a wit gocomponent of the potters repertoire and this fact may complicate the interpretation of other texts

where they occur173 More generally jnJzt vessels are recorded as being delivered filled with beer I thisand thus are probably not associated with ceramic delivery

174 (

Me(J68 Der Zusammenhang der altagyptischen Hohl- und UingenmaBe MID 9 (1963) 146 175( 169 Kitchen restores 16jnli vessels [by the hand of A]meneminet (KRII 367 8 a-b) but there does not 176 1appear to be space for this formula in the break The rest of this text is similar to the other wood and pottery

177pounddelivery lists See the discussion of parallel texts in section 23 170 Goedicke-Wente pJ 67 However I follow CernYs transcription of the text here (Nb 10830)

178 1

Cau171 Contra Goedicke and Wente who restore IT1l ] on line 3 On line 7 Goedicke and Wente read 27 jnlt 197vessels instead of 20 vessels and the restoration for the [plasterer] (Pi q() given by Cerny 179 1

172 Alternatively it could refer to a single potter although this would be unusual in this context (see section Rek21) Compare the reading of this text with that discussed for O DeM 154 rto 15-6 in section 34 Egy

173 Other entries for this day include specialty breads and ds measures of beer (117-8) while the folloVing somentry for IV Jt 1 records a festival of Hathor (1 9) Although an association with a festival context is Dietpossible the delivery of jnlts as discussed by Spahnger is recorded separately from the breads and ds inameasures and is included among more standard delveries Medinet Habu and Dei elmiddotMedina Combined note310-311 Earl

l to the are set vessels vessel e price

mics to ~h well e their ~ontext

mpe of Ir beer of gold village ome of le smdt

ir total M 16 r 3jn~f

revious 16 jn~t he line

ds two mao O )tter to (pJ qd potter fore a r texts th beer

oes not pottery

27 jn~t

section

llowing rrtext is and ds

lbined

EQUATIONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 59

jn~t vessels of beer occur consistently in a series of six Category E ostraca that seem to document the delivery of commodities associated with festival or temple offerings174 Four of these texts state that the commodities were delivered by an individual in O DeM 20 and O DeM 25 the deliveries are made by a local priest Each of these six texts lists items that include speciality foodstuffs and jn~t vessels of beer rather than the fuel and plain unfilled pottery of standard deliveries II smw 12 by the hand of the local priest (w(b Sf) 175 60 large j nJzt vessels of beer entered 56 deficit 4 120 (bundles of) vegetables ISO s(t cakes and 100 rJzs cakes (0 DeM 20) The only exception in this group is O DeM 26 where 30 large jn~1f vessels are recorded 27 are entered (jw) and there is a deficit on No beer is recorded with these vessels

The recto of O DeM 29 may confirm that lists containing such products are associated with rituals or festivals rather than deliveries of materials to the village 176

total of various (sbn)jnl)tvessels of beer 653 [+x] the record of the [ ] which were given as offerings (snw) [] good bread loaves of [ ] s(t cake [x oipeJ rJzs cakes [ J jnJzt vessels of beer [ J beer [ ]

Connections of this vessel type with the temple or festival sphere nmy explain features of the unique and difficult distribution text O BM 50728 discussed in section 23 The text records the allocation ofjnJzt vessels to individual crew members The 10 + 5 jnJzt vessels seem to be grouped into four different categories perhaps accordin~ to quality of the vessel or its contents and possibly its shape or finish 177 5 doubly good (~reg) jnJzt vessels in the fashion of hbny [vessels] being returned (m hyt) 2 for Baky I for Huy 1 (for) (Omek 1 for Qaha totalS (11 5-6) Six vessels given to individuals in line 7 one for each nmn are stated to be middling good (11fr mshyhry-jb) and line 10 enumerates two vessels that also have a designation perhaps reading not (J I~~ 3)very poor _ 1

If the jnJzt vessels were more specialized beer vessels used in festival or ritual contexts then the note of quality either of contents or of the vessel itself would have been important This concern with quality can also be seen in the delivery lists where the jnJzt vessels are described as either good or poor 178

Particularly difficult to understand in this context are the writings of hbny perhaps referring to this well-known amphora-shaped vessel I19 The five doubly goodjnl)t vessels are designated in

174 O DeM 19 20 21 25 26 27 For further discussion of these texts see Spalinger Deir e1middotMedina and Medinet Habu Combined 311

(1 0

175 l=n (1 1) For another writing of this title see O DeM 25 2 176 The verso of this text records only nswt bjty mnmiddotmrtmiddotrr 177 For the use of red ink in this text see p 19 n 75 above

178 O DeM 1 6 174 For discussion of the meaning of snn 1~ in these contexts see D Valbelle Catalogue des poids ainscriptions hieratiques de Deir eAmiddotfedineh Nos 500l-5423 DFIFAO 16 (Cairo 1977)23 179 Wh II 487 There are depictions of the hbnylhbnt vessel in Urk IV 11308 11352 and in the tomb of Rekhmire N de G Davies The Tomb of Rekh-mi-r~ at Thebes The Metropolitan Museum of Art Egyptian Expedition 11 (New York 1943) I pIs 33 34 In these examples it is shaped as an amphora sometimes without handles and often contains honey E A W Budge An Egyptian Hieroglyphic Dictionary (London 1920)446 gave the capacity of a hbnt ndst as one quarter of a hin F G Hilton-Price in an earlier publication Notes on Some Egyptian Antiquities in My Collection TSBA 9 (1886) 353 noted the same capacity for this vessel Here see also T G H James The Heqanakhte Papers and Other Early Middle Kingdom Documents (New York 1962) 118

60 POTTERS

the fashion of hbny vessels (~[]~IlJ1J 0) (vso 5) This seems to express an equivalence between the two vessel types perhaps representing an addition or finish to the jn~lt vessel that increased its value Du Mesnil du Buisson speculated in his discussion of the hhnl vessel that the word related to hbny ebony t ruJ-Oi) and indicated a blackened colour or lustre to the vesseL I80 hbny also occurs as an annotation above the entries of jnit vessels for particular workmen in lines 8-12 of the recto The entry on line 13 (hhny n [ ]) may indicate that hhny vessels themselves were also delivered to the workmen named in the following lines So far as I know hbny vessels do not occur in other Deir el-Medina textsl8J These notations may also refer to some sort of finishing to the j nit vesseL

The inclusion of more unusual designations for the vessels certainly points to the exceptional nature ofthe delivery in O BM 50728 as does the entry of an amount ((i(w) of bJq oil (8) in line lOon the verso after the specification of 10 further jnlJl vessels for particular workmen (pJ WpWl

n plIO n jnlJt n tJ jst) Janssen observes that this oil was rarely used by the workmen as it was too expensive 182 It is possible that the text refers to the delivery of jnit vessels of bJq oil the references to quality therefore referring to the quality of oil rather than the vessel itself The designation hbny may be associated with this as welL

Complicating this analysis is the proposed large size of jnit vessels (discussed in section 41) which may account to some extent for its more restricted function within the vessel repertoire jnlJt vessels occur only rarely in the Medinet Habu festival calendar indicating that even within the temple their use was specialized ls3 The ealculation of the equivalence in contents of the vessels in O Gardiner 81 indicates that we are dealing with a set capacity for these vessel types in this text 184 If the capacity of a jnit was 53 hin or 255 Htres this would equate to a significant quantity ofbJq oil per person 185

O BM 50728 remains a puzzle Despite thc difficulties in interpretation it seems most likely that it records allocation of vessels possibly filled with oil or beer for festival or cultic purposes The careful documentation of such a distribution may also indicate that the vessels were not to be kept by the men perhaps only being used by them for the event and then returned to the temple A large size may serve to explain their more limited and specialized oecurrence in the data perhaps restricted to the religious sphere rather than playing a role in the domestic life of the villagers

In this instance contextual analysis of texts that seem to relate to ceramic deliveries can alter our understanding of these texts and illuminate the role and function of a vessel type in the community For vessels that were delivered more commonly we can observe the potential for flexibility in the classification systems these would repay further detailed study sectS Conclusion Analysis of the texts concerning pottery delivery leaves a number of questions unanswered and areas unexplored the limited number of sources available and problems inherent in them restrict their potential for interpretation However some insights into the organization and administrative structures of Deir el-Medina are fortheoming from the material Within the meticulous record keeping of the village the key theme seems to be flexibility This flexibility is apparent in the

180 Noms et signes 28 181 Janssen did not include them in his chapter on Vessels in Commodity Prices None of the references for the entry in the Wb II 487 has a Deir e1-Medina provenance 182 Commodity Prices 330 183 On the occurrence of the jnltt in the Medinet Hahn festival lists see A Spalinger Medinet Habn and Deir ei-Medina Combined 311-2 ]84 Heick Das Bier 46 185 Even if the mnt was only 10 hin a jnltt would still be of a substantial size c 11-12 iitres Janssen Commodity Prices 434

N

CONCLUSION 61

number of potters assigned to the crew the size and content of the quota required every 10 days and the timing of deliveries The final section of my study also points to the potential flexibility of form size and function of the pots themselves

Although we can find implications in the potter texts for features of society beyond the village itself such as the specifie interpretation of bkw or the occurrence of vessels in royal festival calendars it must be borne in mind that the real value of the Deir el-Medina material lies in its potential to illuminate the lives of ordinary people in Ramessid Egypt For that purpose we need to attend most closely to the village context

Appendix The potters of Deir el-Medina Names of potters in documents relating to the delivery of ceramics

I

Names of potters in documents concerning matters other than the supply of ceramics

I 1 (Omek i Turin Strike Papyrus RAD 476 I

2 Khonsu bull O Turin 57192 1

3 Herunefer bull O DeM 73 rto 2

4 Paaeminet I O Berlin P 12343 vso 3

5 Bakenmut P Turin 2018 A rto la 5 rto IV 17 vso I 6 B rto II 4 D I rto 14 P BM 10068 vso V l3

6 Wenennefer P BM 10068 vso V 14

alence el that 1at the to the ticular thbny ar as I ) refer

ltional in line middotwpwt it was til the f The

1 41) rtoire within of the pes in ificant

likely poses tto be ~mple data of the

1 alter in the ial for

d and estrict rative ecord in the

rences

)U and

nssen

1 I Menna O IFAO 387 1 O Qurna 618i1 O DeM 91 1 O Berlin P 10840 vso 1

2 bull Nakhy I

O IFAO 3874 O DeM 914

3 I Ptahemheb O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O DeM 343 2 P Greg vso B 8 rto A11

4 Parahotep O DeM 868

5 Hori O DeM 868 O DeM 869

6 Herunefer O Cairo 25597 rto 3

7 Neferher O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O Cairo 25633 vso 2

8 Amennakht O DeM 44 rto 8

9 Dmek P Turin 2081+2095 rto 1

10 ltAhawy P Turin 1881 vso V 1 VI 7 VII 1 () Giornale of year 17 rto B II 2 P Turin 2018 A vso 1 12 B rto II 11 B vso II 17 P BM 10068 vso VI 25 P Turin 2014 rto 27-8 P BM 10054 vso II 9

62 POTTERS

Addendnm

Pierre Grandets Catalogue des ostraca hieratiques non litteraires de Deir el-Medineh IXbecame available just as this chapter went to the press This volume contains a number of important potter texts I have included them in the tables on pages 33-7 and provide a short account of them here

O DeM is the longest and most detailed potter account known to me I will be adressing the issues it raises in a further publication It records deliveries made by the potters Ptahemheb Parahotep Hori and Neferher for the months of I bt to I prt of a year 6 The title p qd occurs only in line I in reference to Ptahemheb but probably also covers the other individuals named Ptahemheb and Neferher are known from other potter accounts discussed in this chapter O DeM 869 also published by Grandet and dated to a year 6 records deliveries made by Hori of qbw and lbw vessels to Right Both Hori and Parahotep are not otherwise attested in the potter texts In O DeM 868 details of delivery are grouped according to individual potters In line 13 Neferher delivers vessels to Left (t rj smM this is the only statement concerning Right or Left in this text That four potters deliver during the same general period emphasizes the potential number of potters involved in delivery which is not generally apparent in many of the potter texts Ptahemheb and Neferher make deliveries on different days in IV bt The vessel numbers vary except for those delivered as the making good of deficits by Ptahemheb which are consistent sums (II 3-4) The vessels delivered include qbw and Ibw vessels as well as gy andjnlt this text therefore provides further evidence thatjnJtt vessels were part of the potters repertoire

Grandet follows Gutgesell in assigning a date in the mid-20th Dynasty to O DeM 868 and 869 19thMy assignment of a late Dynasty date to the other account ostraca of Ptahemheb and

Neferher (0 Cairo 25591 O Cairo 25633 and O DeM 343) is based on the record of Ptahemhebs deliveries in P Greg firmly dated by Janssen to the reign of Siptah186 Gutgesell places Ptahemheb in the 20th Dynasty on the basis of the occurrence of this name in P Turin 2006+ 1961 usually dated to year 29 of Ramesses 111 [87 The Ptahemheb in this text is not a potter and so is a different individual I propose that the late 19th Dynasty date of the other documents should therefore be retained and should also be adopted for O DeM 868 and 869

Further texts relevant to potters in Grandets volume include O DeM 877 in which a list of arrears in water supplies are measured in jnlt vessels O DeM 871-3 are sherds bearing the phrase mJ qd Grandet considers these phrases along with the phrase ml m-rJrt p-Jtm-nlr complete by the hand ofPahemnetjerthe priest on O DeM 870 as delivery marks inscribed on the pots themselves18S

186 Janssen Village Varia 115-6 187 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 252 309-12 188 Catalogue des ostraca IX 49-50

UNT

Marel

sectl Eil Die A Papyr Einwc zusHin Verw Angell besch~

Bei suchur wichtil Andre Vortei Juni 2( nicht-li recherc

Beirr allgem

bull Der MaXI

mieh Aufn Doni Sieh~

J Ja grap dazu

2 Sieht tause Peri Gutg Teil1 el ME Held Janss Histo

6 MeD Valb

g Venn Witnl II Ta

10 Ein P II Gutg 12 Allan 13 Held

Page 29: Woodcutters, Potters and Doorkeepers Service Personnel of the Deir El Medina Workmen

I

56 POTTERS

with a goblet detenninative ls6 The vessels recorded in these texts may be smaller cup versions of thai larger Ibw jars with the wide mouth and lack of defined neck perhaps pointing to a vessel associated with food preparation and service 157 The delivery list O DeM 288 records fb-nw-kJ

cor 1

vessels perhaps as a fuller writing of bw or as a distinct fonn vithin the Ibw class Vessels ves categorized as Ibw may have had a generalized function as cups or containers for both liquid and con solid foods A comparison can be made with the ~nw vessels which are recorded in significant 4W numbers in the papyrus documents from Lahun and are equated by Bourriau and Quirke with the 346 drinking cups known from the site the only vessel fonn which they consider could have been used in such numbers 158 The bkw of the Deir el-Medina potters show that Ibw vessels too were

lbw 50

delivered in large quantities the The lower numbers of qbw vessels in the deliveries may be related to their larger size In Poids o

No 5135 3 the weight of a metal qbw vessel is stated to be 20 deben or 18 kg Valbelle betv concludes from this that the qbw was significantly larger than the Ibw 159 That qbw designates a POttl simple storage jar may be indicated by the name itself If the connection suggested by du Mesnil two du Buisson between qbw vessels and qb cool can be accepted it may suggest that qbw vessels were storage jars perhaps for water and other liquids The connection may also suggest the

sigh one

material of manufacture qbw vessels could have been made from marl clay which cools water Helc through evaporation

As storage jars qbw vessels may have been connected in shape or broad function with the qbwshyIf a have

n-wt canopic jar The coincidence of the name suggests some correspondence The simple canopic jar fonns given by Georges Nagel for Tomb 359 seem similar in shape to vessels found in the cellar of a house in the village160 However Nagels sample is so small that any identification is tentative Janssen cautions that the standard shape of a canopic jar was rarely used as the fonn of bronze or pottery vessels 161 This may be a principle of decorum vessels with a funerary purpose not being equated in fonn with ordinary domestic ceramics The connection between qbw and qbw-n-wt may be simply that they were both in one fonn or another storage jars

Although the qbw may have been proportionally larger than the lbw it is very unlikely that

capa temp capa appn meas

Cc vso cannc into i

either fonn had a fixed capacity at Deir el-Medina W W Struve [V V Struve] offered the only attempt to determine the capacity of the qbw (or qby) vessel based largely on Greek evidence and his research on P Boulaq 18162 Wolfgang HeIcks review of this evidence led him to conclude

dOCUJ

repre betw( vesse restril than 1

156 R A Caminos The Chronicle ofPrince Osorkon Analecta Orientalia 37 (Rome 1958) 129 157 p Cairo 58088 indicates that bw could have had a large size in this case accommodating 3 ds measures See also Janssen Commodity Prices 433 n 170 C Daniel Les noms egyptiens de certains types de vases

proba fixed

In

grecs Studia et Acta Orientalia 5-6 (1967) 383-5 equates the lIb vessel with the Greek 10 olt7tW and the vesse

Mycenaean di-pa He notes that the di-pa depicted on a tablet corresponds in shape with the form of the fib indicated by the determinative used for the word The depictions of the di-pa that Daniel cites are not 163 DG

comparable in form with the Ibw depicted in the Karnak offering list D H F Gray Linear Band evidee Archaeology Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies of the UniverSity of London 6 (1959) pI 7 I andDI would argue that the form of the lbw was very flexible 164 It 1

158 Bourriau and Quirke The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects 74 some 159 Catalogues des poids a inscriptions hieratiques de Deir el-Medineh Nos 5001-5423 DFIFAO 16 165 Da~

(Cairo 1973) 18 166 FOI 160 La ceramique du Nouvel Empire aDeir el Medineh DFIFAO 10 (Cairo 1938)35 cf 122 no 38 42 SpaHn 44 167 Da 161 Commodity Prices 412 sugges 162 Mathematischer Papyrus des staatlichen Museums der SchOnen Kunste in Moskau (Berlin 1930) 55 Ceram withn2 25 1itr

lions of vessel

-nw-k

Vessels llid and ilificant vith the Ie been )0 were

n Poids lalbelle ~ates a Mesnil vessels est the s water

le qbwshysimple

s found lat any rarely vessels s The omlor

~ly that Iteonly lce and melude

~asures

le vases and the the b are not Band pI 7 I

AO 16

3842

gt30) 55

EQliAnONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 57

that the qbw had no fixed capacity Rather it seems that vessels such as the Ibw and qbw could correspond to a range of different ds measures 163

Two texts may point to some perhaps proportional equivalence between qbw vessels and dpr vessels In O DeM 135 the record of the accumulated deficits of two potters includes a conversion from dpr vessels into qbw vessels 9 dpr vessels to (=) qbw vessels making Urn) 4Yz (see section 31) Such a conversion may indicate a size ratio between the vessels O DeM 346 vso 3 records 42 dpr vessels [making Urn)] 22 qbt vessels (see n 89 for the restoration) Ibw vessels may also be equated with dpr vessels in O DeM 202 dpr vessels 30 [as] 15 bw 50 (1 3_4)164 The restoration here is problematic and the hypothesis of any equivalence between the two types must remain tentative

O Berlin P 10654 vso displays a similar complexity in possible equivalences this time between qbw vessels and jnJt vessels This text (discussed in section 33) seems to record the potters production of ceramics on days 10 20 and 30 of II bt and day 10 of IIIilt The final two lines state total 230 of (n) qbw vessels [ ] specifying it (wp st) 23 jnJt vessels At first sight such a text seems to point to a proportional relationship between these vessels a qbw being one tenth of ajnJt Such a ratio is quite possible because jnJt vessels do seem to have been large Heicks calculations from O Gardiner 81 indicate that ajnJt vessel was 2 of a mnt-amphora 165

If a mnt had a liquid capacity of c 20 hin and a hin was 048 litres the capacity of a jnlzt would have been c 53 hin or 2551itres O Berlin P 10654 vso would then show that a qbw vessel had a capacity of c 53 hin or 25 litres whieh is a sensible size for a storage jar 166 Although it is tempting to make such equations from this data this evidence is based on assumptions about the capacity of other vessel types so is tentative HeIck estimated that the ds vessel had a eapacity of approximately 3 litres 167 If so the qbw in P Boulaq 18 would have been double the size ofa ds measure in order to contain the 2 ds (e 6 litres)

Contextual study of the equation between qbw vessels and other types in O Berlin P 10654 vso O DeM 135 and O DeM 346 vso indicates some form of size ratio operated although we cannot easily determine the flexibility of that ratio or how it was used A conversion of one vessel into its equivalent of another type is unusual in a text like O Berlin P 10654 vso which seems to document the actual produetion of vessels even their firing If the last two lines of the text represent the total of ceramics produced in this process then the specification of a relationship between the two vessels types is rather strange Perhaps the original order was for 230 qbw vessels and this was then converted into the equivalent in jn~t vessels Ifjn~t vessels had a more restricted even ritual function the equivalence expressed here may be more abstract or complex than a ratio of capacity The size of vessels delivered may have been standardized to some extent probably based on ease of delivery and manageability within a domestic eontext rather than as fixed measures

In such a context a value relationship might well have operated The jnlzt as a specialized vessel may have had a more established value in relation to which the qbw vessels could be set

163 Das Bier im Alten Agypten (Berlin 1971) 47 See also Anthony Spalingers re-evaluation of the evidence for the capacity of these vessels including discussion of O DeM 135 and 202 Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 314 His conclusions largely correspond with mine 164 It may also be possible to read dpr 30 Urnl 15 lbw 50 which would support the hypothesis of some sort ofequivalence 165 Das Bier 47 16lt5 For a review of evidence concerning the capacity of the mnl including discussion of this text see A Spalinger Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 312-3 167 Das Bier 46 R L Miller (is-vessels Beer Mugs Cirrhosis and Casting Slag GM 115 (1990) 64 suggests that the ds was a drinking vessel perhaps to be equated with depictions given in Nagel Ceramique 199-206 Miller identifies a jar found at Saqqara as a ds vessel noting that it had a capacity of 25 litres roughly corresponding to Heicks estimate

58 POTTERS

In O DeM 135 the scribe may well have calculated the value of the vessels owed down to the half vessel A parallel for this is found in O Turin 57062 vso 4 where 2Yz jnJtt vessels are set

dlagainst five vessel types which precede them (their names are lost) The recording of five vessels compared with half that amount in jnJtt vessels producing the unusual amount of a half vessel tt

2again suggests a value equivalence Since vessels do not appear with fixed values in the price

SJtexts their worth may well have been assessed in relation to other vessel types st b42 A specialized vessel jnJzt DApart from the two vessel types or classes that formed the basis of the deliveries of ceramics to rethe village the potter texts also occasionally enumerate other types jnJtt vessels although well

known from other contexts are rare in the potter texts A few texts that may indicate their ritproduction or delivery by the Deir el-Medina potters illuminate aspects of its function and context

of use The pattern of occurrence of jnJtt vessels indicates a specialized vessel type the shape of which is unknown The jnJtt vessel is most widely documented as a storage container for beer and as Walter F Reineke notes outside the data from Deir el-Medina it was often made of gold or silver J68 That this vessel could be supplied as part of the ceramic requirement of the village seems to be indicated by the delivery lists from the early 19th Dynasty (Category E) Some of these lists record jnJzt vessels although they are not always indisputably connected with the smdt potters

In the Category E delivery lists of wood and ceramics jnJtt vessels occur four times their total Ccamount being low in comparison with the other vessels enumerated in these texts In O DeM 1 6 una total of 7 jnlu vessels are delivered 5 of good quality 2 of poor In O DeM 17 4 only 3 jnJzt aUvessels were delivered (2 good 1 poor) in comparison with 290 lbw recorded in the previous intline and in O DeM 15 3 7 jn~lt vessels were delivered as against 295 Ibw vessels 16 jnJzt povessels are documented in O DeM 23 5 (the text is broken and the reading at the end of the line

uncertain)169 bei ve~Only two texts explicitly includejnJtt vessels in pottery deliveries 0 Qurna 6181 records two

jnJtt vessels among the deficit of 55 qbw and 265 Ibw vessels incurred by the potter Menna O IJry Michaelides 33 rto 3-6 J70 This text records for III Jot 30 matching deliveries from a potter to vex

Right and Left among other deliveries of wood and gypsum the potter 1 jnlp vessels 20 (pJ qd 1 jnJzt 20)171 The stroke read as one after the title p qd could refer to the bkw of the potter not

with jnJtt vessels being an addition to the quota delivered 172 jnJtt vessels were therefore a wit gocomponent of the potters repertoire and this fact may complicate the interpretation of other texts

where they occur173 More generally jnJzt vessels are recorded as being delivered filled with beer I thisand thus are probably not associated with ceramic delivery

174 (

Me(J68 Der Zusammenhang der altagyptischen Hohl- und UingenmaBe MID 9 (1963) 146 175( 169 Kitchen restores 16jnli vessels [by the hand of A]meneminet (KRII 367 8 a-b) but there does not 176 1appear to be space for this formula in the break The rest of this text is similar to the other wood and pottery

177pounddelivery lists See the discussion of parallel texts in section 23 170 Goedicke-Wente pJ 67 However I follow CernYs transcription of the text here (Nb 10830)

178 1

Cau171 Contra Goedicke and Wente who restore IT1l ] on line 3 On line 7 Goedicke and Wente read 27 jnlt 197vessels instead of 20 vessels and the restoration for the [plasterer] (Pi q() given by Cerny 179 1

172 Alternatively it could refer to a single potter although this would be unusual in this context (see section Rek21) Compare the reading of this text with that discussed for O DeM 154 rto 15-6 in section 34 Egy

173 Other entries for this day include specialty breads and ds measures of beer (117-8) while the folloVing somentry for IV Jt 1 records a festival of Hathor (1 9) Although an association with a festival context is Dietpossible the delivery of jnlts as discussed by Spahnger is recorded separately from the breads and ds inameasures and is included among more standard delveries Medinet Habu and Dei elmiddotMedina Combined note310-311 Earl

l to the are set vessels vessel e price

mics to ~h well e their ~ontext

mpe of Ir beer of gold village ome of le smdt

ir total M 16 r 3jn~f

revious 16 jn~t he line

ds two mao O )tter to (pJ qd potter fore a r texts th beer

oes not pottery

27 jn~t

section

llowing rrtext is and ds

lbined

EQUATIONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 59

jn~t vessels of beer occur consistently in a series of six Category E ostraca that seem to document the delivery of commodities associated with festival or temple offerings174 Four of these texts state that the commodities were delivered by an individual in O DeM 20 and O DeM 25 the deliveries are made by a local priest Each of these six texts lists items that include speciality foodstuffs and jn~t vessels of beer rather than the fuel and plain unfilled pottery of standard deliveries II smw 12 by the hand of the local priest (w(b Sf) 175 60 large j nJzt vessels of beer entered 56 deficit 4 120 (bundles of) vegetables ISO s(t cakes and 100 rJzs cakes (0 DeM 20) The only exception in this group is O DeM 26 where 30 large jn~1f vessels are recorded 27 are entered (jw) and there is a deficit on No beer is recorded with these vessels

The recto of O DeM 29 may confirm that lists containing such products are associated with rituals or festivals rather than deliveries of materials to the village 176

total of various (sbn)jnl)tvessels of beer 653 [+x] the record of the [ ] which were given as offerings (snw) [] good bread loaves of [ ] s(t cake [x oipeJ rJzs cakes [ J jnJzt vessels of beer [ J beer [ ]

Connections of this vessel type with the temple or festival sphere nmy explain features of the unique and difficult distribution text O BM 50728 discussed in section 23 The text records the allocation ofjnJzt vessels to individual crew members The 10 + 5 jnJzt vessels seem to be grouped into four different categories perhaps accordin~ to quality of the vessel or its contents and possibly its shape or finish 177 5 doubly good (~reg) jnJzt vessels in the fashion of hbny [vessels] being returned (m hyt) 2 for Baky I for Huy 1 (for) (Omek 1 for Qaha totalS (11 5-6) Six vessels given to individuals in line 7 one for each nmn are stated to be middling good (11fr mshyhry-jb) and line 10 enumerates two vessels that also have a designation perhaps reading not (J I~~ 3)very poor _ 1

If the jnJzt vessels were more specialized beer vessels used in festival or ritual contexts then the note of quality either of contents or of the vessel itself would have been important This concern with quality can also be seen in the delivery lists where the jnJzt vessels are described as either good or poor 178

Particularly difficult to understand in this context are the writings of hbny perhaps referring to this well-known amphora-shaped vessel I19 The five doubly goodjnl)t vessels are designated in

174 O DeM 19 20 21 25 26 27 For further discussion of these texts see Spalinger Deir e1middotMedina and Medinet Habu Combined 311

(1 0

175 l=n (1 1) For another writing of this title see O DeM 25 2 176 The verso of this text records only nswt bjty mnmiddotmrtmiddotrr 177 For the use of red ink in this text see p 19 n 75 above

178 O DeM 1 6 174 For discussion of the meaning of snn 1~ in these contexts see D Valbelle Catalogue des poids ainscriptions hieratiques de Deir eAmiddotfedineh Nos 500l-5423 DFIFAO 16 (Cairo 1977)23 179 Wh II 487 There are depictions of the hbnylhbnt vessel in Urk IV 11308 11352 and in the tomb of Rekhmire N de G Davies The Tomb of Rekh-mi-r~ at Thebes The Metropolitan Museum of Art Egyptian Expedition 11 (New York 1943) I pIs 33 34 In these examples it is shaped as an amphora sometimes without handles and often contains honey E A W Budge An Egyptian Hieroglyphic Dictionary (London 1920)446 gave the capacity of a hbnt ndst as one quarter of a hin F G Hilton-Price in an earlier publication Notes on Some Egyptian Antiquities in My Collection TSBA 9 (1886) 353 noted the same capacity for this vessel Here see also T G H James The Heqanakhte Papers and Other Early Middle Kingdom Documents (New York 1962) 118

60 POTTERS

the fashion of hbny vessels (~[]~IlJ1J 0) (vso 5) This seems to express an equivalence between the two vessel types perhaps representing an addition or finish to the jn~lt vessel that increased its value Du Mesnil du Buisson speculated in his discussion of the hhnl vessel that the word related to hbny ebony t ruJ-Oi) and indicated a blackened colour or lustre to the vesseL I80 hbny also occurs as an annotation above the entries of jnit vessels for particular workmen in lines 8-12 of the recto The entry on line 13 (hhny n [ ]) may indicate that hhny vessels themselves were also delivered to the workmen named in the following lines So far as I know hbny vessels do not occur in other Deir el-Medina textsl8J These notations may also refer to some sort of finishing to the j nit vesseL

The inclusion of more unusual designations for the vessels certainly points to the exceptional nature ofthe delivery in O BM 50728 as does the entry of an amount ((i(w) of bJq oil (8) in line lOon the verso after the specification of 10 further jnlJl vessels for particular workmen (pJ WpWl

n plIO n jnlJt n tJ jst) Janssen observes that this oil was rarely used by the workmen as it was too expensive 182 It is possible that the text refers to the delivery of jnit vessels of bJq oil the references to quality therefore referring to the quality of oil rather than the vessel itself The designation hbny may be associated with this as welL

Complicating this analysis is the proposed large size of jnit vessels (discussed in section 41) which may account to some extent for its more restricted function within the vessel repertoire jnlJt vessels occur only rarely in the Medinet Habu festival calendar indicating that even within the temple their use was specialized ls3 The ealculation of the equivalence in contents of the vessels in O Gardiner 81 indicates that we are dealing with a set capacity for these vessel types in this text 184 If the capacity of a jnit was 53 hin or 255 Htres this would equate to a significant quantity ofbJq oil per person 185

O BM 50728 remains a puzzle Despite thc difficulties in interpretation it seems most likely that it records allocation of vessels possibly filled with oil or beer for festival or cultic purposes The careful documentation of such a distribution may also indicate that the vessels were not to be kept by the men perhaps only being used by them for the event and then returned to the temple A large size may serve to explain their more limited and specialized oecurrence in the data perhaps restricted to the religious sphere rather than playing a role in the domestic life of the villagers

In this instance contextual analysis of texts that seem to relate to ceramic deliveries can alter our understanding of these texts and illuminate the role and function of a vessel type in the community For vessels that were delivered more commonly we can observe the potential for flexibility in the classification systems these would repay further detailed study sectS Conclusion Analysis of the texts concerning pottery delivery leaves a number of questions unanswered and areas unexplored the limited number of sources available and problems inherent in them restrict their potential for interpretation However some insights into the organization and administrative structures of Deir el-Medina are fortheoming from the material Within the meticulous record keeping of the village the key theme seems to be flexibility This flexibility is apparent in the

180 Noms et signes 28 181 Janssen did not include them in his chapter on Vessels in Commodity Prices None of the references for the entry in the Wb II 487 has a Deir e1-Medina provenance 182 Commodity Prices 330 183 On the occurrence of the jnltt in the Medinet Hahn festival lists see A Spalinger Medinet Habn and Deir ei-Medina Combined 311-2 ]84 Heick Das Bier 46 185 Even if the mnt was only 10 hin a jnltt would still be of a substantial size c 11-12 iitres Janssen Commodity Prices 434

N

CONCLUSION 61

number of potters assigned to the crew the size and content of the quota required every 10 days and the timing of deliveries The final section of my study also points to the potential flexibility of form size and function of the pots themselves

Although we can find implications in the potter texts for features of society beyond the village itself such as the specifie interpretation of bkw or the occurrence of vessels in royal festival calendars it must be borne in mind that the real value of the Deir el-Medina material lies in its potential to illuminate the lives of ordinary people in Ramessid Egypt For that purpose we need to attend most closely to the village context

Appendix The potters of Deir el-Medina Names of potters in documents relating to the delivery of ceramics

I

Names of potters in documents concerning matters other than the supply of ceramics

I 1 (Omek i Turin Strike Papyrus RAD 476 I

2 Khonsu bull O Turin 57192 1

3 Herunefer bull O DeM 73 rto 2

4 Paaeminet I O Berlin P 12343 vso 3

5 Bakenmut P Turin 2018 A rto la 5 rto IV 17 vso I 6 B rto II 4 D I rto 14 P BM 10068 vso V l3

6 Wenennefer P BM 10068 vso V 14

alence el that 1at the to the ticular thbny ar as I ) refer

ltional in line middotwpwt it was til the f The

1 41) rtoire within of the pes in ificant

likely poses tto be ~mple data of the

1 alter in the ial for

d and estrict rative ecord in the

rences

)U and

nssen

1 I Menna O IFAO 387 1 O Qurna 618i1 O DeM 91 1 O Berlin P 10840 vso 1

2 bull Nakhy I

O IFAO 3874 O DeM 914

3 I Ptahemheb O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O DeM 343 2 P Greg vso B 8 rto A11

4 Parahotep O DeM 868

5 Hori O DeM 868 O DeM 869

6 Herunefer O Cairo 25597 rto 3

7 Neferher O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O Cairo 25633 vso 2

8 Amennakht O DeM 44 rto 8

9 Dmek P Turin 2081+2095 rto 1

10 ltAhawy P Turin 1881 vso V 1 VI 7 VII 1 () Giornale of year 17 rto B II 2 P Turin 2018 A vso 1 12 B rto II 11 B vso II 17 P BM 10068 vso VI 25 P Turin 2014 rto 27-8 P BM 10054 vso II 9

62 POTTERS

Addendnm

Pierre Grandets Catalogue des ostraca hieratiques non litteraires de Deir el-Medineh IXbecame available just as this chapter went to the press This volume contains a number of important potter texts I have included them in the tables on pages 33-7 and provide a short account of them here

O DeM is the longest and most detailed potter account known to me I will be adressing the issues it raises in a further publication It records deliveries made by the potters Ptahemheb Parahotep Hori and Neferher for the months of I bt to I prt of a year 6 The title p qd occurs only in line I in reference to Ptahemheb but probably also covers the other individuals named Ptahemheb and Neferher are known from other potter accounts discussed in this chapter O DeM 869 also published by Grandet and dated to a year 6 records deliveries made by Hori of qbw and lbw vessels to Right Both Hori and Parahotep are not otherwise attested in the potter texts In O DeM 868 details of delivery are grouped according to individual potters In line 13 Neferher delivers vessels to Left (t rj smM this is the only statement concerning Right or Left in this text That four potters deliver during the same general period emphasizes the potential number of potters involved in delivery which is not generally apparent in many of the potter texts Ptahemheb and Neferher make deliveries on different days in IV bt The vessel numbers vary except for those delivered as the making good of deficits by Ptahemheb which are consistent sums (II 3-4) The vessels delivered include qbw and Ibw vessels as well as gy andjnlt this text therefore provides further evidence thatjnJtt vessels were part of the potters repertoire

Grandet follows Gutgesell in assigning a date in the mid-20th Dynasty to O DeM 868 and 869 19thMy assignment of a late Dynasty date to the other account ostraca of Ptahemheb and

Neferher (0 Cairo 25591 O Cairo 25633 and O DeM 343) is based on the record of Ptahemhebs deliveries in P Greg firmly dated by Janssen to the reign of Siptah186 Gutgesell places Ptahemheb in the 20th Dynasty on the basis of the occurrence of this name in P Turin 2006+ 1961 usually dated to year 29 of Ramesses 111 [87 The Ptahemheb in this text is not a potter and so is a different individual I propose that the late 19th Dynasty date of the other documents should therefore be retained and should also be adopted for O DeM 868 and 869

Further texts relevant to potters in Grandets volume include O DeM 877 in which a list of arrears in water supplies are measured in jnlt vessels O DeM 871-3 are sherds bearing the phrase mJ qd Grandet considers these phrases along with the phrase ml m-rJrt p-Jtm-nlr complete by the hand ofPahemnetjerthe priest on O DeM 870 as delivery marks inscribed on the pots themselves18S

186 Janssen Village Varia 115-6 187 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 252 309-12 188 Catalogue des ostraca IX 49-50

UNT

Marel

sectl Eil Die A Papyr Einwc zusHin Verw Angell besch~

Bei suchur wichtil Andre Vortei Juni 2( nicht-li recherc

Beirr allgem

bull Der MaXI

mieh Aufn Doni Sieh~

J Ja grap dazu

2 Sieht tause Peri Gutg Teil1 el ME Held Janss Histo

6 MeD Valb

g Venn Witnl II Ta

10 Ein P II Gutg 12 Allan 13 Held

Page 30: Woodcutters, Potters and Doorkeepers Service Personnel of the Deir El Medina Workmen

lions of vessel

-nw-k

Vessels llid and ilificant vith the Ie been )0 were

n Poids lalbelle ~ates a Mesnil vessels est the s water

le qbwshysimple

s found lat any rarely vessels s The omlor

~ly that Iteonly lce and melude

~asures

le vases and the the b are not Band pI 7 I

AO 16

3842

gt30) 55

EQliAnONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 57

that the qbw had no fixed capacity Rather it seems that vessels such as the Ibw and qbw could correspond to a range of different ds measures 163

Two texts may point to some perhaps proportional equivalence between qbw vessels and dpr vessels In O DeM 135 the record of the accumulated deficits of two potters includes a conversion from dpr vessels into qbw vessels 9 dpr vessels to (=) qbw vessels making Urn) 4Yz (see section 31) Such a conversion may indicate a size ratio between the vessels O DeM 346 vso 3 records 42 dpr vessels [making Urn)] 22 qbt vessels (see n 89 for the restoration) Ibw vessels may also be equated with dpr vessels in O DeM 202 dpr vessels 30 [as] 15 bw 50 (1 3_4)164 The restoration here is problematic and the hypothesis of any equivalence between the two types must remain tentative

O Berlin P 10654 vso displays a similar complexity in possible equivalences this time between qbw vessels and jnJt vessels This text (discussed in section 33) seems to record the potters production of ceramics on days 10 20 and 30 of II bt and day 10 of IIIilt The final two lines state total 230 of (n) qbw vessels [ ] specifying it (wp st) 23 jnJt vessels At first sight such a text seems to point to a proportional relationship between these vessels a qbw being one tenth of ajnJt Such a ratio is quite possible because jnJt vessels do seem to have been large Heicks calculations from O Gardiner 81 indicate that ajnJt vessel was 2 of a mnt-amphora 165

If a mnt had a liquid capacity of c 20 hin and a hin was 048 litres the capacity of a jnlzt would have been c 53 hin or 2551itres O Berlin P 10654 vso would then show that a qbw vessel had a capacity of c 53 hin or 25 litres whieh is a sensible size for a storage jar 166 Although it is tempting to make such equations from this data this evidence is based on assumptions about the capacity of other vessel types so is tentative HeIck estimated that the ds vessel had a eapacity of approximately 3 litres 167 If so the qbw in P Boulaq 18 would have been double the size ofa ds measure in order to contain the 2 ds (e 6 litres)

Contextual study of the equation between qbw vessels and other types in O Berlin P 10654 vso O DeM 135 and O DeM 346 vso indicates some form of size ratio operated although we cannot easily determine the flexibility of that ratio or how it was used A conversion of one vessel into its equivalent of another type is unusual in a text like O Berlin P 10654 vso which seems to document the actual produetion of vessels even their firing If the last two lines of the text represent the total of ceramics produced in this process then the specification of a relationship between the two vessels types is rather strange Perhaps the original order was for 230 qbw vessels and this was then converted into the equivalent in jn~t vessels Ifjn~t vessels had a more restricted even ritual function the equivalence expressed here may be more abstract or complex than a ratio of capacity The size of vessels delivered may have been standardized to some extent probably based on ease of delivery and manageability within a domestic eontext rather than as fixed measures

In such a context a value relationship might well have operated The jnlzt as a specialized vessel may have had a more established value in relation to which the qbw vessels could be set

163 Das Bier im Alten Agypten (Berlin 1971) 47 See also Anthony Spalingers re-evaluation of the evidence for the capacity of these vessels including discussion of O DeM 135 and 202 Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 314 His conclusions largely correspond with mine 164 It may also be possible to read dpr 30 Urnl 15 lbw 50 which would support the hypothesis of some sort ofequivalence 165 Das Bier 47 16lt5 For a review of evidence concerning the capacity of the mnl including discussion of this text see A Spalinger Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined 312-3 167 Das Bier 46 R L Miller (is-vessels Beer Mugs Cirrhosis and Casting Slag GM 115 (1990) 64 suggests that the ds was a drinking vessel perhaps to be equated with depictions given in Nagel Ceramique 199-206 Miller identifies a jar found at Saqqara as a ds vessel noting that it had a capacity of 25 litres roughly corresponding to Heicks estimate

58 POTTERS

In O DeM 135 the scribe may well have calculated the value of the vessels owed down to the half vessel A parallel for this is found in O Turin 57062 vso 4 where 2Yz jnJtt vessels are set

dlagainst five vessel types which precede them (their names are lost) The recording of five vessels compared with half that amount in jnJtt vessels producing the unusual amount of a half vessel tt

2again suggests a value equivalence Since vessels do not appear with fixed values in the price

SJtexts their worth may well have been assessed in relation to other vessel types st b42 A specialized vessel jnJzt DApart from the two vessel types or classes that formed the basis of the deliveries of ceramics to rethe village the potter texts also occasionally enumerate other types jnJtt vessels although well

known from other contexts are rare in the potter texts A few texts that may indicate their ritproduction or delivery by the Deir el-Medina potters illuminate aspects of its function and context

of use The pattern of occurrence of jnJtt vessels indicates a specialized vessel type the shape of which is unknown The jnJtt vessel is most widely documented as a storage container for beer and as Walter F Reineke notes outside the data from Deir el-Medina it was often made of gold or silver J68 That this vessel could be supplied as part of the ceramic requirement of the village seems to be indicated by the delivery lists from the early 19th Dynasty (Category E) Some of these lists record jnJzt vessels although they are not always indisputably connected with the smdt potters

In the Category E delivery lists of wood and ceramics jnJtt vessels occur four times their total Ccamount being low in comparison with the other vessels enumerated in these texts In O DeM 1 6 una total of 7 jnlu vessels are delivered 5 of good quality 2 of poor In O DeM 17 4 only 3 jnJzt aUvessels were delivered (2 good 1 poor) in comparison with 290 lbw recorded in the previous intline and in O DeM 15 3 7 jn~lt vessels were delivered as against 295 Ibw vessels 16 jnJzt povessels are documented in O DeM 23 5 (the text is broken and the reading at the end of the line

uncertain)169 bei ve~Only two texts explicitly includejnJtt vessels in pottery deliveries 0 Qurna 6181 records two

jnJtt vessels among the deficit of 55 qbw and 265 Ibw vessels incurred by the potter Menna O IJry Michaelides 33 rto 3-6 J70 This text records for III Jot 30 matching deliveries from a potter to vex

Right and Left among other deliveries of wood and gypsum the potter 1 jnlp vessels 20 (pJ qd 1 jnJzt 20)171 The stroke read as one after the title p qd could refer to the bkw of the potter not

with jnJtt vessels being an addition to the quota delivered 172 jnJtt vessels were therefore a wit gocomponent of the potters repertoire and this fact may complicate the interpretation of other texts

where they occur173 More generally jnJzt vessels are recorded as being delivered filled with beer I thisand thus are probably not associated with ceramic delivery

174 (

Me(J68 Der Zusammenhang der altagyptischen Hohl- und UingenmaBe MID 9 (1963) 146 175( 169 Kitchen restores 16jnli vessels [by the hand of A]meneminet (KRII 367 8 a-b) but there does not 176 1appear to be space for this formula in the break The rest of this text is similar to the other wood and pottery

177pounddelivery lists See the discussion of parallel texts in section 23 170 Goedicke-Wente pJ 67 However I follow CernYs transcription of the text here (Nb 10830)

178 1

Cau171 Contra Goedicke and Wente who restore IT1l ] on line 3 On line 7 Goedicke and Wente read 27 jnlt 197vessels instead of 20 vessels and the restoration for the [plasterer] (Pi q() given by Cerny 179 1

172 Alternatively it could refer to a single potter although this would be unusual in this context (see section Rek21) Compare the reading of this text with that discussed for O DeM 154 rto 15-6 in section 34 Egy

173 Other entries for this day include specialty breads and ds measures of beer (117-8) while the folloVing somentry for IV Jt 1 records a festival of Hathor (1 9) Although an association with a festival context is Dietpossible the delivery of jnlts as discussed by Spahnger is recorded separately from the breads and ds inameasures and is included among more standard delveries Medinet Habu and Dei elmiddotMedina Combined note310-311 Earl

l to the are set vessels vessel e price

mics to ~h well e their ~ontext

mpe of Ir beer of gold village ome of le smdt

ir total M 16 r 3jn~f

revious 16 jn~t he line

ds two mao O )tter to (pJ qd potter fore a r texts th beer

oes not pottery

27 jn~t

section

llowing rrtext is and ds

lbined

EQUATIONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 59

jn~t vessels of beer occur consistently in a series of six Category E ostraca that seem to document the delivery of commodities associated with festival or temple offerings174 Four of these texts state that the commodities were delivered by an individual in O DeM 20 and O DeM 25 the deliveries are made by a local priest Each of these six texts lists items that include speciality foodstuffs and jn~t vessels of beer rather than the fuel and plain unfilled pottery of standard deliveries II smw 12 by the hand of the local priest (w(b Sf) 175 60 large j nJzt vessels of beer entered 56 deficit 4 120 (bundles of) vegetables ISO s(t cakes and 100 rJzs cakes (0 DeM 20) The only exception in this group is O DeM 26 where 30 large jn~1f vessels are recorded 27 are entered (jw) and there is a deficit on No beer is recorded with these vessels

The recto of O DeM 29 may confirm that lists containing such products are associated with rituals or festivals rather than deliveries of materials to the village 176

total of various (sbn)jnl)tvessels of beer 653 [+x] the record of the [ ] which were given as offerings (snw) [] good bread loaves of [ ] s(t cake [x oipeJ rJzs cakes [ J jnJzt vessels of beer [ J beer [ ]

Connections of this vessel type with the temple or festival sphere nmy explain features of the unique and difficult distribution text O BM 50728 discussed in section 23 The text records the allocation ofjnJzt vessels to individual crew members The 10 + 5 jnJzt vessels seem to be grouped into four different categories perhaps accordin~ to quality of the vessel or its contents and possibly its shape or finish 177 5 doubly good (~reg) jnJzt vessels in the fashion of hbny [vessels] being returned (m hyt) 2 for Baky I for Huy 1 (for) (Omek 1 for Qaha totalS (11 5-6) Six vessels given to individuals in line 7 one for each nmn are stated to be middling good (11fr mshyhry-jb) and line 10 enumerates two vessels that also have a designation perhaps reading not (J I~~ 3)very poor _ 1

If the jnJzt vessels were more specialized beer vessels used in festival or ritual contexts then the note of quality either of contents or of the vessel itself would have been important This concern with quality can also be seen in the delivery lists where the jnJzt vessels are described as either good or poor 178

Particularly difficult to understand in this context are the writings of hbny perhaps referring to this well-known amphora-shaped vessel I19 The five doubly goodjnl)t vessels are designated in

174 O DeM 19 20 21 25 26 27 For further discussion of these texts see Spalinger Deir e1middotMedina and Medinet Habu Combined 311

(1 0

175 l=n (1 1) For another writing of this title see O DeM 25 2 176 The verso of this text records only nswt bjty mnmiddotmrtmiddotrr 177 For the use of red ink in this text see p 19 n 75 above

178 O DeM 1 6 174 For discussion of the meaning of snn 1~ in these contexts see D Valbelle Catalogue des poids ainscriptions hieratiques de Deir eAmiddotfedineh Nos 500l-5423 DFIFAO 16 (Cairo 1977)23 179 Wh II 487 There are depictions of the hbnylhbnt vessel in Urk IV 11308 11352 and in the tomb of Rekhmire N de G Davies The Tomb of Rekh-mi-r~ at Thebes The Metropolitan Museum of Art Egyptian Expedition 11 (New York 1943) I pIs 33 34 In these examples it is shaped as an amphora sometimes without handles and often contains honey E A W Budge An Egyptian Hieroglyphic Dictionary (London 1920)446 gave the capacity of a hbnt ndst as one quarter of a hin F G Hilton-Price in an earlier publication Notes on Some Egyptian Antiquities in My Collection TSBA 9 (1886) 353 noted the same capacity for this vessel Here see also T G H James The Heqanakhte Papers and Other Early Middle Kingdom Documents (New York 1962) 118

60 POTTERS

the fashion of hbny vessels (~[]~IlJ1J 0) (vso 5) This seems to express an equivalence between the two vessel types perhaps representing an addition or finish to the jn~lt vessel that increased its value Du Mesnil du Buisson speculated in his discussion of the hhnl vessel that the word related to hbny ebony t ruJ-Oi) and indicated a blackened colour or lustre to the vesseL I80 hbny also occurs as an annotation above the entries of jnit vessels for particular workmen in lines 8-12 of the recto The entry on line 13 (hhny n [ ]) may indicate that hhny vessels themselves were also delivered to the workmen named in the following lines So far as I know hbny vessels do not occur in other Deir el-Medina textsl8J These notations may also refer to some sort of finishing to the j nit vesseL

The inclusion of more unusual designations for the vessels certainly points to the exceptional nature ofthe delivery in O BM 50728 as does the entry of an amount ((i(w) of bJq oil (8) in line lOon the verso after the specification of 10 further jnlJl vessels for particular workmen (pJ WpWl

n plIO n jnlJt n tJ jst) Janssen observes that this oil was rarely used by the workmen as it was too expensive 182 It is possible that the text refers to the delivery of jnit vessels of bJq oil the references to quality therefore referring to the quality of oil rather than the vessel itself The designation hbny may be associated with this as welL

Complicating this analysis is the proposed large size of jnit vessels (discussed in section 41) which may account to some extent for its more restricted function within the vessel repertoire jnlJt vessels occur only rarely in the Medinet Habu festival calendar indicating that even within the temple their use was specialized ls3 The ealculation of the equivalence in contents of the vessels in O Gardiner 81 indicates that we are dealing with a set capacity for these vessel types in this text 184 If the capacity of a jnit was 53 hin or 255 Htres this would equate to a significant quantity ofbJq oil per person 185

O BM 50728 remains a puzzle Despite thc difficulties in interpretation it seems most likely that it records allocation of vessels possibly filled with oil or beer for festival or cultic purposes The careful documentation of such a distribution may also indicate that the vessels were not to be kept by the men perhaps only being used by them for the event and then returned to the temple A large size may serve to explain their more limited and specialized oecurrence in the data perhaps restricted to the religious sphere rather than playing a role in the domestic life of the villagers

In this instance contextual analysis of texts that seem to relate to ceramic deliveries can alter our understanding of these texts and illuminate the role and function of a vessel type in the community For vessels that were delivered more commonly we can observe the potential for flexibility in the classification systems these would repay further detailed study sectS Conclusion Analysis of the texts concerning pottery delivery leaves a number of questions unanswered and areas unexplored the limited number of sources available and problems inherent in them restrict their potential for interpretation However some insights into the organization and administrative structures of Deir el-Medina are fortheoming from the material Within the meticulous record keeping of the village the key theme seems to be flexibility This flexibility is apparent in the

180 Noms et signes 28 181 Janssen did not include them in his chapter on Vessels in Commodity Prices None of the references for the entry in the Wb II 487 has a Deir e1-Medina provenance 182 Commodity Prices 330 183 On the occurrence of the jnltt in the Medinet Hahn festival lists see A Spalinger Medinet Habn and Deir ei-Medina Combined 311-2 ]84 Heick Das Bier 46 185 Even if the mnt was only 10 hin a jnltt would still be of a substantial size c 11-12 iitres Janssen Commodity Prices 434

N

CONCLUSION 61

number of potters assigned to the crew the size and content of the quota required every 10 days and the timing of deliveries The final section of my study also points to the potential flexibility of form size and function of the pots themselves

Although we can find implications in the potter texts for features of society beyond the village itself such as the specifie interpretation of bkw or the occurrence of vessels in royal festival calendars it must be borne in mind that the real value of the Deir el-Medina material lies in its potential to illuminate the lives of ordinary people in Ramessid Egypt For that purpose we need to attend most closely to the village context

Appendix The potters of Deir el-Medina Names of potters in documents relating to the delivery of ceramics

I

Names of potters in documents concerning matters other than the supply of ceramics

I 1 (Omek i Turin Strike Papyrus RAD 476 I

2 Khonsu bull O Turin 57192 1

3 Herunefer bull O DeM 73 rto 2

4 Paaeminet I O Berlin P 12343 vso 3

5 Bakenmut P Turin 2018 A rto la 5 rto IV 17 vso I 6 B rto II 4 D I rto 14 P BM 10068 vso V l3

6 Wenennefer P BM 10068 vso V 14

alence el that 1at the to the ticular thbny ar as I ) refer

ltional in line middotwpwt it was til the f The

1 41) rtoire within of the pes in ificant

likely poses tto be ~mple data of the

1 alter in the ial for

d and estrict rative ecord in the

rences

)U and

nssen

1 I Menna O IFAO 387 1 O Qurna 618i1 O DeM 91 1 O Berlin P 10840 vso 1

2 bull Nakhy I

O IFAO 3874 O DeM 914

3 I Ptahemheb O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O DeM 343 2 P Greg vso B 8 rto A11

4 Parahotep O DeM 868

5 Hori O DeM 868 O DeM 869

6 Herunefer O Cairo 25597 rto 3

7 Neferher O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O Cairo 25633 vso 2

8 Amennakht O DeM 44 rto 8

9 Dmek P Turin 2081+2095 rto 1

10 ltAhawy P Turin 1881 vso V 1 VI 7 VII 1 () Giornale of year 17 rto B II 2 P Turin 2018 A vso 1 12 B rto II 11 B vso II 17 P BM 10068 vso VI 25 P Turin 2014 rto 27-8 P BM 10054 vso II 9

62 POTTERS

Addendnm

Pierre Grandets Catalogue des ostraca hieratiques non litteraires de Deir el-Medineh IXbecame available just as this chapter went to the press This volume contains a number of important potter texts I have included them in the tables on pages 33-7 and provide a short account of them here

O DeM is the longest and most detailed potter account known to me I will be adressing the issues it raises in a further publication It records deliveries made by the potters Ptahemheb Parahotep Hori and Neferher for the months of I bt to I prt of a year 6 The title p qd occurs only in line I in reference to Ptahemheb but probably also covers the other individuals named Ptahemheb and Neferher are known from other potter accounts discussed in this chapter O DeM 869 also published by Grandet and dated to a year 6 records deliveries made by Hori of qbw and lbw vessels to Right Both Hori and Parahotep are not otherwise attested in the potter texts In O DeM 868 details of delivery are grouped according to individual potters In line 13 Neferher delivers vessels to Left (t rj smM this is the only statement concerning Right or Left in this text That four potters deliver during the same general period emphasizes the potential number of potters involved in delivery which is not generally apparent in many of the potter texts Ptahemheb and Neferher make deliveries on different days in IV bt The vessel numbers vary except for those delivered as the making good of deficits by Ptahemheb which are consistent sums (II 3-4) The vessels delivered include qbw and Ibw vessels as well as gy andjnlt this text therefore provides further evidence thatjnJtt vessels were part of the potters repertoire

Grandet follows Gutgesell in assigning a date in the mid-20th Dynasty to O DeM 868 and 869 19thMy assignment of a late Dynasty date to the other account ostraca of Ptahemheb and

Neferher (0 Cairo 25591 O Cairo 25633 and O DeM 343) is based on the record of Ptahemhebs deliveries in P Greg firmly dated by Janssen to the reign of Siptah186 Gutgesell places Ptahemheb in the 20th Dynasty on the basis of the occurrence of this name in P Turin 2006+ 1961 usually dated to year 29 of Ramesses 111 [87 The Ptahemheb in this text is not a potter and so is a different individual I propose that the late 19th Dynasty date of the other documents should therefore be retained and should also be adopted for O DeM 868 and 869

Further texts relevant to potters in Grandets volume include O DeM 877 in which a list of arrears in water supplies are measured in jnlt vessels O DeM 871-3 are sherds bearing the phrase mJ qd Grandet considers these phrases along with the phrase ml m-rJrt p-Jtm-nlr complete by the hand ofPahemnetjerthe priest on O DeM 870 as delivery marks inscribed on the pots themselves18S

186 Janssen Village Varia 115-6 187 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 252 309-12 188 Catalogue des ostraca IX 49-50

UNT

Marel

sectl Eil Die A Papyr Einwc zusHin Verw Angell besch~

Bei suchur wichtil Andre Vortei Juni 2( nicht-li recherc

Beirr allgem

bull Der MaXI

mieh Aufn Doni Sieh~

J Ja grap dazu

2 Sieht tause Peri Gutg Teil1 el ME Held Janss Histo

6 MeD Valb

g Venn Witnl II Ta

10 Ein P II Gutg 12 Allan 13 Held

Page 31: Woodcutters, Potters and Doorkeepers Service Personnel of the Deir El Medina Workmen

58 POTTERS

In O DeM 135 the scribe may well have calculated the value of the vessels owed down to the half vessel A parallel for this is found in O Turin 57062 vso 4 where 2Yz jnJtt vessels are set

dlagainst five vessel types which precede them (their names are lost) The recording of five vessels compared with half that amount in jnJtt vessels producing the unusual amount of a half vessel tt

2again suggests a value equivalence Since vessels do not appear with fixed values in the price

SJtexts their worth may well have been assessed in relation to other vessel types st b42 A specialized vessel jnJzt DApart from the two vessel types or classes that formed the basis of the deliveries of ceramics to rethe village the potter texts also occasionally enumerate other types jnJtt vessels although well

known from other contexts are rare in the potter texts A few texts that may indicate their ritproduction or delivery by the Deir el-Medina potters illuminate aspects of its function and context

of use The pattern of occurrence of jnJtt vessels indicates a specialized vessel type the shape of which is unknown The jnJtt vessel is most widely documented as a storage container for beer and as Walter F Reineke notes outside the data from Deir el-Medina it was often made of gold or silver J68 That this vessel could be supplied as part of the ceramic requirement of the village seems to be indicated by the delivery lists from the early 19th Dynasty (Category E) Some of these lists record jnJzt vessels although they are not always indisputably connected with the smdt potters

In the Category E delivery lists of wood and ceramics jnJtt vessels occur four times their total Ccamount being low in comparison with the other vessels enumerated in these texts In O DeM 1 6 una total of 7 jnlu vessels are delivered 5 of good quality 2 of poor In O DeM 17 4 only 3 jnJzt aUvessels were delivered (2 good 1 poor) in comparison with 290 lbw recorded in the previous intline and in O DeM 15 3 7 jn~lt vessels were delivered as against 295 Ibw vessels 16 jnJzt povessels are documented in O DeM 23 5 (the text is broken and the reading at the end of the line

uncertain)169 bei ve~Only two texts explicitly includejnJtt vessels in pottery deliveries 0 Qurna 6181 records two

jnJtt vessels among the deficit of 55 qbw and 265 Ibw vessels incurred by the potter Menna O IJry Michaelides 33 rto 3-6 J70 This text records for III Jot 30 matching deliveries from a potter to vex

Right and Left among other deliveries of wood and gypsum the potter 1 jnlp vessels 20 (pJ qd 1 jnJzt 20)171 The stroke read as one after the title p qd could refer to the bkw of the potter not

with jnJtt vessels being an addition to the quota delivered 172 jnJtt vessels were therefore a wit gocomponent of the potters repertoire and this fact may complicate the interpretation of other texts

where they occur173 More generally jnJzt vessels are recorded as being delivered filled with beer I thisand thus are probably not associated with ceramic delivery

174 (

Me(J68 Der Zusammenhang der altagyptischen Hohl- und UingenmaBe MID 9 (1963) 146 175( 169 Kitchen restores 16jnli vessels [by the hand of A]meneminet (KRII 367 8 a-b) but there does not 176 1appear to be space for this formula in the break The rest of this text is similar to the other wood and pottery

177pounddelivery lists See the discussion of parallel texts in section 23 170 Goedicke-Wente pJ 67 However I follow CernYs transcription of the text here (Nb 10830)

178 1

Cau171 Contra Goedicke and Wente who restore IT1l ] on line 3 On line 7 Goedicke and Wente read 27 jnlt 197vessels instead of 20 vessels and the restoration for the [plasterer] (Pi q() given by Cerny 179 1

172 Alternatively it could refer to a single potter although this would be unusual in this context (see section Rek21) Compare the reading of this text with that discussed for O DeM 154 rto 15-6 in section 34 Egy

173 Other entries for this day include specialty breads and ds measures of beer (117-8) while the folloVing somentry for IV Jt 1 records a festival of Hathor (1 9) Although an association with a festival context is Dietpossible the delivery of jnlts as discussed by Spahnger is recorded separately from the breads and ds inameasures and is included among more standard delveries Medinet Habu and Dei elmiddotMedina Combined note310-311 Earl

l to the are set vessels vessel e price

mics to ~h well e their ~ontext

mpe of Ir beer of gold village ome of le smdt

ir total M 16 r 3jn~f

revious 16 jn~t he line

ds two mao O )tter to (pJ qd potter fore a r texts th beer

oes not pottery

27 jn~t

section

llowing rrtext is and ds

lbined

EQUATIONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 59

jn~t vessels of beer occur consistently in a series of six Category E ostraca that seem to document the delivery of commodities associated with festival or temple offerings174 Four of these texts state that the commodities were delivered by an individual in O DeM 20 and O DeM 25 the deliveries are made by a local priest Each of these six texts lists items that include speciality foodstuffs and jn~t vessels of beer rather than the fuel and plain unfilled pottery of standard deliveries II smw 12 by the hand of the local priest (w(b Sf) 175 60 large j nJzt vessels of beer entered 56 deficit 4 120 (bundles of) vegetables ISO s(t cakes and 100 rJzs cakes (0 DeM 20) The only exception in this group is O DeM 26 where 30 large jn~1f vessels are recorded 27 are entered (jw) and there is a deficit on No beer is recorded with these vessels

The recto of O DeM 29 may confirm that lists containing such products are associated with rituals or festivals rather than deliveries of materials to the village 176

total of various (sbn)jnl)tvessels of beer 653 [+x] the record of the [ ] which were given as offerings (snw) [] good bread loaves of [ ] s(t cake [x oipeJ rJzs cakes [ J jnJzt vessels of beer [ J beer [ ]

Connections of this vessel type with the temple or festival sphere nmy explain features of the unique and difficult distribution text O BM 50728 discussed in section 23 The text records the allocation ofjnJzt vessels to individual crew members The 10 + 5 jnJzt vessels seem to be grouped into four different categories perhaps accordin~ to quality of the vessel or its contents and possibly its shape or finish 177 5 doubly good (~reg) jnJzt vessels in the fashion of hbny [vessels] being returned (m hyt) 2 for Baky I for Huy 1 (for) (Omek 1 for Qaha totalS (11 5-6) Six vessels given to individuals in line 7 one for each nmn are stated to be middling good (11fr mshyhry-jb) and line 10 enumerates two vessels that also have a designation perhaps reading not (J I~~ 3)very poor _ 1

If the jnJzt vessels were more specialized beer vessels used in festival or ritual contexts then the note of quality either of contents or of the vessel itself would have been important This concern with quality can also be seen in the delivery lists where the jnJzt vessels are described as either good or poor 178

Particularly difficult to understand in this context are the writings of hbny perhaps referring to this well-known amphora-shaped vessel I19 The five doubly goodjnl)t vessels are designated in

174 O DeM 19 20 21 25 26 27 For further discussion of these texts see Spalinger Deir e1middotMedina and Medinet Habu Combined 311

(1 0

175 l=n (1 1) For another writing of this title see O DeM 25 2 176 The verso of this text records only nswt bjty mnmiddotmrtmiddotrr 177 For the use of red ink in this text see p 19 n 75 above

178 O DeM 1 6 174 For discussion of the meaning of snn 1~ in these contexts see D Valbelle Catalogue des poids ainscriptions hieratiques de Deir eAmiddotfedineh Nos 500l-5423 DFIFAO 16 (Cairo 1977)23 179 Wh II 487 There are depictions of the hbnylhbnt vessel in Urk IV 11308 11352 and in the tomb of Rekhmire N de G Davies The Tomb of Rekh-mi-r~ at Thebes The Metropolitan Museum of Art Egyptian Expedition 11 (New York 1943) I pIs 33 34 In these examples it is shaped as an amphora sometimes without handles and often contains honey E A W Budge An Egyptian Hieroglyphic Dictionary (London 1920)446 gave the capacity of a hbnt ndst as one quarter of a hin F G Hilton-Price in an earlier publication Notes on Some Egyptian Antiquities in My Collection TSBA 9 (1886) 353 noted the same capacity for this vessel Here see also T G H James The Heqanakhte Papers and Other Early Middle Kingdom Documents (New York 1962) 118

60 POTTERS

the fashion of hbny vessels (~[]~IlJ1J 0) (vso 5) This seems to express an equivalence between the two vessel types perhaps representing an addition or finish to the jn~lt vessel that increased its value Du Mesnil du Buisson speculated in his discussion of the hhnl vessel that the word related to hbny ebony t ruJ-Oi) and indicated a blackened colour or lustre to the vesseL I80 hbny also occurs as an annotation above the entries of jnit vessels for particular workmen in lines 8-12 of the recto The entry on line 13 (hhny n [ ]) may indicate that hhny vessels themselves were also delivered to the workmen named in the following lines So far as I know hbny vessels do not occur in other Deir el-Medina textsl8J These notations may also refer to some sort of finishing to the j nit vesseL

The inclusion of more unusual designations for the vessels certainly points to the exceptional nature ofthe delivery in O BM 50728 as does the entry of an amount ((i(w) of bJq oil (8) in line lOon the verso after the specification of 10 further jnlJl vessels for particular workmen (pJ WpWl

n plIO n jnlJt n tJ jst) Janssen observes that this oil was rarely used by the workmen as it was too expensive 182 It is possible that the text refers to the delivery of jnit vessels of bJq oil the references to quality therefore referring to the quality of oil rather than the vessel itself The designation hbny may be associated with this as welL

Complicating this analysis is the proposed large size of jnit vessels (discussed in section 41) which may account to some extent for its more restricted function within the vessel repertoire jnlJt vessels occur only rarely in the Medinet Habu festival calendar indicating that even within the temple their use was specialized ls3 The ealculation of the equivalence in contents of the vessels in O Gardiner 81 indicates that we are dealing with a set capacity for these vessel types in this text 184 If the capacity of a jnit was 53 hin or 255 Htres this would equate to a significant quantity ofbJq oil per person 185

O BM 50728 remains a puzzle Despite thc difficulties in interpretation it seems most likely that it records allocation of vessels possibly filled with oil or beer for festival or cultic purposes The careful documentation of such a distribution may also indicate that the vessels were not to be kept by the men perhaps only being used by them for the event and then returned to the temple A large size may serve to explain their more limited and specialized oecurrence in the data perhaps restricted to the religious sphere rather than playing a role in the domestic life of the villagers

In this instance contextual analysis of texts that seem to relate to ceramic deliveries can alter our understanding of these texts and illuminate the role and function of a vessel type in the community For vessels that were delivered more commonly we can observe the potential for flexibility in the classification systems these would repay further detailed study sectS Conclusion Analysis of the texts concerning pottery delivery leaves a number of questions unanswered and areas unexplored the limited number of sources available and problems inherent in them restrict their potential for interpretation However some insights into the organization and administrative structures of Deir el-Medina are fortheoming from the material Within the meticulous record keeping of the village the key theme seems to be flexibility This flexibility is apparent in the

180 Noms et signes 28 181 Janssen did not include them in his chapter on Vessels in Commodity Prices None of the references for the entry in the Wb II 487 has a Deir e1-Medina provenance 182 Commodity Prices 330 183 On the occurrence of the jnltt in the Medinet Hahn festival lists see A Spalinger Medinet Habn and Deir ei-Medina Combined 311-2 ]84 Heick Das Bier 46 185 Even if the mnt was only 10 hin a jnltt would still be of a substantial size c 11-12 iitres Janssen Commodity Prices 434

N

CONCLUSION 61

number of potters assigned to the crew the size and content of the quota required every 10 days and the timing of deliveries The final section of my study also points to the potential flexibility of form size and function of the pots themselves

Although we can find implications in the potter texts for features of society beyond the village itself such as the specifie interpretation of bkw or the occurrence of vessels in royal festival calendars it must be borne in mind that the real value of the Deir el-Medina material lies in its potential to illuminate the lives of ordinary people in Ramessid Egypt For that purpose we need to attend most closely to the village context

Appendix The potters of Deir el-Medina Names of potters in documents relating to the delivery of ceramics

I

Names of potters in documents concerning matters other than the supply of ceramics

I 1 (Omek i Turin Strike Papyrus RAD 476 I

2 Khonsu bull O Turin 57192 1

3 Herunefer bull O DeM 73 rto 2

4 Paaeminet I O Berlin P 12343 vso 3

5 Bakenmut P Turin 2018 A rto la 5 rto IV 17 vso I 6 B rto II 4 D I rto 14 P BM 10068 vso V l3

6 Wenennefer P BM 10068 vso V 14

alence el that 1at the to the ticular thbny ar as I ) refer

ltional in line middotwpwt it was til the f The

1 41) rtoire within of the pes in ificant

likely poses tto be ~mple data of the

1 alter in the ial for

d and estrict rative ecord in the

rences

)U and

nssen

1 I Menna O IFAO 387 1 O Qurna 618i1 O DeM 91 1 O Berlin P 10840 vso 1

2 bull Nakhy I

O IFAO 3874 O DeM 914

3 I Ptahemheb O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O DeM 343 2 P Greg vso B 8 rto A11

4 Parahotep O DeM 868

5 Hori O DeM 868 O DeM 869

6 Herunefer O Cairo 25597 rto 3

7 Neferher O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O Cairo 25633 vso 2

8 Amennakht O DeM 44 rto 8

9 Dmek P Turin 2081+2095 rto 1

10 ltAhawy P Turin 1881 vso V 1 VI 7 VII 1 () Giornale of year 17 rto B II 2 P Turin 2018 A vso 1 12 B rto II 11 B vso II 17 P BM 10068 vso VI 25 P Turin 2014 rto 27-8 P BM 10054 vso II 9

62 POTTERS

Addendnm

Pierre Grandets Catalogue des ostraca hieratiques non litteraires de Deir el-Medineh IXbecame available just as this chapter went to the press This volume contains a number of important potter texts I have included them in the tables on pages 33-7 and provide a short account of them here

O DeM is the longest and most detailed potter account known to me I will be adressing the issues it raises in a further publication It records deliveries made by the potters Ptahemheb Parahotep Hori and Neferher for the months of I bt to I prt of a year 6 The title p qd occurs only in line I in reference to Ptahemheb but probably also covers the other individuals named Ptahemheb and Neferher are known from other potter accounts discussed in this chapter O DeM 869 also published by Grandet and dated to a year 6 records deliveries made by Hori of qbw and lbw vessels to Right Both Hori and Parahotep are not otherwise attested in the potter texts In O DeM 868 details of delivery are grouped according to individual potters In line 13 Neferher delivers vessels to Left (t rj smM this is the only statement concerning Right or Left in this text That four potters deliver during the same general period emphasizes the potential number of potters involved in delivery which is not generally apparent in many of the potter texts Ptahemheb and Neferher make deliveries on different days in IV bt The vessel numbers vary except for those delivered as the making good of deficits by Ptahemheb which are consistent sums (II 3-4) The vessels delivered include qbw and Ibw vessels as well as gy andjnlt this text therefore provides further evidence thatjnJtt vessels were part of the potters repertoire

Grandet follows Gutgesell in assigning a date in the mid-20th Dynasty to O DeM 868 and 869 19thMy assignment of a late Dynasty date to the other account ostraca of Ptahemheb and

Neferher (0 Cairo 25591 O Cairo 25633 and O DeM 343) is based on the record of Ptahemhebs deliveries in P Greg firmly dated by Janssen to the reign of Siptah186 Gutgesell places Ptahemheb in the 20th Dynasty on the basis of the occurrence of this name in P Turin 2006+ 1961 usually dated to year 29 of Ramesses 111 [87 The Ptahemheb in this text is not a potter and so is a different individual I propose that the late 19th Dynasty date of the other documents should therefore be retained and should also be adopted for O DeM 868 and 869

Further texts relevant to potters in Grandets volume include O DeM 877 in which a list of arrears in water supplies are measured in jnlt vessels O DeM 871-3 are sherds bearing the phrase mJ qd Grandet considers these phrases along with the phrase ml m-rJrt p-Jtm-nlr complete by the hand ofPahemnetjerthe priest on O DeM 870 as delivery marks inscribed on the pots themselves18S

186 Janssen Village Varia 115-6 187 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 252 309-12 188 Catalogue des ostraca IX 49-50

UNT

Marel

sectl Eil Die A Papyr Einwc zusHin Verw Angell besch~

Bei suchur wichtil Andre Vortei Juni 2( nicht-li recherc

Beirr allgem

bull Der MaXI

mieh Aufn Doni Sieh~

J Ja grap dazu

2 Sieht tause Peri Gutg Teil1 el ME Held Janss Histo

6 MeD Valb

g Venn Witnl II Ta

10 Ein P II Gutg 12 Allan 13 Held

Page 32: Woodcutters, Potters and Doorkeepers Service Personnel of the Deir El Medina Workmen

l to the are set vessels vessel e price

mics to ~h well e their ~ontext

mpe of Ir beer of gold village ome of le smdt

ir total M 16 r 3jn~f

revious 16 jn~t he line

ds two mao O )tter to (pJ qd potter fore a r texts th beer

oes not pottery

27 jn~t

section

llowing rrtext is and ds

lbined

EQUATIONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 59

jn~t vessels of beer occur consistently in a series of six Category E ostraca that seem to document the delivery of commodities associated with festival or temple offerings174 Four of these texts state that the commodities were delivered by an individual in O DeM 20 and O DeM 25 the deliveries are made by a local priest Each of these six texts lists items that include speciality foodstuffs and jn~t vessels of beer rather than the fuel and plain unfilled pottery of standard deliveries II smw 12 by the hand of the local priest (w(b Sf) 175 60 large j nJzt vessels of beer entered 56 deficit 4 120 (bundles of) vegetables ISO s(t cakes and 100 rJzs cakes (0 DeM 20) The only exception in this group is O DeM 26 where 30 large jn~1f vessels are recorded 27 are entered (jw) and there is a deficit on No beer is recorded with these vessels

The recto of O DeM 29 may confirm that lists containing such products are associated with rituals or festivals rather than deliveries of materials to the village 176

total of various (sbn)jnl)tvessels of beer 653 [+x] the record of the [ ] which were given as offerings (snw) [] good bread loaves of [ ] s(t cake [x oipeJ rJzs cakes [ J jnJzt vessels of beer [ J beer [ ]

Connections of this vessel type with the temple or festival sphere nmy explain features of the unique and difficult distribution text O BM 50728 discussed in section 23 The text records the allocation ofjnJzt vessels to individual crew members The 10 + 5 jnJzt vessels seem to be grouped into four different categories perhaps accordin~ to quality of the vessel or its contents and possibly its shape or finish 177 5 doubly good (~reg) jnJzt vessels in the fashion of hbny [vessels] being returned (m hyt) 2 for Baky I for Huy 1 (for) (Omek 1 for Qaha totalS (11 5-6) Six vessels given to individuals in line 7 one for each nmn are stated to be middling good (11fr mshyhry-jb) and line 10 enumerates two vessels that also have a designation perhaps reading not (J I~~ 3)very poor _ 1

If the jnJzt vessels were more specialized beer vessels used in festival or ritual contexts then the note of quality either of contents or of the vessel itself would have been important This concern with quality can also be seen in the delivery lists where the jnJzt vessels are described as either good or poor 178

Particularly difficult to understand in this context are the writings of hbny perhaps referring to this well-known amphora-shaped vessel I19 The five doubly goodjnl)t vessels are designated in

174 O DeM 19 20 21 25 26 27 For further discussion of these texts see Spalinger Deir e1middotMedina and Medinet Habu Combined 311

(1 0

175 l=n (1 1) For another writing of this title see O DeM 25 2 176 The verso of this text records only nswt bjty mnmiddotmrtmiddotrr 177 For the use of red ink in this text see p 19 n 75 above

178 O DeM 1 6 174 For discussion of the meaning of snn 1~ in these contexts see D Valbelle Catalogue des poids ainscriptions hieratiques de Deir eAmiddotfedineh Nos 500l-5423 DFIFAO 16 (Cairo 1977)23 179 Wh II 487 There are depictions of the hbnylhbnt vessel in Urk IV 11308 11352 and in the tomb of Rekhmire N de G Davies The Tomb of Rekh-mi-r~ at Thebes The Metropolitan Museum of Art Egyptian Expedition 11 (New York 1943) I pIs 33 34 In these examples it is shaped as an amphora sometimes without handles and often contains honey E A W Budge An Egyptian Hieroglyphic Dictionary (London 1920)446 gave the capacity of a hbnt ndst as one quarter of a hin F G Hilton-Price in an earlier publication Notes on Some Egyptian Antiquities in My Collection TSBA 9 (1886) 353 noted the same capacity for this vessel Here see also T G H James The Heqanakhte Papers and Other Early Middle Kingdom Documents (New York 1962) 118

60 POTTERS

the fashion of hbny vessels (~[]~IlJ1J 0) (vso 5) This seems to express an equivalence between the two vessel types perhaps representing an addition or finish to the jn~lt vessel that increased its value Du Mesnil du Buisson speculated in his discussion of the hhnl vessel that the word related to hbny ebony t ruJ-Oi) and indicated a blackened colour or lustre to the vesseL I80 hbny also occurs as an annotation above the entries of jnit vessels for particular workmen in lines 8-12 of the recto The entry on line 13 (hhny n [ ]) may indicate that hhny vessels themselves were also delivered to the workmen named in the following lines So far as I know hbny vessels do not occur in other Deir el-Medina textsl8J These notations may also refer to some sort of finishing to the j nit vesseL

The inclusion of more unusual designations for the vessels certainly points to the exceptional nature ofthe delivery in O BM 50728 as does the entry of an amount ((i(w) of bJq oil (8) in line lOon the verso after the specification of 10 further jnlJl vessels for particular workmen (pJ WpWl

n plIO n jnlJt n tJ jst) Janssen observes that this oil was rarely used by the workmen as it was too expensive 182 It is possible that the text refers to the delivery of jnit vessels of bJq oil the references to quality therefore referring to the quality of oil rather than the vessel itself The designation hbny may be associated with this as welL

Complicating this analysis is the proposed large size of jnit vessels (discussed in section 41) which may account to some extent for its more restricted function within the vessel repertoire jnlJt vessels occur only rarely in the Medinet Habu festival calendar indicating that even within the temple their use was specialized ls3 The ealculation of the equivalence in contents of the vessels in O Gardiner 81 indicates that we are dealing with a set capacity for these vessel types in this text 184 If the capacity of a jnit was 53 hin or 255 Htres this would equate to a significant quantity ofbJq oil per person 185

O BM 50728 remains a puzzle Despite thc difficulties in interpretation it seems most likely that it records allocation of vessels possibly filled with oil or beer for festival or cultic purposes The careful documentation of such a distribution may also indicate that the vessels were not to be kept by the men perhaps only being used by them for the event and then returned to the temple A large size may serve to explain their more limited and specialized oecurrence in the data perhaps restricted to the religious sphere rather than playing a role in the domestic life of the villagers

In this instance contextual analysis of texts that seem to relate to ceramic deliveries can alter our understanding of these texts and illuminate the role and function of a vessel type in the community For vessels that were delivered more commonly we can observe the potential for flexibility in the classification systems these would repay further detailed study sectS Conclusion Analysis of the texts concerning pottery delivery leaves a number of questions unanswered and areas unexplored the limited number of sources available and problems inherent in them restrict their potential for interpretation However some insights into the organization and administrative structures of Deir el-Medina are fortheoming from the material Within the meticulous record keeping of the village the key theme seems to be flexibility This flexibility is apparent in the

180 Noms et signes 28 181 Janssen did not include them in his chapter on Vessels in Commodity Prices None of the references for the entry in the Wb II 487 has a Deir e1-Medina provenance 182 Commodity Prices 330 183 On the occurrence of the jnltt in the Medinet Hahn festival lists see A Spalinger Medinet Habn and Deir ei-Medina Combined 311-2 ]84 Heick Das Bier 46 185 Even if the mnt was only 10 hin a jnltt would still be of a substantial size c 11-12 iitres Janssen Commodity Prices 434

N

CONCLUSION 61

number of potters assigned to the crew the size and content of the quota required every 10 days and the timing of deliveries The final section of my study also points to the potential flexibility of form size and function of the pots themselves

Although we can find implications in the potter texts for features of society beyond the village itself such as the specifie interpretation of bkw or the occurrence of vessels in royal festival calendars it must be borne in mind that the real value of the Deir el-Medina material lies in its potential to illuminate the lives of ordinary people in Ramessid Egypt For that purpose we need to attend most closely to the village context

Appendix The potters of Deir el-Medina Names of potters in documents relating to the delivery of ceramics

I

Names of potters in documents concerning matters other than the supply of ceramics

I 1 (Omek i Turin Strike Papyrus RAD 476 I

2 Khonsu bull O Turin 57192 1

3 Herunefer bull O DeM 73 rto 2

4 Paaeminet I O Berlin P 12343 vso 3

5 Bakenmut P Turin 2018 A rto la 5 rto IV 17 vso I 6 B rto II 4 D I rto 14 P BM 10068 vso V l3

6 Wenennefer P BM 10068 vso V 14

alence el that 1at the to the ticular thbny ar as I ) refer

ltional in line middotwpwt it was til the f The

1 41) rtoire within of the pes in ificant

likely poses tto be ~mple data of the

1 alter in the ial for

d and estrict rative ecord in the

rences

)U and

nssen

1 I Menna O IFAO 387 1 O Qurna 618i1 O DeM 91 1 O Berlin P 10840 vso 1

2 bull Nakhy I

O IFAO 3874 O DeM 914

3 I Ptahemheb O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O DeM 343 2 P Greg vso B 8 rto A11

4 Parahotep O DeM 868

5 Hori O DeM 868 O DeM 869

6 Herunefer O Cairo 25597 rto 3

7 Neferher O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O Cairo 25633 vso 2

8 Amennakht O DeM 44 rto 8

9 Dmek P Turin 2081+2095 rto 1

10 ltAhawy P Turin 1881 vso V 1 VI 7 VII 1 () Giornale of year 17 rto B II 2 P Turin 2018 A vso 1 12 B rto II 11 B vso II 17 P BM 10068 vso VI 25 P Turin 2014 rto 27-8 P BM 10054 vso II 9

62 POTTERS

Addendnm

Pierre Grandets Catalogue des ostraca hieratiques non litteraires de Deir el-Medineh IXbecame available just as this chapter went to the press This volume contains a number of important potter texts I have included them in the tables on pages 33-7 and provide a short account of them here

O DeM is the longest and most detailed potter account known to me I will be adressing the issues it raises in a further publication It records deliveries made by the potters Ptahemheb Parahotep Hori and Neferher for the months of I bt to I prt of a year 6 The title p qd occurs only in line I in reference to Ptahemheb but probably also covers the other individuals named Ptahemheb and Neferher are known from other potter accounts discussed in this chapter O DeM 869 also published by Grandet and dated to a year 6 records deliveries made by Hori of qbw and lbw vessels to Right Both Hori and Parahotep are not otherwise attested in the potter texts In O DeM 868 details of delivery are grouped according to individual potters In line 13 Neferher delivers vessels to Left (t rj smM this is the only statement concerning Right or Left in this text That four potters deliver during the same general period emphasizes the potential number of potters involved in delivery which is not generally apparent in many of the potter texts Ptahemheb and Neferher make deliveries on different days in IV bt The vessel numbers vary except for those delivered as the making good of deficits by Ptahemheb which are consistent sums (II 3-4) The vessels delivered include qbw and Ibw vessels as well as gy andjnlt this text therefore provides further evidence thatjnJtt vessels were part of the potters repertoire

Grandet follows Gutgesell in assigning a date in the mid-20th Dynasty to O DeM 868 and 869 19thMy assignment of a late Dynasty date to the other account ostraca of Ptahemheb and

Neferher (0 Cairo 25591 O Cairo 25633 and O DeM 343) is based on the record of Ptahemhebs deliveries in P Greg firmly dated by Janssen to the reign of Siptah186 Gutgesell places Ptahemheb in the 20th Dynasty on the basis of the occurrence of this name in P Turin 2006+ 1961 usually dated to year 29 of Ramesses 111 [87 The Ptahemheb in this text is not a potter and so is a different individual I propose that the late 19th Dynasty date of the other documents should therefore be retained and should also be adopted for O DeM 868 and 869

Further texts relevant to potters in Grandets volume include O DeM 877 in which a list of arrears in water supplies are measured in jnlt vessels O DeM 871-3 are sherds bearing the phrase mJ qd Grandet considers these phrases along with the phrase ml m-rJrt p-Jtm-nlr complete by the hand ofPahemnetjerthe priest on O DeM 870 as delivery marks inscribed on the pots themselves18S

186 Janssen Village Varia 115-6 187 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 252 309-12 188 Catalogue des ostraca IX 49-50

UNT

Marel

sectl Eil Die A Papyr Einwc zusHin Verw Angell besch~

Bei suchur wichtil Andre Vortei Juni 2( nicht-li recherc

Beirr allgem

bull Der MaXI

mieh Aufn Doni Sieh~

J Ja grap dazu

2 Sieht tause Peri Gutg Teil1 el ME Held Janss Histo

6 MeD Valb

g Venn Witnl II Ta

10 Ein P II Gutg 12 Allan 13 Held

Page 33: Woodcutters, Potters and Doorkeepers Service Personnel of the Deir El Medina Workmen

60 POTTERS

the fashion of hbny vessels (~[]~IlJ1J 0) (vso 5) This seems to express an equivalence between the two vessel types perhaps representing an addition or finish to the jn~lt vessel that increased its value Du Mesnil du Buisson speculated in his discussion of the hhnl vessel that the word related to hbny ebony t ruJ-Oi) and indicated a blackened colour or lustre to the vesseL I80 hbny also occurs as an annotation above the entries of jnit vessels for particular workmen in lines 8-12 of the recto The entry on line 13 (hhny n [ ]) may indicate that hhny vessels themselves were also delivered to the workmen named in the following lines So far as I know hbny vessels do not occur in other Deir el-Medina textsl8J These notations may also refer to some sort of finishing to the j nit vesseL

The inclusion of more unusual designations for the vessels certainly points to the exceptional nature ofthe delivery in O BM 50728 as does the entry of an amount ((i(w) of bJq oil (8) in line lOon the verso after the specification of 10 further jnlJl vessels for particular workmen (pJ WpWl

n plIO n jnlJt n tJ jst) Janssen observes that this oil was rarely used by the workmen as it was too expensive 182 It is possible that the text refers to the delivery of jnit vessels of bJq oil the references to quality therefore referring to the quality of oil rather than the vessel itself The designation hbny may be associated with this as welL

Complicating this analysis is the proposed large size of jnit vessels (discussed in section 41) which may account to some extent for its more restricted function within the vessel repertoire jnlJt vessels occur only rarely in the Medinet Habu festival calendar indicating that even within the temple their use was specialized ls3 The ealculation of the equivalence in contents of the vessels in O Gardiner 81 indicates that we are dealing with a set capacity for these vessel types in this text 184 If the capacity of a jnit was 53 hin or 255 Htres this would equate to a significant quantity ofbJq oil per person 185

O BM 50728 remains a puzzle Despite thc difficulties in interpretation it seems most likely that it records allocation of vessels possibly filled with oil or beer for festival or cultic purposes The careful documentation of such a distribution may also indicate that the vessels were not to be kept by the men perhaps only being used by them for the event and then returned to the temple A large size may serve to explain their more limited and specialized oecurrence in the data perhaps restricted to the religious sphere rather than playing a role in the domestic life of the villagers

In this instance contextual analysis of texts that seem to relate to ceramic deliveries can alter our understanding of these texts and illuminate the role and function of a vessel type in the community For vessels that were delivered more commonly we can observe the potential for flexibility in the classification systems these would repay further detailed study sectS Conclusion Analysis of the texts concerning pottery delivery leaves a number of questions unanswered and areas unexplored the limited number of sources available and problems inherent in them restrict their potential for interpretation However some insights into the organization and administrative structures of Deir el-Medina are fortheoming from the material Within the meticulous record keeping of the village the key theme seems to be flexibility This flexibility is apparent in the

180 Noms et signes 28 181 Janssen did not include them in his chapter on Vessels in Commodity Prices None of the references for the entry in the Wb II 487 has a Deir e1-Medina provenance 182 Commodity Prices 330 183 On the occurrence of the jnltt in the Medinet Hahn festival lists see A Spalinger Medinet Habn and Deir ei-Medina Combined 311-2 ]84 Heick Das Bier 46 185 Even if the mnt was only 10 hin a jnltt would still be of a substantial size c 11-12 iitres Janssen Commodity Prices 434

N

CONCLUSION 61

number of potters assigned to the crew the size and content of the quota required every 10 days and the timing of deliveries The final section of my study also points to the potential flexibility of form size and function of the pots themselves

Although we can find implications in the potter texts for features of society beyond the village itself such as the specifie interpretation of bkw or the occurrence of vessels in royal festival calendars it must be borne in mind that the real value of the Deir el-Medina material lies in its potential to illuminate the lives of ordinary people in Ramessid Egypt For that purpose we need to attend most closely to the village context

Appendix The potters of Deir el-Medina Names of potters in documents relating to the delivery of ceramics

I

Names of potters in documents concerning matters other than the supply of ceramics

I 1 (Omek i Turin Strike Papyrus RAD 476 I

2 Khonsu bull O Turin 57192 1

3 Herunefer bull O DeM 73 rto 2

4 Paaeminet I O Berlin P 12343 vso 3

5 Bakenmut P Turin 2018 A rto la 5 rto IV 17 vso I 6 B rto II 4 D I rto 14 P BM 10068 vso V l3

6 Wenennefer P BM 10068 vso V 14

alence el that 1at the to the ticular thbny ar as I ) refer

ltional in line middotwpwt it was til the f The

1 41) rtoire within of the pes in ificant

likely poses tto be ~mple data of the

1 alter in the ial for

d and estrict rative ecord in the

rences

)U and

nssen

1 I Menna O IFAO 387 1 O Qurna 618i1 O DeM 91 1 O Berlin P 10840 vso 1

2 bull Nakhy I

O IFAO 3874 O DeM 914

3 I Ptahemheb O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O DeM 343 2 P Greg vso B 8 rto A11

4 Parahotep O DeM 868

5 Hori O DeM 868 O DeM 869

6 Herunefer O Cairo 25597 rto 3

7 Neferher O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O Cairo 25633 vso 2

8 Amennakht O DeM 44 rto 8

9 Dmek P Turin 2081+2095 rto 1

10 ltAhawy P Turin 1881 vso V 1 VI 7 VII 1 () Giornale of year 17 rto B II 2 P Turin 2018 A vso 1 12 B rto II 11 B vso II 17 P BM 10068 vso VI 25 P Turin 2014 rto 27-8 P BM 10054 vso II 9

62 POTTERS

Addendnm

Pierre Grandets Catalogue des ostraca hieratiques non litteraires de Deir el-Medineh IXbecame available just as this chapter went to the press This volume contains a number of important potter texts I have included them in the tables on pages 33-7 and provide a short account of them here

O DeM is the longest and most detailed potter account known to me I will be adressing the issues it raises in a further publication It records deliveries made by the potters Ptahemheb Parahotep Hori and Neferher for the months of I bt to I prt of a year 6 The title p qd occurs only in line I in reference to Ptahemheb but probably also covers the other individuals named Ptahemheb and Neferher are known from other potter accounts discussed in this chapter O DeM 869 also published by Grandet and dated to a year 6 records deliveries made by Hori of qbw and lbw vessels to Right Both Hori and Parahotep are not otherwise attested in the potter texts In O DeM 868 details of delivery are grouped according to individual potters In line 13 Neferher delivers vessels to Left (t rj smM this is the only statement concerning Right or Left in this text That four potters deliver during the same general period emphasizes the potential number of potters involved in delivery which is not generally apparent in many of the potter texts Ptahemheb and Neferher make deliveries on different days in IV bt The vessel numbers vary except for those delivered as the making good of deficits by Ptahemheb which are consistent sums (II 3-4) The vessels delivered include qbw and Ibw vessels as well as gy andjnlt this text therefore provides further evidence thatjnJtt vessels were part of the potters repertoire

Grandet follows Gutgesell in assigning a date in the mid-20th Dynasty to O DeM 868 and 869 19thMy assignment of a late Dynasty date to the other account ostraca of Ptahemheb and

Neferher (0 Cairo 25591 O Cairo 25633 and O DeM 343) is based on the record of Ptahemhebs deliveries in P Greg firmly dated by Janssen to the reign of Siptah186 Gutgesell places Ptahemheb in the 20th Dynasty on the basis of the occurrence of this name in P Turin 2006+ 1961 usually dated to year 29 of Ramesses 111 [87 The Ptahemheb in this text is not a potter and so is a different individual I propose that the late 19th Dynasty date of the other documents should therefore be retained and should also be adopted for O DeM 868 and 869

Further texts relevant to potters in Grandets volume include O DeM 877 in which a list of arrears in water supplies are measured in jnlt vessels O DeM 871-3 are sherds bearing the phrase mJ qd Grandet considers these phrases along with the phrase ml m-rJrt p-Jtm-nlr complete by the hand ofPahemnetjerthe priest on O DeM 870 as delivery marks inscribed on the pots themselves18S

186 Janssen Village Varia 115-6 187 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 252 309-12 188 Catalogue des ostraca IX 49-50

UNT

Marel

sectl Eil Die A Papyr Einwc zusHin Verw Angell besch~

Bei suchur wichtil Andre Vortei Juni 2( nicht-li recherc

Beirr allgem

bull Der MaXI

mieh Aufn Doni Sieh~

J Ja grap dazu

2 Sieht tause Peri Gutg Teil1 el ME Held Janss Histo

6 MeD Valb

g Venn Witnl II Ta

10 Ein P II Gutg 12 Allan 13 Held

Page 34: Woodcutters, Potters and Doorkeepers Service Personnel of the Deir El Medina Workmen

CONCLUSION 61

number of potters assigned to the crew the size and content of the quota required every 10 days and the timing of deliveries The final section of my study also points to the potential flexibility of form size and function of the pots themselves

Although we can find implications in the potter texts for features of society beyond the village itself such as the specifie interpretation of bkw or the occurrence of vessels in royal festival calendars it must be borne in mind that the real value of the Deir el-Medina material lies in its potential to illuminate the lives of ordinary people in Ramessid Egypt For that purpose we need to attend most closely to the village context

Appendix The potters of Deir el-Medina Names of potters in documents relating to the delivery of ceramics

I

Names of potters in documents concerning matters other than the supply of ceramics

I 1 (Omek i Turin Strike Papyrus RAD 476 I

2 Khonsu bull O Turin 57192 1

3 Herunefer bull O DeM 73 rto 2

4 Paaeminet I O Berlin P 12343 vso 3

5 Bakenmut P Turin 2018 A rto la 5 rto IV 17 vso I 6 B rto II 4 D I rto 14 P BM 10068 vso V l3

6 Wenennefer P BM 10068 vso V 14

alence el that 1at the to the ticular thbny ar as I ) refer

ltional in line middotwpwt it was til the f The

1 41) rtoire within of the pes in ificant

likely poses tto be ~mple data of the

1 alter in the ial for

d and estrict rative ecord in the

rences

)U and

nssen

1 I Menna O IFAO 387 1 O Qurna 618i1 O DeM 91 1 O Berlin P 10840 vso 1

2 bull Nakhy I

O IFAO 3874 O DeM 914

3 I Ptahemheb O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O DeM 343 2 P Greg vso B 8 rto A11

4 Parahotep O DeM 868

5 Hori O DeM 868 O DeM 869

6 Herunefer O Cairo 25597 rto 3

7 Neferher O Cairo 25591 rto 5 O Cairo 25633 vso 2

8 Amennakht O DeM 44 rto 8

9 Dmek P Turin 2081+2095 rto 1

10 ltAhawy P Turin 1881 vso V 1 VI 7 VII 1 () Giornale of year 17 rto B II 2 P Turin 2018 A vso 1 12 B rto II 11 B vso II 17 P BM 10068 vso VI 25 P Turin 2014 rto 27-8 P BM 10054 vso II 9

62 POTTERS

Addendnm

Pierre Grandets Catalogue des ostraca hieratiques non litteraires de Deir el-Medineh IXbecame available just as this chapter went to the press This volume contains a number of important potter texts I have included them in the tables on pages 33-7 and provide a short account of them here

O DeM is the longest and most detailed potter account known to me I will be adressing the issues it raises in a further publication It records deliveries made by the potters Ptahemheb Parahotep Hori and Neferher for the months of I bt to I prt of a year 6 The title p qd occurs only in line I in reference to Ptahemheb but probably also covers the other individuals named Ptahemheb and Neferher are known from other potter accounts discussed in this chapter O DeM 869 also published by Grandet and dated to a year 6 records deliveries made by Hori of qbw and lbw vessels to Right Both Hori and Parahotep are not otherwise attested in the potter texts In O DeM 868 details of delivery are grouped according to individual potters In line 13 Neferher delivers vessels to Left (t rj smM this is the only statement concerning Right or Left in this text That four potters deliver during the same general period emphasizes the potential number of potters involved in delivery which is not generally apparent in many of the potter texts Ptahemheb and Neferher make deliveries on different days in IV bt The vessel numbers vary except for those delivered as the making good of deficits by Ptahemheb which are consistent sums (II 3-4) The vessels delivered include qbw and Ibw vessels as well as gy andjnlt this text therefore provides further evidence thatjnJtt vessels were part of the potters repertoire

Grandet follows Gutgesell in assigning a date in the mid-20th Dynasty to O DeM 868 and 869 19thMy assignment of a late Dynasty date to the other account ostraca of Ptahemheb and

Neferher (0 Cairo 25591 O Cairo 25633 and O DeM 343) is based on the record of Ptahemhebs deliveries in P Greg firmly dated by Janssen to the reign of Siptah186 Gutgesell places Ptahemheb in the 20th Dynasty on the basis of the occurrence of this name in P Turin 2006+ 1961 usually dated to year 29 of Ramesses 111 [87 The Ptahemheb in this text is not a potter and so is a different individual I propose that the late 19th Dynasty date of the other documents should therefore be retained and should also be adopted for O DeM 868 and 869

Further texts relevant to potters in Grandets volume include O DeM 877 in which a list of arrears in water supplies are measured in jnlt vessels O DeM 871-3 are sherds bearing the phrase mJ qd Grandet considers these phrases along with the phrase ml m-rJrt p-Jtm-nlr complete by the hand ofPahemnetjerthe priest on O DeM 870 as delivery marks inscribed on the pots themselves18S

186 Janssen Village Varia 115-6 187 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 252 309-12 188 Catalogue des ostraca IX 49-50

UNT

Marel

sectl Eil Die A Papyr Einwc zusHin Verw Angell besch~

Bei suchur wichtil Andre Vortei Juni 2( nicht-li recherc

Beirr allgem

bull Der MaXI

mieh Aufn Doni Sieh~

J Ja grap dazu

2 Sieht tause Peri Gutg Teil1 el ME Held Janss Histo

6 MeD Valb

g Venn Witnl II Ta

10 Ein P II Gutg 12 Allan 13 Held

Page 35: Woodcutters, Potters and Doorkeepers Service Personnel of the Deir El Medina Workmen

62 POTTERS

Addendnm

Pierre Grandets Catalogue des ostraca hieratiques non litteraires de Deir el-Medineh IXbecame available just as this chapter went to the press This volume contains a number of important potter texts I have included them in the tables on pages 33-7 and provide a short account of them here

O DeM is the longest and most detailed potter account known to me I will be adressing the issues it raises in a further publication It records deliveries made by the potters Ptahemheb Parahotep Hori and Neferher for the months of I bt to I prt of a year 6 The title p qd occurs only in line I in reference to Ptahemheb but probably also covers the other individuals named Ptahemheb and Neferher are known from other potter accounts discussed in this chapter O DeM 869 also published by Grandet and dated to a year 6 records deliveries made by Hori of qbw and lbw vessels to Right Both Hori and Parahotep are not otherwise attested in the potter texts In O DeM 868 details of delivery are grouped according to individual potters In line 13 Neferher delivers vessels to Left (t rj smM this is the only statement concerning Right or Left in this text That four potters deliver during the same general period emphasizes the potential number of potters involved in delivery which is not generally apparent in many of the potter texts Ptahemheb and Neferher make deliveries on different days in IV bt The vessel numbers vary except for those delivered as the making good of deficits by Ptahemheb which are consistent sums (II 3-4) The vessels delivered include qbw and Ibw vessels as well as gy andjnlt this text therefore provides further evidence thatjnJtt vessels were part of the potters repertoire

Grandet follows Gutgesell in assigning a date in the mid-20th Dynasty to O DeM 868 and 869 19thMy assignment of a late Dynasty date to the other account ostraca of Ptahemheb and

Neferher (0 Cairo 25591 O Cairo 25633 and O DeM 343) is based on the record of Ptahemhebs deliveries in P Greg firmly dated by Janssen to the reign of Siptah186 Gutgesell places Ptahemheb in the 20th Dynasty on the basis of the occurrence of this name in P Turin 2006+ 1961 usually dated to year 29 of Ramesses 111 [87 The Ptahemheb in this text is not a potter and so is a different individual I propose that the late 19th Dynasty date of the other documents should therefore be retained and should also be adopted for O DeM 868 and 869

Further texts relevant to potters in Grandets volume include O DeM 877 in which a list of arrears in water supplies are measured in jnlt vessels O DeM 871-3 are sherds bearing the phrase mJ qd Grandet considers these phrases along with the phrase ml m-rJrt p-Jtm-nlr complete by the hand ofPahemnetjerthe priest on O DeM 870 as delivery marks inscribed on the pots themselves18S

186 Janssen Village Varia 115-6 187 Gutgesell Die Datierung 20 Dynastie 252 309-12 188 Catalogue des ostraca IX 49-50

UNT

Marel

sectl Eil Die A Papyr Einwc zusHin Verw Angell besch~

Bei suchur wichtil Andre Vortei Juni 2( nicht-li recherc

Beirr allgem

bull Der MaXI

mieh Aufn Doni Sieh~

J Ja grap dazu

2 Sieht tause Peri Gutg Teil1 el ME Held Janss Histo

6 MeD Valb

g Venn Witnl II Ta

10 Ein P II Gutg 12 Allan 13 Held