The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Volume 7 | Issue 27 | Number 1 | Jul 06, 2009

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Women's Anti-Imperialism, 'The White Man's Burden,' and thePhilippine-American War

Erin Murphy

Women's Anti-Imperialism, 'TheWhite Man's Burden,' and thePhilippine-American War

Erin L. Murphy

At the Chicago Liberty Meeting in April 1899,organized to protest U.S. imperialist advancesin the Philippines, Jane Addams was the onlywoman of eight plenary speakers. There shestated, “To ‘protect the weak’ has always beenthe excuse of the ruler and tax-gatherer, thechief, the king, the baron; and now, at last, of‘the white man’” (Addams 1899). A few monthsearlier, in late 1898, the United Statespurchased the Philippines from Spain in theTreaty of Paris despite a preexist ingrevolutionary movement for independence.Subsequently, the Philippine-American Warbroke out, with Filipinos continuing to seek anend to colonial rule, be it the rule of Spain orthe United States. President Roosevelt officiallyannounced the war to be over on July 4, 1902,although fighting continued in some provincesthrough 1913.

With the U.S. military mobilized in thePhilippines, U.S. citizens mobilized anopposition movement in the metropole. TheAnti-Imperialist League (AIL), the vanguard ofthe movement, organized around theConstitutional contradictions of imperialismand democracy. Those eventually identifying as"anti-imperialists" included men and women,people of various “races,”1 conservatives andprogressives, elites and laborers, BostonBrahmins and rural populists. The initial goal ofthe movement was to stop the U.S. from taking

the Phil ippines as a colony. After theratification of the Treaty of Paris in the Senate,the AIL endorsed William Jennings Bryan as ananti-imperialist candidate for President in the1900 election, which yielded another defeat. Itthen appeared to many anti-imperialists thatthe U.S. was on an imperialist course thatcould no longer be stopped, so they droppedout of the movement. Those left focused on thenews of the U.S. military committing egregiousviolence in the Philippines and becamedetermined to expose such "atrocities" to thepublic. Women made material and symboliccontributions to this movement at home andabroad. However, their contributions have beenpreviously disregarded.

Anti-Imperialism and the White Man'sBurden

White men from privileged or well-knownbackgrounds represented the public face of theanti-imperialist movement, men such as: steel-magnate Andrew Carnegie, labor leaderSamuel Gompers, satirist Mark Twain, lawyer-activist Moorfield Storey, Charles FrancisAdams, Jr. (grandson of John Quincy Adams),Harvard philosopher William James, Yalesociologist William Graham Sumner, andreformers known for their connections toabolitionism, like William Lloyd Garrison, Jr.However, rank and file anti-imperialistsincluded many working-class whites, Black andwhite women, as well as Black men, all ofwhom disagreed with the path the UnitedStates was taking in the Philippines.

For example, in February 1899, McClure’smagazine published Rudyard Kipling’s poem

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“The White Man’s Burden: The United Statesand the Philippine Islands.” In the midst ofdebates over the United States’ involvement inthe Philippines, the poem spread quickly. In it,Kipling advised the United States to take itsplace alongside Great Britain and make thesacrifices necessary for the civilization of those“half devil and half child.” However, it was alsothe inspiration for many anti-imperialistcounter-poems, serving as a phrase for anti-imperialist ridicule because of contradictionsbetween violence and civilization.

“The White Man’s Burden (Apologies toKipling).” (Source: The Forbidden Book

(2004) ed. Ignacio et al.).

While anti-imperialists were carving out theorganization and its agenda, pro-imperialistswere there to oppose them at every turn. In herwork, Fighting for American Manhood (1998),Kristin Hoganson notes "imperialists deridedthe antis' manliness" (p. 175). Supporters ofimperialism did this through depicting anti-imperialist men in cartoons as the "aunties,"feminizing their opposition to the Philippine-American War. Feminizing anti-imperialists wasmeant to delegitimate their public influence onimperialist policies (Hoganson 1998).Hoganson (1998) states, "depicting men aswomen was the most effective way of showingthey lacked the manly character necessary forpolitical authority" (p. 176-177). But even forpro-imperialists, Anglo-Saxon men's supposed"adaptabil i ty," previously seen as so

advantageous for progress, now needed to bereconsidered in light of colonial contact with"savage" Filipinos (Newman 1999). Therefore,during the Spanish-American War and thePhilippine-American War, martial masculinityhegemonically redefined the relationshipbetween gender, race, and nation (Hoganson1998), emphasizing white men's independence.This put the masculinities of other white men,like anti-imperialists promoting cautiousness,in question with regard to their claims topatriotism and citizenship. Targetinggovernmental policies for change meant thatthe AIL’s main audience would be enfranchisedcitizens (i.e. in 1899, mainly white men), andpro-imperialists appealed to the same audience.Though formulations of it were contested, "thewhite man's burden" was inescapable.

"It Won't Come Down" Puck. Oct. 4, 1899.(Source: The Forbidden Book (2004) ed.Ignacio et al.). This image literally shows

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the tension between the nationalistmasculinities of the imperialists, embodied

in the physically large, strong, young,white soldiers, and the miniscule, olderwhite anti-imperialists, many dressed as

women, apropos the "aunties." Anti-imperialist men were called "old womenwith trousers on," "squaw men," the "'oldlady element' of public affairs," and were

said to resemble a "nagging wife"(Hoganson 1998,177).

The intersectionality of anti-imperialists' race,class, and gender informed their views (Collins2000). Therefore, there was no single coherentanti-imperialism. Rather, there were multipleanti-imperialisms. For example, in the contextof "the white man's burden" debates, anti-imperialist leaders had an ambivalent take ongender and on women’s roles as anti -imperialists. They spent little time discussingw o m e n , g e n d e r , o r t h e m s e l v e s a s"emasculated" men in their correspondence toeach other-- a function of their genderedprivilege (Kimmel 2006). Their anti-imperialismcame from a particular conception of their roleas responsible citizens, carrying out theirobligations to keep the nation true to itsdemocratic legacy. While they espousedfreedom, liberty, and self-determination, theypracticed patriarchal control of the resistance.While they tried to prevent the nation fromcommitting violence against racializedimperialist subjects, they kept Black men andwomen at the margins.

However, rejoinders to "the white man'sburden" filled the pages of Black publicationsin various forms of "the Black man's burden"(Gatewood 1975). Some Black men like CliffordH. Plummer, who was secretary of the NationalColored Protective League and an attorney inBoston, were involved with plans to form aBlack auxiliary to the AIL (Gatewood 1975),and more formed their own organizations suchas the "Colored National Anti-ImperialisticLeague"2 and the "Negro National Anti-Imperial

and Anti-Trust League" (Foner and Winchester1984: 167). Booker T. Washington wrote to theNew York AIL declaring his support of anti-imperialist efforts3 and publicly declared hisopposition given already existing "raceproblems" (Gatewood 1975). Kelly Miller, aprofessor at Howard University and a colleagueof W.E.B. Du Bois in editing The Crisis,authored a broadside (an extended pamphlet)published by the AIL which stated "The wholetrend of imperial aggression is antagonistic tothe feebler races. It is a revival of racialarrogance."4 The anti-imperialist analyses ofBlack men ranged from radical to moderate,but they were all rooted in critiques ofspreading race prejudice beyond the U.S. "raceproblems" (Gatewood 1975) with Indians,Blacks, and Chinese (Murphy 2005). Led by IdaB. Wells and the African American woman'sclub movement, the anti-lynching campaigns atthe turn of the 20th century were seen as anti-imperialism by these women, including AnnaJulia Cooper and Ida B. Wells (Carby 1985).

Although anti-imperialist leaders periodicallymade arguments comparing lynching Blackmen at home with torturing Filipinos in thecolony, their practices of exclusion reproducedinequalities across race, class, and genderwithin the movement. Anti-imperialist leadersappreciated and accepted the support ofwomen and women's organizations, but theywere not open to taking on gender inequalityalong with anti-imperialism, though Susan B.Anthony did seek the support of men in theAIL.5 Keeping gender politics off the tableenabled a s i tuat ion where genderedcontradictions could coexist, explicitly invokinggendered discourses only if immediate benefitswere clear.

Although many women supported anti-imperialism, most of the women directlyinvolved with the AIL were white and middle-class, a fact that enabled them to makemonetary contributions to the movement. Whitewomen from the Midwest and the East Coast

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formed auxiliary organizations of the AIL.6 Thewomen's auxiliary of the Boston AIL petitionedother women for support in 1899. Theyimplored, "We, women of the United States,earnestly protest against the war of conquestinto which our country has been plunged in thePhilippine islands. We appeal to the Declarationof Independence, which is the moral foundationof the constitution you have swore to defend,we reaffirm its weighty words."7 Other women’sorganizations such as the WCTU, the Congressof Mothers, and the Daughters of the AmericanRevolution (DAR) also took official anti-imperialist stances, offering the AIL support.8

WCTU leadership educated affiliated women oninternational affairs and violence in thePhil ippines, which they attributed toprostitution and liquor (Papachristou 1990).

Two extraordinary women, Jane Addams andJosephine Shaw Lowell, transcended theexpected roles for women of the AIL. Both ofthese white women acquired informalleadership positions as extraordinary"individuals" with valuable resources. Both hadprior experience as reformers, informing theiranti-imperialism and their style of activism,which was familiar to progressives. Addams is frequently listed as one of the AIL’smost well-known vice presidents. She lent hername to the anti-imperialist cause as well asspoke at the 1899 Chicago Liberty Meetingsagainst imperialism. In her speech, “Democracyor Militarism,” Addams opened, “None of uswho has been reared and nurtured in Americacan be wholly without the democratic instinct.It is not a question with any of us of having it ornot having it; it is a merely question of trustingit or not trust ing i t” (Addams 1899),illuminating from her standpoint as a middle-class white woman that democratic values weretaken for granted by US Americans. Therefore,she allowed anti-imperialists to use her socialcapital to support democracy.

In 1901, Josephine Shaw Lowell was the firstwoman appointed vice president of the New

York Anti-Imperialist League. Lowell had livedwith her husband in military camps during theCivil War. She subsequently devoted her life tophilanthropic and reform work in the New Yorkregion. Like Addams, she was a seasoned andconnected reformer when she took on thecause of anti-imperialism.9 As an anti-imperialist, Lowell was well into her 60s anddeeply involved in the New York AIL.10 Shegave opening and closing remarks at multipleAIL meetings.11 She had the most prolificcorrespondence with Ordway of any anti-imperialist, making suggestions as to the bestand most effective courses of action. Sheagitated for more protests and publicdemonstrations against imperialism,specifically requesting something akin to whathad been done during the abolitionistmovement.12 She favored gathering petitionsagainst imperialism in the Philippines withsignatures of prominent Americans, and theNew York AIL followed her preference.

However, Lowell was aware of the genderedpolitics around women's involvement in anti-imperialist activities. She believed that keepingher name off petitions and other public matterswould garner more support for anti-imperialismthan taking credit for her activities. Therefore,Lowell asked to have her name left off petitionseven though she had often conceived of andhelped to implement them.13 She also feignedignorance at how much money she wasdonating to persuade Ordway to take herfrequent and generous donations.14 Lowell'sperformance illustrates how she used herreformer experience as a subject and agent atthe intersection of her race, class, and genderin the service of anti-imperialism by supportingand exploiting the coexistence of genderedcontradictions.

Another woman who provided networks andlabor for the AIL was Mary Storer Cobb ofNorthampton, Massachusetts, where shehelped form a chapter of the AIL.15 Withevidence of atrocities being committed by the

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U.S. military in the Phil ippines, mostsensationally through the "water cure"16 tortureand "reconcentration" camps, the AIL agitatedpublic debate specifically on violence. This ledto a Senate Investigation on Affairs in thePhilippines (hereafter referred to as SIAP),which included lines of questioning on theviolence committed by the U.S. military.17

Cobb's unique contribution was preparingsoldiers to go before the SIAP.18 Her work wasbehind the scenes, yet crucial to the anti-imperialist campaign to expose violence in thePhilippines, which had been the central issuefor anti-imperialist women, regardless of race,from the outset.

Women in the Public Debate on Imperialism

Mainstream research on social movementstends to focus on a narrowly defined politicalarena, which often misses the contributions ofwomen made behind the scenes (Ferree andMerrill 2000; Taylor 1999), such as Cobb. Anti-imper ia l is t women frequent ly madeinterventions in the public debate throughpoems. Kipling's poem advising the U.S. on thePhilippines, "The White Man's Burden" (nowinfamous as a euphemism for imperialism),sparked a flood of anti-imperialist poems inresponse. At the turn of the twentieth century,poems were a legitimate public medium forboth women and men (Harrington 2002; Nelson2001). Contributing a poem to a public forumwas just as appropriate as a letter to the editorfor political expression, with newspapersallotting space specifically for the genre. Thepoems I select in this section directly respondto "the white man's burden" and demonstratethe author as a subject of prior experience andas an anti-imperialist agent.

Women, in particular, were more likely toexpress their political views through poems.The less direct format of poetic imageryallowed these disfranchised citizens a moreconventionally accepted but still public outletfor civic participation. One of these women,

Alice Smith-Travers, contributed the poem,“The White Man’s Burden” published in theBlack Indianapolis newspaper The Freeman,March 4, 1899, focusing on the horrors ofviolence and the "Judas"-like behavior of theUnited States. She wrote,

"'Take up the white man's burden!'That causes the heart to quakeAs we read again with horror,Of those burnings at the stake,

Of white caps riding in the night,And burning black men's homes,Of the inmates shot as they rushoutAnd the awful dying groans,

Of crimes that would outnumberThose in the foreign Isle,Committed by heath[sic] people'Half devil and half child.'

Then free those Filipinos[sic]people,From the accursed rule of Spain,And put on them the shackels [sic]Of a haughtier nation's reign.

With 'Judas' acts in every form,Conceivable by man,And the thirst for blood, and greedfor goldIs surely the white man's plan.19

Smith-Travers’ analysis shows her criticism of“civilization” and “the white man’s burden” asa subject produced through the experiences ofwitnessing violence as a Black woman in theU.S. Her clarity on the contradictions ofimperial ist v iolence, through irony,rearticulated imperialism as Anglo-Saxonistdisagreements over (rather than with)“civilization.” Additionally in 1899, AnnaManning Comfort, a leading white suffragist,connected the problem of the “white man’s

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burden” with lynching, treatment of Indians,and women’s suffrage in her poem “HomeBurdens of Uncle Sam.”20 By 1902, this line ofargumentation had been adopted (or co-opted)by the AIL in the campaign to expose violencein the SIAP.

As an organization the AIL also contributedpoems to the debate, including some authoredby women. In 1900, the New England AILpublished a volume entitled, Liberty Poems:Inspired by the Crisis of 1898-1900, whosepublication was underwritten by MaryPickering, a substantial AIL donor (Zwick2005).21 In total, the volume included 76 poems,with most written by anti-imperialist leadersand 13 authored by women.

Image 3. Liberty Poems: Inspired by theCrisis of 1898-1900. On the inside cover ofthis volume is a picture of a trench in thePhilippines, with dead Filipinos and U.S.

soldiers standing over them. Picture takenby author.

Expressing their standpoint in newspapers,women consistently highlighted the violencebeing committed in the Philippines and raisedthe question of women's suffrage, pointing outthe hypocrisy of (purportedly) spreading libertyabroad while disfranchising citizens at home.They expressed their indignation concerning

"the white man's burden" both as citizenswithout the vote and as women, many of themmothers, with a moral duty to show theirabhorrence for violence committed in the nameof liberty.22 However, these explicitly genderedanti-imperialisms were conventional women'sissues and outside of the formal agenda of theAIL. Therefore, they did not disrupt themasculinist practices of the organization, butthey did add another dimension to anti-imperialist debate.

Women's Monetary Contributions

Besides entering the public debate as womenwith criticisms of violence, women with anti-imperialist views were contributing monetarilyto the AIL. Between 1898-1902, the datesrecorded in the AIL ledger books, women gave$7,082, which was 29% of the total number ofdonations to the AIL's funds. Even moresignificant, in light of assertions of theirnoninvolvement and general inattention, is thatof the total AIL budget between 1898-1902,multi-millionaire Andrew Carnegie--whocontributed $1000 at a time-- contributed$4,400, which was 20% of the total funds, whilewomen's contributions totaled 33% of the AILfunds, and other men's contributions totaled$10,236, or 47% of the AIL funds.23

Given the relative unavailability of independentexpendable income for women during thisperiod, the fact that women gave more thantheir representative numbers demonstratesanti-imperialist women's deep concern andcorresponding mobilization over imperialism.This is an economic example of the rupturebetween gendered schemas and resources thatexemplifies masculinist ambivalence in the AIL,showing women's expanded role--nudgingalong their inclusion--despite the insistentexclusion of women's leadership in, or publicinfluence over, the AIL.

Women in the Philippines

Women also contributed to anti-imperialist

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activities from the Philippines. The wife of acaptain stationed in the Philippines first wroteback to a newspaper in the United States,breaking the story on the military's use of the"water cure" in cooperation with her husband.Together they thought it better for her toexpose the story as his wife than for him as acommissioned officer.2 4 This set anti-imperialists into a fury of investigationsregarding violence used by the military andgeneral conditions in the Philippines, leadingdirectly to their involvement in the SIAP.

One investigator informing the AIL was HelenCalista Wilson. In 1903, under the anonymity of"A Massachusetts Woman," she published herimpressions on the reconcentration policy whileon a fact-finding mission sponsored by a formeranti-imperialist executive committee member,F. Fiske Warren.25 Warren sponsored herindependently of the AIL, although herinformation aided AIL activities at home. Herinformation on the reconcentration policypublished in 1903 was the first informationavailable to the public demonstrating how themilitary operations in the Philippines wereaffecting the Filipino people, not justinsurgents. She later made more systematicanalyses of the policy, sending back reports tot h e S p r i n g f i e l d R e p u b l i c a n , u n t i lreconcentration was abandoned in 1906(Kramer 2006). As with Addams and Lowell, theAIL used her skills as an "individual" with theability to speak Spanish and network both withU.S. colonials, especially other stenographersand teachers, in the colony as well as eliteFilipino families.

One member of such a family, ClemenciaLopez, visited the United States as a guest ofthe AIL in 1902-1903 (Zwick 2001). She spoketo various groups across the U.S., specificallydisputing the idea that Filipinos were toouncivilized for self-government. She was livingevidence to the contrary according toinstructors at Wellesley College, where shestudied English and persuaded other women of

the importance of the anti-imperialist cause(Zwick 2001). Lopez spent almost two years inthe U.S. speaking on conditions in thePhilippines. Because the U.S. militarygovernment in Batangas had imprisoned threeof her brothers (Zwick 2001), she also made aspecial appeal to President Roosevelt on behalfof her family, which was submitted as evidencein the SIAP. In her farewell speech at aluncheon given in her honor by the AIL, shesaid,

"When I planned to return to mynative land it never occurred to methat my friends would gather to bidme farewell. Still less could I haveexpected that the gathering shouldbe presided over by the friend ofJohn Brown [Mr. Sanborn]; thatthe words of parting should fallfrom the lips of the son of theLiberator [Mr. Garrison]; that Ishould see among the guests thesecretary of Charles Sumner [Mr.Storey]; and that there should bepresent in propria persona thataged and honored paladin ofliberty, Gov. Boutwell. Thesenames became famous at a timewhen the victim was the blackman. Now it is the brown.26

Like other Filipino nationalists, she wasfamiliar with the history of racist exclusions ofU.S. democracy and understood theimplications for new racisms on democracy inthe Philippines under U.S. rule. As a woman,she was able to speak out in the U.S. withoutposing a threat, while her brothers wereconsidered enemies of the state. In this context,"masculinist ambivalence" served herparticular cause more than feminist politicsespousing gender equality could have (seeMurphy's (2009) "Women's Anti-Imperialism,The White Man's Burden, and the Philippine-American War: Theorizing Masculinist

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Ambivalence in Protest" in Gender & Societyfor the original article giving the theoreticalelaboration and application of masculinistambivalence).

Masculinist Ambivalence and ContentiousPolitics

The creative application of prior experienceinfluenced how anti-imperialists argued against"the white man's burden" and for democracyover time. Initially, the leadership of the AILargued over ideals of masculine citizenship,middle-class white women argued over theideals of civilization, Black men argued againstthe conflagration of race prejudice, and Blackwomen argued with the existence of civilizationas it was defined. Noting these differences isnot enough; these differences were relationallyconstituted through the experience of beinganti-imperialist as subjects constituted at theintersection of race, class, and gender. Afterthe defeat of Bryan in 1900 and a period ofshared anti-imperialist struggle, white menincreasingly adopted arguments over ideals ofcivilization and all anti-imperialist debatesfocused on violence such as those Black anti-imperialists had earlier espoused regardingviolence in the metropole (e.g. lynching) andviolence in the Philippines. Pro-imperialistsessentially won the debate over masculinecitizenship. Therefore, the more inclusive anddemocratically based arguments proved to bethe most robust for anti-imperialists over time.

The AIL struggled within the limits of genderedconceptions of citizenship and nation, ratherthan taking stances that posed challenges togender inequal i ty . I t d id , however ,acknowledge the utility of women’s resourcesand adopt their focus on violence. Although thewell-known anti-imperialist, Edward Atkinson,noted as early as 1899 that having influentialwomen in public leadership roles would bebeneficial for gaining the support of organizedwomen's groups in the U.S. (Hoganson 1998),and Herbert Welsh made efforts to obtain

women activists, mentioning to AIL president,Moorfield Storey, that reputable women wouldbe helpful for organizing other women,27 noorganized plans were made to involve womenas a group.

Despi te th is , over t ime women wereincreasingly granted the symbolic office of vicepresident of the AIL.28 Therefore, in 1909 acommittee was appointed to "consider thepropriety of inviting women to becomemembers" of the AIL (rather than theauxiliaries they had previously constituted).Following up at a meeting in 1910, howevere,the AIL deemed inviting women members"inexpedient" and continued their formalexclusion.29 Having been feminized by pro-imperialists, white anti-imperialist men faced akind of "double bind" (Einwohner et al 2000) offormally identifying with anti-imperialistwomen and further delegitimating anti-imperialism with the mainstream (althoughthey had already lost widespread support bythis time) and of not fully including women atthe risk of alienating them and losing theirresources. Although AIL leaders maintainedmale-domination as a strategic resource tosecure legitimacy, “Paradoxically, diversityoften increases the resources and power ofchallengers” (West and Blumberg 1990:21).This was recognized by some white anti-imperialist men but not fully embraced,ultimately limiting the appeal of the AIL. Just asthe long list of vice presidents was a symbolicmessage of anti-imperialists' social capital, sowas the official exclusion of women asmembers symbolic of who was qualified to bean "anti-imperialist" to those outside the anti-imperialist movement. Homosocial politicsbased on "the white man's burden" tightenedthe boundaries of exclusion around anti-imperialism, even as anti-imperialists struggledfor democracy.

Conclusion

Anti-imperialists creatively deployed gendered

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resources without reconciling genderedcontradictions. Masculinist norms were notdisrupted, if sometimes questioned, creating aspace where women's informal leadership wasacceptable for extraordinary individuals, whilewomen as a group were funneled into activitiesalready established as gender appropriate,such as planning anti-imperialist luncheons,hosting Filipino guests, and forming auxiliaryorganizations. Within the AIL masculinistambivalence stifled the possibility of explicitlygendered contentious politics opposingimperialism through informal inclusion ofwomen's resources (such as money, socialcapital, and cultural capital) and formalexclus ions of women's membership.Nevertheless, women were involved in the AILto such an extent that the AIL would not havebeen able to achieve many of its goals withoutthe monetary resources or the social networksof women. Women's contributions were key tothe successes anti-imperialists did achieve.

Erin L. Murphy, Department of Sociology,University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, isthe author of the "'Prelude to Imperialism':Whiteness and Chinese Exclusion in theReimagining of the United States." Journal ofHistorical Sociology (2005), 18:457-490, and"Women's Anti-Imperialism, 'The White Man'sBurden,' and the Philippine-American War:Theorizing Masculinist Ambivalence inProtest." Gender & Society (2009), 23:244-270.S h e c a n b e c o n t a c t e d a tmurphymc@ill inois.edu

See also

P a u l K r a m e r(http://japanfocus.org/-Paul_A_-Kramer/1745),Race-Making and Colonial Violence in the U.S.Empire: The Philippine-American War as Race

War.

P a u l K r a m e r(http://japanfocus.org/-Paul-Kramer/2685), TheWater Cure. An American Debate on tortureand counterinsurgency in the Philippines—acentury ago.

Recommended citation: Erin L. Murphy,"Women's Anti-Imperialism, 'The White Man'sBurden,' and the Philippine-American War,"The Asia-Pacific Journal, Vol. 27-1-09, July 6,2009.

Notes

1 I enclose race in quotes in the first referencehere to underline its socially constructed, time-dependent meaning.2 J i m Z w i c k .(http://www.boondocksnet.com/ai/peope/colored_ai_league.html) "Colored National Anti-Imperialistic League." JZ.3 Letter dated May 14,1901, Box 1, EO.4 K e l l y M i l l e r .(http://www.boondocksnet.com/ai/ailtexts/miller00.html) "The Effect of Imperialism Upon theNegro Race." Anti-Imperialist Broadside, No.11 (Boston: New England Anti-ImperialistLeague, n.d. [1900]). JZ.5 Letter dated Jan. 20, 1900, Box 1, EO.6 J i m Z w i c k .(http://www.boondocksnet.com/ai/people/illinois_womens_ail.html) “Illinois Women’s Anti-Imperialist League.” And “Women’s Auxiliary ofthe Anti-Imperialist League.” JZ.7 Women’s Auxiliary of the Anti-ImperialistL e a g u e .(http://www.boondocksnet.com/ai/ailtexts/wail0599.html) “Women Make an Appeal/In Behalf ofthe Foundation Principles of the Republic.”Springfield Republican, (May 30, 1899). JZ.8 MSLOC; EO; Record Book Vol. I, Anti-Imperialist League. MLC.

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9 Newspaper clipping, undated. Herbert WelshPapers, Special Collections, Hatcher GraduateLibrary, University of Michigan.10 Anti-Imperialist League Papers, SwarthmorePeace Collection, Swarthmore College.11 Letter dated October 19, 1899, Box 1, EO.12 Letter dated November 27, 1901, Box 1, EO.13 Letter dated January 10, 1902, Box 1, EO.14 The exact amount is unclear as the New YorkAIL ledger books are not included in any of thecollections. E.g., see letter dated January 25,1902, Box 1, EO.15 Jim Zwick. (http://boondocksnet.com/ai/wj/)“Suffrage and Self-Determination: Women inthe Debate About Imperialism.” JZ.16 The "water cure" was an ironic label. Thecontemporary “water curist” movementencouraged drinking a lot of water to improvehealth and wellbeing.17 Senate Investigation on the Affairs in thePhilippines. 1902. Congressional Hearings.18 Mary Storer Cobb Papers, MassachusettsHistorical Society.1 9 A l i c e S m i t h - T r a v e r s .(http://www.boondocksnet.com/ai/kipling/smith.html) “The White Man’s Burden.” The Freeman(Indianapolis) (March 4, 1899). JZ.2 0 A n n a M a n n i n g C o m f o r t .(http://www.boondocksnet.com/ai/kipling/comfort.html) “Home Burdens of Uncle Sam.” ThePublic 2 (May 13, 1899). JZ.21 Jim Zwick compiled “Ladies for Liberty:Women’s Poems Against Imperialism and War(http://www.boondocksnet.com/ail/lit/powems_by_women.html)” dedicated to Mary G. W.Pickering, who “paid the entire expense ofpublishing the [Liberty Poems volume].” JimZwick. “Ladies for Liberty: Women’s PoemsAgainst Imperialism and War.” JZ.2 2 A M o t h e r .(http://www.boondocksnet.com/ai/wj/wj_18990225a.html) “A Lament from Kentucky.” TheWoman’s Journal, 30 (Feb. 25, 1899). JZ.2 3 Ibid. These numbers come from mycalculations based on the information found inthe ledger books of the Anti-Imperialist League.

24 Correspondence from Herbert Welsh toStorey, January 31, 1902. MSLOC.2 5 H e l e n C . W i l s o n .(http://www.boondocksnet.com/ai/ailtexts/hcw.html) “A Massachusetts Woman in thePhilippines.” (Boston: Fiske Warren, 1903). JZ.2 6 C l e m e n c i a L o p e z .(http://www.boondocksnet.com/ai/vof/clopez03.html) “Reply by Senorita Lopez.” A FarewellLuncheon in Honor of Senorita ClemenciaLopez, October 5, 1903. (Boston: Fiske Warren,1904). JZ.27 Letter dated February 4, 1902, Box 1,MSLOC.28 Dissertation. MLC.29 Record Books of Anti-Imperialist League, Vol.4. MLC.

References

Addams, Jane. 1899. Democracy or Militarism.The Chicago Liberty Meeting: Liberty Tracts,Vol I. Central Anti-Imperialist League: Chicago.

Bederman, Gail. 1995. Manliness & Civilization:A Cultural History of Gender and Race in theUnited States, 1880-1917. Chicago: TheUniversity of Chicago Press.

Beisner, Robert. L. 1968. Twelve AgainstEmpire: The Anti-Imperialists, 1898-1900. NewYork: McGraw-Hill Book Company.

—. 1973. The Anti-Imperialist as Mugwump:Successes and Fai lures. in AmericanImperialism and Anti-Imperialism, edited byThomas G. Paterson. New York: Thomas &.Crowell Company.

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Pemberton, Caroline H. 1972 [1899]. Stephenthe Black. Freeport, New York: Books forLibraries Press.

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Archival Sources With Multiple Citations

EO, Edward Ordway Papers ManuscriptDivision of the New York Public Library.Ordway wasthe secretary for the New York based AIL.

MSMHS, Moor f i e ld S torey Papers ,Massachusetts Historical Society. Storey wasan anti-imperialist leader based in Boston, member ofthe AIL executive committee, and served asPresident after George Boutwell.

MLC, Maria Lanzar-Carpio Papers, SpecialCollections at Hatcher Graduate Library,Universityof Michigan, Ann Arbor. Lanzar-Carpio was adoctoral student at University of Michigan inPolitical Science through the Pensionadaprogram.

MSLOC, Moorfield Storey Papers, Library ofCongress, Washington DC.

JZ (http://www.boondocksnet.com/ai/), In JimZwick ed., Anti-Imperialism in the UnitedStates, 1898-1935. (Sept. 8. 2005). Zwickcompiled a significant online archive of anti-imperialist papers, which were available in2005 through Jim Zwick's now obsolete websiteboondocksnet.com.