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WOMAN IN ANCIENT SANSKRIT LITERATURE Devaky, E S. “Feminist Readings in Kalidasa's works ,” Thesis. Department of Sanskrit, University of Calicut, 2006.

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WOMAN IN ANCIENT SANSKRIT LITERATURE

Devaky, E S. “Feminist Readings in Kalidasa's works ,” Thesis. Department of Sanskrit, University of Calicut, 2006.

CHAPTER I1

WOMAN IN ANCIENT SANSKRIT LITERATURE

Diversity, the peculiarity of Indian culture, is seen not only in

language and customs, but also in all aspects of society. Therefore, it is

not easy to define or find a stereotype Indian woman in literature

because literature or society cannot be seen without connection,

influence or implication to each other. As such, the study of literature

cannot be done divorced from society in which it is produced. The

human relationship in a society depends upon the foundation of

economic relationship. The basis of Indian society has a history, which

has an antiquity of centuries. It has undergone modifications through

ages, not only in form but also in spirit.

India has a systematised society from ancient times, with a

documented history. The diversity of Indian society is the result of this

diversity of the basic principles like caste (varna) hierarchies, (girama)

(stages of life) and puvu~artha (aims of life) on which the society is

structured. The people are classified according to these principles.

Kalid~sa, being a strict follower of this system, pictured his characters

also based on this foundation. So to understand the position of woman

in the works of Kalidasa, the knowledge of this social structure is

necessary. Therefore, a study of this social structure and the picture of

woman in Sanskrit literature from the Vedas to Kalidasa are included in

this study.

Varna

Vaqza is the classification of people in society based on the

occupation or duties assigned to them.' Race, culture and character also

form the basis of vama apart from profession. In the 10" mandala of

8gveda (QV), which is believed to be of later origin, used the term

varna to denote social order or division into bmhmana, k~atriya, vaiSya

and Siidra, who had formed from the purusa. Among them Brdhmana2 was

respected and worshiped considering them as equal to gods and used

the epithets like bhiisura, mahisura3 etc. In later period, as people dealing

with intellectual activities, they entered into politics and began to

handle posts like ministers, royal priests etc. and to take active and

decisive role in administration of the country. Ksatriya were associated

with power and became kings or rulers. They were advised to abstain

from attaching themselves to sensual pleasures.' In later period, these

two classes, being the lawmakers, jointly laid down the laws, rules and

regulations, beneficial to them. VaiSya, the merchant class, like present

day, could command respect all the time, and controlled the reign, and

economy of the state. The Siidra, who formed the working class, serving

the other three classes, was in the lowest rung of the society and was

denied access to any intellectual activities. In addition to these there

was another class called antyajas, who according to Manu, were come

Bhagauadgeeta. IV. 13

MS I. 88 TSam. 1.1.33 MS. I. 89

'P.V. Kane, History of Dharmaiastra vol. I p 165.

out, as a consequence of pratiloma marriages who handled various

S&tras, arts and the like, but had no access to intellectual activities.

Another principle helped to shape Indian society is adrama. Varna

is the base of social order whereas girama is the rules to be followed in

an individual life. The life span of an individual is divided generally

into four stages viz. brahmacarya (studentship), garhasthya

(householdership), vanupvastha (forest life) and sanyasa, (renunciation).

Non-remaining in any of these adramas was considered as sinful. This

&ama system attained a divinity during smrtis when it was made the

duty of every individual to follow it1. This fourfold scientific staging

was introduced for the proper utilisation of human resources in all

spheres, beneficial to the individual, society and the state as well.

Brahmacarya is the period of education in the life of an individual

and was framed according to the caste system to prepare the individual

for a disciplined personal life. In grhasthlTs'rama, the second and the

most important stage, a person enters to the family life2. Marriage was

regarded as a sacrifice and one who did not enter the married life was

considered as not perfect'. This stage is also considered as for enjoying

the worldly pleasures4. To avoid the misuse of this, some social

' M S V.1.92

M S . 11. 595 ABr. 11. 2. 2. 6. 7

4 R V . I. 8

obligations or yajfias benefiting the society were also introduced during

the Vedic period. After enjoying worldly pleasures in accordance with

dharma, one enters to the vanaprastha, preparatory stage of

renunciation. In that stage he has to control emotions, mind and body.

Sanyasa was intended to develop the attitude of detachment.

Following this tradition, Kalidasa also had much respect to

g~hasthairama. All of his heroes are householders. Though he depicts his

heroes as followers of this four &ramas, he is partial to this DSrama.

Kings had occasion to enjoy all the pleasures of worldly life. In KS,

Kalidasa depicts ~ i v a , an ascetic, as in this stage, whose conjugal life

was exalted and performed his duties perfectly as a householder. He

describes ascetics like Kanva and Gautami also as possessing emotions

and attachments of a householder. Kalidasa was much attracted by this

stage of life and was an upholder of the second aSrama as is seen in

RaghuvamSa (RV), where Raghu, his ideal hero lives in a cottage near the

kingdom, even during his vanaprastha.

Another leading principle of Indian society is the concept of

purusarthas or aims of life. They are four in number-caturvarga. They are

Dharma, Artha, Kama and Moksa. The first three constitute Trivarga.

Dharma or righteousness is a mode of life or code of conduct, which

regulates activities of a person as a member of the society and as an

individual and is the foremost, acceptable, and the most important,

among the four, any lapse of which affects life adversely. Kalidasa

depicts it in AbhijfiiinaSakuntala (SK) , first canto of RV and in the story of

Agnivarna. Ancient Indians recognised wealth and acquiring of wealth

as an end of human life and accepted artha as a puru~iirtha, insisting the

right way of earning and disbursing of it. Kalidasa in RV' states

'tyagiya sambhytiirthiinnm'. Desire or Knma is recognised as an aim of life

considering the necessity of the fulfilment of desires. Although, Mok~a is

praised as the supreme puru~irtha, Kalidasa does not favour it.

Samskiiras

Every stage of progress and change in the life of an individual

was celebrated as a religious ritual to ensure participation of family

members and society as well. These are known as ~odaSasarnskiiras,

jiitaknrma to antye~ti, covering the period from birth to death revealing

the social consciousness of the ancient Indians. It had begun during the

time of the Vedas, with laid down rules, which established during GS,

and got a divinity during smytis.

Kalidasa and varnlrSvarnadharrna

Kalidasa who was attracted by these traditional values and

principles had employed all these in his works. In the prologue to his

RV, he gives a short account of this and its application through the

description of the life of Raghu dynasty. RV being a mahakiivya he had

ample opportunity to include his vision of life in it. In RV, Kalidasa

draws a sketch of the ideal king, as he being the head of the nation and

is concerned with all the persons and activities from hut to palace could

represent a cross section of the society. The sixth Slob in RV

summarises the principles of varndiramadharma. The indeclinable 'yath~',

meaning in accordance with, was used to denote his activities according

to varna and dsrama. In the next Slob, he summarises the concept of four

'puru~drthas' through the example of the king, who acquires wealth for

charity, and speaks in deliberate manner preserving the vow of the

truth, who marries for begetting sons etc. Kalidasa expressed protection

of varnriSramadharma, as the duty of the king, through the words of Sits.'

The punishment for violation of varnadharma is exemplified through the

episode of Sambaka, which was justified as part of the protection of

varnadharma. Four lrSramas and duties thereof are given in the Slob2:

~aiiave 'bh yas tavidy~nam yauvane vigayai~inam, Vardhake munivrt t inam yogenante tanu tyajdm.

Kings got proper education in the childhood, enjoyed life in

youth, after fulfilling their duties adopted forest life and in the end, in

the fourth stage, abandoned the physical body through yoga and

attained samadhi. He accounts the principle of caturvarga in the S lob3

Jugopdtrnanarnatrasto bheje dharrnarnanaturah, Agydhnurlidate so'rtharnasaktah sukharnanvabhiit.

' RV. XIV. 67 RV. I . 8

RV. 1.21

He asserted the importance of this caturvarga through examples

and punished those who not employed them properly. Rama, who was

punished for over depending dharma, by loosing his conjugal life is one

among them. He depicted Agnivarna as a victim of over longing for

kiima and as a punishment he could not fulfil the duty through

pancamahnyajfias and expiate his family from sins. He praises Aja for

fulfilling his duties properly and enjoying life thereafter.

But the very interesting question is how this system was

applicable to in the case of women. Kalidasa depicted the women

characters also as abiding to these rules, but tried to point out the

drawbacks of the theory and its application. Women also were divided

according to varna. But duties assigned to them differ as they are

considered as equal to s'iidras. So they had no right to initiation and no

participation in ritual or social life. Women's access to the Vedas and

other authoritative texts had undergone changes or revision. They were

allowed to take vow for the welfare of their husbands. This changed the

position of women. Though there were examples of women R~is as

composers of hymns, in later period women were barred even from

hearing the Vedic mantras, and during smytis women pictured as

dangerous creatures, which blocked them educationally. These resulted

in sealing of the fate of women socially and culturally. Gradually she

was allowed to participate in bhakti or devotion to deities. In

VikramorvaSiya (VIK) and SK there are examples of this worship of gods,

but not of Vedic rituals. Even senior ascetics like Aditi did not use

Sanskrit as a medium. However, there is direct reference to women's

participation and studentship or brahmaca ya in the Vedic and post the

Vedic literature. The passage1 in Atharvaveda (AV) "brahmacaryena kanyd

yuvgnam vindate patim" (a maiden wins a young husband through

brahmaca y a . ) points to this.

As already stated Kalidasa is an ardent worshiper of the Vedic

tradition. He wrote his works in accordance with the rules laid down in

traditional law books. He quotes AV, MS and so on. He acknowledged

this indebtedness in the line "Sruteriv~rtham ~rn~tiranva~acchat"~, which

points his favour to Sruti and smyti. His works are like illustrations of

the traditional rules. But he also utilises this to criticise the bad aspects

of smyti. So it is helpful to go through these texts to understand the

history of the treatment of woman in Sanskrit literature. These rules

might have undergone periodical reformations to suit the situation,

which made changes in the spirit also.

The Vedic Literature

Among the available texts, the most ancient one is the RgV. It is

in the form of hymns invoking deities, the personified forms of nature.

In the later period, they were used for rituals. AV is another text to deal

with the rituals. So the material for the study of the position of women

' AV. XI.15.18 RV. 11. 2

is very limited in it. Yajurveda (YV) and Siimaveda (SV), which are

considered as ceremonial collections, mainly deal with ritual aspects.

RgV and AV being forerunner of later literature are relevant here.

The Vedas

RgV being hymns invoking gods for help in private and public

life of individual and society does not supply materials worth regarding

the status of women. There are prayers for long life with children and

grand children, securing wives and welfare of family.' They also prayed

for the destruction of demons, which killed offspring.' The position of

women can be judged based on the freedom they enjoyed in the society

in different stages of life. - as a child, a wife, a mother and old age. In

literature only two stages, as wife and mother, were only depicted, first

and last were usually ignored.

The Vedic period is a stage when men lived a life of nomads.

Naturally, they prayed Indra for warrior sons to protect them, from the

attack of wild animals and other settled people, and to refine the

uncultivated land - suvivyasya patayah syama - and Indra the warrior god

became prominent. Heroic sons were regarded as boons conferred by

gods. But there are stray references to the birth of a daughter also. The

birth of a daughter was not condemned and was protected by father

and brother, cared by the mother but was not regarded as equal to son.

' RgV. I X . 67.9.11 and AV. VIII. 35.10. 83. RgV. I X . 162.

So it can be assumed that the position of a girl or daughter was not very

low. Vivasva says to Manu: 'putrind vd kumdrind viSvamdyuvyaSnuta ~ b h a

hiranyapeSasdl ' and Bharadvaja states: 'bahvindm pitd bahurasya putrah1.2

Brother was considered as the protector and sister as mangalaerini of

brother-kim b h m a sat yadandtham bhavati kimu svasyd

yannir~tirnirgacchet.~ Female gods were generally considered as sisters.

RgV also gives reference to women in battle.' She was depicted as

strong, brave, bold, having no enemies and also conquering enemie~.~

Woman mind was not conq~erable.~ In YV, epithets like lioness,

conqueror of enemies, not sorrowful etc were used7 It gives a picture of

Indrani proud in her victory, wants to recognise her strength by Indra

and also as the source of strength of Indra.8

In the Vedic period the status of education was much higher than

that of later period. Rsis like Lopamudra, ViSvavara, Ghosa etc. were

stated to be as composers of hymns9 and regarded as rsis or Seers.

Name of these were preserved in later literature also surviving all

alterations. This is a proof for brahmacarya and women education during

that period. But it is not easy to determine the exact nature of education.

AV states the need of education for both girls and boys. They performed

' RgV. VIII. 31 .8 = RgV. VII. 75 .5

RV.X.lO. 11 4RgV.X.34.8-9,X.35.8,X.145.1andRVX.86.10; RV.X.151.3-4, RVI . 118.8,1.116.15,

RgV. V.30.9

RV X. 159, YV. XI. 55-56. RV. I. 113. 19 RgV.VII. 33. 17, X. 95. 15 YV. V. 10, X. 26, XIII.16 RgV.VII1. 8. 1 7 RgV. V.28, X.39

sacrifice1and a hymn describes the sacrifice by wives for the welfare of

their husbands in battle.2 The picture of girls in youth is given in the

hymns of Usas. They are pictured as marching in the sky without any

hesitation inspiring the mind of all living beings. The freedom to move

in society is evident in the description of Samand where one beautiful

maiden going to Samand well dressed and well decorated was depi~ted.~

Goddess Usas was also compared to maiden going to Samand. Stirya, as

a lover, follows Usas. The water flowing according to wind was also

compared to them.5 The word Samand was used in the sense of assembly

(sabhd), social gathering or battle (samgrdma) and festival (utsa~a)~. So it

can be concluded that women were allowed to move freely in battle,

assembly and festivals. In early primitive days, women were free and

could act and move, as they like. They were free from restrictions and

not confined to the house. She could have relation with any body they

liked which was stopped by ~vetaketu, son of Uddalaka.

The episode of UrvaSi and Purtiravas in RgV is an example for

marriage by periodical contract. Marriage is a decisive event in the life

of a woman as it regulates her activities. The main question in this is

how the interest of partners was protected. RgV contains stories of

marriages of their own will as well as arranged marriages. Vimada or

Cyavana syavasva carried Kamadru, daughter of king Pusyamitra

' RgV VIII. 91.1 AV. 11. 1. 177 RgV. X. 86.10

RgV.IV. 58.8

RgV X . 168.27 RgV. IV. 58.7

away with the help of ASvins.' Sfirya daughter of Sun chose ASvins as

the bridegrooms, since she was allowed to choose her bridegroom

avoiding Soma, who desired to marry her. RgV contains a statement

suggesting that the best method of selection of mate is svayamvara and

considers that bride, who selected her mate in an assembly is bhadrn.' In

that ordinary village life, there was opportunity for the youths to meet

and enjoy the company of each other, in various places of festivals and

fairs and the most popular type of marriage by selection of mate by

themselves was possible, where mutual attachment and free choice

were generally a p p r ~ v e d . ~ However, in all types of marriages, mutual

love of the couples was believed to be the base of married life rather

than how they were united and such couples were known as dampati.

The word dampati, in dual, both as a unit, constitute the lord of house

and denotes this unity in society. But in every case once united they

wished it to be lasting and should be consecrated. The nuptial rituals

were intended to impart sanctity to this relation. This necessitated the

religious rituals, which included social, biological and religious aspects,

intending the enrichment of individual, family and race inevitable.

Later, with the progress of civilisation, the rituals, which were simple

initially, became complex in nature.

Kalidasa lived in a developed ceremonial age. He, accepting this

Vedic tradition, describes the ceremony in his Kumdrasambhava (KS)

following the AV tradition in marriage. The marriage was conducted in

' RgV. I . 116.1 R g V X.27. 17

RgV . X.27.17

the bride's house. Accordingly, father receives the bridegroom and

presents silken rob and ornaments to the bridegroom.' But in RgV it is

to the bride by the bridegroom. Then she steps upon a stone (agmliroha),

which symbolises stability of the relation and long life of the bride.2 The

bridegroom becomes astonished on the sight of decorated bride 3. Then

describes the important ceremony of grasping the hand of the bride by

the bridegroom.'(plinigrahana) promising to cherish her5. Another ritual

was llijahoma, (pouring of fried grains to the fire) which was intended to

the long life of bridegroom. There was a prayer to dispel the evils in the

bride6. It is avoided in KS and thus dignified the status of woman. The

husband and wife constituted a unit. The nuptial hymn points to the

duties towards each other. Then comes benediction by the people

present there restoring the concord between a man and wife to be

superior, not to be divided, accomplishing together, moving on with

joint labour, come higher, seeking what is agreeable to one another and

remaining like minded.l Absence of saptapadi, a ritual, where

bridegroom leads the bride through seven steps, which symbolically

represents seven different stages of life viz. food, strength, vratas,

friendship, welfare of domestic animal, increase of wealth and benefit of

seven priests in husbands family, is noticeable. Saptay~is represent the

AV. XIV. I. 4, K S . VII.72-73 AV. XIV. I. 4-5,47 AV. XIV.1. 59, KS. VII. 74 KS. VII. 75

S A V. XIV. 1.4-51 AV. XIV. 2.59-69 KS. VII. 83

seven priests.' Kalidasa avoided this as not to separate Parvati from her

house.

Svagotrad bhrasyate nari vivahad saptame pade,

Panigrahanamatrasfu niyatarn daralak+anam.

During dhruvadariana bride has to recite a mantra- dhruvam

paiyami prajamvindeya iti.3 But, now the bridegroom himself recites this

pointing to the deterioration in the status. Then they go to the

bridegroom's house.4 Kalidasa is silent about the rituals thereafter.

There was a nuptial oath of oneness. She is the partner in the duties of a

man. Marriage is important as the beginning of a family life, where

husband and wife has to share the duties, struggles and ideals. The

main aim of a marriage was this co-operation as a companion

(Sahadharmini). There was a practice, stressed during the time of

marriage by the bride's father. 'Dharme ca arthe ca h m e ca na

aticaritavyeyam' -on this condition that the bridegroom should not

supersede her in dharma (duty, or justice) artha, (wealth), and in hma

(desire) the three aims of life. The bridegroom himself had to repeat

thrice the promise 'ndbhicarami'. These rituals with slight changes are

seen in AV also. In SK Kanva warns Dusyanta keeping this in mind.

The ceremony ends with the presenting of the nuptial garment to

WVA. P.107 YS. VIII. 78 SGS. 1.17. 4 ,

AV. XIV. I. 60

brfihmana priest to drive away the demons and then his benedictions on

them.

Kalidasa followed this and made valid the relationships of

Purtiravas and UrvaSi and ~akuntala and Dusyanta introducing a priest

in the end. Girls on failing to find a worthy husband had to pass their

life in their house.' Evidences in the text show that marriage assured

honourable position to wife. The husband was advised to respect her

and honour her2. However, the wife was to be obedient to husband and

subservient to his will.

Maternity, it was believed, would make a woman perfect and

honourable especially by heroic sons. This concept can be seen in a

hymn3 Indrani expressed her proud on her victorious heroic sons.4 The

woman, who produces great sons, attains the status of mahisi.' Lack of

son was considered equal to poverty. In RV Sudaksina is a mahisi. The

life of widow was not pitiable. Restrictions and austerities were lesser

than later period. She could marry younger brother of husband with the

permission of elder^.^ During RgV burial of widow was not prevalent

because before the burial of the dead husband she was removed by his

brother, servant or other relatives and after seeking permission of the

diseased, she could marry one of them she liked. K~lidasa did not

picture a widow ultimately separated from husband.

' RgV. 111. 55-58 AV. XI. 1.42-43

RgV.VII1. 20.5 , RgV. 11. 32. 7

RgV. X. 159.9 AV. I1 36. 6

6RgV.X.40.2,X. 16.8,X.40.12

No clear reference to property right of woman is seen in RgV. The

presents received at the time of marriage were sent along with the wife

to the husband's house. Husband being the legal guardian, guarded the

wealth also. Evidences from nuptial ceremony revealed that in a family

life husband and wife shared all the religious, social, and familial

responsibilities. In that age, uncultivated land, sons and animals like

cow were considered as wealth and the right of property might not be a

problem. The need of the period was protection from animals, enemies

and natural calamities.

Generally, monogamy was practised. Hymns like that of

marriage indicate this and also permanent union, relationship and

common interest. But there is a hymn related to marriage assuring strict

monogamy of husband.' But divorce was not referred to in the text. In

later part of RgV, polygamy was referred to. The tenth mandala contains

hymns winning husband, conquering CO-wives2. But in language and

spirit it corresponds to the Sanskrit of later period. Taitiriyasamhitd

(TSam) gives explanation to this.3 In the early times, polygamy might

not have been very common. When Aryans were well settled and

luxury became a part of their life, polygamy became a fashion and

symbol of greatness. During the medieval period, polygamy was very

popular especially among the ruling class.

Reference to polyandry can be seen in RgV in the description of

the marriage of Sorya with ASvins. The marriage of Maruts is another

RgV. 79.2

RgV. X. 145. 1, X.51. 1 TSam. VI. 6 . 4 . 3

example. But it is clear that in all such cases, the brothers only were

chosen as husbands. This might have intended to ensure economic

stability and personal unity in the family. The concept of devadasi in its

germinal form can be seen in RgV. Description of well-dressed Usas, as

professional dancers, also can be mentioned as example.

AV contains some additions like charms and incantations from

birth to death, such as for begetting child, dispelling of evil spirits etc.

The purpose of AV appears to be for seeking blessings and curse. Value

of wife was decided according to the amount of dowry and was

considered as complementary to each other.' AV contains a charm by

the bride and bridegroom for the harmony in life2 and a promise by

bride to adhere monogamy and pray for concord between husband and

wife. Burning of wife with husband3 and remarriage of widows4 were

also referred to. The existence of polygamy is evident from the

witchcraft performed against the rival wife5 and remarriage of woman

from the description of r i t ~ a l s . ~ Courtesans and a society accepting the

son of a maiden (Kanina) indicating a tolerant society, not implementing

strict moral codes on the lapse on the part of woman were also referred

to. However, in spirit AV points to deterioration in the position of the

woman than RgV.

' AV. XIV. I. 3, VI. 7, VII. 36-37, XIV. 6 -13 and RgV. V. 17-20 RgV. V. 79.2 AV. XVIII. 2. 35,2.23 AV. IX. 5.27-28 AV. 111. 18. 1 AV. IX. 5.27-28

The Brahmanas

The Brdhmana literature is mainly concerned with rituals and its

application in sacrifice. So they give some information, on the treatment

of women in rituals and on the issue of the status of woman of that

period. The importance of son, avoiding daughters and charms for

getting sons as seen in AV and eschatological ideas developed during

the Brdhmanas gave rise to the belief that on default of offerings by sons,

the soul of departed will wander restlessly as a ghost. To avoid this and

to ensure a permanent position to it among the ancestors they

concentrated their attention to obtain sons. This enhanced the

importance of son and began to lower the position of women socially

and religiously and also affected their participation. Participation of

wife in rituals confined mainly to that intended for getting sons.

Aitareyabriihmana (Abr) discussed about the role of women in sacrifices

and concluded the eligibility of widower to perform sacrifices.'

Maitrdyanisamhitd (Msam) considers woman as equal to major evils like

dice and drink and prohibited them from going to assembly.' ABr and

Kau~itakibrahmana (KBr) attributed women teachers as possessed of

Gandhar~as.~ Officiating priests got importance in sacrifices and king

became the ruler, which was the beginning of woman oppression.

Sacrifices like riijasaya and aivamedha came into practice. There is clear

--

' A B r . VII. 9. 10 MSam. IV. 76.A, V. VII. 384

A B r . 5.29, KBr. 11. 9

reference to prohibition of marriage between upper class and lower

class'. ~ata~athabrtihmana (SBr) refers to the initiation of women2

Wife was considered as half of the husband and man is

incomplete with out his wife. She was an inevitable partner in sacrifices

and she had to play an active part in sacrifices intended for progeny.

Kings followed polygamy. Several names of wife are used, designating

the roles, as mahi?it3 patni etc.

In short, Brdhmana literature existed in a period when the growth

of ritual and social conditions began to limit the scope of woman's life.

However, she, as a wife, was considered as partner in religious life and

not merely an object of pleasure. Thus, Brahmana literature reflects to a

period of transition in the position of woman from the Vedas to GS.

The Vedas form the literary heritage of India. It reflects the basis

of thoughts, culture, values and aspirations. This being a creation of an

age without suffocation upheld a society where individuals in society

lived cordially. They fearing attack from people outside and nature,

prayed for protection, strength, progeny, wealth and long life. Girls also

were protected from attacks, given freedom for sacrifice, activities and

selecting mates. Parallel to these pro-woman practices, the seed of anti

woman thoughts were also developing during that age, which can be

seen in the Vedas. Thus, sons were getting importance during Rg vedic

period. The theory of three debts was begun its evolution during this

' Vsam. XXX. 6 SBr. I. 3. 1. 12-1

SBr. I. 31. 4

period. A son was called gzacyuta.' This denotes the concept of putra as

saver from eternal hell by expiation of parental debts both civic and

economic. Thus begetting of sons became a sacred duty binding on

every individual. A woman who gave birth to a son was raised to the

status of M a h i ~ i - s u v d n d pu t ran m a h i ~ i bhavati gatvd pa t im subhaga virdjatu.'

Mother of heroes was encouraged and was a proud to women. ~ a c i ,

who was proud of her heroic sons, who killed enemies, states: mama

putrah iatruhanak3. This concept though evolved in the Vedas prevailed in

later literature also, but the notion changed.

Iflyamano vai brflhmanastribhirnavan jayate,

Brahmacaryena ~ ~ i b h y o yajfiena devebhyah prajayfl pitlbhyah.4

But it is a fact to be noted that it was the necessity of that age.

Later male reformers misused this concept explaining it as favourable to

them and laid down rules. Resultantly, like all other patriarchal society,

father became the authority. Mother was in charge of household affairs,

evidenced by the use ' jayedastam'. The joint family system with parents,

children, their spouses and grand children existed. The marriage hymn

wished the bride to be sdrnrdjgi, the queen of the house of husband. This

was later explained as pleasing all the members of the house.

The concept of chastity was also evolved during this age of RgV

itself. She was loved and advised to love, sweet spoken, never opposing

'RgV. 142.6 AV. 11. 36. 3

3RgV. X. 159.3 4TSarn. V.3.10.5

to husband- anavadyd patiju~teva ndri.' In AV, there is a similar

statement. 'patyanuvratd bhiitvd sannahya svdmritaya kam'. However, in

the history of the status of Indian women this age represents as the

brightest one. There, generally women in all spheres of life were

respected. Moral failure on the part of woman was not considered as a

sin attracting a severe punishment. Unlike in later period, gods were

not pictured as partial to men, but showed anger in the faults of men

and women equally.' Kalidasa adopted this idea and applied in SK,

insisting equal punishment for both ~akuntala and Dusyanta, for their

moral faults and made them repent on it.

The Upani~a ts

Upani~adic period represents a period of mass education, where in

the qualification of the students no differentiation in caste or gender

was considered. Upanisats are the treatises of theosophical discussion

delivered by teachers to the pupil. They are more than 1500 in number.

Among the famous ten Upani~ats, only few like Chdndogya,

B~haddranyaka and Kena contain even stray references to women.

Importance of Upani~ats in this study is that they belong to a period

between the ritualistic AV and Brdhmanas and social law books.

Blhaddmnyakopani~at (BrU) of Yajurvedic School contains proof for

women education and their participation in philosophical teachings and

discussions. Chandogyopani~at (ChL.0 of Samavedic School and

Kenopani~at (KU) also acknowledges the women participation in

discussion about highest spiritual truth of life. Stories also can be seen

giving the social conditions of that period.

ChU contains eight chapters. In first chapter, there is a description

of marriage rituals, which is almost similar to that of Brahrnanas and GS.

There are stories like that of Janasruti, Satyakamajabala, Gargi, Maitreyi,

Uma Haimavati, which reveal the social condition of that period.

JanaSruti, a Siidra, desirous of knowing about Brahman, approached

Raikva, a Brahmin. He presented a chariot and two mules, cows etc.

and revealed his desire. But Raikva refused. Then JanaSruti offered his

daughter in marriage to Raikva by which he consented to. Then Raikva

instructed through her, who was to be his wife1. This is a proof for the

entry of woman especially belonging to Siidra to studies and also to the

change in the status of woman through marriage.

Another story of Satyakamajabala reveals the condition of a slave

woman belonging to Siidra caste. After seeking permission, he wanted

to know his lineage [gotra] from his mother Jabala, a Siidra slave. She

expressed her helplessness, as she did not know the gotra. Because

being a slave she had to travel different places and conceived, and was

unable to identify the gotra. As a solution, she suggested that she is

Jab&, he is Satyakama and so it is Satyakamajabala. He approached

Gautama Haridrumata and informed his wish and on inquiry of gotra

' ChU. IV. 2

he described mothers words. Gautama admitted him.' The words of the

mother revealed the pity and unsecured condition of slaves. Among

slaves, matriarchy was insisted, which does not point to the freedom

enjoyed by them in society but for the misuse by the top class, which

indicate the moral insecurity of the class.

BrU mentioned a spell to drive away the lover by a wife.

~akuntal~devi interprets it in her book Women In Vedic age, as it was to

prevent the relation of a s'rotriya with another man's wife, which was a

very common practice. Every event in human life such as education,

marriage, conjugal life, birth of child, rearing and nurturing of children

got religious importance with participation of husband and wife.'

Upanayana became compulsory and education for daughters was not

denied. Not only that the educated daughter was considered as a

wealth, boon or achievement. Text mentions a ritual for getting

educated daughter. One who wished an educated daughter, would

have to eat rice and tila cooked together with clarified butter. But,

~ankaracar~a interpreted this as confining to household management

and rites, based on the rule that women had no right to study the

Vedas. But, from the passage in the text it can be inferred that women

were not denied the right to education or study of the Vedas. The text

also contains examples of women education and scholar^.^ The unity of

husband and wife was celebrated and the man with out wife was

l ChU. IV. IV

BrU. VI. 4. 7-8 BrU. VI. 4.7

considered only as half1. This unity was stressed in conjugal life and

activities accompanying every movement with the seriousness of

performing a sacrifice and was not a thing of pleasure and enjoyment.

There was a debate between Yajfiavalkya and Gargi Vacaknavi

daughter of Vacaknatu on the question of the immortality of the soul. In

the sixth section of the third chapter, named as Gargi Brahman, Gargi

wanted to know about the relation of the world of elements with the

Brahman. Yajiiavalkya was reluctant, to explain the truth about

Brahman. Then she turned back only temporarily but did not stop

there. She was pictured as having real enthusiasm and asked him again

about Brahman. Yajfiavalkya was convinced and succumbed to it and

answered. This is an evidence for the women's education, participation

in intellectual activities and spiritual field.

Sages in ancient literature were pictured as eternal. For example

VasiGha was depicted as the family priest of solar dynasty during every

generation. Priesthood being hereditary, it can be well presumed that

this indicates the name of family instead of an individual. Yajfiavalkya

also might be different persons belonging to one family or symbolic.

Yajfiavalkya had two wives, Maitreyi and Katyayani, belonging to the

groups of brahmav~dinis and sadyovadhus respectively. Brahmavadinis are

scholars in advanced branches of knowledge like that of Brahman and

with the habit of discussing intellectual matters. The other group held

only feminine views or earthly temperament. According to the story,

YajAavalkya desired to divide his wealth between his two wives. But

' BrU. VI. 4.17

Maitreyi rejected it, as she understood from Yajfiavalkya himself, that

she cannot attain immortality by such wealth, and she desired to learn

the means of becoming immortal. Maitreyi and Gargi are characters

appearing in literature from the text of the Vedas and so it can be

concluded that women in these two groups had existed from the early

period up to the period of smltis. In KU,' Ums Haimavati also

discussed on Brahman.

These dialogues are proof for women knowledge and expression

of scholarly discussion; Yajfiavalkya's discouragement might be to test

whether her interest was genuine. But this discouragement grew to

frame laws against women marking them unworthy of study and

keeping away from knowledge barred even from hearing and sharing

religious benefits. As a first step to bring this into practice, they denied

education for women and then made them convinced not only of their

bodily limitation but of emotional and intellectual as well. Thus, they

succeeded in their attempt by keeping women unknowing or not

comprehending the vanity of earthly things without thinking about

independence.

Mantrabrdkmana

Besides lajahoma and Sapthapadi, which was discussed earlier, the

marriage ceremony was developed during Mantrabrahmana, adding

charms not only to dispel the evil spirits from the bride, but also to

revert them to enemies. In all the rites, charms and incantations were to

KU. 3-12

expel the evil spirits, which bring death to husband, children, his

relatives and family that dwell in bride only. But there is no mention

anywhere as to the expelling of the evil spirit from bridegroom as in the

case of bride, creating a notion that men are free from evils.

In spite of mutual co-operation, the bride is asked to follow vratas,

mind, command and pursuit his ideals, but the co-operation was

limited to serious duties. ArundhatidarSanam is a proof for this. At the

bridegroom's house, he welcomes her to his life treating his family as

hers. None of the ceremonies extended are intended exclusively for the

welfare of women but opposite of it. The introduction of rituals

intending the welfare of man on the pretext of welfare of family

changed the spirit and helped only to lower the status of woman

gradually. A reference to promiscuity in ancient period is also there in

the MB '

The Satras

~rauta and Glhya Stltras are two divisions of the Stltras. ~rauta

deals with the technical aspect and scope of the Vedic rituals. Their

relevance in this study is to analyse the role of women in rituals.

During that period, there were two groups favouring and opposing the

participation of women in rituals, especially in performing sacrifice.

Piirvamimamsa favours women's right in performing sacrifice.

Following Jaimini, his commentator Sabarasvamin also refuted the

MB. I. 28

opponent view denying this right of women to perform sacrifice. They

refuted the opponent argument that women are not eligible, as they do

not possess wealth of their own because father sells them to the

husband and the owner of their wealth is either her father or husband.

But, Jaimini could not agree with this argument of purchase and

explains it as a religious act according to Sruti but not according to smyti.

They explained that the term svargakdmo in the sutm, 'daiapiirnam~syam

svargakdmo yajeta' is used in a collective sense and not to denote a

masculine gender. They argue for woman's right to earn and possess

wealth of their own apart from parinayya, their justification being that

the earnestness to attain fruit is common to both men and women. So, it

is not just to avoid them since Sruti is authoritative and not smyti

quoting the authority of Sruti, ' dharme ca arthe ca kame ca na

aticaritavyah'. Sabarasv-in explains quoting Sruti, 'patyaiva

gatamanurnantram kriyate'; even that which acquired by husband is

admitted as hers. It can be concluded that before smyti, especially MS,

woman had the right to possess wealth and perform the Vedic rituals.

The word grha is used to denote house as well as wife, as she is

the indispensable part of it. GS is important as it deals with the rituals

concerned with household, which may give a cross sectional idea of the

daily life of the man and woman, as they are the participants of such

rituals. Along with the growth of civilisation, the human society became

complex, which reflected in rituals also. Importance of male offspring

and insisting of the wife's participation in religious rites are the result of

this. Interpretation of existing rituals and introduction of new ones with

this aim also became part of this. Marriage ritual was reformed insisting

certain criteria like intelligence, beauty, health, good character etc. on

the part of bride in the selection of bride and settlement through

wooers. The method of selection of bride was very interesting. The

bride had to touch one of the clods1 brought from different parts/types

of land like field, barren land, cemetery etc., which determines the

quality of the bride like richness, poverty, death of husband according

to the nature of the clay that she touched. Among eight kinds of

marriages,' first four were recognised. Brrfhrna, where father gives away

the girl decorated with ornaments and pouring out a libation of water,

Daiva, where the girl was given to a priest, Prrtjdpatya, where the girl

was given for 'fulfilling the law together' but not given by father, and

Ar~a, where the girl is bought from her father in exchange of cow and

bull, were considered better or respectable. The other four viz.

G~ndharva type, where marriage takes place on mutual agreement of

bride and bridegroom, Asura type, where bridegroom take away the

daughter pleasing the father by giving money, PaiSfica, in which

bridegroom steals away the bride while relatives are sleeping and

Rmasa, where the girl is carried away by force, though lawful were not

respected. Local custom was to be considered and accepted even while

adopting various types of marriages.

' AGS. I. 5.4-5 AGS. I. 6. 1-7

The main concept of marriage during RgV being the concord of

the couples was transformed to avoid girl children projecting sons,

which was evolved during AV1 subsequently changed and became the

aim of marriage. The word 'saubhagatvaya' was substituted by

'suprajatvdya' in the mantra chanted during panigrahana. A male student

[brahrnacdri] was introduced as a symbol of son. In Arundhatidarianarn,

showing Arundhati, the husband requested the bride to remain firm in

life and steady in character like stars in heaven. But no corresponding

rite was to be performed by the bridegroom, though there was a

marriage VOW.' Between parents, father got importance and in giving

away the daughter, the mother's authority was far below to father, its

order being father, father or brother of father, member of family or caste

and last comes the mother.

Karnasiitra (KaS) is considered in this study since it deals with the

relation of woman with man. The text recognises woman as a separate

entity from man, and her individuality though it deals with their unity.

The author Vstsyayana, though a follower of hierarchies and tradition

of Indian society, begins the second chapter emphasising on the

knowledge of trivarga and advices to practice them without

contradicting each other to lead a fruitful life. In the next, he stresses on

the need of the education of women. He argues that woman should be

' AV. XIV. 2. 71 AV. XIV. 2. 7.1

given education before they attain youth. He advises that she should

study like a man, about trivarga and music in the parental house - prdg

yauvandtstri ; she can continue her education after marriage with the

permission of her husband. He questions the argument that women are

not capable of studying the idstra.' His argument is that since women

could practice the principles laid down by idstra they are capable of

studying it. He justifies this based on the fact that though science is the

foundation for all practices in the world, there are only few, who

practice it with the knowledge of the idstra or scientific knowledge,

'prayogasya diirasthamapi idstram eva hetuh'. He quotes the examples of

priests performing sacrifice without the knowledge of grammar of

mantra, so also mahouts and charioteer. And also, subjects for fear of far

sitting king do not act against the rules 'maryddam ndtivartante'. He

concludes pointing to the fact that education will be helpful for women

in a crisis like pativiyoga, vyasana and also in abroad.' He stresses dharma

as the prime and violation of which causes prolonged bad effects3. He

praises monogamy and says that it is the result of the pious acts of the

previous birth.

The Sgmkhya is a system of Indian philosophy where the world is

viewed from the women's point of view. It gives important to the

physical world, its cause, maintenance, protection and destruction.

KaS. I. 3. 1-6 KaS. KaS. I.V. 1

These processes are mainly dependant on women, the prakyti, one of the

eternal powers; the other puruSa, which corresponds to man is

conceived only as the spectator, consumer of the acts of the prakrti and

was depicted as the form of pure intelligence. All the actions are

intended for him, the static personality. He has nothing to contribute in

the world, but remains as the enjoyer of the fruits of all the action.

Prakrti is compared to an actress who acts on the stage for the

enjoyments of this puruSa. In Vedanta also the concept of mliya, the

cause of this world is described as the abode of evils like ajfilina,

(darkness) avidya (falsehood), and subordinated to brahma the only

reality, in that system. In Slimkhya, prakyti, though described as the

acetana, is as real as purqa.

The Smrtis

Manusmytih (MS), available now, belonged to a period, long after

the Vedas, with the establishment of caste system. The upper class,

getting superiority, began to misuse the power centred on them

equalising lower class to animals. In a period when women were

treated at par with Siidra no favour could be expected. MS is a

compilation of texts or a systematic arrangement of then existed rules

and practices. Any way, it is not a work of a single Manu. Manu

belonged to a line of kings or race in ancient India. MS is a text, which

had undergone revisions periodically, to meet with the needs of the

society in different periods and was the authoritative text of ancient

kings. In RV, Sita questions Rama for not following the rules laid down

by Manu.'. In canto I, Kalidasa describes that Raghu dynasty followed

MS. So it can be assumed that MS, a text of laws regarding women

might have been influenced K~lidasa also.

MS contains laws regarding ceremonies or samsfiras performed

to sanctify various stages of life especially of men, but for women

without mantra.' She is advised to obey elders, especially male members

of the family and society and denies freedom to do anything

independently3. No reference is there as to her formal education. But

her education was aimed at to manage household affairs4 Though

initiation was denied to women, Manu prescribes the nuptial ceremony

as the Vedic sacrament (upanayana) for women: and is a proof for the

once existed initiation for women, which was denied later. Manu also

suggests daily worship of the sacred fire and residing in the house of

the teacher were substituted by house hold duties and serving the

husband respectively. However, initiation was considered as inevitable

since it indicates new birth and sacrifices. This substitution might have

been for helping child marriage, which also in turn denied woman

education.6 According to Manu, a girl should be given to a suitor

though not attained proper age. Marriage of girls of eight and twelve

M S . XIV. 6 M.S. 11. 66-44

M.S. V. 4

M.S. V. 150. M.S. 11. 68

M.S. IX. 88

could be accomplished with men of 24 and 30 years respectively,' which

made education avoidable. By the denial of education, they lost

freedom to move and access to knowledge or intellectual activities

outside the house, and kept in the house destroying femininity,

intentionally. This was brought into practice by making laws and

convincing them as for their protection.

Nasti strinam kriya mantrairiti dharme vyavasthitih,

Nirindriya hyamantraSca striyo' nritamiti sthitih.

Tadha ca Srutayo bahvyo nigita nigamesvapi,

S v ~ l a k w yaparikSdrtkam tasam Srnuta niskrtih.

(For women no sacramental rite is performed with texts, thus the law is

settled. Women who are destitute of strength and destitute of

knowledge of Vedic texts are as impure as falsehood itself, that is a

fixed rule.) Purpose of denying the knowledge was to make them not

aware of the laws and the vanity thereof, duties and customs imposed

upon them, and also not to create power of thinking and acting, which

will affect badly the supremacy of men and the privileges enjoyed by

them.

Marriage was considered as the most important in the life of an

individual. Manu also recognised eight types of marriages out of which,

' M.S. IX. 94

MS. IX. 18,19

first six were lawful and the last two were unlawful.' Birth of a

blameless son was considered as bliss. Therefore, law established

marriage between same castes and mixing of castes was avoided.

However, marriage of men belonging to higher castes with women of

lower castes was made lawful and was known as anuloma marriage

while the converse was forbidden and thus maintained the sanctity of

the family. For this honour was conferred on women by all, especially

by in-laws as a reward for this.' By this, even gods were pleased and

otherwise the house will perish as if by a magic. By honour, Manu

meant ornaments, clothes, and food. In the pretext of protection,

woman was made a mere dependent on father, husband or sonV3

The freedom enjoyed by woman in the house and society was

evident from the laws laid down in the text4 where thinking of freedom

was considered as contemptible. The life of a woman was a complete

subordination to her husband, her god. She was ordered to remain

controlled her thoughts, speech and action, chaste, with out thinking

about hardships. Man was allowed to remarry soon after her funeral

rites while woman was barred not only from remarriage but also even

from uttering the name of other man. Punishments also were prescribed

for all offences.

MS contains some rules favourable to women. They were

allowed to earn from work in the absence of husband with some

M.S. 111. 21-23 T y p e s of marriage-brahma, daiva, arsa , prajapatya , asura, gandhama, raksasa and pa isdca

M.S. 111. 55 M.S. V. 148

M.S. V. 147-169

restrictions' and was allowed sustenance. She was also allowed to

choose an equal in caste and rank on not getting married in proper

time2. But the bridegroom was avoided from giving nuptial fee.'

Women were considered as equal to infants, physically and mentally

handicapped and so liberal in punishment. He prescribes punishments

for violence against women.4 But variation also prescribed according to

the accuser and accused. Protection of widows and women affected by

disease and barren women was insisted. Generally, women were not

allowed to give evidence in the court, but were allowed to give

evidence for women5 and on failure of qualified witness.

Polygamy was an accepted system as per Devalasmlti, which laid

down rules in approaching wives such as, according to their caste,

status, and priority of the marriage or if they were having no issue. 6

Yaugapadye tu tirthdndrn viprddikramaiah vrajet,

Raksandrtharnaputrdndrn grahanakrarnaio 'pi vd.

Ydjfiavalkyasmltih (YS) is more liberal than MS, which devoted a

chapter to describe the conduct of woman.7 Her important role was as

mother and as wife8. But, in the selection of bride and bridegroom, he

insists equal qualities9. They should be free from decease, belonging to

' M.S. IX. 75. 76 M.S. IX. 90-91 M.S. IX. 93 M.S. VIII. 355-385 M.S. VIII. 68 quoted in Hindu SarnsluZras p 54 YS. 24. p 376 YS. 11. 39 YS. I. 111. 53-55

different gotra, not relatives five generation from mother and seven

from father and should have a scholarly family ten generations from

mother and five from father, free from contagious decease and the bride

should not be brother less.

Marriage of widows was not preferred1 except for offspring.

Woman should follow the words of husband and advised to bow to the

feet of parents-in-law. In the law of inheritance and almost all other

treatments, YS is in tune with MS. It suggests an equal share of wealth

of family to woman also, if she did not have dowry from brother or

father-in-law2; in the absence of children, the dowry goes to husband3;

only good women had protection -sadvyttayah. Remarriage for men was

allowed under certain conditions4 YS suggests punishments for

prostitute.

However, Smrtis represent a period of the legalisation of the

concepts of subordination of women developed from the time of the

Vedas. The custom of smartaviciira, prevalent till last century, where the

authority was partial in giving punishment and only women were

severely punished leaving the man counterpart.

Dharrnasatra

Dharmastltras are rules for society including daily life.

Gautamadharmastltra devoted one chapter to describe the duties of

YS. I. 75 YS. 1.15. YS. P 302,142 YS . p 391;s1.290

women as per which she had no freedom in choosing her duty as her

duties were well assigned1-asvatantra dharme stri. Anasilya's statement

about ~akuntala 'with no freedom to do penance' corresponds to this.

Dharmasiitra regulates women's freedom to the will of her husband.

Remarriage was allowed with brother in law or husbands kinsmen.

Generally, the status of women was much lower than that of men,

limiting their freedom in almost all sphere of life.

Female R ~ i s

As seen before, the Vedic period was more favourable to women.

Women enjoyed social and cultural freedom and engaged in intellectual

activities. The number of female &is itself is a proof for this. In later

period though women were marginalized by rules, it is significant that

the names of women seers of ancient India survived all alterations. It is

difficult to determine the authors from their names. Some writers had

tried to group them based on certain principles. Some of their names

indicate natural phenomena, some as psychological, celestial etc. Some

names appear synonymous in later literature. Indrani2, to whom a

hymn is attributed, Saci paulomi, who in a hymn3 expressed her proud

as the mother of victorious sons, her own victory and her victory over

CO-wives, which seems to be a later addition, Indrasnus~, wife of

Vasukra, son of Indral, Indramatarah2, who in a hymn explains the

means by which they attained Indra, Aditi3, who is described as mother

of Indra and also of devas are some &is related to supreme the Vedic

god Indra. Stirya-Savitri4, to whom forty seven mantras are attributed

including the marriage hymn, which gives a detailed account of

marriage ceremony, Yami and Yami-Vaivasvati, daughter of Vivasvan

and sister of Yama, seers of a hymn5 dealing with manes and death,

such as praying of the departed to go to the realms of the blessed,

UrvaSi, an apsaras, believed to be composed 95th hymn in tenth mandala

and two apsarasas, daughters of KaSyapa with same name, who are said

to be the seers of a mantra6 belong to celestial beings. Apala, the seer of a

hymn, prayed in the gth mandala 7to cure her disease, which got cured

and obtained fertile land to her father, as prayed to Indra, ViSvavarZi

Atreyi, a igih, who composed a hymn in fifth mandala8 with her name

in the beginning belonged to Atri family, Agastyasvasa9, said to be

composed a sukta, not independently but combined with others,

RomaSa, a brahmavadini ~ i h , who expressed her feminine character in

a hymn1' and challenged her husband, ~op~mudra , " who remained

unmarried for a long time and became wife of Agastya and who in a

' RgV. X . 28.1 RgV. X. 153 RgV. IV. 18, X . 72 RgV. X. 85 RgV X. 10. 15 RgV 9.104

RgV. VIII. 80. 7. or 8. 91 RgV 5.28 RgV. 10.6

'O RgV. I. 267 l' RgV 1.179. 1,2

hymn expressed her feelings for family life to him, Ghosa KakSivatil,

daughter of Kaksivan, who prayed to ASvins to cure her from leprosy

and as they felt pity, cured and married her at the age of sixty, saSiyasi

to whom a hymn in fifth mandala was attributed, Juho-Bhrahmajaya, to

whom a hymn3 in tenth mandala was attributed and saivati Angirasi are

~Sikas related to sages. In a hymn: in the form of a dialogue between

Sarama and Pani, where six mantras were attributed to Sarama-

DevaSuni, describes her as discharging of duty as an ambassador of

Indra, Godha: a crocodile like creature, to whom a hymn in 10*

mandala was attributed, Sarparajfii, queen of serpents7 said to be a rsi,

who in a hymnsmentioned thirty realms of sun indicating the

development of Indian astronomy belong to divine animal group. Some

r ~ i h s are named after abstract quality. vak9 praises herself the speech,

~raddha Kamayani, to whom hymn in tenth mandala l0 was ascribed,

comes under this division.

This shows women's active participation in intellectual field as

writers and they had right to offer oblation and perform sacrifices." It is

also to be noted that female rsis composed the most celebrated hymns

' RgV.X.39-40. A.V. VII.4-8 RgV v.61.1-19

RgV.X.109 RgV.X.108 B D. 6 .106 RgV. X. 21.1/7, X. 134

RgV. X. 189 R g V X. 189 RgV. X. 125

' O RgV. X. 151 " RgV. VI. 281,3

related to marriage and death, the most crucial events of an individual.

It is interesting to note that in later period, women were prohibited and

kept away not only from composing but also from hearing, even the

Vedas composed by them.