February 13, 2014 /A Different View

Will the CELAC Be Able to Reenergize a

True Latin American Integration?

On January 28th

and 29th

, the Second Summit of the Community of Latin American and Caribbean

States (CELAC in Spanish), took place in Havana, Cuba. It focused on the work carried

throughout 2013 on the struggle against poverty, hunger, and inequality. Most presidents and

heads of government attended the summit, as well as their Foreign Affairs ministers and

diplomatic delegations.

CELAC started as a joint effort of 33 Latin American nations to strengthen integration in the

social, economical, cultural, and political spheres, when in 2011 during the Caracas Summit

two different organizations merged: the Latin American and the Caribbean Summit on

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Development and Integration, and the 22nd

Summit of the Permanent Mechanism for Consultation

and Political Coordination of the Rio Group.

But CELAC is just the last link in a large chain of efforts to attempt Latin American integration.

In this article I will try to take a look back at previous experiences in the region, in order to

critically assess the possibilities and limits of such an organization to succeed in its objectives to

bring closer the Latin American countries and their citizens.

These types of mechanisms for cooperation and integration have been a permanent feature in

Latin America, ever since the Spanish monarchy ceased to rule over the continent, in the 1800s.

Options ranged from Simn Bolvar or Jos Artigass dreams of an American union of states to

the Pan-American conferences in the early 20th

century.

More recently there have been specific efforts coming from within Latin America itself to jump

to the integration bloc trend. The Organization of Central American States (ODECA), the Latin

American Free Trade Association (ALALC), which later became the Latin American Integration

Association (ALADI) inspired by the European integration, the Andean Community of

Nations (CAN), or the Southern Common Market (Mercosur), are just some examples on the

complexity of alliances in Latin America.

For the last decade, a political realignment has shifted some countries priorities towards

integration, with mixed results. Mercosur, for example, witnessed important expansions in its

duties such as the creation of a regional parliament but also sparked controversy after

Paraguays temporary suspension from the bloc, and a subsequent two-year institutional

paralysis. Even the previous commercial agreements have been questioned recently with

Argentina violating the terms of tariff reductions for Uruguay and Brazil, fellow Mercosur

members. Also, Venezuela entered Mercosur, resolving to leave the CAN due to a conflict of

interests.

The political divide in the region has been particularly visible in the rise of two new

organizations with different objectives but conveying one uniquely strong message: energy will

be put into joint efforts with those with shared ideals.

The first resounding move was the creation of the Union of South American Nations (USAN) in

2008, a hybrid child of two economic blocs CAN and Mercosur but with stronger political

objectives. This would not have been possible without a regional some would say progressive

consensus, particularly between CAN members Venezuela (at the time), Bolivia and Ecuador,

and Brazil and Argentina from Mercosur.

On the other part, Latin America has been shaken by the creation of a very aggressive

commercial bloc: the Pacific Alliance. This regional initiative is focusing its attention on trade

and investments agreements with the Asian region, and its four member countries Chile, Peru,

Colombia, and Mexico have governments tending to a centre-right political approach.

With these recent developments in mind, the creation of CELAC can be seen in a different light.

More specifically, one can wonder about the chances of success in a forum where such diverse

political approaches have to coexist and make joint decisions.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rio_Grouphttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Simon_Bolivarhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Artigashttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pan-Americanismhttp://www.iapss.org/old/index.php/articles/item/127-can-south-america-have-a-european-unionhttp://www.aladi.org/nsfweb/sitioIng/http://www.aladi.org/nsfweb/sitioIng/http://www.comunidadandina.org/en/index2.aspxhttp://www.comunidadandina.org/en/index2.aspxhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mercosurhttp://www.ultimahora.com/los-legisladores-venezolanos-no-acuden-su-primera-cita-el-parlasur-n745952.htmlhttp://en.mercopress.com/2012/02/09/mujica-says-mercosur-is-a-chewing-gum-promises-trade-deals-with-third-countrieshttp://www.boston.com/business/articles/2011/04/21/venezuela_leaving_andean_community_trade_pact/http://www.unasursg.org/inicio/organizacion/historiahttp://www.nuso.org/upload/articulos/3551_1.pdfhttp://alianzapacifico.net/que_es_la_alianza/la-alianza-del-pacifico-y-sus-objetivos/

What Can We Realistically Expect From CELAC

At CELACs core, one can find many similarities with the European Council. It has an executive

organization and an intergovernmental approach to problem solving. It also vaguely takes on

the European Commission s spirit, particularly with the different working groups and ministerial

meetings covering a wide range of areas: education, culture, environment, fight against

corruption, education, transport, etc.

But that is where coincidences end. Unlike the Council, CELAC cannot rely on a complementary

legislative body to be able to make decisions at the regional level. The decision mechanism is

limited to declarations, decisions, special and joint statements, resolutions, and any other

decision instrument previously agreed upon, by consensus of course.

The idea of CELAC being able to represent the regions interests in other international forums is

ambitious but problematic. So far it has been explicitly limited to the Rio Groups previous

attributions (mainly with the European Union and the United Nations). But if CELAC wants to

go further, what other type of common positions can it actually set when there is such a clear

political fracture? And these differences are not only political: they influence the myriad of sub-

regional trade and commercial agreements that, Pacific Alliance aside, seem to be making less

progress than expected.

It certainly makes quite a statement to create an organization comprising practically all Latin

America and the Caribbean, and letting Cuba traditionally excluded from Inter-American

forums host the summit. But institutional paralysis is right around the corner as there are not

stronger incentives to increase the organisms attributions. Then again, that is not exclusive of the

Latin American region.

The prospects for CELAC will have to be properly evaluated after the initial period of its

existence, which I consider it is still on going. So far, no major political crisis has tested the

organization, as it happened with UNASUR in 2008. And the proclamation of Latin America as a

peace zone has yet to be confronted with real events.

What we can sincerely expect from such an organization is a real mechanism tending to

standardizing policies and perhaps over the course of the next few years a regional consensus

that can seriously approach the subject of community in more practical terms, and not just in

theory.

Original picture from CELACs Summit. Source: Official Channel of the Republic of Cuba at

CELAC.

About the Author Latest Posts

About Melisa Slep

Melisa Slep has a BA degree in Political Science from the University of Buenos Aires, in Argentina. She is

also getting her Masters degree in International Relations from the University of Bologna, specializing in

http://www.european-council.europa.eu/the-institution?lang=enhttp://ec.europa.eu/about/ds_en.htmhttp://celac.cubaminrex.cu/sites/default/files/ficheros/procedimientos_celac.pdfhttp://www.eluniversal.com/nacional-y-politica/140109/venezuelas-maduro-to-propose-puerto-rico-as-celac-memberhttp://elpais.com/elpais/2014/01/29/inenglish/1391007529_103239.htmlhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Eurosclerosishttp://www.globalresearch.ca/union-of-south-american-nations-unasur-supports-bolivia/10240http://www.plenglish.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=2341811&Itemid=1http://www.flickr.com/photos/98084832@N05/http://www.flickr.com/photos/98084832@N05/http://www.iapss.org/will-the-celac-be-able-to-reenergize-a-true-latin-american-integration/#wpautbox_abouthttp://www.iapss.org/will-the-celac-be-able-to-reenergize-a-true-latin-american-integration/#wpautbox_latest-post

Europe and Latin America. Her main research interests include local development, international

cooperation, Latin American integration, climate change and sustainability, and international politics.

She has worked in international projects and NGOs. She speaks Spanish, English, Italian and Portuguese.

The dynamics of cooperation (Part 1): The evolution of a concept - June 7, 2014 The United States Diplomatic Choices for Latin America: Focusing on Issues and Friends -

February 27, 2014 Will the CELAC Be Able to Reenergize a True Latin American Integration? - February 13, 2014

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