MARKETING NOTES ANDCOMMUNICATIONS

Why Do People Shop? EDWARD M. TAUBER

Do people shop simply to make purchases? Are some shopping trips motivated by

considerations that are unrelated to an actual purchase? The results of an explora-

tory study of shopper motivation suggest that a person may shop for many reasons

other than his or her need for products or services.

'T 'HE field of consumer behavior has experi--•- enced a dynamic period of growth over the

past 10 years. It is frequently overlooked, how-ever, that this broad area consists of three dis-tinct activities: shopping, buying, and consuming.Considerable progress has been achieved in iden-tifying the behavioral dimensions of buying, anda number of theories of buying behavior havebeen postulated. However, less is known aboutthe determinants of consuming and shoppingwhich are also of substantial theoretical and man-agerial importance.

This article attempts to encourage behavioralresearch and theory building concerning shoppingbehavior by presenting some exploratory researchfindings on the question of why do people shop?

Numerous writings have been directed to thisquestion. For example, researchers have suggestedthat shopping is a function of the nature of theproduct,' the degree of perceived risk inherentin the product class,^ and the level of knowledgeor amount of information about alternatives.'' Allof these answers are directed at the question,"Why do people shop in more than one store?"(comparison shopping). Other authors have main-tained that shopping is a function of location.

1. Richard H. Holton. "The Distinction Between Con-venience Goods, Shopping Goods and Specialty Goods,"JOURNAL OF MARKETING, Vol. 22 (Julv, 1958), p. 56.

2. Donald F. Cox, ed.. Risk Taking and InformationHandling in Consumer Behavior (Boston: GraduateSchool of Business Administration, Harvard University,1967).

3. John A. Howard and Jagdish N. Sheth, The Theory ofBuyer Behavior (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1969),pp. 286-295; and Louis P. Bucklin, "Testing Propensitiesto Shop," JOURNAL OF MARKETING, Vol. 30 (January, 1966),pp. 22-27.

Journat ot Marketing. Vol. 36 (October, 1972), pp. 46-59.

product assortment, and store image.'* Again,these are variables which help explain, "Why dopeople shop where they do?" (store patronage).

The question considered in this article is,"Why do people shop?" (i.e., go to a store in thefirst place). The most obvious answer, "becausethey need to purchase something," can be a mostdeceptive one and reflects a marketing myopiawhich management has been cautioned to avoid—a product orientation. This answer considers onlythe products which people may purchase and isbut a partial and insufficient basis for behavioralexplanations. It implicitly assumes that the shop-ping motive is a simple function of the buyingmotive.

This article hypothesizes that peoples' motivesfor shopping are a function of many variables,some of which are unrelated to the actual buyingof products. It is maintained that an understand-ing of shopping motives requires the considera-tion of satisfactions which shopping activitiesprovide, as well as the utility obtained from themerchandise that may be purchased. If needsother than those associated with particular prod-ucts motivate people to go to a store, the retailershould incorporate this information into his mar-keting strategy.

Methodology

An exploratory study was undertaken to de-termine some reasons why people shop. Indi-vidual in-depth interviews were conducted in theLos Angeles area with a convenience sample of 30people, divided evenly between men and women.Ages of respondents ranged from 20 to 47. Ratherthan a direct approach in questioning subjects asto why they shop, respondents were asked to re-call their most recent shopping trips (of any

4. Louis P. Bucklin, "The Concept of Mass in Intra-urban Shopping," JOURNAL OF MARKETING. Vol. 31 (Octo-ber, 1%7), pp. 37-42.

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Marketing Notes and Communications 47

type), to discuss their activities while shopping,and what they enjoyed about the trip. After con-siderable probing along these lines, the discussionnarrowed to how various types of shopping dif-fered, the subject's preferences for these differenttypes, and his or her reasons.

From the list of reported shopping activitiesand satisfactions, the author categorized the re-sponses into a number of hypothesized motivesfor shopping, classified (ex post) as either per-sonal or social. While exploratory research re-sults can be evaluated only on the basis of facevalidity, some of these motives for shopping havebeen identified in previous studies. A number ofthese motives do not relate to purchasing interest.

Hypothesized Motives for Shopping

Personal Motives

Role playing—Many activities are learned be-haviors, traditionally expected or accepted aspart of a certain position or role in society—mother, housewife, husband, or student. A personinternalizes these behaviors as "required" and ismotivated to participate in the expected activi-ties. For example, grocery shopping is a cus-tomary activity of the housewife. Attempts toeliminate "food shopping" through home deliveryand telephone order have to date been relativelyunsuccessful. Apparently, the process of groceryshopping has positive utility for a large segmentof women who view it as an integral part of theirrole.

Diversion—Shopping can offer an opportunityfor diversion from the routine of daily life andthus represents a form of recreation. It can pro-vide free family entertainment which is availablewithout the necessity of formal dress or preplan-ning. The common term "browsing" and the phe-nomenon of masses strolling through shoppingcenters reinforce the belief that shopping is anational pastime. Indoor shopping malls are inan advantageous position to encourage this ac-tivity through exhibits and other traffic-generat-ing attractions that appeal to various familymembers.

Self-gratification—Different emotional states ormoods may be relevant for explaining why (andwhen) someone goes shopping. For example, aperson may go to a store in search of diversionwhen he is bored or go in search of social con-tact when he feels lonely. Likewise, he may goto a store to buy "something nice" for himselfwhen he is depressed. Several subjects in thisstudy reported that often they alleviate depres-sion by simply spending money on themselves.In this case, the shopping trip is motivated notby the expected utility of consuming, but by theutility of the buying process itself.

Learning About New Trends—Products are in-

timately entwined in one's daily activities andoften ser\'e as symbols reflecting attitudes andlife styles. An individual learns about trends andmovements and the symbols that support themwhen he visits a store. Rich and Portis found thatamong department and discount store shoppersin New York and Cleveland, 30% said "seeingnew items and getting new ideas" was the reasonthey enjoyed shopping.'' Many people are inter-ested in keeping informed about the latest trendsin fashion, styling, or product innovations. Whilesuch learning may take place with or withouta purchase, a certain segment of shop|>ers foreach product category is more prone to buyingnew items. Stores which are trend-conscious mayappeal to these innovators.*

Physical Activity—An urban environment char-acterized by mass transportation and freewaydriving provides little opportunity for individualsto exercise at a leisurely pace. Shopping can pro-vide people with a considerable amount of exer-cise. Many retailers attempt to minimize thewalking distance on their premises believing thatshoppers perceive it to be an inconvenience. How-ever, some shoppers apparently welcome thechance to walk in centers and malls that havebeen designed with intemal thruways.

Sensory Stimulation—Retail institutions pro-vide many potential sensory benefits for shoppers.Customers browse through a store looking at themerchandise and at each other; they enjoy han-dling the merchandise, and are either tr\'ing it onor trying it out. Sound can also be important,since a "noisy" environment creates a differentimage than one which is characterized by silenceor soft background music. Even scent may berelevant; for instance, stores may possess a dis-tinctive odor of perfume or of prepared food.Structured surveys that attempt to measure whypeople shop may not detect such influences sinceshoppers infrequently recall these stimuli in atop-of-mind response. Nevertheless, the gestalt ofthe shopping environment may influence a con-sumer's decision to shop in a specific store ormall.

Social MotivesSocial Experiences Outside the Home — The

marketplace has traditionally been a center of

5. Stuart V. Rich and Bernard Portis, "Clues for Actionfrom Shopper Preferences." Harvard Business Review.Vol. 41 (March-April. 1963). p. 147.

6. See Thomas S. Robertson. Innovative Behavior andCommunication (New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Win-ston, Inc., 1971).

• ABOUT THE AUTHOR.

Edward M. Tauber is assistant professor of marketing inthe School of Business Administration at the Universityof Southern California, Los Angeles.

48 Journal of Marketing, October, 1972

social activity. In a number of underdevelopedcountries, the market still serves as a gatheringplace for a town's inhabitants. Many parts of theUnited States still have "market days," "countyfairs," and "town squares" that offer a time andplace for social interaction. In urban environ-ments contemporary equivalents exist in sidewalksales, auctions, and swap meets. In general, shop-ping can provide the opportunity for a social ex-perience outside the home (e.g., seeking new ac-quaintances or meeting those of the opposite sex).Some shopping trips may result in direct encoun-ters with friends (e.g., neighborhood women at asupermarket); on others the social contact maybe more indirect, as exemplified by the pastimeof "people watching."

Communication With Others Having a SimilarInterest—Common interests are a major link instimulating communication and association be-tween individuals. Many hobbies center aroundproducts or services, such as boating, collectingstamps, car customizing, and home decorating.Stores that offer hobby-related goods serve as afocal point for people with similar interests tointeract. People like to talk with others abouttheir interests, and sales personnel are frequentlysought to provide special information concerningthe activity.

Peer Grotip Attraction—The patronage of astore sometimes reflects a desire to be with one'speer group or a reference group to which oneaspires to belong. For instance, record stores arecommon "hangouts" for teen-agers. Such storesprovide a meeting place where members of apeer group may gather. This "shopping" attrac-tion is not necessarily related to the motive ofcommon interest since the gathering spot tendsto change over time; in many cases the shoppermay have limited interest in the product categoryand little intention to make a purchase. How-ever, if group status is associated with one'sknowledge of the category and nature of holdings(e.g., size of record collection), then peer groupinfluence may motivate the person to "develop"an interest in the product.

Status and Atithority—Many shopping experi-ences provide the opportunity for an individualto command attention and respect. In few otheractivities can a person expect to be "waited on"without having to pay for this service. A personcan attain a feeling of status and power in thislimited "master-servant" relationship. The gen-eral concept of a store is an institution whichserves the public.

Store personnel compete for the buyer's favor,especially in lines of merchandise where compari-son shopping is likely (e.g., expensive clothes,durables). In such instances, shopping can bemore enjoyable than buying. For some customersthe enjoyment of this sense of power may con-

siderably delay a purchase decision since it termi-nates the attention they are receiving.

Pleasure of Bargaining—For many shoppers,bargaining is a degrading activity; haggling im-plies that one is "cheap." Others, however, ap-pear to enjoy the process believing that withbargaining goods can be reduced to a more rea-sonable price.

In addition to this competition between buyerand seller, there also appears to be an implicitcompetition that occurs between buyers—a typeof ego-centered buyer competition. An individualprides himself in his ability to make wise pur-chases or to obtain bargains.

In a face-to-face exchange with flexible prices,a perceived bargain would result when the buyerbelieves he has paid less for a product than otherswill have to pay the seller for the same merchan-dise. The presence of "fixed" labeled prices pre-vents the buyer from deriving satisfaction in thismanner. To the extent that a person perceiveshimself as a wise shopper, he will seek bargainsin fixed-price situations by looking at relativeprices between stores (comparison shopping) orrelative prices over time (special sales).

Impulse Shopping

If the shopping motive is a function of onlythe buying motive, the decision to shop will occurwhen a person's need for particular goods becomessufficiently strong for him to allocate time, money,and effort to visit a store. However, the multi-plicity of hypothesized shopping motives suggeststhat a person may also go shopping when heneeds attention, wants to be with peers, desiresto meet people with similar interests, feels a needto exercise, or has leisure time. The foregoingdiscussion indicates that a person experiences aneed and recognizes that shopping activities maysatisfy that need. Yet, retailers often observe thatnot all of their customers' behavior is so wellplanned. In the same way that a person maywalk down an aisle viewing merchandise andbuying on impulse, he may also drive or walkdown a street viewing stores and deciding toenter on impulse.

The likelihood of going shopping on impulsehas probably increased over time with changesin the concept of convenience. Gravitationalists^and behaviorists** have traditionally evaluated astore's attraction power in terms of the numberof potential customers within a given radius ofa store, or from the viewpoint of the customer'sconvenience, distance (or time) traveled from his

7. See P. D. Converse, "New Laws of Retail Gravita-tion," JOURNAL OF MARKETING, Vol. 14 (October, 1949), pp.379-384.

8. See David L. HufT, "Defining and Estimating a Trad-ing Area," JOURNAL OF MARKETING. Vol. 28 (July, 1964) pp.34-38.

Marketing Notes and Communications 49

home to that store. However, Robarts suggeststhat a number of nonretail spatial attractors mayalso influence a shopper's store patronage deci-sion: e.g., employment, social, religious, educa-tion, club, or recreational activities.^ Thus, shop-ping convenience would be determined by "thespatial juxtapositions of the greatest number ofretail and non-retail attractors."'o Since manypeople spend relatively little time at home, a defi-nition of convenience which uses the home asthe focal point may be misleading. The existenceof modem transportation and the availability ofincreasing amounts of discretionary time serveto e.xpose people to many shopping clusters whilein transit to their job, or social and recreationalactivities. This mobility increases exposure tonew shopping alternatives and enhances oppor-tunities for impulse shopping. The sight of astore may serve as a reminder to purchase neededitems. On the other hand, impulse shopping maybe prompted by one of the motives identifiedabove with no planned purchase intended.

Summary and Implications

It is important to recognize the distinction be-tween the activities of shopping, buying, and con-suming and to understand the behavioral deter-minants of each. A unified theory of shopperbehavior does not presently exist. This exploratorystudy has sought to advance the development ofsuch a theory by identifying a number of hypothe-ses concerning why people shop. Future researchshould attempt toquantify the relative importanceof these motives (and others that might be dis-covered) for different types of shopping trips andwithin different defined shopper segments. If thefindings reported here are verified, there are sub-stantial implications for retail management.

If the shopping process offers benefits otherthan exposure to products, then retail innovationsthat attempt to reduce "shopping effort" (vendingmachines, mail order, or home delivery) may havea dim future for some product categories. Auto-matic vending of convenience goods, especiallyconfectionary items and cigarettes, has had nota-ble success, but efforts to market presold groceryitems in this manner have not been successful.''

In addition, in-home shopping by telephone ormail has never captured a large percentage of re-tail sales.

Retailers may find that these hypothesizedshopping motives offer additional opportunitiesfor market segmentation and store differentiation.According to Haley, "the benefits which peopleare seeking in consuming a given product are thebasic reasons for the existence of true marketsegments."'- Darden and Reynolds found signifi-cant differences in customer shopping orientation,verifying Stone's contention that some shoppersare largely concerned with buying (economicshopper), while others are more concerned withsocializing (personalizing shopper).'^ Thus, shop-per segments may be distinguished by their prefer-ences for the alternative benefits they obtain fromshopping.

In the search for differential advantage, product-related store benefits such as quality lines, lowprices, and credit can be easily duplicated by thecompetition. To some extent, even new store lo-cations can be matched by competitors establish-ing nearby branches. In the future, the ability togain a distinct differential advantage may dependon catering to shopping motives that are notproduct related.

Levitt and others have urged firms to broadlydefine their business from the standpoint of theconsumer benefits it provides.'* Product-orientedretailers would probably define their business as"retail distribution," and emphasize the promo-tion and distribution of goods. However, the listof shopping motives identified above might sug-gest that many retailers would benefit by definingtheir business as being part of the social-recrea-tional industry. As businesses which offer socialand recreational appeal, retailers must acknowl-edge that they are competing directly for theconsumer's time and money with other alterna-tives that provide similar benefits.

9. A. O. Robarts, "A Revised Look at Selected Determi-nants of Consumer Spatial Behavior," in Proceedings.Thirteenth Annual Conference, Association of CanadianSchools of Business (Summer, 1969).

10. Same reference as footnote 9, p. 219.11. See Charles R. Goeldner, "Automatic Selling, Will It

Work," Journal of Retailing. Vol. 38 (Summer, 1962), pp.4146, 51-52.

12. R. Haley, "Benefit Segmentation: A Decision-orientedResearch Tool," JOURNAL OF .MARKETING. Vol. 32 (July, 1968),p. 31.

13. William Darden and Fred Reynolds, "Shopping Ori-entations and Product Usage Rates," Journal of .Market-ing Research. Vol. VIII (November, 1971), pp. 505-508;and G. Stone, "City Shoppers and Urban Identification:Observations on the Social Psychology of City Life," TheAmerican Journal of Sociology (July, 1954).

14. Theodore Levitt, Innovation in Marketing: New Per-spectives for Profit and Growth (New York: .McGraw-HillBook Company, 1962); and Peter F. Drucker, "What isBusiness?" in The Practice of Management (New York:Harper and Row, Inc., 1954).