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RESEARCH REPORT NO 1/11 AUGUST 2011

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A fAmiliES COmmiSSiON RESEARCH REPORT

ISSN 1177-3545 (Print) ISSN 1178-1289 (Online)

ISBN 978-0-478-34948-1 (Print) ISBN 978-0-478-34949-8 (Online)

The families Commission was established under the families Commission Act 2003 and commenced operations on 1 July 2004. Under the Crown Entities Act 2004, the Commission is designated as an autonomous Crown entity.

Our main role is to act as an advocate for the interests of families generally (rather than individual families).

Our specific functions under the Families Commission Act 2003 are to:

> encourage and facilitate informed debate about families

> increase public awareness and promote better understanding of matters affecting families

> encourage and facilitate the development and provision of government policies that promote and serve the interests of families

> consider any matter relating to the interests of families referred to us by any Minister of the Crown

> stimulate and promote research into families; for example, by funding and undertaking research

> consult with, or refer matters to, other official bodies or statutory agencies.

Our specific functions under the Whänau Strategic Framework (2009–2012, p. 5) are to develop an operating environment which is regarded by whänau, Mäori, iwi and key stakeholders as representative of an organisation that:

> listens to the voice of whänau

> has regard to the needs, values and beliefs of Mäori as tangata whenua, as required under Section 11(a) of the Families Commission Act 2003

> promotes and maintains whänau strength and resiliency

> promotes whänau ora through the activities of advocacy, engagement, policy development and research.

Families Commission Public Trust Building Level 6, 117-125 Lambton Quay PO Box 2839 Wellington 6140

Telephone: 04 917 7040 Email: [email protected] www.nzfamilies.org.nz

today, tomorrowwhänau yesterday,

Dr Kathie irwin, with Lisa Davies, whetu werata, CoLLeen tuuta, huhana roKx-Potae, sanDra PotaKa,

Punohu MCCausLanD anD Dave Bassett

a faMiLies CoMMission researCh rePort

Families Commission Kömihana ä Whänau2

aCKnowLeDgeMentsE tipu, e rea, Mö ngä ra o töu ao;

Ko tö ringa ki ngä räkau a te PähekäHei ara mö tö tinana

Ko tö ngäkau ki ngä taonga a ö tïpuna MäoriHei tikitiki mö tö mähunaÄ, ko tö wairua ki tö AtuaNäna nei ngä mea katoa.

Grow up and thrive for the days destined to you.Your hands to the tools of the Päkehä

to provide physical sustenanceYour heart to the tr easures of y our Mäori ancestors

as a diadem for your browYour soul to your God, to whom all things belong.

Sir Äpirana Ngata, Ngäti Porou

The pathway to the future of Aotearoa is paved in the wisdom and knowledge of the past. Our ancestors gifted to us ways of knowing, being and doing which are uniquely of these lands which we so treasure. As the whakatauäkï above, written by Sir Äpirana Ngata, so eloquently suggests, richness lies in the bicultural and bilingual heritage of this country. He mihi tënei ki a rätou mö ngä moemoeä hei whärikii nga huarahi ki mua.

To the whänau who have allowed their stories to enrich this resource we acknowledge the role that your generosity has played in bringing this resource to life. Thank you for allowing the Families Commission to work with you to help in the project of creating new possibilities. Ngä mihi aroha ki a koutou.

We are grateful to Mark Solomon, Kaiwhakahaere, Te Runanga o Ngäi Tahu, Dr Jessica Hutchings and Trina Taupo, Te Wähanga, New Zealand Council of Educational Research, for comments received on the report. Special thanks to Maxine Rennie for your feedback. To the members of the Families Commission Whänau Reference Group, ngä mihi mö tö koutou tautoko.

To the research team who worked on this project, your expertise has contributed to the creation of a resource which enables the reader to explore the depth and the breadth of mätauranga Mäori. Lisa Davies and Whetu Werata (Kaipuke Consultants), Colleen Tuuta (Albatross Enterprises), Sandra Potaka and Te Punohu McCausland (Maranga Waitaha), Huhana Rokx-Potae (Hikuwai Consultancy Services), Dave Bassett (BrandNew), Sarah McLean (Sarah McLean Business Writing) and Huia Lambie. He tino mihi tënei ki a koutou katoa. Kia whäia e tätou te märamatanga kia whakapakari ai ngä huarahi pono mö ngä whänau o Aotearoa.

To my colleagues and friends at Te Kömihana ä Whänau. The Board, led by Chief Commissioners Dr Jan Pryor and Carl Davidson, thank you for creating the space and giving the staff the support needed to undertake this work. Special heartfelt thanks are given to Commissioner Kim Workman for the transformative praxis that you model, the robust blend of wisdom, courage and rich scholarship. Nä tö kaha i whakapiki tatou. Special thanks to CEO of the Families Commission, Paul Curry, for enabling this project to be added to what was already a full work programme. He mihi tënei ki a koe e pä mö tö kaha, tö tautoko, tö matauranga mö ngä kaupapa o Te Kömihana ä Whänau.

3whänau yesterday, today, tomorrow 3

To the staff of the Research and Policy Group, Dr Jo Cribb, Group Manager Policy and Research, Deborah Malcolm, Margaret Retter, your comments and advice were much appreciated. To the Research and Policy team who supported this project he mihi aroha ki a koutou.

To the Mäori staff of Te Uepu Mäori who supported me through the journey this project has taken, Bobby Newson, Doug Hauraki, Kahukore Baker, Huia O’Sullivan and Jacqui Aliva. Your solid and unwavering faith and support has been at once uplifting, inspirational and deeply enriching. Mä te aroha e whakawätea te huarahi whakamua.

Dr Kathie Irwin Rakaipaaka, Ngäti Porou, Ngäti Kahungunu Kaitohutohu Matua Take Mäori Chief Advisor Mäori

Dr Kathie irwin Lisa Davies Colleen tuuta

Dave Bassett sarah McLeanhuhana rokx-Potae


Contentsacknowledgements 2

Mihimihi 8

Preface 9

1. executive summary 11

1.1 Introduction 12

1.2 Demographic and statistical profile (Chapter 3) 14

1.3 Explorations of whänau (Chapter 4) 16

1.4 Research design, methodologies and issues (Chapter 5) 16

1.5 Mäori women and whänau development (Chapter 6) 17

1.6 Whänau as custodians of culture (Chapter 7) 18

1.7 Taku maara, toku ora (Chapter 8) 19

1.8 Role and status of Mäori language and knowledge in economic development and transformation (Chapter 9) 20

1.9 Conclusion (Chapter 10) 22

2. introduction 25

2.1 What is the project about? 26

2.2 Mäori as outliers 27

2.3 Mäori as entrepreneurs 29

2.4 Mäori as the cognitariat 32

2.5 The text 35

3. a demographic and statistical profile of whänau from 1975 to the present 39

3.1 Introduction 40

3.2 Definitions and technical notes 41

3.3 Population characteristics associated with family change 42

3.4 Family formation 46

3.5 Families and households 51

3.6 Changes in the socio-economic circumstances of families and households 54

3.7 Whänau connectedness 61

3.8 Conclusion 66

4. explorations of whänau 69

4.1 Worldview 71

4.2 Whänau 74

4.3 Marae and mätauranga 76

4.4 Mäori renaissance 78

4.5 Mäori development 80

4.6 Mäori development and the machinery of government 82


5. research design, methodologies and issues 87

5.1 Introduction 88

5.2 Kaupapa Mäori Research 89

5.3 Treaty of Waitangi and Families Commission Work Programme 91

5.4 Wake-up call 1980 91

5.5 World Social Science Forum 93

6. Mäori women and whänau development 95

6.1 Introduction 96

6.2 Nga Wahinetoa: The Women Interviewed 98

6.3 Common themes 101

6.4 Evolving into the future – Whänau Ora! 113

7. whänau as the custodians of culture 115

7.1 Introduction 116

7.2 The Winitana Story 117

8. taku maara, toku ora 129

8.1 Introduction 130

8.2 Waitaha – Kei hea koe, e ngaro nei 130

8.3 Iwi strategic planning 133

8.4 Taku maara, toku ora 133

8.5 Major issues and challenges 134

8.6 Critical success factors 134

8.7 Role of the project in strategic planning for the iwi 136

8.8 He ara ki mua 137

8.9 Acknowledgements 137

9. the role and status of Mäori language and knowledge in economic development and transformation 139

9.1 Understanding how consumers make decisions about brands 140

9.2 Examples of new Mäori brands 146

9.3 The economic value of Mäori culture and language 155

10. Conclusion 159

10.1 Why we undertook this work 160

10.2 Te Kömihana ä Whänau Strategic Framework 2009–2012 160

10.3 Alignment of the Whänau Strategic Framework 2009–2012 161

10.4 Te Puni Kökiri – Leading the Government response 162

10.5 Explorations of Mäori development and the Mäori renaissance 163

Bibliography 169


List of taBLes

Table 1: NCEA Results: How secondary schools fared 34

Table 2: Percentage of school leavers with NCEA Level 2 or above, by ethnic group and school quintile (2009) 34

Table 3: Mäori as percentage of total regional population 1986–2006 43

Table 4: Distribution and concentration of Mäori population by urban–rural areas 2006 44

Table 5: Percentage distribution of Mäori by address five years ago 1986–2006 45

Table 6: Percentage legal marital status for Mäori aged 16 and over 1976–2001 46

Table 7: Percentage occupational structure of Mäori workforce 1991–2006 58

Table 8: Competency rates of Mäori language speakers by age 2006 63

Table 9: Mäori ancestry and knowledge of iwi 1991–2006 64

Table 10: Participation by Mäori aged 12 and over in a Mäori cultural activity in the four weeks prior to the survey 65

Table 11: Transformational shifts 1984–2025 80

Table 12: Diversity in public service senior management 2005–2010 86

Table 13: Characteristics of four identified types of research, science and technology 89

Table 14: Typology of Mäori research approaches 90

Table 15: Criteria for Mäori methodological frameworks 90

Table 16: Business Harmonix™ 142

Table 17: VfM/Expenditure reviews, estimated ‘size of the prize’ 165


List of figures

Figure 1: Changes in age structure of Mäori population 1986–2006 45

Figure 2: Proportion of Mäori who had moved within previous five years by age groups 1986 and 2006 46

Figure 3: Proportion of Mäori in each age group who were living with a spouse 1986–2001 47

Figure 4: Proportion of Mäori in each age group who were living with a de-facto partner 1986–2001 48

Figure 5: Total fertility rate for Mäori and total 1962–2006 49

Figure 6: Age-specific fertility rates for Mäori women 1976–2006 50

Figure 7: Distribution of Mäori population living in families by family type 1991–2006 51

Figure 8: Distribution of Mäori children under 15 years of age by family type 1986–2006 52

Figure 9: Distribution of households with a Mäori occupier by household type 1976–2001 53

Figure 10: Real equivalised median household disposable income for Mäori 1988–2008 (BHC) 55

Figure 11: Jensen median real (1999), gross, equivalised family income by family type for families with at least one Mäori parent 1981–2006 56

Figure 12: Lack of paid employment by family type for families with at least one Mäori parent 1981–2006 57

Figure 13: Lack of post-secondary educational attainment by family type for families with at least one Mäori parent 1981–2006 59

Figure 14: Proportion of families with at least one Mäori parent who do not live in owner occupied dwellings 1981–2006 60

Figure 15: Proportion of families with at least one Mäori parent who live in overcrowded homes 1981–2006 61

Figure 16: Percentage of Mäori speakers in age groups 1996–2006 63

Figure 17: The journey towards nation building in Aotearoa 70

Figure 18: 1975, The tipping point 79

Figure 19: The machinery of government 85

Figure 20: Alignment of Te Kömihana ä Whänau/Families Commission Whänau Strategic Framework 2009–2012 161

Figure 21: Key outcome indicators: baseline data 162

Figure 22: Strategic outcome framework – He aha te mea nui o te ao, he tangata, he tangata, he tangata. Tino rangatiratanga 163


MihiMihiTënä koutou katoa

Hoatu te mana ki a rätou kua tae mai nei ki tënei whenua, kua whetürangitia i te korowai o Ranginui, kua hangaia i tënei kaupapa hoki.

In the last three years, I have had the privilege of working with Mäori colleagues and fellow Commissioners to develop a body of work that acknowledges whänau, discusses it, defines it, honours it and challenges it. At times we have tiptoed through delicate issues, taking care not to offend those whose views about whänau were firm to the point of calcification. At other times we have stepped out with confidence, knowing that the stories we told of whänau strength, resilience and adaptation in times of trouble, would strike at the heart of every reader, Mäori or otherwise.

Throughout this journey, the dominant uni-dimensional view of what whänau is, and how it behaves, (or should behave), was constantly questioned. For those of you in the public sector and elsewhere who have shared in this journey, it should no longer be possible for you to put family and whänau together in the same bracket. Whänau is a distinctive concept, firmly embedded within the context of kaupapa Mäori, with its own mauri (life force), nuances and complexities.

In my view, Whänau Yesterday, Today, Tomorrow contributes to a deeper understanding of whänau, and we should be grateful for it. Throughout the 10 chapters, kuia and storytellers unravel and share insights into their own tikanga around whänau. They strip the stark and simple outer leaves of this particular harakeke, to expose the complex fibre at the centre; revelation generously shared, and humbly received.

The impact of these stories is profound. I recently travelled with my whänau, and my son’s partners’ whänau, to Raupunga, where we buried my latest grandson’s placenta behind his great-great-grandfather’s headstone. The stories from this project travelled with me on that journey, and added another dimension of meaning, as kaumätua from the local whänau shared the trans-generational stories that added richness and significance to the lives of those privileged to be present.

My term as Families Commissioner is about to close. I am grateful to Dr Kathie Irwin and her team. I am able to leave knowing that we have made a sound contribution to the nation’s understanding about whänau, and that this project is our most significant yet.

Haromi (shalom)

Kim Workman Commissioner Ngäti Kahungunu ki Wairarapa


PrefaCeIn 2010 the Families Commission launched its Whänau Strategic Framework 2009–2012, which the Commission sees as a critical part of our commitment to the needs, values and beliefs of Mäori as tangata whenua. This report, Whänau Yesterday, Today, Tomorrow achieves a key milestone in delivering on that strategy and makes a significant and highly valuable contribution to the knowledge resources of the Commission.

The Commission’s Whänau Strategy recognises that past research has often been about Mäori, not with Mäori. For many years this has meant that Mäori have been described in terms of deficit thinking, where whänau success or failure is measured by indicators that do not recognise kaupapa Mäori frameworks. Mark Twain once said: “You can’t depend on your eyes when your mind is out of focus”, and this is clearly a criticism that kaupapa Mäori researchers can direct at much of that historical research.

At the same time, as the social psychologists tell us, we become as we are described by society. The phenomena of labelling and self-fulfilling prophecies are powerful phenomena, and it is important to recognise so research can play a role in influencing social realities.

As the research in this report describes, when the research is framed by Western thinking, only part of the story is told. The Mäori renaissance of the past 35 years has largely been obscured from mainstream New Zealand. How often have we heard, for example, that Mäori PhD levels are among the highest in the world among indigenous people? Or that Mäori are the third-most entrepreneurial people in the world? Not often. For those immersed in Te Ao Mäori, such achievements may be unsurprising. For those who have absorbed a daily diet of negative findings and subsequent press, this view is eye-opening.

Whänau Yesterday, Today, Tomorrow seeks to address that gap and celebrate a rich renaissance. The report weaves together many strands, and draws on insights from deep within Mäoridom. It is a significant contribution to the literature on Mäori wellbeing, and is as fascinating and informing as it is robust.

Whänau Yesterday, Today, Tomorrow is also a collective endeavour. I would like to take this opportunity to express my great thanks to those people who have contributed their time and expertise, whether as contributing researchers, or by sharing their stories and experiences.

The celebration and sharing of success, where strengths are made visible, tells a story that not only honours the past, but also maps out a pattern for a successful future.

The Families Commission stands proudly behind Whänau Yesterday, Today, Tomorrow.

Carl DavidsonChief Commissioner


1. exeCutive suMMaryDr Kathie irwin raKaiPaaKa, ngÄti Porou, ngÄti Kahungunu


1.1 introDuCtionToitü te kupu, toitü te mana, toitü te whenua.1

Whänau Yesterday, Today, Tomorrow draws on Mäori knowledge, cultural practices and methods to research stories of Mäori whänau success. It is informed by the integrated nature of Mäori knowledge, so it explores social, economic, cultural and environmental aspects of whänau development and whänau ora. The report concentrates on a period often referred to as the Mäori renaissance, which this report takes as 1975 to the present. During this period of significant change in New Zealand, new ways of thinking created new possibilities and new ways of working.

The Mäori renaissance was a movement of social change at the flaxroots level, directly engaging whänau, hapü and iwi. The leadership sustaining the movement came from the people, for the people. Mäori cultural, social and economic wealth grew through the development of new Mäori models in most aspects of modern life. Mäori connected ngä taonga tuku iho (their traditions) with ngä moemoeä (their visions) to create he huarahi hou (new pathways to the future). The new pathways were built within Mäori social and cultural institutions, primarily whänau and marae, over which Mäori retained control.

Little contemporary research explores the breadth and the depth of whänau success through narrative accounts of Mäori living as Mäori. Much of the existing research on whänau draws on Western models and focuses on whänau failure, problems and deficiencies. Whilst that research details a significant part of the whänau experience, it is not the whole story.

This report will present contemporary narrative accounts of whänau, hapü, iwi and Mäori succeeding as Mäori. Publicising these accounts to the wider community will allow us to learn from them. We undertook research that explores: Mäori women as advocates of whänau development; whänau as custodians of culture; whänau as kaitiaki of the environment; and the role and status of Mäori language and knowledge in economic transformation. The themes of Mäori as outliers, Mäori as entrepreneurs and Mäori as cognitariat introduce the report.

1.1.1 Mäori as outliers2

Mäori are considered to be ‘outliers’ on the world stage; world leaders in models of indigenous development who stand out from the trends for indigenous peoples observed in other countries.3 The Mäori immersion stream of education options provides a series of such exemplars. Köhanga, reo, kura kaupapa Mäori, wharekura and wänanga are all identified overseas as such exemplars. In May 2003, for example, representatives of Te Köhanga Reo National Trust were invited to address the first United Nations Forum on Indigenous Issues on the cross-cultural portability of the model underpinning te köhanga reo.4 In the search to gain an edge in the global marketplace, the Mäori world confers on New Zealand an authentic point of differentiation from an increasingly generic, globalised culture. It is a point of difference whose genesis lies in Mäori knowledge and is expressed in te reo Mäori. It enables New Zealand to make a contribution to the knowledge society and economy that is uniquely Mäori.

Hinurewa Poutu (Ngäti Rangi, Te Äti Hau-nui-a-Päpärangi, Ngäti Maniapoto) could well be described as the ‘poster girl’ for the concept of Mäori development as outliers5

1 http://www.takakaprimary.school.nz/schoolcommunity/newsletters/school/nov4.pdf, accessed 29 January 2011.2 Gladwell, M. (2008). Outliers: The Story of Success. Little, Brown. Victoria, Australia.3 Ibid.4 Irwin, K., Black, T. & Marshall, P. (2003) Te Köhanga Reo: Twenty Years On, Address to United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous

Issues, New York, May.5 This account has been approved for publication by Hinurewa Poutu and her whänau.


in the sense that Gladwell uses the term. She represents a movement that has created radical transformative change in Aotearoa.6 By telling her story we are opening the way for telling the stories of so many others, their whänau, köhanga, kura, marae and communities. A child of the Mäori renaissance, a native speaker of te reo Mäori, educated from birth in te reo rangatira, she was born into a whänau which is fully immersed in whänau, hapü and iwi development.

At 16 Hinurewa was one of the youngest students at Massey University, where she studied to become a Mäori language teacher. She completed teacher training, gained a degree in Te Aho Tätai Rangi and then graduated with a Master’s degree in Mäori Studies, all at Massey University. She currently teaches at Mana Tamariki (a combined köhanga reo and kura kaupapa Mäori). Her thesis was written in te reo rangatira. She may well have made history as the youngest Mäori woman to submit a thesis to a university in te reo rangatira; she was just 22 at the time.

Immersion education models based in mätauranga Mäori, and delivered through te reo rangatira me öna tikanga, have opened up a whole new paradigm. Recent statistics on National Certificate of Educational Achievement (NCEA) secondary school pass rates show that graduates of wharekura, and other Mäori immersion secondary school programmes, are achieving academic outcomes at levels greater than their counterparts in mainstream schools. Mereana Selby, CEO of Te Wänanga o Raukawa, used Ministry of Education data to report the performance of nine wharekura or Mäori Boarding Schools on NCEA L 1–3.7 Compared with National averages of 72 percent (L1), 76 percent (L2) and 70 percent (L3) the nine Mäori secondary schools reported averages of 97 percent (L1), 94 percent (L2) and 93 percent (L3).8

1.1.2 Mäori as entrepreneurs9

It is not enough to be preoccupied with innovation. Innovation is simply the breeding of brilliant ideas. Entrepreneurship takes those brilliant ideas to market and in doing so grows companies and their wealth. The entire economy benefits from their wealth of capital, talent and opportunity.10

Rt Hon Jenny Shipley, Forword, GEM 03/04

Global Entrepreneur Monitor (GEM) reports confirm that Mäori are the third-most entrepreneurial people in the world.11 Of particular note is the finding that Mäori women rated third highest in the world in terms of ‘opportunity entrepreneurship’. The 2006 GEM found that one in three Mäori aged 35–44 were business entrepreneurs. Other findings included: about 25 percent of Mäori expect to launch a start-up business in the next three years, compared to 13.1 percent of the New Zealand population; 18 percent of Mäori entrepreneurs claim to be using the very latest technology, compared to 10 percent of entrepreneurs overall; and 12.3 percent believe they will create 20 jobs in five years compared to 8.1 percent of the general population. Finally, more Mäori (71.3 percent) than other New Zealanders (60.5 percent) say that starting a business is a good career choice.

Dean and Kristen Nikora are outstanding Mäori entrepreneurs. Dean Nikora (Ngäti Maniapoto, Ngäti Tama) left school at 16 with no qualifications. Twenty years later, he owns a $35 million agricultural business with his wife and business partner Kristen

6 Gladwell, M. (2008) Outliers: The Story of Success. Little, Brown. Victoria, Australia.7 Selby, M. (2010) Keynote Address. NZQA Symposium honouring Dr Ranginui Walker. 30 June 2010, Te Papa. 8 The L3 results were reported for eight schools.9 Frederick, H.H. (2004) GEM Report 03 / 04. UNITEC, Auckland.10 Shipley, J. (2004: 2) `Forword’, in Frederick, H.H. (2004) GEM Report 03 / 04. UNITEC, Auckland. 11 Frederick, H.H. (2006) GEM Report 2006. The 2006 GEM Report was sponsored by Te Puni Kökiri and led by Professor Howard Frederick

of UNITEC. The research team included staff from UNITEC and Te Wänanga o Raukawa. UNITEC, Auckland.


(Ngäti Awa). In 2009 the Nikoras won the Ahuwhenua Trophy. They entered the competition for several reasons: to benchmark their business against their peers; to receive feedback from the judges to enable further business growth; and to demonstrate to other Mäori that good planning and sound strategy can deliver your goals.12

Dean and Kristen own Mangatewai, a 342-hectare dairy farm near Takapau and Mangatewai. They milk 1,900 cows and that will increase to 2,600 cows after the recent purchase of more land.13 They farm in partnership and together lead a company, Cesped Lands Limited, which owns or leases five properties. Dean feels close to his Mäori roots and says he has subconsciously applied Mäori cultural values to the business, such as taking a ’whänau’ approach to staff welfare and to protecting the environment.

1.1.3 Mäori as the cognitariat14

Using a term developed by the futurist Alvin Toffler, Mäori are becoming members of the ‘cognitariat’ in increasing numbers. In Powershift: Knowledge, wealth and violence at the edge of the 21st century, Toffler described a new economic model. He argued that the proletariat, the working class, has now been transformed into a new class of worker, the cognitariat. In the classic Marxist model the proletariat were the working class. The main asset that the working class owned was their labour which they traded in the marketplace in return for a wage.

With the advent of technology, and the subsequent transformation of the labour market machines, automation and technology have taken over, or eradicated, many of the jobs in the unskilled or semi-skilled sectors of the labour market. Economic advantage is increasingly linked with advanced education and training. Toffler argues that the new economic elite are those whose intellectual ‘labour’ creates the new ideas and the innovation that keeps businesses ahead of their competitors.

Education becomes invaluable in this new age of the knowledge society and economy. Education is the key to the future and Mäori movement into the cognitariat is significant. Mäori PhD graduation levels are amongst the highest among indigenous peoples in the world. In 2010 350 Mäori students were enrolled in New Zealand in PhD-level study.15 Eight new Mäori PhDs graduated at one Massey University ceremony in May 2010. In his keynote address at that graduation ceremony Professor Sir Mason Durie told the assembled whänau:

In 2000 we launched a programme that we would have 25 Mäori PhD graduates by the end of 2010. The good news is we will have 55 by the end of the year.16

1.2 DeMograPhiC anD statistiCaL ProfiLe (ChaPter 3)

Mäori in 2006 were just as likely as they were in 1976 to be partnered and whilst the numbers cohabiting increased and the numbers married decreased, marriage continued as the most common form of partnership. Mäori in 2006 tended to have fewer children than their counterparts in 1976 and, during the 30-year period, had them progressively later. Since 2006, the modal age for childbearing has been in transition from the early to the late-20s.

12 Kökiri 09 2008, Te Puni , Wellington. The GEM reports are researched by an international team. GEM’s data are gathered by more than 40 national teams at public and private institutions worldwide.

13 Source: http://www.stuff.co.nz/dominion-post/business/farming/48439214 Toffler, A. (1990). Powershift: Knowledge, wealth and violence at the edge of the 21st Century. Bantam Books, New York.15 2010 Tertiary Student Data, Ministry of Education.16 Source: http://www.massey.ac.nz/massey/about-massey/news/article.cfm?mnarticle=growth-in-graduate-numbers-no-accident-19-05-2010


Mäori are now just as likely to be living as a part of a family as they were in 1976. Moreover, in spite of increases in the proportions living in couple-only and one-parent families and decreases in the proportions living in two-parent families, the two-parent family continued as the most common type of Mäori family. Whilst Mäori children today are much less likely to live in two-parent families and are considerably more likely to live in one-parent families than 30 years ago, more than half of all Mäori children continue to live in two-parent families.

Mäori today are also more likely to separate and re-partner than in the past and so blended families appear to be more common than they were 30 years ago. Due to the lack of recognition in official data, nothing appears to be known about other family types that are known, anecdotally, to be fairly common among Mäori; for example, families with grandparent(s), or siblings or other relatives, such as aunts and uncles, in the parenting role.

Regarding living arrangements, the most common household has been and continues to be the two-parent family household followed by the parents-plus household in which many Mäori sole-parent families are embedded. However, Mäori are now more likely to be living on their own or as couples without children than in 1976. As the population continues to age and couples delay having children, the proportion of these types of households is expected to increase.

The economic reforms of the 1980s and 1990s impacted severely on Mäori families and households, especially on Mäori sole-parent households. Recovery from the set-backs experienced during those years has been slow. Nevertheless, as more Mäori participate in tertiary education, they are emerging with the qualifications necessary to secure well-paid jobs. As a result, there has been a shift in the occupational structure of the workforce toward professional, technical and managerial-type jobs. Personal and household incomes have improved but it was not until relatively recently that real equivalised household income rose above the 1988 level. However, there is evidence of a growing gap in the income distribution of Mäori, a significant proportion of whom fall below the poverty line.

Qualitative studies have found that whänau continues to be an important institution in Mäori society but estimates on individual involvement – drawn from little quantitative research on the subject – tend to vary widely. In part, the variations are due to differences in the interests of the surveying authority and/or in the way that whänau involvement is conceptualised and measured. Nevertheless, the surveys tend to confirm that whänau is important to a significant proportion of Mäori.

In spite of the socio-economic hardships that many Mäori endured during the late 1980s–early 1990s, cultural resurgence has continued. Enrolments in Te Köhanga Reo rose during the period and peaked in the mid-1990s. Enrolments in Mäori-medium classes and in Kura Kaupapa Mäori continued to rise and the proportions of Mäori claiming to be able to converse in Mäori increased before falling slightly in more recent years. Increasing numbers of New Zealanders are acknowledging Mäori ancestry, and those of Mäori ancestry in 2006 were more likely to know their iwi than they were in 1991. One-off surveys conducted in the late-1990s and early-2000s found a high level of involvement in Mäori community activities and in Mäori cultural activities. These surveys found moreover, that a high proportion of those participating in these activities did so in company with members of their immediate family or wider whänau.


1.3 exPLorations of whÄnau (ChaPter 4)This chapter is devoted to explorations of whänau within the Mäori worldview. It starts with a consideration of the concept of worldview. With this as a starting point, the chapter takes its positioning from the Mäori creation story, in which mätauranga Mäori, Mäori cultural knowledge, traces its origins, is centred and privileged. This is the intellectual tradition that whakapapa links Mäori to, and, from which rights as tangata whenua are derived.

The ability to remain connected to these traditional knowledge codes, expressed as mätauranga Mäori, was interrupted by colonisation, but not destroyed. The activism of iwi to protect this ancient pool of wisdom has seen recourse to legal channels in recent decades. The te reo Mäori claim by Huirangi Waikerepuru and the Te Reo Mäori Society to the Waitangi Tribunal17 led to the creation of the Mäori Language Act and the requirement that the Crown work to actively protect and promote te reo Mäori. The Wai 262 Flora and Fauna Claim,18 lodged by six iwi over the management and protection of traditional Mäori knowledge, reported in July 2011 into an expectant Mäori community and is poised to significantly transform the discourses and practices pertaining to traditional knowledge.

Whänau is a concept which derives from the Mäori intellectual tradition. In many contexts, however, its use is plucked from this tradition, de-contextualised, and applied in a range of cross-cultural mainstream contexts which are informed by Western knowledge codes. Perhaps, not surprisingly, this approach to working with whänau as a model is not always successful. During the Mäori renaissance this practice has been deconstructed and alternative social projects developed in which whänau is operationalised as a model within Mäori contexts using kaupapa Mäori methodology.

The role and status of Mäori cultural knowledge, Mäori cultural practice and Mäori cultural method in Mäori development provides a major frame in the latter part of this chapter. Finally, the chapter explores the interface between Mäori development and the ‘machinery of government’ for it is through the machinery of government that the English language and culture, from the signing of the Treaty of Waitangi, came to be integrated into the very foundations of New Zealand law and throughout the Government sector.

1.4 researCh Design, MethoDoLogies anD issues (ChaPter 5)

Whänau Yesterday, Today, Tomorrow has been designed as kaupapa Mäori research,19 informed by Mäori epistemology (Mäori cultural theory), Mäori methodology (Mäori cultural methods) and Mäori ontology (Mäori cultural practices). Taken together, these bodies of knowledge comprise the Mäori worldview that authentic Mäori cultural options are selected from. That said, this report aims to be descriptive of possibilities informed by the Mäori worldview not prescriptive of what form they should take.

The Families Commission Act (2003), section 11a, requires that the Commission, in exercising and performing its powers and functions, has regard to the needs, values and beliefs of Mäori as tangata whenua. This legislative mandate creates a kaupapa Mäori space within which strengths-based pathways for whänau, hapü and iwi development can be created. This project has been positioned with a strong emphasis on Mäori

17 Finding of the Waitangi Tribunal relating to the Te Reo Mäori and a claim lodged by Huirangi Waikerepuru and Nga Kaiwhakapumau i te Reo Incorporated Society. (1986). Government Printer, Wellington.

18 See http://www.med.govt.nz/templates/Page____1207.aspx?&MSHiC=65001&L=0&W=Wai+262+&Pre=%3cb%3e&Post=%3c%2fb%3e. 19 Smith, L. & Reid, P. (2000). Mäori Research Development. Kaupapa Mäori principles and practices. A literature review. Report to Te Puni

Kökiri. Te Puni Kökiri, Wellington. See also Cunningham, C. (2000) A framework for addressing Mäori knowledge in research, science and technology. In Pacific Health Dialog, 7(1): 62–69.


epistemology, Mäori cultural knowledge, in response to the legislative mandate set out in the Families Commission Act.20

This research was positioned as endogenous development (development from within21), an approach also known as ‘inside out research’. Penetito22 has described the successful approaches to Mäori education that emerged during the Mäori renaissance in ways that resonate with ‘endogenous development/inside out’ as “by Mäori, for Mäori, about Mäori and in Mäori”. A 2010 report by Te Puni Kökiri has described this kind of approach as “Mäori developed, designed and delivered”23 as a result of successful research it completed with Mäori providers in the justice area.

The research design draws from a range of methodologies, both qualitative and qualitative. Chapter 6 uses structured interviews24 with a group of leading Mäori women. Chapter 7 uses a narrative methodology 25 to tell the story of a whänau and hapü through their journey to revitalise and reclaim te reo Mäori me öna tikanga. Chapter 8 uses narrative methodology 26 to tell the story of an iwi rethinking and reclaiming their future based on their ancestral past. Chapter 9 explores a number of Mäori businesses using case study methodology.27

1.5 MÄori woMen anD whÄnau DeveLoPMent (ChaPter 6)

Chapter 6 reports on interviews with Mäori women who are considered successful leaders in whänau development by Mäori and the wider New Zealand society. The women are a diverse group drawn from ‘ngä hau e whä’, the four winds. They are: Dame Dr Iritana Täwhiwhirangi; Dame Adjunct Professor Dr Katerina Mataira; Dr Rangimarie Rose Pere; Dr Khyla Russell; Barbara Greer; Ngaropi Cameron; Mereana Pitman; Areta Koopu; Naida Glavich; Associate Professor Paparangi Reid; and Moe Milne.

We interviewed Mäori women because research released in 2011 by the Crown Ownership Monitoring Unit (COMU) shows that Mäori women are still not represented equitably in places of decision-making and influence, governance or senior management roles, despite the major contributions they make to nation building. The COMU reported on the Director Breakdown by Gender and Ethnic Origin as at 1 January 2011. The distribution was: European male 58 percent, European female 29 percent, Mäori male 6 percent, Mäori female 4 percent.28

Vibrations speak louder than words. The written words do not do justice to the powerful wairua and vibrations of the women’s voices, their frustrations, their laughter, their intelligence, their emotions and, most importantly, their mana. The written words do, however, provide us with an insight, a glimpse, into the extraordinary lives of these wahine purotu. In most cases they have been chosen to live in this way. This is life as it has been lived on a day-by-day, year-by-year basis for each of these exceptional women. Undertaking these interviews has been a colourful, illuminating and joyous journey

20 Families Commission Act (2003), see http://www.nzfamilies.org.nz/families-commission-act-2003 21 Haverkort, B., van te Hooft, K. & Hiemstra, W. (2002) Ancient Roots, New Shoots: Endogenous Development in Practice.

Zed Books, London. 22 Penetito, W. (1988). Mäori Education for a Just Society. In RCSP Volume IV: Social Perspectives (pp 89–114).

Government Printer, Wellington. 23 Te Puni Kökiri (2010) Mäori designed, developed and delivered initiatives to reduce Mäori offending and re-offending. Te Puni Kökiri,

Wellington. 24 Patton, M.Q. (2002). Qualitative Research and Evaluation Methods. 3rd Edition. Sage Publications, Thousand Oaks.25 See Denning, S. (2001) The Springboard: How Storytelling Ignites Action in Knowledge-Era Organisations. Butterworth-Heinemann.

Denning, S. (2005) The Leaders Guider to Storytelling: Mastering the Art and Discipline of Business Narrative. Jossey Bass, San Fransisco. 26 Ibid. 27 Patton, M.Q. (2002). Op cit.28 Source: http://www.comu.govt.nz/board%2Dappointments/directors%2Dserving%2Don%2Dboards/demographic%2Dprofile/, accessed

Mar 16 2011.


sitting at kitchen tables, in lounges and on the verandas of these women, listening to them reflect on the past 30 years or more. They have shared a kaleidoscope of stories and inspiration with much love and generosity, so that we, and future generations can all learn from, lead from, connect to and embrace them – or not.

The women discuss the role and status of Mäori women as advocates of whänau development and highlight strategies and tactics used. They identify the drivers of their advocacy and discuss issues they felt important for the future of whänau development. They share a phenomenal collation of mätauranga Mäori – Mäori knowledge. It is also a phenomenal collation of mätauranga Päkehä. This is reflected in the experiences of these women of their years of working with Päkehä via the Government (in most government agencies), Päkehä businesses, organisations and communities. These women have not only influenced whänau, hapü and iwi development but also the development of our nation, Aotearoa New Zealand. Most have influenced international developments as well, particularly those involving other indigenous peoples throughout the world.

Six common themes have emerged from the interviews: wairua – spirituality; whakapapa – the golden thread; ngä wähine Mäori; ngä täne Mäori; whanaungatanga; and Mana Motuhake. Evolving forward is a conclusion of the chapter. It is about optimism and how the women view the future: the future of whänau, the future of Mäoridom and the future of Aotearoa New Zealand.

1.6 whÄnau as CustoDians of CuLture (ChaPter 7)Ahorangi: Genesis. A hapü29 is born. In the early 1990s the Winitana Whänau toured New Zealand with a show called Ahorangi: Genesis. The cast included their young and their old, singing Mäori and dancing kapa and haka in ways New Zealand had never witnessed before, long legs on amazing stilettos, showing us Mäori panache. What captured the people most was the story they were telling. A story of a people re-born, of survival, of recapturing the past without living in the past, of bringing to the present all that was exciting and invigorating of that past, of moving forward, of honouring the old with grace and good taste.

The Winitana whänau refers to Chris and Tina, their children and grandchildren, and Chris’s four siblings, their spouses, children and grandchildren: a total head count of 44, currently. In fact, this particular whänau has reached hapü status, the head being Chris’s mother Te Atamira Winitana nee Hura, whose parents were Päteriki Hura of Ngäti Türumakina o Tüwharetoa and Hariata Asher-Hura of Ngäti Türangitukua o Tüwharetoa; and Chris’s father Tamihana Winitana (Ngäti Hinekura o Tühoe, Waikaremoana, Ngäti Paretekawa o Maniapoto) who passed away in 2003.

The Winitana whänau story is part of the story of the köhanga reo movement. This is how the Winitana whänau began their journey with the Mäori language and culture in a serious way. As the parents of young children, and as adults whose upbringing had provided them with a head-start in the Mäori culture, the whänau became involved in a köhanga reo and the rest, as the saying goes, is history.

So what’s the Winitana whänau story? Firstly, it’s a story of survival – the survival of the customs and traditions of old. And within those customs and traditions, a pattern for life and living that is as contemporary and current as the mobile phone and Twitter. It’s also a story of innovation and being fearless in that inventiveness, where to not conform is frowned upon. Finally, it’s a story of fierce independence and self-reliance, the creation

29 Sub-tribe.


of autonomy where success is more about the journey than the product, and with a freedom of lifestyle the reward.

1.7 taKu Maara, toKu ora (ChaPter 8)Ko Otawa te Maunga, Ko Te Raparapa-a-Hoe te Awa, Ko Hei te Tupuna, Waitaha te Iwi, Te Arawa te Waka, Ko Sandra Potaka mäua ko Punohu McCausland.

Maranga Waitaha is a philosophy developed by the people of Waitaha. Waitaha are an ancient tribe of Te Arawa, who are utilising their settlement process to re-establish their tribal identity and to reaffirm their mana (authority). Maranga Waitaha is a philosophy developed by Waitaha about their people – ngä wawata, ngä moemoeä a ö tätou tüpuna. The settlement negotiations are never going to address the injuries that Waitaha experienced at the hands of those whose ideologies were, and are still, different from theirs. Engaging with those of different cultures while sustaining their mana and identity is the most effective way forward for their people.

Waitaha was once a thriving tribe with land, water, food sources and other resources to support its people. Soon after the raupatu, (ie Crown land confiscations) in Tauranga in the 1870s, Waitaha was almost destitute. Forced into the sale of what is known as the Te Puke block, Waitaha was then settled on a 500-acre reservation to the east of what is now Te Puke township and was granted 1,000 acres to the west. This split their significant places – unlike other marae settlements, the urupä (cemetery) is to the east of town and Hei Marae, the only marae of Waitaha, is 6km to the west on the other side of town. Much of the 1,500-acre Crown grants had to be sold to keep the people alive.

In 2009, Waitaha launched the year-long Taku Maara, Toku Ora maara kai (gardening) project at the Hei Marae Matariki Wänanga, led by the Waitaha Hauoranga Trust. The gardening was coordinated with cooking classes and opportunities for the whänau to participate in healthy activities. The name of the project, Taku Maara Toku Ora is in the context that “my gardening activities will result in wellbeing for us all”.

The aim of the Taku Maara Toku Ora project was to improve nutrition and increase physical activity within the Waitaha iwi whänau and the Hei marae community. This was achieved through investing in programmes which use a community action approach. It focused on increasing fruit and vegetable consumption, better nutrition and more physical activity. The priority group included members of the Waitaha/Manoeka whänau and iwi within the Western Bay of Plenty.

The kaupapa included helping to establish gardens for individual households and for collectives/whänau groups; a gardening mentoring programme; visiting other sites, and involving whänau members in networking. These activities helped individuals and groups to share knowledge and expertise intergenerationally (between generations), intra-generationally (within the same generation) and cross-generationally (across multiple generations).

Whänau were encouraged to grow the kai that they would eat. Seeds and seedlings were sourced from commercial and personal supplies. Initial support was provided for whänau to establish their maara and some ongoing support was given throughout the year. Although some crops were disappointing, overall, many of the project participants had a surplus which they were able to share with their wider whänau, neighbours and workmates. This approach has been described as a ‘neighbourhood support’ approach in that it is about people caring for each other, and supporting them on a day-to-day basis within the community. Neighbourhood support should not only be focused on


crime prevention, but on sustainable relationships within which the kaupapa of whänau is central.

Waitaha are striving to build a positive future for their people including: tribal unity; cultural identity; social fabric; an economic base; and, to re-establish Waitaha as a political force. The focus has been on doing what Waitaha can do for Waitaha – recognising that Waitaha cannot rely on anyone else to help them move on.

1.8 roLe anD status of MÄori Language anD KnowLeDge in eConoMiC DeveLoPMent anD transforMation (ChaPter 9)

The ninth chapter explores the role and status of Mäori language and knowledge in economic transformation. We have included this section to show that the case for Mäori language and cultural revitalisation is as much about economic development as it is about social development. The paper develops the case for an evaluation of the commercial significance of Mäori language and culture in transformative change using the concept ‘brand Mäori’. Case studies have been prepared to examine the role of these drivers: food, Kaitaia Fire; clothing, Kia Kaha; tourism, Ruakurï Caves; and film, Boy. The concluding section ends with a reflective discussion of the economic value of Mäori language and culture.

Brand Mäori is a product of our time and by understanding why it exists we can leverage the possibilities it promises. The term ‘Brand Mäori’ is used to describe the deliberate use of anything distinctly and identifiably Mäori to add value to an existing or new product or service. Until recently there were few known or recognised economic advantages to using Mäori language, Mäori ways or Mäori perspectives, either within New Zealand or globally, other than in tourism or artefacts.

We will see by the case studies that this is no longer the case. There is both real as well as perceived value in the Brand Mäori of New Zealand products and services. We are witnessing the emergence of new brands, products and services that cleverly exploit individual or multiple Mäori elements to great effect. Importantly this practice is occurring equally amongst both Päkehä and Mäori-owned and operated businesses.

Brand Mäori is deeper than a paint job, it is not cosmetic; Brand Mäori contributes to the flavour, appearance and performance of New Zealand products and sets them apart from all others. It means we can add value to products that can attract a premium because of what they stand for. The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate why and how Brand Mäori occurs so that the commercial dynamics can be understood and further explored. Brand Mäori is a ‘hybridising’ of locally made products and services in a way that gives brands a clear source of origin; that is, these are New Zealand brands that are distinctively and proudly Mäori because that is who we are. They display clear Mäori values and attributes.

Kaitaia Fire is New Zealand’s award–winning, iconic chilli sauce. Kaitaia Fire Ltd was established in 1989 by Garry Sommerville (Ngä Puhi) on a five-acre organic farm in the Far North of New Zealand. Garry had been granted government funding, as he puts it, to get himself off the dole and into gainful employment. No one else was growing chilli peppers on this scale so this would be a steep learning curve. “It was a long time before I had any returns coming in but it was good because I had that time to do the research on bottles and labels. And when it was finally ready, because I was working with a food technologist, it was a good sauce.”


Ruakurï Cave is a new spectacular tourism venture in Waitomo. According to Mäori history, Ruakurï cave was discovered by a hunter around 500 years ago. It was Mäori who initiated the first tourism forays into the nearby world-famous Waitomo glowworm cave. This ended when the Government annexed the caves as one of New Zealand’s prime tourism locations.

James Holden, a local Mäori, owned land that backed onto a local reserve containing the entrance of the Ruakurï caving system. Holden was keen to open the Ruakurï cave to tourists, as a survey showed that much of the cave lay under his farm. But he was thwarted by government officials who once more claimed ownership of the caves. In a now famous court case, Holden discovered a little-known Roman law that had crept into New Zealand statutes which proved he in fact owned the land under his farm all the way to the centre of the earth. With his rights to the caves assured he then needed to work with the Department of Conservation (DOC) to secure access into the caves from the Crown reserves.

Ruakurï is an experience that goes beyond dropping down a hole in the ground; it is a spiritual experience, a world-class product with international appeal; it is a brand that has growing investment potential that is yet to be realised. Clever, sophisticated, compelling, exemplary and inherently Mäori, Ruakurï is the new face of New Zealand tourism.

Kia Kaha was founded in 1994 by Matene and Kristen Love as a clothing company that creates and showcases distinctive Mäori designs. Kia Kaha has become an iconic New Zealand apparel brand. This has been a family affair and it wasn’t long before his brother Dan and his wife Charmaine bought into the business. Charmaine had a passion for fashion design.

By 2003 it became evident that the bold and distinctive Mäori designs were as much a fashion statement as they were a New Zealand brand. Charmaine Love, under her own name, developed and launched a fashion line that became an overnight success. She won the coveted Supreme Award at the New Zealand Style Pasifika fashion awards. It wasn’t just the judges who were impressed. Local celebrities realised this was a label that made a statement about who they were.

Grant Roa modelled a custom-designed korowai-inspired outfit at the red-carpet premieres of Whale Rider in London, New York, Los Angeles and Chicago. International interest in the label was now ignited and many celebrities became proud Kia Kaha wearers. Kia Kaha is now a global brand.

Boy, a New Zealand film phenomenon. Boy is set in 1984 on the rural East Coast of New Zealand. It is a feature film that grew out of an Oscar-nominated short film by Taika Waititi. As the film’s producer Ainsley Gardiner puts it: “The story of Boy was based on Taika’s experiences of growing up in Waihau Bay. It’s not autobiographical but it just draws on and is inspired by the people he knows, the places he knows and the things that were a part of his growing up. It’s a story of children growing up in an adult world without many adults around.” It is a New Zealand story drawn on rich memories of a time many of us can remember and identify with. There is a power in the telling of this story that hits us at a very personal and intimate level.

Boy is now the most successful New Zealand movie ever; something happened with this movie that we have not seen before. This film is undeniably a commercial success. People have voted with their wallets. “Filmmaking parallels the state of our nation and


I think Mäori as a whole have been on a path of strengthening, purging, reconnecting for some time. We are being unashamedly whoever we are. There are parallels in film making but I still think that until there is a deep connection between being a New Zealander and having ownership over what it is to be Mäori, whether you’re Mäori or not, there will be an awkwardness in our filmmaking in general.”

1.9 ConCLusion (ChaPter 10)In Issue 32 of Te Ao Hou (September 1960), the late Professor James Ritchie published an article entitled, “The future place of Mäori culture in New Zealand society”.30 The article starts with a section suggesting useful ways to think about culture. He identifies four: “culture as a way of life; culture as a set of traditions, customs, or practices, perpetuated and/or cherished by a group; culture as a creative process; and culture as a personal sense of difference”.31 In recent decades whänau, hapü and iwi Mäori have actively engaged in a cultural revolution in the terms that Ritchie spoke of. In that journey Mäori have been supported and resourced by what can be termed a Mäori cultural infrastructure. The Mäori cultural infrastructure has been able to support the Mäori renaissance when the machinery of government did not and has been a major factor in the paradigm shift that has occurred in New Zealand from 1975 to the present.

Definition of ‘infrastructure’:

1. The ‘underlying foundation or basic framework (as of a system or organisation).

2. The permanent installations required for military purposes.

3. The system of public works of a country, state, or region; also: the resources (as personnel, buildings, or equipment) required for an activity.

Infrastructure is usually thought of in terms other than cultural: energy, road systems, telecommunications. Taking the first meaning from the definition above, ‘the underlying foundation or basic framework’,32 how could the Mäori cultural infrastructure be described? The most significant features of the Mäori cultural infrastructure are: Mäori people; the Mäori worldview; the marae (both as a cultural institution and as a national network); the whänau, hapü, iwi collective social structure; the epistemological relationship Mäori people have with the environment; and broadcasting and IT.

The Mäori Renaissance in Aotearoa has been a movement of heart; of courage; of purpose; and of determined intent. Mäori people have never given up on themselves, their past, their present or their futures. The will of the people, the love of the people for their traditions, their tipuna, their whänau, hapü and iwi narratives has kept alive the means to create change and the motivation to do so. As well as providing a framework for the development of identity, the whänau/hapü/iwi collective social structure has provided a framework for social, cultural and economic development. Future takers? Future makers?33 Mäori have shown their response, by walking their talk. The integration of Mäori cultural knowledge, Mäori cultural practices and Mäori cultural methods into the ‘Mäori worldview’ has been a platform for transformative change throughout the Mäori renaissance. It has created a paradigm shift which has not only transformed Mäori economic, social, cultural and political realities in the national context; but has also excited the world.

30 Ritchie, J. (1960) The future place of Mäori culture in New Zealand society, Te Ao Hou, Issue 32, pp 16–20, September 1960.31 Ibid.32 http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/infrastructure, accessed 24 December, 2010. 33 Te Puni Kökiri (2007) Ngä Kaihanga Hou. For Mäori Future Makers. Te Puni Kökiri, Wellington.


The Mäori renaissance created new pathways for Mäori to live successfully as Mäori in both the private and public spheres of life. The movement, and the organisations which gave expression to it, were driven by a vision which had the revitalisation, and maintenance of Mäori language and culture at its core. Te reo Mäori me öna tikanga were identified as critical components of Mäori identity, and social and economic wellbeing.

1.9.1 socio-political context of aotearoa’s journey towards nationhood

New Zealand has been given a precious gift by Mäori. It is the gift of aroha. Whänau, hapü and iwi have remembered the stories of the past, as a gift to this country, so that when the time was right the stories could be told, heard and addressed. In terms of tikanga Mäori, Professor Sir Hirini Moko Mead has described this restorative process as ‘take–utu–ea’.34 Breaches are the ‘take’; acknowledgement, resolution, re-compense the utu’; ‘ea’ the state of resolution. This has allowed New Zealand to adopt a more sustainable strategic response to planning for the future. It enabled New Zealand to turn a corner and take a different path in the resolution of longstanding historical grievances. The change has led to New Zealand being considered ‘an outlier’, a global leader in indigenous development.

The resolution process in New Zealand, led mainly through the Waitangi Tribunal, has been one that could well be described as cultural philanthrophy. Settlements have not been couched as compensation. The country could not have afforded to pay market rates in resolution of the quantum of breaches that occurred. Iwi have adopted a philanthropic approach to their negotiation, investing in nationhood by settling as they did. Both parties, iwi and the Crown, reached a point that New Zealand could sustain and in so doing have each contributed to the task of future-proofing the settlement process.

The price paid for this ‘duty of memory’,35 as Dr Rachel Buchanan has described it, has been generations of whänau, hapü and iwi devoted to the task of carrying the pain. The task of shouldering the grievances and working to restore justice has taken a toll. It would be churlish to suggest that the incidence of disease and impoverishment amongst the carriers of this historical legacy is all attributable to personal factors. The powerlessness, and what may have seemed like the futility of holding the state to account, must have been heavy burdens for generations to bear.36 The Crown acknowledges the historical and structural locatedness of this duty of memory in the speeches made at the signing of Treaty Settlements and has apologised for its impact many times.

What source could be so powerful as to sustain iwi, the length and breadth of Aotearoa, to hold on to the pain, to remember the stories, to be ever hopeful that justice would prevail, for so long? In Ngai Tahu’s case, for example, for six generations at least.37 What kind of love could be so strong? In the concluding analyses of her doctoral dissertation Dr Rawinia Higgins, Tühoe, helps us to find some of the places to look for the answers to questions about Mäori passion and resiliency. She looked for solutions in te reo Mäori me öna tikanga: the Mäori language and culture. Dr Higgins identified the concept of matemateaone as one which helps to explain Mäori resiliency. She describes matemateaone as ‘deep affection’,38 suggesting a relationship between the people

34 Mead, H. (2003) Chapter 3 Nga putake o te tikanga. Tikanga Mäori. Living by Mäori Values, p. 27. Huia Publishers, Wellington. 35 Buchanan, R. (2010) Beating Shame: Parihaka and the very long story. Paper presented at the Stout Centre, August 25th. Stout Centre /

Te Kawa a Maui Seminar Series, Victoria University of Wellington.36 See for example Buchanan, R. (2009). The Parihaka Album. Lest We Forget. Huia Publishers, Wellington. 37 Parata, R. (1994) “Priorities for Mäori development: Mäori Investments for the future”, in Kia Pumau Tonu, p. 150. Proceedings of the Hui

Whakapumau Mäori Development Conference, August, 1994. Massey University, Palmerston North. 38 Williams (1992: 193) as cited in Higgins, R. (2004: 351) He Tänga Ngutu, He Tühoetanga Te Mana Motuhake o te Tä Moko Wähine: The

Identity Politics of Moko Kauae. A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the University of Otago, Dunedin.


and the land and the people with the people: a relationship with its origins in Mäori philosophy. In the Mäori creation story people are literally of the land, the relationship Mäori have with the land, then, is at its heart epistemological.

Within Mäori cultural knowledge are to be found rich sources of creativity, innovation and wisdom. Projects to revive and revitalise te reo me öna tikanga lie at the heart of the Mäori renaissance, and are rich expressions of matemateaone, the particular love whänau, hapü and iwi have for the legacy of their tipuna. The following whakatauäkï is an oft-quoted proverb expressing this love:

E kore e ngaro

te käkano i ruia mai i Rangiätea.

I will never be lost

the seed which was sown from Rangiätea.

We cannot allow Jake Heke, the fictional male character from the book Once Were Warriors,39 to be the arbiter of Mäori lifestyles. Whilst it is true that Mäori lifestyles are found in the broadest range of the human experience, including the most deeply depraved, Mäori have the right to explore best-case scenarios of whänau, hapü and iwi development. To plan from these, to strategise from these, to develop pathways and solutions from these. As well as a Treaty right, this is also a fundamental human right. Increasingly it is an economic necessity in the knowledge society and economy.

This best-case scenario planning, based in culturally authentic knowledge codes, is one of the critical success features of the Mäori renaissance. What might Jake Heke’s life have been like if he had lived amongst his own people, in a community in which whänau, hapü and iwi development were his lived realities, played out regularly on their local marae? How might the love of his people have transformed his life and the lives of those around him?

The emphasis on Mäori cultural knowledge stems in part from the need to be able to plan new futures and chart different pathways to them. In the quest to find new solutions to some of the issues this country faces, looking to Mäori cultural knowledge codes is a natural source to explore. No culture has a mandate on genius. The next great idea could come from any culture. That includes Mäori. Mäori cultural knowledge offers New Zealand an authentic point of difference. That point of difference has as much economic significance in the knowledge society and economy as it does cultural significance.

The Mäori worldview offers this country a rich source for futures planning.

Naturally, different cultures have different ways of conceiving of the world around them, of relating to it and engaging with it. That New Zealanders may not be aware of the true value of Mäori cultural knowledge as a source of innovation and creativity may well be a legacy of a colonised past.

It no longer needs to frame our future.

39 Duff, A. (1990) Once Were Warriors. Tandem Press.

2. introDuCtionDr Kathie irwin raKaiPaaKa, ngÄti Porou, ngÄti Kahungunu


toitü te kupu

toitü te mana

toitü te whenua

This proverb was spoken by Tinirau of Whanganui. It is a pledge to hold fast to our culture, for without kupu (language), without mana (spirit) and without whenua (land), the essence of being Mäori would no longer exist, it would become a skeleton that would not give justice to the full body of Mäoritanga (Mäoridom).40

2.1 what is the ProjeCt aBout?Whänau Yesterday, Today, Tomorrow draws on Mäori knowledge, cultural practices and methods to research stories of Mäori whänau success. It is informed by the integrated nature of Mäori knowledge and so explores social, economic, cultural and environmental aspects of whänau development and whänau ora.

The report concentrates on a period often referred to as the Mäori renaissance, which this report takes as 1975 to the present. During this period of significant change in New Zealand, new ways of thinking created new possibilites and new ways of working.

The Mäori renaissance was a movement of social change at the flaxroots level, directly engaging whänau, hapü and iwi. The leadership sustaining the movement came from the people, for the people. Mäori cultural, social and economic wealth grew through the development of new Mäori models in most aspects of modern life. Mäori connected ngä taonga tuku iho (their traditions) with ngä moemoeä (their visions) to create he huarahi hou (new pathways to the future). The new pathways were built within the Mäori social and cultural institutions, primarily whänau and marae, over which Mäori retained control.

We undertook research that explores: Mäori women as advocates of whänau development; whänau as custodians of culture; whänau as kaitiaki of the environment; and the role and status of Mäori language and knowledge in economic transformation.

The themes of Mäori as outliers, Mäori as entrepreneurs and Mäori as cognitariat introduce the report.

40 http://www.takakaprimary.school.nz/schoolcommunity/newsletters/school/nov4.pdf, accessed 29 January 2011.


2.2 MÄori as outLiersCan we learn something about why people succeed?

And how to make people better at what they do

by taking cultural legacies seriously?

I think we can.

Malcolm Gladwell, Outliers: The story of success (2008, p. 176)

Hinurewa Poutu (Ngäti Rangi, Te Äti Hau-nui-a-Päpärangi, Ngäti Maniapoto) could well be described as the ‘poster girl’ for Mäori development41 – an outlier in Gladwell’s terms. She represents a movement that has created radical transformative change in Aotearoa.42 By telling her story we are opening the way for telling the stories of so many others, their whänau, köhanga, kura, marae and communities.

A child of the Mäori renaissance, a native speaker of te reo Mäori, educated from birth in te reo rangatira, she was born into a whänau which is fully immersed in whänau, hapü and iwi development. Her parents, Toni Waho and Penny Poutu, are staunch advocates of te reo Mäori language revitalisation programmes. Hinurewa started köhanga reo in Palmerston North at Te Äwhina when she was one. At four she was a foundation child at the Mana Tamariki köhanga reo, and later of the kura kaupapa Mäori, Mana Tamariki, that grew out of it.

In 2000 Hinurewa won five of the senior categories of the national secondary school Manu Körero and Korimako speech competitions held that year on the East Coast, in Ruatoria: the Korimako Trophy, the Stirling Trophy, the Pei Te Hurinui Jones Trophy, the Kete o te Mätauranga Trophy and the E Tipu E Rea Trophy.43 She is pictured on the front cover of this report, with Ngati Porou’s iconic Mt Hikurangi as a backdrop, as a tribute to the location where her standing amongst her peers was so impressively established. In 2001 she was awarded a New Zealand Qualifications Authority Scholarship (NZQA) for the top te reo rangatira scholar. She scored a perfect mark for her Bursary examination in te reo rangatira.

41 This account has been approved for publication by Hinurewa Poutu and her whänau. 42 Gladwell, M. (2008). Outliers: The story of success. Little, Brown, New York.43 http://www.Mäorieducation.org.nz/mk/stirling.html


At 16 Hinurewa was one of the youngest students at Massey University, where she studied to become a Mäori language teacher. She completed teacher training, gained a degree in Te Aho Tätai Rangi and then graduated with a Master’s degree in Mäori Studies, all at Massey University. She currently teaches at Mana Tamariki (a combined köhanga reo and kura kaupapa Mäori). Her thesis was written in te reo rangatira. She may well have made history as the youngest Mäori woman to submit a thesis to a university in te reo rangatira; she was just 22 at the time.

In 2009, Hinurewa married Wade Sharland (Rangitäne, Ngäti Raukawa).

Her passion in language revitalisation has taken her to countries around the world with Mana Tamariki. They have visited Europe, had an audience with the Pope in Rome, travelled through the South Pacific and to America. Early in 2008 she accompanied her father and pupils of kura kaupapa from around Aotearoa on a media and film study trip to China.44 Joshua Fishman, the internationally acclaimed linguist, is a personal friend. With her parents she travelled to America to attend a function to honour and celebrate Joshua’s life of service. They were the only New Zealanders at the function.

44 http://www.nzchinasociety.org.nz/branchesauckland.html


Mäori in New Zealand are considered to be ‘outliers’ on the world stage, world leaders in models of indigenous development who stand out from the trends observed in other countries.45 In May 2003 representatives of Te Köhanga Reo National Trust were invited to address the first United Nations Forum on Indigenous Issues on the cross-cultural portability of the model underpinning te köhanga reo. This shows that some in the global community believe they can learn from New Zealand’s models of indigenous development.

2.3 MÄori as entrePreneursIt is not enough to be preoccupied with innovation. Innovation is simply the breeding of brilliant ideas. Entrepreneurship takes those brilliant ideas to market and in doing so grows companies and their wealth. The entire economy benefits from their wealth of capital, talent and opportunity.46

Rt Hon Jenny Shipley, Foreword, GEM 03/04

Dean and Kristen Nikora are outstanding Mäori entrepreneurs.

Dean Nikora (Ngäti Maniapoto, Ngäti Tama) left school at 16 with no qualifications. Twenty years later, he owns a $35 million agricultural business with his wife and business partner Kristen (Ngäti Awa). In 2009 the Nikoras won the Ahuwhenua Trophy. They entered the competition for several reasons: to benchmark their business against their peers; to receive feedback from the judges to enable further business growth; and to demonstrate to other Mäori that good planning and sound strategy can deliver your goals.47

© John Cowpland

45 Gladwell, M. (2008). Outliers: The story of success. Little, Brown and Company, New York.46 Shipley, J. (2004) `Foreword’. In H.H. Frederick, GEM Report 03 / 04 (p. 2). UNITEC, Auckland. 47 Kökiri 09 2008, Te Puni Kökiri, Wellington.


Dean feels close to his Mäori roots and says he has subconsciously applied Mäori cultural values to the business, such as taking a ‘whänau’ approach to staff welfare and to protecting the environment. Interestingly, in the media commentaries following the couple’s win, only the Te Puni Kökiri article in Kökiri identified the whakapapa of Dean and Kristen.48 Sharing these whakapapa links can help others enact the whänau practices that Dean and Kristen say are a factor for business success.

The company’s vision to make “every day a growing day” applies across three areas:

> Growth of stock and feed production – the role of their managers.

> Improvement of people and the environment – they share responsibility for this with the staff.

> Growth of profit and the business – the domain of Dean and Kristen.

Each area has a range of goals that are reflected in a delegation manual.49

Their story, from Dean’s exit from school to the Nikoras becoming business leaders, is one of vision, strategy and application in an industry that enables wealth creation. This is not a story of luck. Dean praises the dairying industry and credits it with creating the context and scaffold for their success:

It’s a truly cooperative industry – there’s nothing like it anywhere else. People fall over themselves to help you, saying, ‘This is what you need, here are the courses, here’s the pathway to the top.’ 50 We are products of this industry. Right from our days in Young Farmers clubs, the courses in management and leadership have been there to do. And I have learnt heaps from just being around good farmers and business people and soaking up the benefits of their skills.51

Dean and Kristen own Mangatewai, a 342-hectare dairy farm near Takapau and Mangatewai. They milk 1,900 cows and that will increase to 2,600 cows after the recent purchase of more land.52 They farm in partnership and together lead a company, Cesped Lands Limited, which owns or leases five properties.

The judges described their wealth creation strategy as “nothing short of outstanding”. Chief Judge Doug Leeder commented that the Nikora business strategy had “engaged in high-risk investment, but this had been accompanied by disciplined risk and analysis strategies”. Their simple vision that “every day is a growing day” has pervaded all their activities, he said. Mr Leeder described Cesped as a business that had excelled in employing best-practice principles across a whole range of farm activities, and results from the farm and business performance reflect this.53

48 Kökiri 09 2008, Te Puni Kökiri, Wellington.49 Source: http://www.stuff.co.nz/dominion-post/business/farming/48439250 Source: http://www.stuff.co.nz/dominion-post/business/farming/48439251 Source: http://www.stuff.co.nz/dominion-post/business/farming/48439252 Source: http://www.stuff.co.nz/dominion-post/business/farming/48439253 Kökiri 09 2008, Te Puni Kökiri, Wellington.


© John Cowpland

Dean gives back to the dairying industry in several ways. He is a director of several companies including Ballance AgriNutrients (2004), AsureQuality and Tiraha Dairies, and is a trustee for some Mäori-owned land. He has also been involved in several industry organisations, including the New Zealand Large Herds Association, and is a former member of the Fonterra Shareholders Council. Dean is also a former director of the Hawke’s Bay Primary Health Organisation. He is currently a trustee for Taipahi A1 Mäori land administered by Te Puni Kökiri.54 55

In 1932 the late Tä Äpirana Ngata started the Mäori Farmer of the Year awards. The two trophies, for dairy farming and sheep farming, were originally donated by Governor-General Lord Bledisloe. In 2008 Dean and Kristen Nikora won the Ahuwhenua Trophy – the Bank of New Zealand Mäori Excellence in Farming Award. The foresight of Tä Äpirana in creating these awards was an act of entrepreneurship in itself.

In recent years Mäori entrepreneurship has made headlines with the findings of the Global Entrepreneurship Monitor (GEM) reports. The 2006 GEM Report was sponsored by Te Puni Kökiri and led by Professor Howard Frederick of UNITEC. The research team included staff from UNITEC and Te Wänanga o Raukawa.

The GEM reports are researched by an international team. “GEM’s data are gathered by more than 40 national teams at public and private institutions worldwide.”56 These reports confirm that Mäori are the third-most entrepreneurial people in the world.57 Of particular note is the finding that Mäori women rated third highest in the world in terms of ‘opportunity entrepreneurship’. GEM found that one in three Mäori aged 35–44 were business entrepreneurs. Other findings included:

> About 25 percent of Mäori expect to launch a start-up business in the next three years, compared to 13.1 percent of the New Zealand population.

> IT: 18 percent of Mäori entrepreneurs claim to be using the very latest technology, compared to 10 percent of entrepreneurs overall.

54 Source: http://www.agmardt.org.nz/latest_news_and_events/55 Dean and Kristen Nikora have approved this account of their story for inclusion in this publication. He mihi aroha tenei ki a körua.56 Frederick, H.H. (2004). GEM Report 03 / 04 (p. 9). UNITEC, Auckland.57 Frederick, H.H. (2006). GEM Report 2006. UNITEC, Auckland.


> Growth: 12.3 percent believe they will create 20 jobs in five years compared to 8.1 percent of the general population.

> More Mäori (71.3 percent) than other New Zealanders (60.5 percent) say that starting a business is a good career choice.

2.4 MÄori as the Cognitariat58

Mäori are increasingly entering higher education and training. Mäori PhD graduation levels are amongst the highest in the world, among indigenous people. In 2010 alone about 350 Mäori students were enrolled in PhD-level study.59 Eight new Mäori PhDs graduated at one Massey University ceremony in May 2010. In his keynote address at the graduation ceremony Professor Sir Mason Durie told the assembled whänau of his plan to increase the number of Mäori gaining PhDs:

In 2000 we launched a programme that we would have 25 Mäori PhD graduates by the end of 2010. The good news is we will have 55 by the end of the year.

© Massey University

Eight new Mäori PhDs, from left: Dr Wayne Ngata, Dr Jonathan Procter, Dr Hukarere Valentine, Hope Tupara, Dr Christine Kenney, Dr Will Edwards, Dr Natasha Tassell and Dr James Graham.60

Using a term developed by the futurist Alvin Toffler, Mäori are becoming members of the ‘cognitariat’ in increasing numbers. In Powershift: Knowledge, wealth and violence at the edge of the 21st century, Toffler described a new economic model. He argued that what Marx referred to as the proletariat, the working class, has now been transformed into a new class of worker, the cognitariat. In the classic Marxist model, the principal relationships were between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. The bourgeoisie owned the means of production, the factories and the vbusinesses, and the proletariat were the working class. The main asset that the working class owned was their labour which they sold to the bourgeoisie in return for a wage.

During the industrial revolution the labour that the working class sold was predominantly physical. With the advent of technology, and the subsequent transformation of the labour market, fewer and fewer jobs became reliant on such physical muscle power. Machines, automation and technology have taken over or eradicated many of the jobs in the unskilled or semi-skilled sectors of the labour market.

58 Toffler, A. (1990). Powershift: Knowledge, wealth and violence at the edge of the 21st Century (p. 73). Bantam Books, New York.59 2010 Tertiary student data, Ministry of Education.60 Source: http://www.massey.ac.nz/massey/about-massey/news/article.cfm?mnarticle=growth-in-graduate-numbers-no-accident-19-05-2010


The high-growth, high-value areas in the labour market are connected to ever-increasing levels of skill, innovation and creativity. Economic advantage is increasingly linked with advanced education and training. Toffler argues that the new economic elite are what he calls the cognitariat: those whose intellectual ‘labour’ creates the new ideas and the innovation that keeps businesses ahead of their competitors. This kind of ‘intellectual muscle power’ will generate the high economic returns to businesses in the future. Whilst still trading their labour in the classic Marxist sense, the nature and value of the cognitariat’s labour, and their mana in the economic enterprise, is vastly different.

Education becomes invaluable in this new age of the knowledge society and economy. It is the key to participation. That is not a new message. For decades this message has been promoted to whänau without gaining the traction that educationists wanted it to. Whänau were aware of the contradictions. They lived them. Whilst educationists promoted the need for school achievement to create pathways to wealth and economic security, semi-skilled and unskilled jobs in the labour market, like the paper mills at Kawerau and the freezing works, paid very well. And young people saw this. They saw that even without a ‘good education’, a good lifestyle was still possible. Those days are now gone. Semi-skilled and unskilled places in the labour market no longer provide such choices.

Education is the key to the future and Mäori movement into the cognitariat is significant.

Immersion education models based in mätauranga Mäori, and delivered through te reo rangatira me ona tikanga, have been pioneered in Aotearoa New Zealand. These education models have opened up a whole new paradigm for the Mäori cognitariat: that is, to make original intellectual contributions based on Mäori language and cultural knowledge. Advocates of these programmes argue that a kaupapa Mäori-based education will better educate graduates to make a contribution to Mäori, national and global development in authentic ways. These kaupapa Mäori initiatives are no longer just described as a cultural imperative – they are increasingly being acknowledged as economic imperatives.

Recent statistics on National Certificate of Educational Achievement (NCEA) secondary school pass rates provide compelling empirical evidence of these aspirations. The data show that graduates of wharekura, and other Mäori immersion secondary school programmes, are achieving academic outcomes at levels greater than their counterparts in mainstream schools.


taBLe 1: nCea resuLts: how seConDary sChooLs fareD

sChooL (DeCiLe) roLL L1% L2% L3%

nationaL 71.7 76 69.9

TKKM o Te Waiü o Ngäti Porou (1) 82 100 88.9 92.9

Hukarere (1) 90 88.0 90.5 100

St Joseph’s Mäori Girls’ College (3) 208 97.5 100 89.5

Hato Päora College (3) 191 97.0 85.7 96.4

Te Aute College (3) 84 92.9 91.7 62.5

TKKM o Tamaki Nui A Rua (2) 10 100 100 N/A

TKKM o Te Rito (3) 40 100 100 100

Turakina Mäori Girls’ College (3) 103 96.2 92.9 100

TKKM o ngä Mokopuna (8) 16 100 100 100

Otaki College (4) 372 75.0 73.0 55.6

Kapiti College (8) 1,057 73.9 79.9 64.6

Onslow (10) 1,231 84.7 85.4 77.7

Source: Mereana Selby, CEO, Te Wänanga o Raukawa, Keynote Address61

Ministry of Education data report that, in 2009, Mäori results ranged from 40.9 percent in quintile 1 to 70.4 percent in quintile 5.62 The ranges reported by Selby above are 85 percent to 100 percent at L2 and 89 percent to 100 percent at L3.

taBLe 2: PerCentage of sChooL Leavers with nCea LeveL 2 or aBove, By ethniC grouP anD sChooL quintiLe (2009)

quintiLe ethniC grouP totaL

MÄori PasifiKa asian MeLaa other euroPean/PÄKehÄ

1 40.9 57.7 72.2 51.9 55.6 53.7 51.2

2 44.4 56.1 78.7 67.8 54.3 64.3 59.8

3 50.3 63.4 80.4 69.1 66.7 70.0 66.6

4 55.5 62.8 86.8 74.1 74.5 77.0 75.1

5 70.4 73.2 90.8 81.3 82.8 86.6 85.9

Notes:

1. Schools in the lowest quintile (quintile 1) draw their students from communities with the highest degree of socio-economic disadvantage.

2. MELAA stands for Middle Eastern/Latin American/African.

3. For this indicator students who identified in more than one ethnic group have been counted in each ethnic group.

4. For this indicator European/Päkehä refers to people who affiliate as New Zealand European, Other European or European (not further defined). For example, this includes and is not limited to people who consider themselves as Australian (excluding Australian Aborigines), British and Irish, American, Spanish and Ukrainian.

In the search to gain an edge in the global marketplace, the Mäori world confers on New Zealand an authentic point of differentiation from an increasingly generic, globalised culture. It is a point of difference whose genesis lies in Mäori knowledge and is expressed in te reo Mäori. It enables New Zealand to make a contribution to the knowledge society and economy that is uniquely Mäori.

61 Selby, M. (2010). Keynote Address. NZQA Symposium honouring Dr Ranginui Walker, 30 June 2010, Te Papa. 62 Source: http://www.educationcounts.govt.nz/indicators/education_and_learning_outcomes/qualifications/1781, accessed

28 February 2011.


2.5 the textChapter 3 presents a statistical and demographic profile of whänau which covers the periods 1975 to the present, and 2010–26. This profile provides a quantitative knowledge base from which to explore whänau, taking into account recent historical trends and enabling analyses of future planning. The paper draws on census data and the census measures of wellbeing: income, work, education and housing, including crowding. The chapter describes the structure of the Mäori population in terms of fertility, age and rural or urban location. It also focuses on cultural revitalisation, providing insights into te reo Mäori and cultural maintenance activities.

Chapter 4 is devoted to explorations of whänau. In the first section the concept of worldview is considered. In the second section an analysis of traditional Mäori knowledge is presented. ‘Whänau’ is analysed in this section and key characteristics are identified. The third section links the socio-political context of the Mäori renaissance with the emergence of Mäori development. The chapter considers the role and status of Mäori cultural knowledge, Mäori cultural practice and Mäori cultural method in Mäori development. Finally, the chapter explores the interface between Mäori development and the ‘machinery of government’.

Chapter 5 explores and analyses research design, methods and issues.

Chapter 6, ‘Mäori Women as Advocates of Whänau Development’, reports on interviews with Mäori women who are considered successful leaders in whänau development, by Mäori and wider New Zealand society. The women are drawn from ‘ngä hau e whä’, the four winds: Dame Dr Iritana Täwhiwhirangi; Adjunct Professor Dr Katerina Mataira; Dr Rangimarie Rose Pere; Dr Khyla Russell; Barbara Greer; Ngaropi Cameron; Mereana Pitman; Areta Koopu; Naida Glavich; Associate Professor Paparangi Reid; and Moe Milne.

We interviewed women because recent research by the Crown Ownership Monitoring Unit (COMU) shows that Mäori women are still not represented equitably in places of decision-making and influence, governance or senior management roles, despite the major contributions they make to nation building. The COMU, for example, reported on the Director Breakdown by Gender and Ethnic Origin, as at 1 January 2011. The distribution was: European male 58 percent; European female 29 percent; Mäori male 6 percent; Mäori female 4 percent.63

Chapter 7 explores whänau as ‘custodians of culture’. A theme of this narrative is the role whänau have played in the revitalisation of te reo Mäori me ona tikanga. This whänau story is an example of the thousands of whänau stories that make up the te köhanga reo phenomenon.64 In this chapter the narrative of the Winitana whänau is shared. From birth, this whänau educated their children immersed in te reo Mäori me ona tikanga. They then took that education a step further than most when they developed a dramatic stage show of the Mäori creation story, Ahorangi Genesis. They then toured the country with their own children and whänau starring in the production.

63 Source: http://www.comu.govt.nz/board%2Dappointments/directors%2Dserving%2Don%2Dboards/demographic%2Dprofile/, accessed 16 March 2011.

64 See www.köhanga.ac.nz to read more of the te köhanga reo story and kaupapa.


Chapter 8 reports on ‘Maranga Waitaha’ – a project of iwi development. It is entitled Taku Maara, Toku Ora: Traditional knowledge guiding contemporary development. The paper documents an iwi stripped of its natural resources, land, moana and awa, and challenged with the task of creating a sustainable future for its people from the barest of tribal estates. Surrounded by the physical reminders of what they have lost, Waitaha work to harness the power of the human and cultural resources they retain as they engage in strategic and futures planning. They retain the role of kaitiaki of the environment even in the face of such tribal loss, and have carried the struggle for justice through the decades to the Waitangi Tribunal as they seek to chart new futures based on ancestral wisdom.

Chapter 9 explores the role and status of Mäori language and knowledge in economic transformation. We have included this section to show that the case for Mäori language and cultural revitalisation is as much about economic development as it is about social development. The paper develops the case for an evaluation of the commercial significance of Mäori language and culture in transformative change. Case studies have been prepared to examine the role of these drivers: food, Kaitaia Fire; clothing, Kia Kaha; tourism, Ruakurï Caves; and film, Boy. The concluding section ends with a reflective discussion of the economic value of Mäori language and culture, which concludes the analysis.

In the concluding chapter the major themes of the research are drawn together in the context of the changing role of the Families Commission. The question ‘What is Mäori about whänau?’ is explored in the socio-political context of Aotearoa’s journey toward nationhood. The conclusion presents an analysis of Mäori development during the Mäori renaissance which identifies critical success factors for whänau development and whänau ora.

Matemateaone, a profound driver of Mäori development, provides the concluding exploration of mätauranga Mäori in this report. Matemateaone is described in the following quotation:

The cultural concepts that are located under mana tangata … include whanaungatanga, aroha and manaaki. These concepts … can be applied to all aspects of the Mäori worldview. They are expressed in all aspects of Tühoe practices of tikanga, kawa and ritenga. However, there is a concept that incorporates all of these emotions that is termed matemateaone by Tühoe people.65

This concept helps us to understand the connection that whänau have with the past, their engagement in the present and their hope for the future.

65 Higgins, R. (2004). He Tanga Ngutu, He Tuhoetanga Te Mana Motuhake o te Ta Moko Wahine: The identity politics of Moko Kauae (p. 351). A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the University of Otago, Dunedin.


hon Paula Bennett, Minister for social Development and employment

I can’t say too much about the budget before it’s released because it’s not a good look to steal the Minister of Finance’s thunder. What I can say is I’m really proud to announce the Government is putting more than $134 million over the next four years towards Whänau Ora, a policy I’ve been working closely with Hon Tariana Turia and the Mäori Party on, in my role as Minister for Social Development.

This policy is designed to help families in need take control of their future. It is recognisably Mäori, but will be available to all. At the moment, thousands of Kiwi families get support from many government agencies such as the Police, Work and Income, schools, or Child, Youth and Family. Too often this help isn’t getting the results these families need. We need to take a more coordinated approach and make better use of taxpayer money.

A Whänau Ora provider will work with a family as a whole, rather than with an individual and his or her problems. We know that with a bit of help, all families can take responsibility for themselves.

National is committed to better results for all families in need, value for taxpayer money, and strong accountability in the way Whänau Ora is run.

Source: Investing in Families, Newsletter May 2010

Maori Whare, Pipitea Pa, 1839.

Source: http://www.nzetc.org/tm/scholarly/WarEarl-fig-WarEarl011a.html


3. a DeMograPhiC anD statistiCaL ProfiLe of whÄnau froM 1975 to the PresentLisa Davies anD whetu werata


3.1 introDuCtion

3.1.1 Purpose

This demographic and statistical profile will look at whänau and the issues that confront them from within a kaupapa Mäori framework.

Despite the subject matter and approach of this report, this profile is not about whänau as Mäori would understand the term, but about the families and households that constitute the whänau. We had to shift our focus because of a lack of whänau-relevant statistical information – existing statistics only capture relationships between households in a haphazard, fragmentary way.

3.1.2 structure of the profile

The profile documents the main demographic and socio-economic changes that Mäori families and households underwent between 1976 and 2006. It uses tables, graphs and commentaries to show the changes. But we do not attempt to analyse them in depth, partly because of issues with the available data and partly because of time and resource constraints.

Section 3.3 attempts to compensate for this lack of depth by identifying and discussing the key population factors associated with the changes that have taken place and with the current position of Mäori families and households. This section provides an overview of size of the population, the regional and sub-regional distribution of the population, the age structure and the mobility of the population.

Section 3.4 examines trends in family formation. It covers the formation and dissolution of unions, both marital and de facto, and draws secondary analyses of data gathered in the New Zealand Women: Family, Education and Employment (NZW:FEE) Survey 199566 to investigate separation and remarriage among Mäori women. It also covers fertility levels, childbearing patterns and family size. In the third section, the profile describes changes in family forms and structure.

Section 3.5 examines whänau interactions, drawing on information from the few surveys that have included questions about social connectedness. The data are about individuals rather than households and, because of the limited range and fragmentary nature of the data, it is difficult to get a clear picture of the extent and nature of interactions between individuals and their whänau.

Section 3.6 examines trends in family wellbeing, covering household and family income, parent(s)’ work status, parent(s)’ education and housing.

The final section uses data about individuals to examine advances in cultural revitalisation. This section deals with language, knowledge of iwi and participation in Te Ao Mäori.

66 The NZW:FEE Survey was conducted by the Population Centre of Waikato University using a representative sample of women aged 20–59. Mäori women were over-sampled to ensure numbers were adequate for detailed statistical analysis.


3.2 Definitions anD teChniCaL notes

3.2.1 Mäori population

Before the 1986 Census, a Mäori was defined as a person of half or more Mäori blood. From 1986, a Mäori has been defined as a person who identifies with the Mäori ethnic group on the basis of cultural affiliation. With the exception of iwi statistics, all data presented in this profile are based on the Mäori ethnic group population.

Statistics on Mäori ancestry have been collected since the 1991 Census, mainly for electoral and other matters affecting Crown-Mäori relationships; for example, Waitangi Tribunal claims inquiries and negotiations. Those people who report that they have Mäori ancestry are asked to state their iwi affiliations. Thus the base population for iwi statistics is the Mäori ancestry population (643,977 at the 2006 Census).

3.2.2 family/family nucleus

A family is defined for statistical purposes as a couple with or without child(ren) or one parent with child(ren), all of whom usually live together in the same household. The children do not have partners or children of their own living in the same household.

3.2.3 household

A household is one or more people usually resident in the same dwelling who share living facilities. A household can contain one or more families or no families at all; for example, one person or two or more unrelated persons (flatmates, etc).

3.2.4 Mäori family and Mäori households

For statistical purposes, ethnicity is an individual characteristic, which cannot be applied to a collective such as a family or a household. By what criteria, then, should a Mäori family or household be identified? Should it be by the ethnicity of the occupier (as was the case up to 1986); the presence of at least one Mäori member (used, for example, by Statistics New Zealand for measuring housing adequacy after the 2001 Census); the ethnicity of the majority of the members; or, should all members be Mäori?

For the purposes of this report, we rely heavily on secondary data derived from successive Censuses by Waikato University’s Population Studies Centre and by the Pathways to Positive Outcomes for Families and Whänau or, as it is more commonly known, the Family and Whänau Wellbeing Project (FWWP).67 The former uses the ethnicity of the occupier or the person who fills in the dwelling form on Census night to identify Mäori households. The latter project uses families where at least one parent is Mäori as the unit of observation.

3.2.5 Data consistency and comparability over time

Please note that different data sources and reference points have been used in the analyses and that the trends presented are not always strictly comparable. The data source and issues of comparability are highlighted in the body of the profile or in footnotes to the relevant sections.

67 The Pathways to Positive Outcomes for Families and Whänau was a five-year programme supported from the Social Sciences funding pool of the Foundation for Research, Science and Technology. The main goal of the programme was to examine and monitor the social and economic determinants of family and whänau wellbeing and how these changed between 1981 and 2001.


3.2.6 Benchmarks

Whilst Mäori demographic, social and economic changes over time tend to reflect changes that have already occurred in the Päkehä population, a deliberate effort has been made to avoid using Mäori/non-Mäori or Mäori/other ethnic group comparisons to benchmark Mäori progress. This is because of the deficit connotation inherent in such analyses. As far as possible, Mäori are compared against Mäori over time, against the total New Zealand population or they are observed in the context of their over- or under-representation relative to the percentage they make up of the total New Zealand population. However, since Mäori/non-Mäori comparisons are so widespread in official and non-official quantitative analysis of Mäori development and many of the surveys the data used have been drawn from are one-off exercises, it has not always been possible to avoid using Mäori/non-Mäori comparisons.

On a more technical note, Crothers (2005, p. 7) observes that the mere reporting of “ethnic correlations is unduly simplistic, since the comparisons are seldom entirely valid”. Rather, apparent ethnic differences should always be investigated further using multivariate techniques to determine how far other differences might account for the observed results. Using a similar approach, Dharmalingam, Pool, Sceats and Mackay (2004) show that, in many cases, differences between Mäori and non-Mäori in respect of family formation and family forms apparent at the bivariate level of analysis disappear when other differences (demographic, education, employment, etc) are controlled for.

3.3 PoPuLation CharaCteristiCs assoCiateD with faMiLy Change

3.3.1 Population size

At the 1976 Census, there were 356,847 Mäori people living in New Zealand. By 2006, the number had grown to 565,329. The increase over the period was about 58 percent, which was substantially lower than the three-fold increase recorded in the previous 30 years. However, although the rate of growth fell, the number of Mäori has continued to increase at a faster rate than the number of all New Zealanders. As a result, the proportion of Mäori in the total population rose from 11 percent to nearly 15 percent between 1976 and 2006.

Mäori population size is influenced mainly by the number of Mäori births less the number of Mäori deaths (natural increase). About a quarter of all children registered as Mäori are born to mothers who are not Mäori (Statistics New Zealand, 2005, p. 5). In spite of a declining fertility rate, the number of babies being registered remained high enough and the number of deaths low enough to offset losses to the population through emigration.

3.3.2 geographic distribution

Mäori families’ access to jobs, services and other opportunities can be strongly affected by where they live. Some of the regions in which Mäori are concentrated are dependent on only a few industries, some of which are particularly sensitive to economic cycles of growth and recession. The range of front-line education, health and other services on offer are also limited, with people having to travel some distance to access alternatives. How Mäori families are distributed and concentrated geographically can therefore affect the social and economic outcomes of Mäori at the national level.


However, the regions in which Mäori are concentrated are the very regions in which Mäori values, institutions and traditions are still strong. For Mäori parents in these regions, access to the support of a strong kin-based whänau, and the opportunities for their children to learn and speak Mäori and to absorb mätauranga Mäori may well outweigh any material advantages that relocation might bring. Therefore, the geographical distribution and concentration of Mäori families can also affect the cultural outcomes of Mäori at a national level.

In 2006, 61 percent of the Mäori population lived in upper North Island regions (Gisborne to Northland), 29.5 percent lived in lower North Island regions and the rest lived in the South Island. Nearly one in four Mäori (137,136) lived in the Auckland region.

However, as Table 3 shows, while Auckland may well have had the greater number of Mäori living within its boundaries, those 137,136 living there made up just 10.5 percent of the total population of the region. Compared to the percentage of Mäori in the total New Zealand population (14.8 percent), Mäori are under-represented in Auckland. But they are heavily over-represented in Gisborne, Northland, the Bay of Plenty and Hawke’s Bay. They are also over-represented, although not to the same extent, in all other North Island regions except Wellington.

taBLe 3: MÄori as PerCentage of totaL regionaL PoPuLation 1986–2006

region 1986 2006

Northland 25.0 29.3

Auckland 11.2 10.5

Waikato 17.5 20.0

Bay of Plenty 25.1 26.3

Gisborne 37.6 44.4

Hawke’s Bay 19.6 22.7

Taranaki 11.3 15.2

Manawatu-Whanganui 14.3 19.0

Wellington 10.4 12.3

West Coast 5.6 9.3

Canterbury 4.6 7.0

Otago 3.8 6.3

Southland 8.3 11.5

Nelson-Tasman 3.8 7.6

Marlborough 7.1 10.0

totaL 12.4 14.8 Source: Statistics New Zealand, Census of Population and Dwellings 1986–2006


3.3.3 urban–rural location

For many Mäori, urbanisation did not involve a shift from a predominantly rural region to a highly urbanised region, such as Auckland or Wellington. It simply entailed a move to the nearest large town or city, or, in cases such as Tauranga, the incorporation of Mäori communities as a part of urban expansion. This tends to be overlooked in high-level discussions about urban issues.

According to the urban–rural classification used in successive Censuses, 84 percent of the Mäori population was urban and 16 percent was rural. The following table using data customised by Statistics New Zealand for a report produced following the 2006 Census (Statistics New Zealand c2009) presents a different picture of the urban–rural distribution of the Mäori population. It shows that more than a third of all Mäori live outside of the main urban areas. Mäori are most heavily concentrated in satellite urban, independent urban areas, independent urban communities and rural areas with low urban influence.

taBLe 4: DistriBution anD ConCentration of MÄori PoPuLation By urBan–ruraL areas 2006

urBan–ruraL area nuMBer of MÄori

PerCent of aLL MÄori

PerCent of totaL PoPuLation in area

Main urban area 365,604 64.7 13.2

Satellite urban area 23,757 4.2 19.3

Independent urban area 88,038 15.6 20.7

Rural area with high urban influence 13,452 2.4 11.3

Rural area with moderate urban influence 23,415 4.1 15.9

Rural area with low urban influence 39,504 7.0 18.9

Highly rural/remote area 11,487 2.0 19.0

totaL, new ZeaLanD 565,257 100.0 14.6

Source: Statistics New Zealand Census of Population and Dwellings 2006

Analyses of the population in the different types of urban/rural areas on a region by region basis show that areas with a high proportion of Mäori in the population (for example, independent urban communities) were among the most deprived when measured by the New Zealand Index of Social Deprivation68 (Statistics New Zealand, 2009, p. 75).

3.3.4 age structure

The age structure of a population should always be considered in the study of families and households. It is a factor in the proportions of men and women who are married or partnered; fertility and mortality rates, family forms and structure; and the distribution of the population by households or living arrangements (such as the incidence of people living on their own, as couples without children, etc).

With a median age of 22.7 years in 2006, the Mäori population is relatively youthful. In line with the falling fertility rate, however, it has been slowly ageing. This is reflected in the drop in the proportion of children (down from 39 percent to 35.3 percent between 1986 and 2006) and the growth in the proportion of elderly (up from 2.3 percent to 4.2 percent). The rise in the proportion of elderly represents an increase in numerical terms of nearly 8,000.

68 The New Zealand Deprivation Index (NZDep) measures socio-economic deprivation over geographic units defined by Statistics New Zealand. Assessment variables include income, home ownership, family support, employment, educational qualifications, crowding, communications and transport. (See Salmond, Crampton & Atkinson, 2007 for further information.)


figure 1: Changes in age struCture of MÄori PoPuLation 1986–2006

45

40

35

30

25

20

15

10

5

0Under 15 15–24 25–34 35–44 45–54 55–64 65 and

over

Per

cent

Age group

1986 2006

Source: Statistics New Zealand, Census of Population and Dwellings 1986, 2006

Ageing can be expected to accelerate in the future as the Mäori fertility rate continues its slow decline. As a result, further changes can be expected in the processes of family formation and family forms and structures.

3.3.5 Mobility

The Mäori population has become increasingly mobile over the past 20 years. In 1986, 46.6 percent of all Mäori aged five years and over reported that they had lived somewhere else in the country five years earlier. By 2006, the proportion had risen to 60.3 percent (Table 5). Increases in mobility, as Figure 2 shows, occurred across all age groups.

taBLe 5: PerCentage DistriBution of MÄori By aDDress five years ago 1986–2006

aDDress five years ago 1986 1991 1996 2001 2006

PerCent MÄori PoPuLation

Same as usual address 51.7 45.8 44.5 40.2 37.3

Elsewhere in country 46.6 52.5 53.3 57.9 60.3

Overseas 1.7 1.7 2.2 1.9 2.4

totaL 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

Source: Statistics New Zealand, Census of Population and Dwellings 1986–2006

Figure 2 also shows that between 2001 and 2006, mobility was at its highest at ages 20–34 years. Seventy-six percent of 20–24-year-olds, 80 percent of 25–29-year-olds and 75 percent of 30–34-year-olds had shifted at least once in the five years between 2001 and 2006. As these are the ages at which Mäori are usually parenting, it is not surprising to find that movement was also high among children aged 5–14 years. More than two-thirds (68 percent) of all five- to nine-year-olds and 60 percent of all 10- to 14-year-olds had moved at least once between 2001 and 2006.


figure 2: ProPortion of MÄori who haD MoveD within Previous five years By age grouPs 1986 anD 2006

65+

60–64 years

55–59 years

50–54 years

45–49 years

40–44 years

35–39 years

30–34 years

25–29 years

20–24 years

15–19 years

10–14 years

5–9 years

0.0 20.0 40.0 60.0 80.0 100.0

Percent of population in age group

2006 1986

Age

gro

up

Source: Statistics New Zealand, Census of Population and Dwellings 2006

Most movers in 2006 had moved within the same regional council area. During the five-year period, 44 percent of the population shifted to somewhere else within the same region and 18 percent moved between regions. The rest had not moved. The Survey of Dynamics and Motivations for Migration in New Zealand 2007 conducted by Statistics New Zealand found that Mäori move mainly for social reasons like wanting to live closer to whänau. However, economic reasons were also important and, among the latter, housing-related needs were common (Housing New Zealand Corporation, 2009, p. 15).

3.4 faMiLy forMation

3.4.1 Marriage and de-facto relationships

Marriage is much less common among Mäori today than it was 30 years ago. In 2001, 30.5 percent of Mäori aged 16 years and over were legally married compared with 62.4 percent in 1976. As Table 6 shows, this drop was compensated for by an increase in the proportion of Mäori adults who had been but were no longer married and in the proportion who had never been married.

taBLe 6: PerCentage LegaL MaritaL status for MÄori ageD 16 anD over 1976–2001

LegaL MaritaL status 1976 1986 1996 2001

Married (not separated) 62.4 41.7 34.9 30.5

Never married 29.4 43.2 50.1 53.5

Separated 2.5 6.9 5.4 5.7

Divorced 1.0 3.7 5.5 6.1

Widowed 4.7 4.5 4.1 4.2

totaL 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0



The downward trend in marriage has been accompanied by an upward trend in de-facto unions. There was little change in the proportion of Mäori living with a partner between 1976 and 2001 (50.9 percent in 1976 and 51.1 percent in 2001). Of those who were partnered, however, the proportion living with a spouse dropped from 39.2 percent in 1986 to 29.4 percent in 2001 whilst the proportion living with a de-facto partner increased from 11.6 percent to 21.7 percent.

Figure 3 shows that the proportion of Mäori adults living with a spouse fell at all ages between 1986 and 2001 (age-related data from the 2006 Census are not available for Mäori) and that the falls were at their most marked in the late-twenties and early-thirties. At ages 25 to 29, 16.7 percent were living with a spouse in 2001 compared with 43 percent in 1986. At ages 30 to 34, 27.9 percent were living with a spouse in 2001 compared with 58.2 percent in 1986. Figure 4 shows that the trend toward de-facto unions has been most pronounced in these same age groups. The proportion of 25- to 29-year-olds living with a de-facto partner increased from 18.1 percent in 1986 to 29.1 percent in 2001 whilst among 30- to 34-year-olds, the proportion rose from 13.8 percent to 25.1 percent.

figure 3: ProPortion of MÄori in eaCh age grouP who were Living with a sPouse 1986–2001

80

70

60

50

40

30

20

10

0 15–19

20–24

25–29

30–34

35–39

40–44

45–49

50–54

55–59

60–64

65–69

70–74

75–79

80+

Per

cent

Age group

1986 2001



figure 4: ProPortion of MÄori in eaCh age grouP who were Living with a De-faCto Partner 1986–2001

35

30

25

20

15

10

5

0 15–19

20–24

25–29

30–34

35–39

40–44

45–49

50–54

55–59

60–64

65–69

70–74

75–79

80+

Per

cent

Age group

1986 2001


Contrary to the impression that these trends might convey, Mäori who lived with a partner in 2001 were more likely to be married to that partner than not married. At the Census conducted in that year, 57.5 percent of all partnered Mäori aged 15 years and over were living with a spouse.

Mäori are not identified separately in the registration data that marriage and divorce statistics are derived from. As a result, there are no official statistics on Mäori first marriages, marriage dissolution or remarriages. However, Census data on legal marital status show that separation and divorce among Mäori have increased since 1976 (see Table 6) and this finding is supported by the results of the NZW:FEE Survey.

The survey found that a New Zealand woman’s chances of separation doubled after 1970 and continued to increase until the 1990s when there was a levelling off. The survey also found that about one in five Mäori women in a first marriage separated within five years and one in four within 10 years (p. 35). Age at marriage was an important predictor of separation, as was prior cohabitation. The older the woman was at marriage the less likely she was to separate but women who had cohabited prior to first marriage were 35 percent more likely to separate than those who did not (Dharmalingam et al, 2004, pp. 30–32, 34–36).

Seventy-five percent of Mäori women who had separated from a first marriage had re-partnered within 10 years of the marriage ending. Age at separation and duration of separation were significant factors in re-partnering. A woman’s chances of re-partnering were highest if she had separated before the age of 30 years and had been separated for less than two years. Thirty percent of Mäori women who had separated from a first marriage had re-partnered within two years of separation and 60 percent within five years (Dharmalingam et al, 2004, pp. 32–34, 38–41).

There was some evidence to suggest that cohabiting relationships may be less stable than marriage but further research is needed to confirm the hypothesis. Twenty-nine percent of first-time cohabiting relationships involving Mäori women who had never been in a union were either dissolved or converted into marriage within one year, 49 percent within two years and 80 percent within five years. Within 10 years, 91 percent of these relationships had been either dissolved or converted into marriage (Dharmalingam et al, 2004, p. 31).


3.4.2 fertility

By 1976, the beginning of the reference period for this profile, the Mäori fertility rate had been falling for more than 10 years. However, the sharpest drop occurred between 1970 and 1980 when the total fertility rate (the average number of children a Mäori woman could expect to bear in her lifetime at the fertility levels current at the time) fell from 5.2 to 2.4 births per woman. This means that the completed size of Mäori families, as implied by the total fertility rate, fell by nearly three children in the space of just 10 years.

figure 5: totaL fertiLity rate for MÄori anD totaL 1962–2006

7

6

5

4

3

2

1

0 1962

1966

1971

1976

1981

1986

1991

1996

2001

2006

Ave

rage

num

ber

of

birt

hs p

er w

oman

Year

Mäori Total

Source: Statistics New Zealand, Demographic Trends Report 1962–2006

Although the rate fluctuated after 1980, the overall downward trend continued until 1990 when the publication of data ceased, pending the introduction of a new birth registration form. After the introduction of the new form in 1995 and the resumption of the series, the rate was found to be higher than expected (2.7 births per woman). This led Statistics New Zealand to observe in its briefing for the 2005 Hui Taumata that there may have been an understatement of Mäori fertility, “at least from the late-1970s” (Statistics New Zealand, 2005, p. 6). Between 1996 and 2006, the rate fluctuated between 2.5 and 2.7 but, by 2008, was closer to 3.

Despite its downward trajectory, the Mäori fertility rate has remained consistently higher than that of the total New Zealand population throughout the entire period. With the exception of short periods in the 1990s and the past two or three years of this decade, New Zealand fertility levels have been tracking below the level needed for a population to replace itself (an average of 2.1 births per woman) since the 1980s. In 2008, the rate stood at 2.18, only slightly higher than the replacement level.

3.4.3 Childbearing patterns

Figure 6 shows that in 1976 fertility levels were at their highest among women aged 20–24. However, during the 30-year period, fertility rates for women under 30 years of age dropped significantly. The largest decrease occurred among women aged 20–24 (down from 203 to 147 births per 1,000) followed by women aged 15–19 (down from 113 to 69 births per 1,000). Decreases of a somewhat smaller magnitude were recorded in the youngest (under 15 years), the two oldest (40–44 and 45 years and over) and in the 25- to 29-year age groups. In contrast, rates for women aged 30–39 increased (up from 85 to 109 births per 1,000 for women aged 30–34 and up from 41 to 60 births per


1,000 for women aged 35–39). The net result of these changes has been a converging of the fertility levels of women at ages 20–24 and 25–29, signifying a transition to 25–29 as the peak childbearing years for Mäori women.

On average, Mäori women now have children a little over three years later than their counterparts in the mid-1970s. The median age of women giving birth in 2006 was 25.9 years compared with 22.7 years in 1976.

figure 6: age-sPeCifiC fertiLity rates for MÄori woMen 1976–2006

250

200

150

100

50

0Under

1515–19 20–24 25–29 30–34 35–39 40–44 45+

Rat

e pe

r 1,

000

wom

en

Age group in years

1976 2006

Source: Statistics New Zealand, Demographic Trends, 1976–2006

Childlessness is also increasing among Mäori women at reproductive ages and this trend is evident in all but the oldest age group. The biggest increases between 1981 and 1996 occurred among women in the 20 to 24 age group (up 18 percentage points), the 25 to 29 age group (up 15 percentage points) and the 30 to 34 age group (up seven percentage points). (The question on fertility is not asked at every Census and data from the 2006 Census are not easily accessible.)

Mäori childbearing trends and patterns tend to mirror changes that have already taken place among New Zealand women as a whole. Coinciding with them have been changes in Mäori women’s participation in tertiary study and increasing participation in the labour force. In 1997, 18.6 percent of 18- to 19-year-old and 13.9 percent of 20- to 24-year-old women were enrolled in tertiary institutions. By 2006, the proportions had risen to 39.2 percent and 34.8 percent respectively. In respect of the labour force, in 1991, 39.6 percent and 55.5 percent of 15- to 19- and 20- to 24-year-olds respectively were in the labour force. By 2006, the proportions had risen to 55 percent and 65 percent respectively.


3.5 faMiLies anD househoLDsThe combined effects of changes in the age structure of the population and in family formation patterns are evident in the changes that occurred between 1976 and 2006 in the distribution of Mäori across different family and household types. The data sources for the analysis in this part of the profile are mainly successive Censuses and the secondary statistics derived from successive Censuses by the FWWP and Waikato University’s Population Studies Centre.

3.5.1 families

Whilst the proportion of Mäori living as a part of a family remained relatively stable between 1991 and 2006 (80.5 percent and 80.7 percent respectively), the distribution of the population across the different family types continued to change. In 2006, 51.3 percent of Mäori living in a family lived in a two-parent family (down from 58.6 percent in 1991) and 12.6 percent lived as a couple without children (up from 8.6 percent in 1991). The proportion living in one-parent families continued to rise until 2001 (up from 32.8 percent to 35.3 percent) and then dropped back to 34.2 percent in 2006. The drop was compensated for not by a rise in the proportion of the population in a two-parent family (which remained relatively steady during the period – 53.2 percent in 2001 and 53.1 percent in 2006), but by an increase in the proportion living as couples without children (up from 11.5 percent in 2001).

figure 7: DistriBution of MÄori PoPuLation Living in faMiLies By faMiLy tyPe 1991–2006

70

60

50

40

30

20

10

01991 1996 2001 2006

Per

cent

Family type

Couple (no children) Two-parent One-parent

Source: Statistics New Zealand, Census of Population and Dwellings 1991–2006.

The proportion of Mäori children under 15 years living with one parent increased between 1986 and 2001; rising sharply at first (from 28.2 percent to 39.4 percent between 1986 and 1991) and then more slowly until 2001. Between 2001 and 2006, the proportion dropped (down from 43.9 percent to 42.6 percent). Corresponding to the upward movement in the proportion of children living in a one-parent family, the proportion in a two-parent family declined (falling from 71.8 percent to 56.1 percent between 1986 and 2001) and then rose. In 2006, 57.4 percent of Mäori children living as a part of a family lived in a two-parent family.


figure 8: DistriBution of MÄori ChiLDren unDer 15 years of age By faMiLy tyPe 1986–2006

80

70

60

50

40

30

20

10

0

Per

cent

Family type

One-parent families Two-parent families

1986 1991 1996 2001 2006


It is too early to tell whether or not the recent drop in the percentage of all Mäori in a one-parent family marks the reversal of the established trends. However, it is clear that the rise in the proportion of Mäori in a one-parent family tells only part of the story of the declining proportion in two-parent families. Mäori living as a couple without children have been increasing as a proportion of all Mäori living in families at least since 1991, and this increase has been a contributing factor to the declining proportion of Mäori in a two-parent family (Pool, Baxendine, Cochrane, & Lindop, 2005a).

Mäori separation and re-partnering patterns mean that sole-parenthood is not necessarily a permanent state. The NZW:FEE Survey found that in 1995, 39 percent of Mäori women became sole-parents before the age of 25 and 50 percent before the age of 30. However, 63 percent of Mäori sole-mothers had ceased to be a sole-parent within five years, either because of re-partnering or children leaving home (Dharmalingam et al, 2004, pp. 60, 62). As a result, blended families were fairly common among Mäori.

In 1995, it was estimated that nearly one in four Mäori women aged 20 to 59 who had had a child had parented in a blended family. Nearly a third of these women had done so before the age of 30 (Dharmalingam et al, 2004, p. 78). It was estimated that 14 percent of Mäori children had experienced living in a blended family by the time they were five years old and 22 percent by the time they were 10 years old. For 47 percent of children in this situation, their blended family had come to an end within five years, either because the family broke up or because they left home (Dharmalingam et al, 2004, pp. 79–80). The study also found that children living in blended families, irrespective of their ethnicity, tended to leave home earlier than other children.

Statistics New Zealand (2009a) also found that Mäori aged 15 to 24 tended to leave their families of origin at an earlier age than other young New Zealanders and that this was the case across all ages between 1991 and 2006. Whilst there was little change in the proportion of 15- to 19-year-olds still living at home (64 percent and 65 percent respectively), the proportion of 20- to 24-year-olds in the same position rose from 23 percent to 25.5 percent. For both age groups the proportions still living at home by age 24 were 45 percent in 1991 and 48.5 percent in 2006.


3.5.2 households

Shifts in the distribution of family types among Mäori resulted in marked changes in the distribution of Mäori households by household type between 1976 and 2001. Whilst two-parent households continued to retain the dominant share, their proportion dropped markedly – from 48 percent to 27 percent. Very small decreases were also recorded in the proportions of parents plus others (households consisting of more than one family) and non-family households (down from 22 percent to 20 percent and 7 percent to 6 percent respectively). The decreases in these three types were compensated for by a substantial increase in the proportion of one-parent households (up from 7 percent to 19 percent), a moderate increase in the proportion of one-person households (up from 7 percent to 16 percent) and a more modest increase in the proportion of couple-only households (up from 8 percent to 12 percent). Figure 9 graphs these changes.

figure 9: DistriBution of househoLDs with a MÄori oCCuPier By househoLD tyPe 1976–2001

60

50

40

30

20

10

0Couple

onlyTwo

parentOne

parentParents

plusNon-family One

person

Per

cent

all

hous

ehol

ds

Household type

1976 2001

Source: Population Studies Centre of Waikato University

Between 1976 and 2001, couple-only and one-person households together increased by 13 percentage points (from 15 percent to 28 percent) and one-parent households by 12 percentage points. This suggests that the decline in households consisting of two parents and children was as much a function of the increase in the proportion of the two former household types as it was a function of the increase in households consisting of one parent with children (Baxendine, Cochrane, Lindop, & Pool, 2005b).

The upward movement in the proportion of couple-only households is associated at the younger end of the age range, with earlier entry into partnerships combined with delayed childbearing and, at the older end, with children leaving home (the empty-nest phenomenon). Increases in the proportion of one-person households can be attributed to dissolution of partnerships (through separation, divorce or widowhood) and the ageing of the Mäori population. As ageing is expected to accelerate over the next 10 to 20 years, the proportion of couple-only and one-person households will probably continue to increase and may, in the short term at least, be at the expense of two-parent households.


Failure to consider the shifts in household types other than one-parent households and their effects on two-parent households contributes to the rather distorted picture of sole-parents in the popular press over the past 30 years. Public concern for the increasing proportion of one-parent households is not misdirected; one-parent households are particularly disadvantaged in material wellbeing. However, there are many more one-parent families than there are one-parent households. Those not living in a one-parent household are ‘nested’ in households that consist of two one-parent families, a two-parent family and a one-parent family, two-parent families or parents and people who are not themselves members of the family (Baxendine, Cochrane, Lindop, & Pool, 2005c). In 2001, two in every five Mäori sole-parents were living in this type of household. How many of these households could be described as extended family households is not known but it is interesting to note that, in 2006, one in every five Mäori dependent children was living in an extended family, the most common being the three-generation family.

3.6 Changes in the soCio-eConoMiC CirCuMstanCes of faMiLies anD househoLDs

The positive association between educational qualifications, occupation, income level, housing quality and standards of living has been well established. There is also evidence that household income, more particularly family income, is both an outcome of parent(s)’s past educational experience, past and current employment status and housing history and an important influence in children’s life chances and their economic wellbeing as adults.

This section looks at Mäori material living standards using household and family income as proxy indicators. It discusses the changes that have occurred in living standards in the context of what has been happening to Mäori families and individuals in work, education and housing domains. The section relies heavily on statistics derived from Censuses dating back to 1981 by the FWWP. These statistics relate to “families with at least one Mäori parent”. This report will focus on only two of the family types identified by the project. These are couples with dependent children and one parent with dependent children. Except where stated, we will use the terms ‘one-parent family’ and ‘two-parent family’ to mean one- and two-parent families with dependent children where at least one parent was Mäori.

3.6.1 household income

Figure 10 shows real equivalised household disposable income (before housing costs are deducted) for Mäori and all New Zealanders from 1988 to 2008. Equivalised household disposable income is after-tax cash income for the previous 12 months adjusted for household size and composition. It serves as a proxy indicator of material living standards and economic wellbeing of New Zealanders generally and of sub-groups within the population (Perry, 2009).

The graph below shows the median household income for Mäori falling from $20,800 in 1988 to a low of $15,300 in 1992 (a drop of 26 percent) followed by a period of recovery that continued until 2001, when it was finally restored to the level it was at in 1988. Apart from a dip in 2007, which may have been due to sampling issues, the median household income for Mäori has grown consistently and strongly, rising by 56.5 percent between 1994 and 2008, compared to 37.8 percent for the total population.


figure 10: reaL equivaLiseD MeDian househoLD DisPosaBLe inCoMe for MÄori 1988–2008 (BhC)

30,000

25,000

20,000

15,000

10,000

5,000

01988 1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 2001 2004 2007 2008

$ (2

008

valu

es)

Year

New Zealand Mäori All

Source: Perry (2009), derived from Statistics New Zealand’s Household Economic Survey (HES) 1988–2008

A similar measure has been used by FWWP to monitor trends in family income over time. Instead of disposable income, it utilises gross income adjusted for family composition (the Revised Jensen Scale) and expressed in 1999 dollar values.

On this measure, couples and one-parent families with dependent children were better off in 2006 than they were in 1981. During the period, the median equivalised gross income of couples with dependent children increased from $11,500 to $15,950. However, the trend lines in the graph (Figure 11) show that the recession and economic restructuring of the late 1980s and early 1990s impacted differently on the two family types. The events of those years set in train a long decline in the median income of one-parent families which was not reversed until 2006. Despite stronger growth over the period in the median incomes of one-parent families (39 percent as opposed to 24 percent for couples with dependent children), the income gap between the two family types widened from $17,300 in 1981 to $19,650 in 2006.

Te Awe Wellington Mäori Business Network, Matariki Function 2010.L–R: James Johnston, Charmaine Ngarimu, Shiree McPhee, Doug Hauraki, Betty Hauraki, Debra Jensen, Nola Hope.


figure 11: jensen MeDian reaL (1999), gross, equivaLiseD faMiLy inCoMe By faMiLy tyPe for faMiLies with at Least one MÄori Parent 1981–2006

$40,000

$35,000

$30,000

$25,000

$20,000

$15,000

$10,000

$5,000

$01981 1986 1991 1996 2001 2006

Couple with dependent children One parent with dependent children

Source: FWWP 2008 derived from Statistics New Zealand Census of Population and Dwellings 1981–2006

The findings are consistent with movements in the personal incomes of Mäori. Real median income for all Mäori aged 15 years and over rose by 42 percent between 1991 and 2006. In 2006, the median level was $20,900 as against $14,700 in 1991. Male and female incomes rose at different rates; male incomes by 49 percent and female incomes by 33 percent. The greater propensity for women to work part-time and to move in and out of the labour force are two of the factors that ought to be considered in accounting for the difference.

Figure 12 and the graphs that follow highlight, in a very stark way, the parlous position of one-parent families with dependent children. There was little change in their standard of living during the period. The proportion with a median gross equivalised family income that fell below 60 percent of the median equivalised gross income for all families and households (one of the yardsticks by which hardship or poverty is identified) hovered around the three in every four mark throughout the entire 25-year period. Couples, however, experienced an overall decrease in the likelihood of falling below the threshold, the proportion dropping from 32 percent to 24.5 percent between 1981 and 2006.

Further information on Mäori in poor households is provided by Perry using a different measure. In 2009, one in five Mäori aged 15 years and over was estimated to be living in households with incomes that fell below the poverty line used in the Ministry of Social Development’s Social Report69 (ie, 60 percent of the median household income after deducting housing costs). In actual numbers, 20 percent represents about 120,000 people. For Mäori dependent children (aged 0 to 17 years), the proportion living in low-income households was estimated to be about 33 percent (or one in three), which equates to about 80,000 in numerical terms. The high proportion of Mäori children in poverty is accounted for by “the high proportion of Mäori children living in sole-parent beneficiary families and households (eg, in June 2009 43 percent of DPB recipients were Mäori)” (Perry, 2010, pp. 11, 96).

69 The Social Report uses a set of indicators to measure the overall social health and wellbeing of New Zealand society. Results are published annually by the Ministry of Social Development.


3.6.2 work

Lack of paid employment among two-parent and one-parent families with at least one Mäori parent rose after the 1981 Census and peaked in 1991. In 1981, 21.8 percent of two-parent families and 82.8 percent of one-parent families had no parent in paid employment. From then on, the proportion of one-parent families in this situation continued to drop, reaching a low of 59 percent in 2006. The proportion of two-parent families, however, recorded decreases at the two consecutive Censuses and a slight increase in 2006. In 2006, therefore, one-parent families were much more likely to have a parent in paid employment than they were in 1981. Two-parent families were slightly less likely to have a parent in paid employment than they were in 1981.

figure 12: LaCK of PaiD eMPLoyMent By faMiLy tyPe for faMiLies with at Least one MÄori Parent 1981–2006

90

80

70

60

50

40

30

20

10

0

Per

cent

Family type


1981 1986 1991 1996 2001 2006

Source: FWWP 2008, derived from Statistics New Zealand Census of Population and Dwellings 1981–2006

One- and two-parent families with at least one parent in paid employment, however, worked longer hours in 2006 than their counterparts in 1981. During this period, the proportion of two-parent families with at least one parent in paid employment who worked more than 48 hours per week rose from 24.1 percent to 35.2 percent whilst the proportion of one-parent families in this situation rose from 2.3 percent to 5.4 percent.

The improvement in the first of the two indicators is supported by other data from the Census. Between 1981 and 2006, the number of Mäori in the labour force increased from 123,600 to nearly 225, 400, an overall increase of 82 percent. From a high point of just over 68.8 percent of Mäori aged 15 years and over in 1986, the labour force participation rate dropped to a low of 56.4 percent in 1991 and then took another 15 years to recover. At the end of the period, it was slightly higher than the 1986 level (69.2 percent). The improvement, especially from 1991, occurred among both men and women and at all ages.

However, one of the most notable developments in the work domain has been the rapid growth in the number of Mäori managers, administrators, legislators, professionals and technicians, and associated professionals. During the 15-year period, workers in these jobs increased by 41,000, compared to a 30,500 increase in the number of workers in jobs requiring little or no skill (agriculture and fisheries workers, plant and machine


operators/assemblers and general labourers). As a result of these differential rates of growth, the occupational structure of the Mäori workforce has been changing. Workers in managerial, professional and technical-type jobs are an increasing proportion of the Mäori workforce (having risen from 20 percent to nearly 29 percent between 1991 and 2006) and workers in unskilled and semi-skilled jobs are a declining proportion (having fallen from 42 percent to 31 percent during the same period).

taBLe 7: PerCentage oCCuPationaL struCture of MÄori worKforCe 1991–2006

oCCuPation grouP 1991 1996 2001 2006

Legislators, administrators and managers 5.6 6.2 7.0 9.0

Professionals 7.2 7.2 9.0 9.5

Technicians and associate professionals 7.3 8.0 9.1 10.3

Clerks 12.0 11.4 11.1 9.6

Service and sales workers 13.8 15.8 15.4 14.7

Agriculture and fisheries workers 8.2 9.2 8.0 6.3

Trades workers 9.0 8.0 7.0 7.6

Plant and machine operators and assemblers 19.0 14.5 15.1 13.9

Elementary occupations 14.7 12.2 10.4 10.7

Not adequately defined 3.2 7.6 8.0 8.3

totaL 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

Note: Numbers don’t nesessarily total 100 due to rounding


Also worth noting is the growing number of Mäori employers and self-employed (ie, the number of Mäori with their own businesses). Although they form a relatively small proportion of the Mäori workforce (6.5 percent in 1986 and 9.3 percent in 2006), their number has more than doubled during the period, rising from 9,400 to 21,100.

In terms of hours of work, comparing the 2001 Census to the 1996 Census (2006 data are not immediately available) suggests that the proportion of Mäori workers working more than 40 hours per week may have declined slightly during the five years. However, there seems to be a general trend in New Zealand and other Western countries toward longer working hours and, whilst it has been found that it is people with the highest qualifications who work the longest hours, the largest group of long hours workers was identified among those with no qualifications.

3.6.3 education

As might be expected from the rise in the number of Mäori workers in professional and highly skilled occupations, considerable progress has been made in education and this is reflected in the educational profile of one- and two-parent families with at least one Mäori parent. In 1981, 55.8 percent of two-parent families had no parent with any form of educational qualification. By 2006, the proportion had fallen back to 20.7 percent. During the same period, the proportion of one-parent families with a Mäori parent having no qualification also dropped, from 82.7 percent to 48.1 percent.

Further evidence of improvement is provided by the decreases that have occurred in the percentages of families with a Mäori parent where no parent had a post-secondary qualification. For two-parent families, the proportion dropped from 77.3 percent to 50.2 percent during the reference period whilst for one-parent families, it decreased from 95.4 percent to 78.7 percent.


figure 13: LaCK of Post-seConDary eDuCationaL attainMent By faMiLy tyPe for faMiLies with at Least one MÄori Parent 1981–2006

120

100

80

60

40

20

0

Per

cent

Family type


1981 1986 1991 1996 2001 2006


The educational qualifications, work and income status of families, along with housing conditions, are closely related to educational experiences and the opportunities and outcomes of children. If this is the case, an improvement in the number of children entering school with early childhood education, in students being retained beyond the compulsory school-leaving age, in young people enrolling in tertiary institutions and in those completing degree-level qualifications are the outcome of improvements in the situation of Mäori families.

Between 2000 and 2009, the proportion of new entrants with early childhood experience increased from 85 percent to 91 percent. Retention rate figures (the percentage of students staying at school to 17 years) seem to vary according to the document consulted (especially when it comes to long-term trends) but it seems to have been around 66 percent in 2009. By 2007, the proportion of Mäori school-leavers qualified to attend university stood at more than twice the level it was in 1993 (18.5 percent compared to 7.5 percent). All Mäori tertiary participation rates at degree level and above increased between 1994 and 2008 (in the Bachelor’s category, from 18.2 percent to 28.2 percent per 1,000 of the population). The number of Mäori completing a qualification between 2001 and 2008 rose from 12,000 to 21,000 and the proportion of the Mäori population aged 15 with a tertiary qualification (degree, etc) increased from 22 percent to 39 percent between 1991 and 2008. During the same period, the proportion with a Bachelor’s degree or higher rose from 1 percent to 6 percent.

In spite of these gains, there is considerable room for improvement. Mäori continue to have the lowest school retention rates, the highest rates of course attrition at tertiary level and the lowest completion rates when compared to other ethnic groups. Whilst tertiary participation rates are high, most Mäori are studying at certificate level. However, as those who are succeeding at higher degree and vocational levels achieve parenthood, the proportion of qualifications among Mäori aged 15 and over ought to continue to rise.


3.6.4 housing

The picture that emerges from the housing domain is less encouraging. Over the past 25 years the most striking trend in Mäori housing has been the ongoing decline of home ownership rates. Since 1991 the proportion of families with at least one Mäori parent who do not own their own home has risen from 46 percent to 53.8 percent in the case of two-parent families and from 59.2 percent to 78.4 percent in the case of one-parent families (Figure 14).

figure 14: ProPortion of faMiLies with at Least one MÄori Parent who Do not Live in owner-oCCuPieD DweLLings 1981–2006

90

80

70

60

50

40

30

20

10

0

Per

cent

Family type


1981 1986 1991 1996 2001 2006


During the same period, the proportion of families who lived in rented homes and whose weekly rent amounted to more than 25 percent of their gross equivalised household income rose from 30.9 percent to 52.7 percent for two-parent families and from 54.4 percent to 74.8 percent for one-parent families. It is interesting to note that housing-related issues figured prominently among the reasons that respondents in the migration survey gave for moving. More than 9 percent of movers indicated that they had moved from their previous address because they had been given notice by the landlord or their lease had expired and nearly 10 percent said the main reason they had moved was to secure more affordable housing.

Figure 15 shows that the proportion of one- and two-parent families living in crowded homes (ie, homes that require at least one additional bedroom) tracked consistently downward to reach a low point in 2001. By then, the proportion of two-parent families in crowded homes had fallen from 35.3 percent to 23.2 percent, and the proportion of one-parent families from 52.5 percent to 39.1 percent. By 2006, the proportion of two-parent families living under these circumstances was close to the level it was at in 1991 whilst the proportion of one-parent families living in these same circumstances had risen above the level it was at in 1991.


figure 15: ProPortion of faMiLies with at Least one MÄori Parent who Live in overCrowDeD hoMes 1981–2006

60

50

40

30

20

10

0

Per

cent

Family type


1981 1986 1991 1996 2001 2006


Referring to the whole population, Perry (2009) points out that one in three sole-parent families (and here he is referring to economic family units70) live in wider households with others (the Population Studies Centre’s ‘parents plus’ household category) and that these families tend to have lower poverty rates than those living on their own. Having access to the collective resources and support of a wider household is of course a positive aspect of this type of living arrangement. The propensity toward overcrowding and stress, however, is one of the negative aspects of the arrangement.

3.7 whÄnau ConneCteDnessAs discussed in the introduction, there is little quantitative information available on connectedness to, and participation in, the wider whänau group or, for that matter, in the wider Mäori community.

The Time Use Survey conducted in 1999 by Statistics New Zealand documents the unpaid work that Mäori do outside of the home. This work is classified into formal and informal activities. The informal activities include caring for and helping people outside the household. From the diaries kept as part of the survey, Mäori women were found to spend an average of 23 minutes per day on informal unpaid work and Mäori men an average of 18 minutes per day, which was considerably more time than that spent by non-Mäori women and men. Statistics New Zealand surmised in the report that the greater participation by Mäori in informal unpaid work may reflect “the traditional and ongoing role of the whänau in caring for children, sick or elderly people outside of the home” (Statistics New Zealand/Ministry of Women’s Affairs, 2001 p. 59).

70 A person who is financially independent, or a group of persons who reside together and are financially interdependent. An economic family can comprise a couple, a couple with dependent children, one parent with dependent children or one person on their own. For example, in a household consisting of a couple with a dependent child who also lives with one of the couple’s siblings, there are two economic families: a one-person economic family (the sibling) as well as the couple and their child who comprise the other economic family.


The Survey of Older Mäori conducted for the Ministry of Social Development in 2004 may support this contention. The survey found that 66 percent of individuals and 45 percent of couples had whänau help in maintaining their car or house, and/or help with household chores; 35 percent of individuals and 19 percent of couples had whänau provide transport. By the same token, 14 percent of single old people and 23 percent of couples had given money to whänau to help them out in the previous year. Forty percent of single people and 50 percent of the partnered saw their family and friends at least once a day and 37 percent and 40 percent respectively saw them once a week (Cunningham et al, 2002).

Other surveys conducted since 2001 suggest that whänau interaction is important to Mäori, irrespective of their age. In 2001, it was estimated that 91 percent of Mäori participated in whänau activities and 69 percent had had family or friends in for a meal at least once a month. There was very little difference in the degree of contact with whänau between one- and two-parent families (Ministry of Social Development, 2001). Moreover, 56 percent of people in the fourth wave of the Hoe Nuku Roa study71 who said they were a part of a whakapapa whänau consisting of three or more generations, saw one or more whänau members at least once a day, 17 percent weekly and 27 percent monthly. Of those who said they were members of a two-generation whänau, 46 percent saw others daily and 29 percent, from time to time (Cunningham, Stevenson, & Tassell, 2005).

The importance of whänau in the lives of Mäori families is also highlighted in the migration survey referred to earlier. The survey found that Mäori most commonly identified social reasons as the main reasons for moving (either from their last residence or to their current residence). Among the social reasons given, proximity to family – wanting to live close to or with family – was the main reason for leaving a previous residence or for moving to the current address. Moreover, wanting or needing to live with or close to family was the single largest social reason for not moving (17.4 percent) (Statistics New Zealand, 2007a).

3.7.1 Cultural revitalisation

Information to assist Mäori monitor the efforts put in to revitalising their culture during the Mäori renaissance is scarce. Apart from information about iwi affiliation and Mäori language speakers, much of the available data come from one-off surveys not designed to collect data about Mäori cultural issues and for which the sample of Mäori is too small to offer anything other than high-level individualised measures. As a result, much of the information is sketchy.

3.7.2 te reo Mäori

Statistics on Mäori language speakers have been collected in the census since 1996. A comparison of the results shows that the proportion of Mäori people able to converse in Mäori about a lot of everyday things has decreased at each of the following two Censuses. In 1996, 26 percent of all Mäori spoke Mäori; in 2001, 24 percent; and in 2006, 23 percent. Figure 16 shows that the decreases in the proportion of Mäori people able to converse in Mäori occurred at all ages up to 20 years and at all ages after 35 years. However, the decreases were on a lesser magnitude at younger ages than they were between ages 45 and 59.

71 The Hoe Nuku Roa Best Outcomes for Mäori study began in 1994. Led by iwi and Massey University, it aims to give a longitudinal picture of Mäori households. This will enable cultural, economic and personal factors to be correlated.


figure 16: PerCentage of MÄori sPeaKers in age grouPs 1996–2006

60

50

40

30

20

10

0 0–4

5–9

10–14

15–19

20–24

25–29

30–34

35–39

40–44

45–49

50–54

55–59

60–64

65+

Per

cent

pop

ulat

ion

in a

ge g

roup

Age group

1996 2001 2006

Source: Statistics New Zealand Census of Population and Dwellings 1996–2006

These results may disturb Mäori leaders, whänau and parents who have put a lot of effort into revitalising the Mäori language, especially since the mid-1970s. But Te Puni Kökiri draws on the actual numbers of speakers recorded in 2006 to present an alternative and, from our perspective, a more rewarding view. The following table and comment are taken from its report on the Mäori language survey conducted in 2006.

taBLe 8: CoMPetenCy rates of MÄori Language sPeaKers By age 2006

age grouPing no. of PeoPLe with MÄori Language

CoMPetenCies

totaL PoPuLation siZe

MÄori Language rate

ProPortion of aLL MÄori with

MÄori Language CoMPetenCies

0–14 35,148 199,920 18% 27%

15–34 40,965 178,869 23% 31%

35–54 33,324 131,967 25% 25%

55+ 22,182 54,567 41% 17%

totaL 100%

Source: Statistics New Zealand, Census of Population and Dwellings 2006

Using 2006 Census data, for those people aged up to 55 the Mäori speaking rate is 21 percent, whereas for those people 55 or older the rate is 41 percent. While the older generation records the highest proportion of people with Mäori language competencies, this generation is actually a small cohort of 54,600 people. Because of the smaller size of this group, there are actually more Mäori speakers in each of the younger age groupings, as is shown [in the above] table.

Te Puni Kökiri, 2008, p. 19

The number of language-competent children and parents of the present generation is promising for the future of Te Reo.


A substantial proportion of children and adults under age 35 would have acquired Mäori through the education system. From 1992, the number of Mäori enrolled in Mäori- medium programmes at both primary and secondary levels increased from 17,400 to reach a peak of 27,000 in 2004 before falling back to 25,300 in 2009. In 2004, when enrolments peaked, Mäori children enrolled in Mäori medium constituted 16.9 percent of all Mäori children in school. The majority of these children were enrolled in bilingual classes. However, since 1992 the number of children enrolled in kura kaupapa Mäori rose from 470 in 13 schools to 6,121 in 68 schools by 2007.

Te Puni Kökiri (2008, p. 25) notes that Ministry of Education statistics suggest that between 2001 and 2005 more than 100,000 learners (Mäori and others) engaged in Mäori language studies at tertiary level and that the increases from 2001 onwards have been significantly higher than they were before that year. The influence of the three wänanga, especially Te Wänanga o Aotearoa, is evident in these increases. However, the numbers may have fallen back since 2006 due to changes in tertiary funding in the mid-2000s.

3.7.3 ancestry and iwi

Information about Mäori ancestry and iwi affiliation was collected for the first time in the 1991 Census. The Mäori ancestry question was included to meet the requirements of the Electoral Amendment Act (1993) but the Mäori ancestry population is a whakapapa-based question that identifies the tangata whenua of New Zealand. The iwi question is asked only of those who clearly indicate that they are the descendants of Mäori.

As Table 9 shows, the proportion of New Zealanders recording Mäori ancestry has remained relatively stable since 1991. Numerically, however, the Mäori ancestry population increased by 132,700 (or 26 percent) between that Census and the most recent one.

taBLe 9: MÄori anCestry anD KnowLeDge of iwi 1991–2006

MÄori anCestry anD KnowLeDge of iwi 1991 1996 2001 2006

Total population 3,373,929 3,618,303 3,737,277 4,027,947

Mäori ancestry population 511,278 579,714 604,110 643,977

% Mäori ancestry 15.0 16.0 16.1 16.0

MÄori anCestry PoPuLation who:

Know iwi 370,248 425,745 454,479 512,325

Don’t know iwi 143,985 112,566 111,810 102,363

% Mäori ancestry population who know iwi 72.4 73.4 75.2 79.6


There seems also to have been a growing awareness of and willingness to record iwi affiliations among those of Mäori ancestry. During the 15-year period, the proportion of the Mäori ancestry population that gave at least one iwi affiliation in response to the iwi question rose from 72.4 percent to nearly 80 percent. This represents, in numerical terms, an increase of 142,077 (38.4 percent).


3.7.4 Participation in cultural maintenance activities

The Time Use Survey also found that Mäori spend more time on religious, cultural and civic participation than non-Mäori. These activities included: religious practice; attendance at weddings, funerals and other ceremonies; participation in rituals or ceremonies specific to Mäori; civic responsibilities; and attending meetings of community or interest groups. The difference in time spent was largely accounted for by participation in rituals and ceremonies specific to Mäori culture. People who have lived in Mäori communities know that Mäori tend to participate in these activities as whänau rather than as individuals, and this is confirmed by qualitative research findings (Benton, 2002).

The survey questioned participants on their level of participation in activities that might help to maintain Mäori culture, in the four weeks prior to the survey. The following table shows the results.

taBLe 10: PartiCiPation By MÄori ageD 12 anD over in a MÄori CuLturaL aCtivity in the four weeKs Prior to the survey

tyPe of aCtivity totaL feMaLe MaLe

no. % no. % no. %

Worked at hui for some purpose relevant to Mäori 61,123 15.4 38,684 17.9 22,439 12.3

Maintenance of marae grounds and/or buildings, or managed Mäori land (eg, as part of a land trust) 29,575 7.4 14,506 6.7 15,069 8.3

Participated in a Mäori event 81,773 20.6 48,069 22.3 33,703 18.5

Worked on issues associated with land, resources, claims, Treaty of Waitangi 30,148 7.6 17,861 8.3 12,287 6.7

Held a conversation in te reo Mäori 60,482 15.2 36,163 16.8 24,319 13.4

Taught or learnt te reo Mäori 67,032 16.9 40,444 18.8 26,588 14.6

Taught or learnt the skills of Mäori cultural activities 68,560 17.2 42,536 19.7 26,024 14.3

Participated in other activities which help to maintain Mäori culture 55,332 13.9 36,365 16.9 18,966 10.4

None of these 256,758 64.6 132,105 61.3 124,653 68.5

totaL 397,660 215,561 182,099

Note: Percentages do not add to 100 as the numbers include respondents who participated in more than one cultural activity.

Source: Statistics New Zealand Time Use Survey 1999

An interesting feature of the responses was the number of non-Mäori who had participated in one or more of these activities. Forty-one thousand had participated in a Mäori event, close to 39,000 had taught or learnt te reo Mäori, nearly 40,000 had taught or learnt Mäori cultural skills and more than 56,000 had participated in other activities that help to maintain Mäori culture.

Two further surveys were conducted in the late 1990s and early 2000s. The first, by Creative New Zealand in association with the Hillary Commission, focused on Mäori arts (Creative New Zealand, 2001). The second survey, by Statistics New Zealand, dealt with cultural experiences (Statistics New Zealand, 2003). The Mäori arts participation survey 1997–98 found that, during a year, 45 percent of Mäori take part, on average, in four different activities. In a four-week period, 35 percent participate in an average of


3.3 different activities. The top five Mäori arts activities were waiata (32 percent of those involved), karakia (29 percent), Te Reo (26 percent), kapa haka (18 percent) and poi (12 percent). Smaller proportions participated in karanga, whaikörero, püräkau, waka ama, mau räkau and Mäori decorative arts activities.

Mäori women were more likely to be involved than men, and in a wider range of activities. Participation was similar across all adult age groups, and home and marae were the most common venue for cultural activity. Seventy-six percent of those who were involved with the arts participated with whänau and the main reasons for participation given were, firstly, to maintain or pass on a tradition/skill and, secondly, for pure enjoyment (Creative New Zealand, 2001).

The Cultural Experiences Survey 2002 found that more than one million New Zealanders (37 percent of the total population) had experienced one or more activities classified under the heading of Taonga Tuku Iho. Among them were nearly 211,000 Mäori (77 percent of all Mäori adults). There are four categories under the heading of Taonga Tuku Iho – visiting marae, visiting wähi taonga (places of historical significance to Mäori), attending exhibitions of taonga and mätauranga Mäori (learning about traditional Mäori customs, practices, history or beliefs).

As expected, Mäori were more likely than New Zealanders generally to have experienced these activities. More than two in every three Mäori had been to a marae in the previous 12 months and most had been at least three times. Marae visits were more common in regions where there was a relatively large Mäori population (Northland, Bay of Plenty, Gisborne/Hawke’s Bay, for example) and in minor urban and rural areas, reflecting perhaps the strength of identification with iwi, hapü and marae in these areas. Mäori, however, were more likely to encounter barriers to participation in Mäori cultural activities than New Zealanders generally. Those most frequently reported were: no links to any marae; no links to local marae; no invitation to visit a marae; lack of time (to visit marae and to experience other activities); transport problems (if exhibitions, etc were not available locally); lack of information; and costs.

Another finding of significance is that Mäori were more interested than people from other ethnic groups in New Zealand content. Their level of interest was higher for all types of activity, but particularly for attending performances of popular music written by New Zealanders, attending exhibitions with a New Zealand theme, attending theatrical performances written by New Zealanders and attending opera, musicals and other musical theatre written by New Zealanders (Statistics New Zealand, 2003).

3.8 ConCLusionMäori in 2006 were just as likely as they were in 1976 to be partnered and whilst the numbers cohabiting increased and the numbers married decreased, marriage continued as the most common form of partnership. Mäori in 2006 tended to have fewer children than their counterparts in 1976 and, during the 30-year period, had them progressively later. Since 2006, the modal age for childbearing has been in transition from the early to the late 20s.

Mäori are now just as likely to be living as a part of a family as they were in 1976. Moreover, in spite of increases in the proportions living in couple-only and one-parent families and decreases in the proportions living in two-parent families, the two-parent family continued as the most common type of Mäori family. Whilst Mäori children today are much less likely to live in two-parent families and are considerably more likely to live


in one-parent families than 30 years ago, more than half of all Mäori children continue to live in two-parent families.

Mäori today are also more likely to separate and re-partner than in the past and so blended families appear to be more common than they were 30 years ago. Due to the lack of recognition in official data, nothing appears to be known about other family types that are known, anecdotally, to be fairly common among Mäori; for example, families with grandparent(s), or siblings or other relatives, such as aunts and uncles, in the parenting role.

Regarding living arrangements, the most common household has been and continues to be the two-parent family household followed by the parents-plus household in which many Mäori sole-parent families are embedded. However, Mäori are now more likely to be living on their own or as couples without children than in 1976. As the population continues to age and couples delay having children, the proportion of these types of households is expected to increase.

The economic reforms of the 1980s and 1990s impacted severely on Mäori families and households, especially on Mäori sole-parent households. Recovery from the set-backs experienced during those years has been slow. Nevertheless, as more Mäori participate in tertiary education, they are emerging with the qualifications necessary to secure well-paid jobs. As a result, there has been a shift in the occupational structure of the workforce toward professional, technical and managerial-type jobs. Personal and household incomes have improved but it was not until relatively recently that real equivalised household income rose above the 1988 level. However, there is evidence of a growing gap in the income distribution of Mäori, a significant proportion of whom fall below the poverty line.

Qualitative studies have found that whänau continues to be an important institution in Mäori society but estimates on individual involvement – drawn from little quantitative research on the subject – tend to vary widely. In part, the variations are due to differences in the interests of the surveying authority and/or in the way that whänau involvement is conceptualised and measured. Nevertheless, the surveys tend to confirm that whänau is important to a significant proportion of Mäori.

In spite of the socio-economic hardships that many Mäori endured during the late 1980s–early 1990s, cultural resurgence has continued. Enrolments in te köhanga reo rose during the period and peaked in the mid-1990s. Enrolments in Mäori-medium classes and in kura kaupapa Mäori continued to rise and the proportions of Mäori claiming to be able to converse in Mäori increased before falling slightly in more recent years. Increasing numbers of New Zealanders are acknowledging Mäori ancestry, and those of Mäori ancestry in 2006 were more likely to know their iwi than they were in 1991. One-off surveys conducted in the late 1990s and early 2000s found a high level of involvement in Mäori community activities and in Mäori cultural activities. These surveys found, moreover, that a high proportion of those participating in these activities did so in company with members of their immediate family or wider whänau.


4. exPLorations of whÄnauDr Kathie irwin raKaiPaaKa, ngÄti Porou, ngÄti Kahungunu


Waikato taniwha rau: he piko, he taniwha, he piko he taniwha.

Waikato of a hundred taniwha every bend there is a taniwha.

figure 17: the journey towarDs nation BuiLDing in aotearoa

Kaupapa Mäori 1985

Te Kore: Mätauranga Mäori

Treaty of Waitangi 1840

Mäori Renaissance 1975

Mäori Development 1984

This chapter is devoted to explorations of whänau within the Mäori worldview. It starts with a consideration of the concept of worldview. With this as a starting point, the chapter takes its positioning from the Mäori creation story, in which mätauranga Mäori, Mäori cultural knowledge, traces its origins, is centred and privileged. This is the intellectual tradition that whakapapa links Mäori to, and, from which rights as tangata whenua are derived.

The ability to remain connected to these traditional knowledge codes, expressed as mätauranga Mäori, was interrupted by colonisation, but not destroyed. The activism of iwi to protect this ancient pool of wisdom has seen recourse to legal channels in recent decades. The te reo Mäori claim by Huirangi Waikerepuru and the Te Reo Mäori Society to the Waitangi Tribunal17 led to the creation of the Mäori Language Act and the requirement that the Crown work to actively protect and promote te reo Mäori. The Wai Flora and Fauna Claim,18 lodged by six iwi over the management and protection of traditional Mäori knowledge, reported in July 2011 into an expectant Mäori community and is poised to significantly transform the discourses and practices pertaining to traditional knowledge.

Whänau is a concept which derives from the Mäori intellectual tradition. In many contexts, however, its use is plucked from this tradition, de-contextualised, and applied in a range of cross-cultural mainstream contexts which are informed by Western knowledge codes. Perhaps, not surprisingly, this approach to working with whänau as a model is not always successful. During the Mäori renaissance this practice has been deconstructed and alternative social projects developed in which whänau is operationalised as a model within Mäori contexts using kaupapa Mäori methodology.

The role and status of Mäori cultural knowledge, Mäori cultural practice and Mäori cultural method in Mäori development provides a major frame in the latter part of this chapter. Finally, the chapter explores the interface between Mäori development and the ‘machinery of government’ for it is through the machinery of government that the English language and culture, from the signing of the Treaty of Waitangi, came to be integrated into the very foundations of New Zealand law and throughout the Government sector.

Mätauranga Mäori denotes a variety of approaches to knowledge present within mätauranga Mäori including revealed and experiential knowledge (confer religious knowledge) and scientific knowledge.

Dr Charles Royal72

72 http://www.med.govt.nz/templates/MultipageDocumentPage____724.aspx


4.1 worLDview

Ko ‘te Äti awa o runga o te rangi’

Many tribal mottoes are today forgotten, yet 20 to 30 years ago they were often heard on every marae. They were terse vivid, some complimentary, others critical, but it was customary to accept them in a spirit of fun and good fellowship. They enlivened the speeches of tribal elders, and were symbolic of a speaker’s scholarship in the lore of the Wänanga. Thus, if you chanced to be on the marae of the Te Äti Awa at Manukorihi, 10 miles north of New Plymouth you would possibly hear the following:

The ‘Äti Awa of the Heavens’

The origin of this dates back to one Tamarau te Heketanga Rangi; he was a wairua, and on a visit to this earth, he met and consorted with Rongouaroa who was bathing in a river. She had recently given birth to Rauru. When Tamarau finally went back to the skies, he said to her: if our child should be a boy, name him Awanui-a-rangi, after the river where we first met.

Wikiriwhi, H. (1955). Proverbial and Popular Sayings of the Mäori (p. 48). Te Ao Hou. No 12 (September 1955).

Worldview has been defined as “a particular philosophy of life or conception of the world”.73 In this chapter, worldview is explored at the collective levels of iwi and Mäori. Renowned Tuhoe kaumätua John Rangihau wrote about this in “Being Mäori” in Michael King’s Te Ao Hurihuri.74

Rangihau argued that at the ontological level of being, tangata whenua in Aotearoa were by definition iwi. Iwi was the frame that enabled tangata whenua to proclaim who they were in relation to a specific tribal geographical location, specific genealogical ties and specific whänau, hapü and iwi narratives. The narratives of whänau, hapü and iwi in this country are highly localised.

Maori scholarship is moving the edge of kaupapa Mäori research towards the level of mätauranga-a-iwi, iwi epistemology. This can be seen in a number of recently submitted theses. Namely: Dr Shane Edwards (2009)75, Professor Wiremu Doherty (2009)76, Dr Rawinia Higgins (2004)77, Dr Rangi Mataamua (2009)78 and Mahinarangi Baker (2010)79.

Dr Shane Edwards (2009) researched iwi epistemology amongst his own people for his Doctor of Philosophy. Shane researched:

…Mäori epistemologies as evidenced in the whakapapa knowledge particularly of Ngäti Maniapoto to see… where connection lies with understandings of Mäori cultural wellbeing… The aim is to investigate contemporary Mäori realities with a strong interest in these traditions of wisdom and knowing.80

73 http://www.oxforddictionaries.com/view/entry/m_en_gb0960820#m_en_gb0960820)74 Rangihau, J. (1975). “Being Mäori”. In King, M. (Ed.). Te Ao Hurihuri (pp. 221–233). Hicks Smith, Wellington. 75 Edwards, S. (2009: i). Titiro Whakamuri kia marama ait e wao nei: Whakapapa epistemologies and Maniapoto Mäori cultural identities.

Thesis submitted for the degree Doctor of Philosophy. Massey University, Palmerston North.76 Doherty, W. (2009). Mätauranga Tühoe : the centrality of mätauranga-a-iwi to Mäori education. Thesis submitted for the degree Doctor of

Philosophy. University of Auckland, Auckland.77 Higgins, R. (2004). He Tanga Ngutu, He Tuhoetanga Te Mana Motuhake o te Ta Moko Wahine: The Identity Politics of Moko Kauae.

A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the University of Otago, Dunedin.78 Mataamua, R. (2006). Te Reo Päho: Mäori radio and language revitalisation. A thesis presented for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in

Mäori Studies at Massey University. Massey University, Palmerston North.79 Baker, M. (2010). The Korowai Framework: Assessing GE through the values the ART Confederation associates with ngärara : A thesis

submitted to the Victoria University of Wellington in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master’s in Environmental Science.80 Edwards, S. (2009). Titiro Whakamuri kia marama ait e wao nei: Whakapapa epistemologies and Maniapoto Mäori cultural identities (p. i).

Thesis submitted for the degree Doctor of Philosophy, Massey University, Palmerston North.


The findings of this doctoral research connect with iwi at the epistemological level and with the rohe they are descended from, providing a second level of geographical connection:

…Mäori knowledge systems are replete with elements that contribute positively to the maintenance of cultural identities and these identities are uniquely and distinctively contextually and culturally relevant. These systems have been and continue to be threatened by the impacts of colonisation and colonial ideologies. The work has found that elders and relevant contexts retain and provide a large volume of knowledge that when engaged with can provide useful insights into living within Mäori paradigms that can enhance wellbeing in the present.81

Mahinarangi Baker82 developed an ART Confederation framework for the assessment of genetic engineering (GE). The ART Confederation includes three iwi: Äti Awa, Raukawa and Toarangatira. The 25-year strategic vision Whakatupuranga Rua Mano (Generation 2000) led to the establishment of Te Wänanga o Raukawa. Mahinarangi grew up, and was educated, in Otaki during the time of this strategic plan. Interviews were conducted with descendants of the ART Confederation with representation sought of all hapü.

The aims and objectives of the thesis are:

Aim

To assess genetic engineering with the values that the ART (Äti Awa, Raukawa, Toarangätira) Confederation associates with ngärara.

Objective One

To analyse the values that the ART Confederation associates with ngärara.

Objective Two

To develop an ART conceptual framework to assess genetic engineering.

Objective Three

To contribute to the development of ART research methodologies.83

Her thesis has a specific focus:

I have selected the specific values that the people of the ART Confederation associate with ngärara to inform my assessment of GE in this thesis. Ngärara are considered a manaia to many in the ART Confederation, specifically those from Te Äti Awa ki Whakarongotai and Ngäti Tükorehe, and represent an ethic of caution and protection. It is thus appropriate that their value informs the consideration of a relatively new technology such as GE.84

81 Edwards, S. (2009). Titiro Whakamuri kia marama ait e wao nei: Whakapapa epistemologies and Maniapoto Mäori cultural identities (p. ii). Thesis submitted for the degree Doctor of Philosophy, Massey University, Palmerston North.

82 Baker, M. (2010) The korowai framework: Assessing GE through the values the ART Confederation associates with ngärara. A thesis submitted to Victoria University of Wellington in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master’s in Environmental Science.

83 Ibid.84 Ibid.


Whilst her thesis was positioned within the parameters of iwi epistemology, she also argued that there was a case for the consideration of specific geographical parameters for such research:

Because positions on risk vary between iwi, hapü and whänau, ‘Mäori’ assessments of GE should be carried out at a rohe basis.85 This ensures that iwi, hapü and whänau positions are not usurped by more generalised and potentially contentious positions framed as ‘Mäori’. It also ensures that precedents are not set for decisions about the use of GE across the whole of Aotearoa as a result of the assertions of the position of one or a few iwi, hapü or whänau.

Mahinarangi frames the methodology of the thesis in the following way:

My agenda in establishing the objectives and aim of this thesis has been to re-focus and re-centre mätauranga Mäori me öna tikanga as a valid platform from which Äti Awa, Raukawa, and Toa (the ART Confederation) legitimately assesses GE with the values we associate with ngärara. Through this re-focusing and re-centring, my research aims to remove from Western scientific traditions and associated neo-liberal value systems, their domination of GE risk assessment.

Strengths-based foci on iwi can be found in the contemporary context in the websites that iwi have developed as strategies to use IT to communicate with their people in the third millennium. An excerpt from one of the tribal newsletters, available on the internet, and written by the Rünanga chair, is set out below. Dr Api Mahuika is the Chair of Te Rünanga o Ngäti Porou and in the recent edition of Nati, the Ngäti Porou tribal newsletter, he has written a column highlighting the significance of tribally based worldviews.

85 Wheen, N. R. (2005). “Belief and Environmental Decision-making: Some Recent New Zealand Experience”. Journal of Environmental Law and Practice, 15(3): 297.


Nati Link Issue 3, Raumati 2010/2011

© Stan Baldwin

Dr api Mahuika, Chair, te rünanga o ngäti Porou

The comments by those interviewed for this series clearly indicate that Ngäti Porou will be in safe hands going into the future, and that generations to come will not suffer an identity problem. Ka möhio rätau ko wai rätau, ä, ko wai hoki wö rätau tïpuna nä reira rätau i noho Ngäti Porou ai. They will know who they are, and who their ancestors are, that make up their Ngäti Porou identity. The discussions in this document are significant at this important time in our tribal history, given that we are on the verge of completing our treaty claims.

It is imperative that the outcomes from our treaty claims will provide resources to enable our tikanga, our reo and all those things that make us Ngäti Porou, to endure for time immemorial. However, the treaty claims by themselves are not the only way by which our reo and tikanga can be sustained, because magazines like the Nati Link can assist by providing us with a forum where we are able to discuss issues about tikanga, reo etc.

The education system needs to be locked into ‘what it means to be Nati’ and, with it, what ‘mana Motuhake o Porourangi’ really means. It does not mean giving our inherited ancestral mana under another iwi, because if this is done then we are an iwi without mana.86

4.2 whÄnauIn contemporary Mäori society the term whänau has been applied to a number of family configurations, though the model of whakapapa-based whänau remains at the core. All Mäori have in common connections to a whakapapa-based whänau which has links to the land and is a potential source of resources. The whakapapa-based whänau has been identified by Mäori as an appropriate structure through which to promote Mäori advancement and is recognised in legislation and policy.87

As Professor Chris Cunningham highlights above, critical characteristics of whänau are:

> whakapapa, the genealogical link which connects whänau today with their past and their future

86 http://www.ngatiporou.com/myfiles/Nati_Link_3_Raumati_2010-2011.pdf 87 Cunningham, C., Stevenson, B., & Tassell, N. (2005). Analysis of the Characteristics of Whänau (p. 65). Ministry of Education, Wellington.


> the link between people and the land in the Mäori creation story, which is an epistemological link in the first instance

> whänau as a foundational structural unit in the Mäori social structure of whänau, hapü and iwi.

Each of these characteristics provides a part of the answer to the questions ‘What is Mäori about whänau?’ and, ‘How are whänau different from families?’ The critical differences are epistemological: whänau is a construct from a Mäori worldview which differs markedly, at the philosophical level, from other knowledge codes, particularly those based on the intellectual traditions of the Treaty partner, the English.

For more than a century, from the signing of the Treaty of Waitangi until at least the release of the Hunn Report,88 government policy was assimilation and the machinery of government was progressively built around the English language and culture. One of the earliest examples of this can be found in the provisions of the 1847 Education Ordinance. Through the 1847 Education Ordinance the state appropriated spending in education for the first time on condition that it was delivered through the mission schools and that instruction was in English.89

As a policy, assimilation aimed to replace the Mäori language and culture. Whilst this outcome was integrated into the machinery of government in the public spheres of life (policy, legislation and regulation), it did not reach the private spheres of Mäori society in such an all pervasive way – amongst whänau in their homes and on marae. At the level of whänau, in the heart of Mäori society, Mäori kept alive the dreams and aspirations of their ancestors to hold fast to Mäori language, culture and traditions.

Whänau can be described as being at the heart of Mäori society in two significant respects. The first is structural; the second socio-structural. Whänau is the foundational feature of the Mäori social structure of whänau, hapü and iwi.90 It was in the past, it continues to be so in the present and it features prominently in the strategic thinking and planning that is creating new futures for whänau, hapü and iwi. This collective characteristic contrasts with the individualism that is a central feature of liberalism, a foundation of Western traditions. The role of the collective features notably in the projects of social justice and equity such as the Waitangi Tribunal processes. These are enacted at the collective level, mainly hapü and iwi, negotiations with the Crown. Future planning for participation in tribal affairs, mandating for Treaty settlements, participation in the creation of PSGE (post-settlement governance entities) are all activities enacted at the collective level of iwi. Here it is whakapapa that is the key to participation. At this level kaupapa whänau may have a pastoral care role and presence but it does not enable people to enrol in tribal databases and participate in tribal affairs.

Whänau is the socio-cultural institution through which Mäori culture is secured and identity structured, independent of Mäori language and cultural knowledge understanding or use. At the level of whänau, Mäori as individuals link to their ancestors through whakapapa and whenua. Both these features are taonga tuku iho, parts of the sacred thread between the past and the future. Whether Mäori also are immersed in te reo me ona tikanga in their whänau or not, whether the whänau still ‘owns’ their ancestral land or not, whakapapa and whenua are two defining features of Mäori culture uniqely located at the level of whänau.

88 Hunn, J. (1960). Annual Report of the Derpartment of Mäori Affairs. Government Printer, Wellington.89 Barrington, J., & Beagelhome, T. (1974). Mäori Schools in a Changing Society. New Zealand Council of Educational Research, Wellington.90 Henare, M. (1988). “Nga Tikanga me nga Ritenga o te Ao Mäori: Standards and Foundations of Mäori Society”. In RCSP, The April Report:

Future Directions - Associated Papers, Vol III Part One (pp. 3-42). Government Printer, Wellington.


Expectations that iwi gains might trickle down to whänau are probably unrealistic ... iwi may well contribute to whänau aspirations but for the most part the tools necessary for building iwi capacities will not be the same tools required for developing whänau capacities, including the capacities for caring, for creating whänau wealth, for whänau planning, for the intergenerational transfer of knowledge and skills within whänau, and for the wise management of whänau estates.

Professor Sir Mason Durie (2005, p. 10).91

4.3 Marae anD MÄtaurangaTe käkano i ruia mai i a Rangiätea

e kore e ngaro.

The seed planted in Rangiatea (the mythical homeland of Mäori knowledge) will never be lost.

Marae are unique features of Mäori culture and society in New Zealand. These complexes routinely comprise meeting house, dining room and ablution blocks. In the study of the role, operations and management of marae are to be found many of the characteristics of mätauranga Mäori. They are naturalistic settings where the nexus of Mäori cultural theory, practice and methods is still a lived reality for many. Marae remain the iconic cultural institution at which major events of life and death for Mäori are located.

The following characteristics of matauranga Mäori that can be explored in the context of marae:

1. Mätauranga Mäori as a body of knowledge is premised on what is known as inclusiveness.

2. Mätauranga Mäori is expressed in its authentic form through the Mäori language.

3. Mäori society is communal in nature, based in collective rights. Mätauranga Mäori has collective dimensions; these are articulated in a number of ways on marae.

4. Mäori is an oral culture, resourced by a number of unique forms of oral literature.

5. Mätauranga Mäori is a sacred knowledge code.

6. Mätauranga Mäori is read as a ‘bottom up’ knowledge code. This feature compares with what is known as ‘grounded theory’ and is subject to what is known as the ecological fallacy in research methodology.92

Mätauranga Mäori as a body of knowledge is premised on what is known as ‘inclusiveness’. Tikanga and kawa are based in whänau models which require men and women to work together. Inclusiveness in mätauranga Mäori does not mean sameness: men and women are engaged in an integrated set of behaviours and activities which, taken together, comprise ‘te kawa o te marae’ and its execution. When marae are functioning in ways that would be known as tika, they function with both men and women to ensure that all aspects of tikanga and kawa are managed in culturally appropriate and authentic ways.

91 Durie, M. (2005). Te Tai Tini. Transformations 2025. Closing Keynote Address, Hui Taumata. Available at www.massey.ac.nz92 Bernard, H.R. (1988). Research Methods in Cultural Anthropology. Sage Publications, London.


Salmond93 and Tauroa and Tauroa94 have identified the following parts of the pöwhiri: waerea, wero/taki, karanga, poroporoaki, pöwhiri, tangi, whaikörero and hongi. The participation of men and women is generally seen in this way. Täne: waerea, wero/taki, whaikörero, waiata, tangi. Wahine: karanga, poroporoaki, tangi, whaikörero (in some areas), waiata, hongi.95 Each of these features is regulated by its own kawa. Some aspects of tikanga and kawa are subject to tribal variations. Waerea, for example, are specific to some iwi. In some areas the hongi is first, for example, and in others it is the last part of the ritual. Women whaikörero in some areas and don’t in others. In a wonderful way, mätauranga Mäori binds and joins men and women to each other as tribal brothers and sisters through the greatest love of all. That love was recently described by Professor Wharehuia Milroy as ‘matemateaone’,96 the love Mäori have for our maunga, our awa, our whenua, our tïpuna and the tikanga and kawa they bequeathed to us as a legacy to uphold for future generations.

Karanga are a unique, authentic form of Mäori oral text composed and practised by Mäori women. In the marae context karanga counts as ‘speaking’ in the category ‘traditional oral text’. The role of kaikaranga is a cherished role, one subject to a number of considerations. Women don’t automatically karanga; not all women karanga. Kaikörero is a similarly cherished role that men are chosen to perform. The concept of mängai is important here: kaikaranga and kaikörero, the men and women who call and speak, do so in representative roles. They speak or call on behalf of the marae and local people.

Formal marae procedures are not governed by the principles of democracy that form the basis of the dominant political system in Aotearoa. Individuals are not automatically entitled to speak during the formal welcoming procedures on a marae, just as they do not have the automatic right to speak at formal welcoming procedures in Päkehä culture. When we talk about the welcoming procedure on the marae atea, we are not considering a routine part of our culture. It is a highly ritualised event, and as such involves only a small group of people, representing the marae and whänau. The central focus is on whänau, hapü and iwi rights and needs. Individuals speak on behalf of whänau, hapü, iwi and other groups. Their speaking rights are conferred on them by the groups they represent.

Marae are named after local ancestors. The carvings, tukutuku, köwhaiwhai and other art forms are expressions of mätauranga ä-whänau, mätauranga ä-hapü and mätauranga ä-iwi. As such they are repositories of local knowledge, history and events. They are often described by Mäori as the ‘local library’ because they contain such rich detailed knowledge. There are currently over 1,300 marae in New Zealand.97 As such, they comprise a major network of Mäori cultural institutions that stretches the length and the breadth of the country. Marae-based study of Mäori society builds narrative accounts from the level of whänau to hapü and to iwi. This is what is meant by the notion that mätauranga Mäori is read using a bottom up, localised approach. Knowing the narrative story at the micro level (whänau, hapü) enables that data to be aggregated upwards, and possible patterns established. The reverse is not necessarily true. Knowing about Mäori narratives at the macro level does not mean that that knowledge can necessarily be disaggregated to reveal detail about any of the smaller units of analysis (hapü, whänau). The Waitangi Tribunal process provides an excellent example of the ecological fallacy at work. Whilst the Tribunal enables breaches of the Treaty to be tabled and addressed, these are tabled breach by breach, in localised contexts, by specific whänau, hapü and iwi.

93 Salmond, A. (1975). Hui: A Study of Mäori Ceremonial Gatherings. AH and AW Reed, Wellington.94 Tauroa, H. & Tauroa, P. (1986). Te Marae: A Guide to Customs and Protocol. Reed Methuen, Auckland.95 Salmond, A. (1975). Hui: A Study of Mäori Ceremonial Gatherings. AH and AW Reed, Wellington.96 Professor Wharehuia Milroy, Toku Reo, 14 September 2010, Mäori Television. 97 www.tpk.govt.nz


Dr Koro Dewes has noted that Mäori culture is by tradition an oral culture, with an oral literature.98 He defines Mäori literature in the following way:

Mäori literature may be classified tentatively as prose and poetry, though in Mäori there is fluidity between the two. These may be oral (unwritten) and written literature, and there are distinctive regional and descent group variations. Mäori prose is of three kinds: traditional oral texts, modern oral compositions and modern written prose.99

Marae provide the ‘stage’ on which these oral arts and traditional texts are witnessed in the fullest expression possible.

4.4 MÄori renaissanCeE tama, tangata i akona i te whare, te türanga ki te marae, tau ana.100

Because you were taught at home, you shape well in public.

Many of the leading initiatives of the Mäori renaissance celebrated their 25th anniversaries some years ago. The Te Köhanga Reo movement, Literacy Aotearoa, Te Ataarangi and Te Wänanga o Raukawa are examples. They are now being led by a second generation of leadership that expresses determination to consolidate the platform created by the first and to use this to plan for the next generation.101

A watershed year in the Mäori renaissance was 1975. That year the late Dame Whina Cooper led the first hïkoi, Land March, from Te Häpua in the north to Parliament to protest at the loss of Mäori land. For many this hikoi shone a very public light on race relations in a way that modern New Zealand society had never seen before. In 1975 the Waitangi Tribunal was established, creating an official forum for Mäori to report grievances to the Crown and for the Crown to enter into negotiations over their resolution. The United Nations designated 2009 as the International Year of Reconciliation102 yet by 2009 New Zealand had already amassed over a quarter of a century of praxis in this paradigm of resolution. The third dimension of 1975 that had a major impact on New Zealand was its designation by the United Nations as the International Women’s Year (IWY). This led to the United Nations Decade for Women which followed from 1976–1986. During IWY, activism around women’s issues included raising consciousness about issues of marginalisation, invisibility and inequality.103 Those issues crossed over into the conscientisation process that was happening within Mäoridom.

Each of these movements created significant cultural and social change in New Zealand, in their own right. Taken together their combined impact created what Gladwell would term “the tipping point”104 in New Zealand’s journey towards nationhood. There was no turning back after 1975. Throughout New Zealand, highly organised networks of activated citizenry were emerging from consciousness-raising courses and conscientisation processes. Within a few years these networks would form a platform from which the opposition to the 1981 Springbok Tour could be organised. They crossed ethnicity, gender and class lines, stretched throughout the breadth and the length of the country and connected with older established networks in the unions and churches.

98 Dewes, K. (1975). “The Case for the Oral Arts”. In King. M. (Ed). (1975) Te Ao Hurihuri (pp. 55–85). Hicks Smith and Sons Ltd, Wellington.

99 Ibid. 100 http://www.nzetc.org/tm/scholarly/tei-TeoNgak-_N79717.html.101 Irwin, K.G. et al. (2000). Te Kawai Ora. Report of the Mäori Adult Literacy Working Party. Report prepared for Hon Tariana Turia. Available

at http://www.beehive.govt.nz/Documents/Files/030908TeKawaiOraReport.doc102 http://www.unanz.org.nz/TheUN/UNYears/tabid/243/Default.aspx103 Dann, C. (1985). Women and Liberation in New Zealand: 1970–1985. Allen and Unwin / Port Nicholson Press, Wellington.104 Gladwell, M. (2002). The Tipping Point. Little, Brown, New York.


The movements shared some critical features:

1. community-led, bottom-up movements seeking justice and equity

2. activism which challenged systems of power at the structural level. Colonisation and racism, in the case of the hikoi and the Waitangi Tribunal; and patriarchy and sexism in the case of the second wave of feminism that emerged in the wake of IWY.

3. they ushered in a new cadre of young university-educated leaders who were articulate and politically astute.

The synthesising of parallel social movements was not without its teething problems. The social projects of challenging racism, sexism and elitism were becoming more visible in a New Zealand society that had previously seen itself as something of an egalitarian paradise. Descriptions of New Zealand as a ‘race relations haven’, as ‘godzone’ and as a ‘pavlova paradise’ were not unknown at the time.

figure 18: 1975, the tiPPing Point

1975The tipping point

Hïkoi –Land March

International Women’s Year

Waitangi Tribunal

A group of young university-educated Mäori women emerged from these movements and took leading roles within them. Donna Awatere, Ripeka Evans, Hilda Halkyard and Ngahuia Te Awekotuku actively led these issues. Mäori women challenged the women’s movement over the lack of support for Mäori sovereignty and racism. Broadsheet, a feminist magazine published out of Auckland from 1972,105 was filled with the debates, the challenges, the issues and the stories of the struggles within the women’s movement. In 1984 Donna Awatere published Mäori Sovereignty, which became one of the textbooks of activism in Aotearoa. Mäori Sovereignty had previously been published in Broadsheet as a series of three articles:

Mäori cultural nationalism became less a critique of right-wing racist politics than an attack on left social movements. This was best encapsulated in Donna Awatere’s polemic, Mäori Sovereignty, which was explicitly directed at Päkehä feminists, trade unionists, socialists, and the Päkehä anti-racist movement.106

Women’s issues also surfaced amongst the groups protesting Mäori rights. Mäori women challenged the way Mäori men allowed patriarchy to go unchallenged in Mäori movements and projects of Mäori development. Walker has reported that a hui in the establishing phase of the Mana Motuhake Political Party proposed the establishment of a Mana Wahine council.107 The proposal was lost.

In the closing address to the 2005 Hui Taumata (Mäori Economic Summit) Professor Sir Mason Durie summarised the transformational shifts that had occurred during the Mäori renaissance. The summary is set out in Table 11.

105 http://www.mwa.govt.nz/women-in-New Zealand/timeline/1970.html/?searchterm=Broadsheet106 http://maaori.com/develop/protest.html107 Walker, R. (1990). Ka whawhai tonu matou. Struggle without End. Penguin, Auckland and Walker, R. & Amoamo, J. (1987). Nga Tau

Tohetohe. Years of Anger. Penguin, Auckland.


It highlights the complexity of the transformations that occurred, and that the basis on which the claims are made about this period was a paradigm shift. The changes occurred at a range of levels (structural, institutional and personal) across several major indicators.

taBLe 11: transforMationaL shifts 1984–2025108

1984–2004 DeveLoPMent

gains LiMitations 2005–2025 sustaineD CaPaBiLity

PartiCiPation anD aCCess

Improved levels of participation in education, health, etc

Marginal involvement

Mediocrity

Uneven gains

1 High achievement, quality, excellence

iwi DeveLoPMent Iwi delivery systems; cultural integrity; commercial ventures

Benefits not shared by all Mäori

2 Enhanced whänau capacities

settLeMent of historiC grievanCes

Major settlements completed

Energies absorbed into exploring the past

3 Futures orientation and longer-term planning

ProLiferation of inDePenDent MÄori ProviDers

Improved service delivery

‘By Mäori for Mäori’

Independence and autonomy

Reduced incentives for collaboration

Dependence on state contracts

Lack of readiness for multiple roles

4 Collaborative opportunities and networks

5 Multiple revenue streams

6 Quality governance and organisational leadership

4.5 MÄori DeveLoPMentIn the mid-1970s the Department of Mäori Affairs was restructured under the mantle “Reform from Within”,109 which literally meant to use Mäori culture to design organisational structure, policy and programme delivery. The restructuring followed the 1976 State Services Commission Review of the Department of Mäori Affairs which had been led by Sir Dr Kara Puketapu with Pam Haber-Thomas and Star Renata. When the review was completed, Kara Puketapu was appointed Secretary of Mäori Affairs and tasked with leading the restructuring. In 1977, Puketapu called together the following senior Mäori staff to the head office in Wellington for a hui to discuss the review:

1. Bill Herewini National manager Community Services

2. Brown Puriri Assistant national manager, Community Services

3. Monty Wikiriwhi Senior community officer

4. Moana Raureti District community officer

5. John Rangihau District community officer

6. Miria Pewhairangi Educational advisor, Department of Education

7. Iritana Täwhiwhirangi District community officer

8. Pouwhare Te Maipi District community officer

9. Star Renata District community officer

10. Bill Panapa District community officer

108 Durie, M. (2005: 9) and Durie, M. (2005). Te Tai Tini. Transformations 2025. Closing Keynote Address, Hui Taumata, 2005. Available at www.massey.ac.nz

109 Puketapu, K. (1982). Reform From Within. Department of Mäori Affairs, Wellington.


This is the group that finally came up with the ‘new direction’ that Puketapu wanted. John Rangihau came up with the term ‘TU TANGATA’.110

In Reform from Within, Puketapu111 provides an overview of the restructuring that occurred from the mid- to the late 1970s. He describes the restructuring as a “kökiri process”, meaning to advance. The kökiri process was designed to “take hold of Mäori power” and to facilitate a new approach where “culture will be the catalyst”.112 This new approach included the creation of a forum for kaumätua (elders) to determine policy for the Department of Mäori Affairs. The first such forum was created in 1979, at the Hui Whakatauira, the second in 1980, at the Wänanga Whakatauira.113 At the first forum, retention of the language was identified by kaumätua as the most urgent issue to address. At the second forum, the language was again identified as top of the policy agenda, but this time an extra provision was added. That was the encouragement for Mäori to lead the way in the struggle to revitalise the language.

The approach that Puketapu advocated came to be known as ‘Tu Tangata’, to stand tall. Tu Tangata aimed to:

> improve educational attainment

> provide opportunities for self-fulfilment within the community

> raise the socio-economic status of the Mäori people

> kökiri, ‘to advance’.114

Three features of the new approach were:

> ‘tu tangata’, to recognise the stance of the people

> ‘whakawhäiti’, to harness the resources and strengths of all the people

> ‘ko töu rourou’, to increase the contribution each person can make to advancing Mäori and New Zealand as a whole.115

The Tu Tangata programmes were designed to enable Mäori to ‘stand tall’ again, by reclaiming Mäori knowledge as the theoretical framework which informed them and by adopting te reo Mäori, tikanga Mäori and the rituals and protocols of the marae as the means of operationalising them. It was from the Tu Tangata philosophy and programme of departmental restructuring that the initiatives of Mäori development that New Zealand is internationally known for emerged.116 These initiatives included:

> Te Köhanga Reo

> Matua whänau

> Rapu mahi

> Kökiri centres.

110 Email, Bill Kaua to Kathie Irwin, Wednesday 12 January, 2011. 111 Puketapu, K. (1982). Reform From Within. Department of Mäori Affairs, Wellington.112 Puketapu, K. (1982: 1-2). Op cit. 113 Täwhiwhirangi, I. et al (1988). Government Review of Te Köhanga Reo. Government Printer, Wellington.114 Puketapu, K. (1982: 3). Op cit. 115 Puketapu, K. (1982: 10). Op cit. 116 Täwhiwhirangi, I. et al. (1988). Op cit.


Some years after the Tu Tangata process began, at the 1984 Hui Taumata, the Mäori Economic Development Conference, Mäori called for a new government policy which they called ‘Mäori development’:

This Hui Taumata called for … the adoption of Mäori objectives on Mäori terms and the retargeting of government funding sufficient to ensure a positive outcome.117

The objectives outlined for Mäori development were:

1. To strive to achieve parity between the Mäori and Päkehä people of New Zealand in the areas of:

a. housing

b. education

c. land development

d. employment

e. business and health.

2. To strengthen Mäoridom’s development of identity through:

a. Mäori language and the heritage of the ancestors

b. the marae

c. the Mäori spiritual pathway and Mäori mind

d. tribal Identity.118

4.6 MÄori DeveLoPMent anD the MaChinery of governMent

If the Families Commission is about anything, it is about encouraging practitioners, providers, policymakers and government agencies to ‘think whänau’. Not because it is the politically correct thing to do, but because it works.

Kim Workman, Families Commission Annual Report, 2009–2010

This section explores the nexus between Mäori development, mätauranga Mäori and the ‘machinery of government’. The machinery of government is exercised through policy, legislation and regulation. This exploration is undertaken in the context of a consideration of Te Whänau o Waipareira’s journey to the Privy Council over the final settlement of Mäori commercial fisheries given statutory effect by the Treaty of Waitangi (Fisheries Claims) Settlement Act 1992.

117 Täwhiwhirangi, I. et al. (1988: 17–18). Op cit. 118 Täwhiwhirangi, I. et al. (1988). Op cit.


4.6.1 te whänau o waipareira trust’s journey to the Privy Council119

After a period of negotiation and litigation, the New Zealand Government attempted to settle Mäori claims to commercial fisheries through an interim legislative settlement set out in the Mäori Fisheries Act 1989 and a final settlement given statutory effect by the Treaty of Waitangi (Fisheries Claims) Settlement Act 1992.

Following that settlement, Urban Mäori Authorities (‘Authorities’) objected, before the New Zealand courts and the Privy Council, to the Waitangi Fisheries Commission’s (‘Commission’) distribution of fisheries monies to iwi. The Authorities argued that it was wrong to suggest that Authorities cannot, in the context of settlement claims by all Mäori, legitimately claim to be tribes or successors of tribes. The Authorities relied on findings of lower courts to support that argument and further asserted that Authorities can legitimately make claims that they are modern tribes or Mäori collective and that contemporary Mäori society cannot be reduced to traditional tribal collectives only. Te Whänau o Waipareira Trust was one of the Authorities that argued the case to the Privy Council.120

The litigation history of the Authorities’ case is convoluted. After initial success in the New Zealand courts, the Commission lodged an appeal against the decisions in favour of the Authorities with the Privy Council in 1997. The Privy Council bench referred the issue of whether iwi were necessarily the sole traditional units to which the Commission must distribute its assets back to the New Zealand High Court.121 The High Court noted the important functions of the Authorities but ultimately found that they were not iwi and only iwi were eligible for settlement monies from the Commission.122 The Court of Appeal upheld the High Court’s decision against the Authorities.123 The Authorities appealed the Court of Appeal’s decision to the Privy Council.

The Privy Council dismissed the Authorities’ appeals and confirmed the judgments of Justice Paterson and the Court of Appeal majority on the following two points:

1. the Treaty of Waitangi Fisheries Commission (the Commission) is required by statute to allocate the pre-settlement assets solely to iwi or bodies representing iwi; and

2. iwi, in the context of allocation of the pre-settlement assets, means only traditional Mäori tribes.

119 Reported as Te Waka Hi Ika o Te Arawa v Treaty of Waitangi Fisheries Commission [2002] 2 NZLR 17.120 Along with the Manukau Urban Mäori Authority and Te Rünanga o Nga Maata Waka Inc.121 Treaty Tribes Coalition, Te Rünanga o Ngäti Porou and Tainui Mäori Trust Board v Urban Mäori Authorities and Others [1997] 1 NZLR 513. 122 Te Waka Hi Ika o Te Arawa v Treaty of Waitangi Fisheries Commission [2000] 1 NZLR 285, Paterson J.123 Te Waka Hi Ika o Te Arawa v Treaty of Waitangi Fisheries Commission [2000] 1 NZLR 285, Keith, Blanchard and Tipping JJ, Gault and

Thomas JJ dissenting.


Therefore, the Authorities did not qualify for the fisheries allocation by the Commission.

In doing so, the Privy Council found:

> The Commission has no power to allocate its assets other than in accordance with the terms of the Mäori Fisheries Act 1989 as amended by the Treaty of Waitangi (Fisheries Claims) Settlement Act 1992.

> The concept of ultimate benefit for Mäori (as used in the 1992 Act) is a broad one that does not seem to require any immediate and demonstrable advantage for every Mäori and therefore the Commission has a great deal of discretion regarding what is of ultimate benefit to all Mäori.

> The encouragement of an economic enterprise among Mäori must be able to be said to be for the ultimate benefit of Mäori, even though not all are able to participate in the enterprise itself or even share in its profits.

Following the Privy Council’s decision, the Commission examined alternative methods for allocating its assets, produced further consultation material, consulted with iwi and Mäori, and, after undertaking additional processes to reach agreement on the model, considered that it had secured the maximum possible support for its allocation proposals.

In May 2003, the Commission reported to the Minister of Fisheries on its proposal for the allocation of the assets it held on the settlement date specified in the Deed of Settlement: He Käwai Amokura: A model for allocation of the Fisheries Settlement Assets: Report to the Minister of Fisheries. The Minister of Fisheries assessed the proposal of the Commission and considered the proposal to be consistent with the requisite requirements. The Minister therefore agreed to incorporate the proposal in legislation.

The Mäori Fisheries Act 2004 was then passed; intended to complete the implementation of the agreements in the Deed of Settlement between the Crown and Mäori in respect of Mäori claims to commercial fisheries, as outlined in the Preamble to that Deed and in the Preamble of the Treaty of Waitangi (Fisheries Claims) Settlement Act 1992.

A feature of the machinery of government, which often remains embedded, is the philosophical basis that informs the process. In this example, the political decision relating to the identification of iwi as the funding conduit led to litigation which could have resulted in changes to Mäori epistemology being led by the courts. Had the Privy Council decision gone in favour of the plaintiffs, iwi could have been redefined. The definition of a structural feature of Mäori society was at stake.

Challenges to the philosophical basis on which policy decisions are enacted as legislation and regulatory frameworks has been located within a Treaty of Waitangi framework to this point in our history. In 2010 New Zealand became a signatory to the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. Indications are that this declaration will provide Mäori with a further international framework to draw on in the nation-building journey.


figure 19: the MaChinery of governMent

tow: Belief systems Mäori/Crown

Legislation

Policy

regulation

On 2 July, 2011 the Waitangi Tribunal released Ko Aotearoa Tenei, the report on the Wai 262 claim which came to be known as the “flora and fauna claim” but which encompassed a broad range of cultural and intellectual property issues. The claim was initially lodged in 1991 by six tribes: Ngäti Kuri, Ngäti Wai, Te Rarawa, Ngäti Porou, Ngäti Kahungunu and Ngäti Koata. Wai 262 was the first whole-of-government report, addressing the work of more than 20 government departments and agencies.

Ko Aotearoa Tënei recommends reform of laws, policies or practices relating to health, education, science, intellectual property, indigenous flora and fauna, resource management, conservation, the Mäori language, arts and culture, heritage, and the involvement of Mäori in the development of New Zealand’s positions on international instruments affecting indigenous rights. These recommendations include law changes and the establishment of new partnership bodies in several of these areas.

Source: Media Statement, Ko Aotearoa Tenei, Waitangi Tribunal, 2011c: 2196


The Crown faces capacity and capability problems in the machinery of government itself in its work with Mäori development. Under-representation of Mäori staff in the public service, particularly in management positions, has implications for both the Crown and for whänau, hapü and iwi. This under-representation will make it more difficult for government services to be developed and delivered in authentic ways in Mäori affairs.

taBLe 12: Diversity in PuBLiC serviCe senior ManageMent 2005–2010124

2005 %

2006 %

2007 %

2008 %

2009 %

2010 %

PuBLiC serviCe worKforCe 2010

%

Women 35.6 37.7 37.8 38.4 37.8 39.8 58.7

Mäori 8.3 8.2 9.1 9.0 8.0 8.3 16.4

Pacific People 1.7 1.7 1.7 1.3 1.5 1.5 7.6

Asian 1.5 1.6 1.5 1.4 1.7 1.7 7.4

124 State Services Commission. (2010) Human Resource Capability (HRC) Survey of Public Service Departments at 30 June 2010 (p. 20). State Services Commission, Wellington.

5. researCh Design, MethoDoLogies anD issuesDr Kathie irwin raKaiPaaKa, ngÄti Porou, ngÄti Kahungunu


5.1 introDuCtionWhänau Yesterday, Today, Tomorrow has been designed as kaupapa Mäori research,125 informed by Mäori epistemology (Mäori cultural theory), Mäori methodology (Mäori cultural methods) and Mäori ontology (Mäori cultural practices). Taken together, these bodies of knowledge comprise the Mäori worldview that authentic Mäori cultural options are selected from. This research was also positioned as endogenous development (development from within126), an approach also known as ‘inside out research’. Penetito127 has described the successful approaches to Mäori education that emerged during the Mäori renaissance in ways that resonate with ‘endogenous development / inside out’ as “by Mäori, for Mäori, about Mäori and in Mäori”. A 2010 report by Te Puni Kökiri has described this kind of approach as “Mäori developed, designed and delivered”128 as a result of successful research it completed with Mäori providers in the justice area.

Whänau Yesterday, Today, Tomorrow has been designed as:

kaupapa Mäori research

endogenous development

Mäori developed, designed and delivered.

The research design focuses on narrative accounts and explorations of outcomes that highlight the successful features of the Mäori renaissance. At the heart of the renaissance was the act of Mäori reclaiming the right to base vision, strategic and futures planning and programme development on mätauranga Mäori: Mäori cultural knowledge, Mäori epistemology. This has resulted in the creation, in education for example, of the Mäori mainstream (köhanga, kura kaupapa, wharekura and whare wänanga). It has contributed to the revitalisation of te reo me ona tikanga in ways that critics argued would not be possible when the programmes were launched in the late 1970s.

125 Smith, L, & Reid, P. (2000). Mäori Research Development. Kaupapa Mäori principles and practices. A literature review. Report to Te Puni Kökiri. Te Puni Kökiri, Wellington. See also Cunningham, C. (2000). “A Framework for addressing Mäori knowledge in research, science and technology”, Pacific Health Dialog, 7(1): 62–69.

126 Haverkort, B., van te Hooft, K, & Hiemstra, W. (2002). Ancient Roots, New Shoots: Endogenous Development in Practice. Zed Books, London.

127 Penetito, W. (1988). “Mäori Education for a Just Society”. In RCSP Volume IV: Social Perspectives (pp. 89–114). Government Printer, Wellington.

128 Te Puni Kökiri (2010). Mäori Designed, Developed and Delivered Initiatives to Reduce Mäori Offending and Re-offending. Te Puni Kökiri, Wellington.


taBLe 13: CharaCteristiCs of four iDentifieD tyPes of researCh, sCienCe anD teChnoLogy

CharaCteristiCs researCh not invoLving MÄori

researCh invoLving MÄori

MÄori-CentreD researCh

KauPaPa MÄori researCh

DesCriPtion Research where Mäori participation or data are neither sought nor considered relevant. Research whose results are thought to have no impact on Mäori.

Research where Mäori are involved as participants or subjects, or possibly as junior members of a research team. Research where Mäori data are sought and analysed. Research where Mäori may be trained in contemporary research methods and mainstream analysis.

Research where Mäori are significant participants, and are typically senior members of research teams. Research where a Mäori analysis is undertaken and which produces Mäori knowledge, albeit measured against Mäori mainstream standards for research.

Research where Mäori are significant participants and where the research team is typically all Mäori. Research where a Mäori analysis is undertaken and which produces Mäori knowledge. Research which primarily meets expectations and quality standards set by Mäori.

ControL Mainstream Mainstream Mainstream Mäori

MethoDs/tooLs Contemporary – mainstream

Contemporary – mainstream

Contemporary – mainstream and Mäori

Contemporary – Mäori and mainstream

anaLysis Mainstream Mainstream Mäori Mäori

Source: Cunningham, C. (2000). ‘A framework for addressing Mäori knowledge in research, science and technology’, Pacific Health Dialog, 7(1): 62–69

5.2 KauPaPa MÄori researChProfessors Graham and Linda Smith,129 in their work on Mäori education, provided the university-based leadership that enabled major gains in the theorising of Mäori research methods to be made.130 The articulation of kaupapa Mäori theory to legitimate Mäori epistemology and methodology enabled many to see how to utilise mätauranga Mäori to transform what had previously been counted as ‘the mainstream’ approaches in this country. Graham Smith has summarised kaupapa Mäori research as:

> related to being Mäori

> connected to Mäori philosophy and principles

> takes for granted the validity and legitimacy of Mäori, and the importance of Mäori language and culture

> is concerned with the struggle for autonomy over our own cultural wellbeing.131

As more Mäori became involved in the research enterprise, new possibilities on the grounds of that involvement were articulated. Ruwhiu132 notes that one of the significant developments was the development of a typology of ‘Mäori research approaches’. These are set out in Table 14. He argues that the ‘empowering outcome approach’ offers Mäori the greatest opportunity to achieve an authentic nexus between Mäori epistemology, ontology and methodology. Ruwhiu identifies the characteristics of this approach which

129 See, for example, (1990); Mead, L. T. (1996) Smith, G. (1997).130 See also Walker (1990); Bishop (1996).131 Cited in Mead, 1996, p. 202.132 Ruwhiu, L. (1999). Te Puawaitanga o te Ihi me te Wehi. The Politics of Mäori Social Policy Development. Unpublished PhD thesis,

Massey University, Palmerston North.


detail what he argues is critical to its validity. These are similar to the notions developed by Smith133 with the added specific references to:

> being based in the Mäori version of the Treaty of Waitangi

> Mäori retaining control over intellectual property

> results being empowering and of benefit to those being researched.

taBLe 14: tyPoLogy of MÄori researCh aPProaChes134

researCh aPProaCh CharaCteristiCs

1. Pirating approach Steal, take, own, objectify

2. Restructuring approach Paternalism, make similar, romanticised pictures

3. Third-party approach Supervision, support, personal ownership

4. Mentor/tiaki approach Care for, challenge, accountable to, key people

5. Whänau/whängai adoption approach Tätou tätou, responsibilities, full participation, whakawhanaungatanga

6. Power sharing/partnership or bicultural approach

Partnership, protection and participation, separate development, sharing of resources, elements of autonomy

7. Empowering outcome approach Tino Rangatiratanga, Te Tiriti o Waitangi, power and control

Ruwhiu (1999) summarises a set of criteria that he argues characterise Mäori methodological frameworks in research projects. Reading through the summary, a number of characteristics that would be considered relevant to many research projects are identified. These include: knowledge of the use of technology; management of stress; and being willing to engage the research process as an educational process. Taking these more universal notions out, the remaining criteria are set out in Table 15.

taBLe 15: Criteria for MÄori MethoDoLogiCaL fraMeworKs135

generaL sPeCifiC

1. Include an understanding of the history of colonisation in New Zealand

1. Competency in te reo Mäori in some situations

2. Have an appreciation of the struggles and changes that our tüpuna have experienced

2. Be prepared to co-opt others and work as a whänau on projects

3. Have a passion for working in the particular Mäori research terrain under study

3. In the healing or gathering of information one may need to understand the link between the past, the present and the future

4. Have appropriate skills to be able to facilitate hui, advocate for cooperation and understand the dynamics of whänau

4. Understand that patience is a virtue – be prepared to wait

5. Need to be credible, through whakapapa, to those whom you are researching

5. Understand how to prepare your wairua for the mahi

6. Have an understanding of the diverse realities that Mäori people emerge from.

6. Be aware of and practise the value of transparency – be humble

7. Have a ‘lived’ understanding of tikanga Mäori and kawa

7. Support the conscientisation process of whänau/hapü/iwi

133 Smith, L. (1992). “Kura Kaupapa Mäori and the implications for curriculum”. In McCulloch, G. (Ed), The School Curriculum in New Zealand (pp. 219–231). Dunmore Press, Palmerston North.

134 Ruwhiu, L. (1999: 42–51). “Mäori knowledges, philosophies and research”. In Te Puawaitanga o te Ihi me te Wehi. The Politics of Mäori Social Policy Development. Unpublished PhD thesis, Massey University, Palmerston North.

135 Irwin, K.G. (2010). K18: He waka whänui concept plan research programme 2010/11. 29 April Board Meeting. Unpublished Board Paper, Families Commission.


5.3 treaty of waitangi anD faMiLies CoMMission worK PrograMMe

The Treaty of Waitangi provides an internal and external frame of reference for the work of the Families Commission. Externally, the Families Commission has developed a model for pursuing partnership relationships with iwi and key Mäori organisations. The model, He Waka Whänui, is designed to enable the Commission to access whänau voices, and to achieve outcomes in a way that empowers whänau to have a say in issues that directly affect them. He Waka Whänui is based on partnership relationships. A partnership relationship requires a willingness to work together to achieve joint goals. Each partner has integrity and shared authority in the relationship. Four partnerships have been identified for the financial year 2010/11. They are136: Te Köhanga Reo National Trust; Mäori Women’s Welfare League; Ngäi Tahu; and AHI KAA/Enterprise New Zealand Trust.

Internally, the rationale for Te Kömihana ä Whänau to use the Treaty of Waitangi to structure the work programme that resources the Whänau Strategic Framework is based on: a legislative mandate; a nation-building responsibility; and the need for cultural authenticity in the creation of sustainable social change. The Treaty of Waitangi provides the Families Commission with a framework to structure critical features of the organisation so that its work contributes to the creation of authentic, sustainable social change.

The Families Commission Act 2003, section 11, requires that the Commission, in exercising and performing its powers and functions, has regard to the needs, values and beliefs of Mäori as tangata whenua. This legislative mandate creates a kaupapa Mäori space within which strengths-based pathways for whänau, hapü and iwi development can be created.

This project has been positioned with a strong emphasis on Mäori epistemology, Mäori cultural practices, in response to the legislative mandate set out in section 11.137

5.4 waKe-uP CaLL 1980In 1980 the then Department of Education convened a conference entitled Priorities in Multicultural Research.138 Leading educational researchers and members of the Mäori and Pacific Island communities were invited to the conference. In the Foreword to the published conference proceedings, Bill Renwick, then Director-General of Education,139 identified that research in culturally plural societies, such as New Zealand, identified questions that often remain unanswered when they emerge from a monocultural tradition:

i. Whose perceptions are going to frame the questions, and define the issues to be researched?

ii. Whose conscious or unconscious value systems are being brought to bear and whose definitions of ‘reality’ are being legitimated through research and through the publication and dissemination of its findings?

136 In exercising and performing its powers and functions, has regard to the needs, values and beliefs of Mäori as tangata whenua.137 Ruwhiu, L. (1999). “Mäori knowledges, philosophies and research”. In Te Puawaitanga o te Ihi me te Wehi. The Politics of Mäori Social

Policy Development (p. 53). Unpublished PhD thesis, Massey University, Palmerston North.138 Department of Education. (1981). Research Priorities in Multicultural Education. Government Printer, Wellington. 139 Department of Education. (1981). Research Priorities in Multicultural Education (p. 3). Government Printer, Wellington.


In some respects the conference was like any other research conference: academic papers were prepared and presented by a range of people. In one or two highly significant respects, however, this conference was like no other the educational research community had seen. First, leading kaumätua, men and women from the Mäori community, came in force. Second, they spoke openly, critically and in depth about their anger, frustration and concerns about the impact of research on Mäori communities. Though the conference organisers had not planned on it, the research process was a major issue of contention and debate. So much so that the first 19 pages of the conference report, Report on the Conference Proceedings, provide a detailed record of what was said and by whom about the research processes that have been foisted on Mäori communities. The Mäori leaders reported that there was a feeling amongst Mäori communities that Mäoridom is one of the most researched communities in New Zealand. Indeed, that it was over researched.140

This in itself was considered bad enough. But, to add insult to injury, the result of that research activity had not, in the main, resulted in the kinds of changes that the leaders considered should have flowed from this intense activity. They claimed that too often research had benefited Päkehä researchers more than Mäori communities. The report makes for salutary reading for those intending to go into these same Mäori communities, professing to undertake more research, still in the name of social justice and progress. The communities reported that they had heard such expressions before and were cynical about them and untrusting of them.141 The research process was described as one in which the unequal power relations of the wider society were replicated: Mäori were the subjects of research, very much positioned as powerless and in the control of the researcher, the research process and the research traditions that held the high ground in the early 1980s. Quantitative research, the scientific method and positivism were considered to be the cornerstones of educational research at that time.

140 Department of Education. (1981). Research Priorities in Multicultural Education. Government Printer, Wellington. 141 Ibid.


5.5 worLD soCiaL sCienCe foruMThe New Zealand submission to the World Social Science Report includes the following assessment of social sciences in Aotearoa/New Zealand and the Pacific.142 The submission focuses on change in the decade 1999–2009 and addresses four trends:

1. new epistemological and methodological perspectives and practices from indigenous Mäori, Pacific, new settler and policy scholarship

2. improvements to research infrastructure

3. greater international visibility and dissemination

4. increased interdisciplinary and intersectoral collaboration.

Commenting on perspectives and practices, the report noted:

Te tino rangatiratanga (Mäori self-determination/sovereignty), supported by the Treaty of Waitangi, has created ontological spaces within which Mäori knowledge and research practices are influentially articulated. These spaces have been paralleled by the development of Pacific research perspectives that reflect culturally informed rather than Western knowledge models. Kaupapa Mäori research (research by and for Mäori using Mäori worldviews) challenges conventional epistemologies through its emphasis on synthesis, the interweaving of multiple strands, and differently conceived relationships between people and their environments.143

Whilst the academic community may have generated some of the technical descriptors of the paradigm, the cutting edge of the leadership of the praxis was found beyond the campus walls. The kaupapa Mäori leadership that this report describes is an outcome of the Mäori renaissance: a paradigm shift led by whänau, hapü and iwi.

142 Social Science Delegation Report. (2009). International Perspectives on Social Science. Opportunities for New Zealand. World Social Science Forum.

143 Social Science Delegation Report. (2009). International Perspectives on Social Science. Opportunities for New Zealand (p. 24). World Social Science Forum.


6. MÄori woMen anD whÄnau DeveLoPMentCoLLeen tuuta


6.1 introDuCtionThis chapter discusses the role and status of Mäori women as advocates of whänau development. It is a report of in-depth interviews with 11 wähine purotu and highlights strategies and tactics the women have used. The women identified the drivers of their advocacy and discussed issues they felt are important for the future of whänau development. Tribally, the affiliations of these women as a group cover the length and breadth of Aotearoa New Zealand.

We interviewed: Dame Dr Iritana Täwhiwhirangi, CBE; Dr Rangimarie Rose Pere, CBE; Dame Adjunct Professor Dr Katerina Mataira; Naida Glavich; Areta Koopu, CBE; Moe Milne; Ngaropi Cameron; Mereana Pitman; Barbara Greer; Dr Khyla Russell; and Associate Professor Paparangi Reid.

The collective ages of the women ranged from ‘80-something’ to ‘50-something’. The combined ages total close to 692 years. That’s a lot of powerful women’s wisdom.

This is a phenomenal collation of mätauranga Mäori – Mäori knowledge. It is also a phenomenal collation of mätauranga Päkehä. This is reflected in the experiences of these women of their years of working with Päkehä via the Government, most government agencies, government institutions and Päkehä businesses, organisations and communities. That is because the collective contributions of these women have not only influenced whänau, hapü and iwi development but also the development of our nation, Aotearoa New Zealand. Most have influenced international developments as well, particularly those involving other indigenous peoples throughout the world.

This is a database like no other.

Vibrations speak louder than words. The written words do not do justice to the powerful wairua and vibrations of the women’s voices, their frustrations, their laughter, their intelligence, their emotions and, most importantly, their mana.

The written words do, however, provide us with an insight, a glimpse into the extraordinary lives of these Mäori women. They have either chosen or, in most cases, been chosen to live in this way. This is life as it has been lived on a day-by-day, year-by-year basis for each of these exceptional women.

It has been a colourful, illuminating and joyous journey sitting at kitchen tables, in lounges and on the verandas of these women, listening to them reflect on the past 30 years or more. They have shared a kaleidoscope of stories and inspiration with much love and generosity, so that we and future generations can all learn from, lead from, connect to and embrace them – or not.

There are many more Mäori women who would have also been worthy participants. This is a sample of 11 women who are contributing to making a world of difference.

Evolving forward is a conclusion of the report. It is about optimism and how the women view the future – of whänau, Mäoridom and Aotearoa New Zealand.


Dr Paparangi reid

Dame Dr Katerina Mataira

areta Koopu

Colleen tuutaDame Dr

iritana täwhiwhirangi

Mereana PitmanMoe Milne

naida glavichngaropi Cameron

Dr Khyla russell

Barbara greer

Dr rangimarie rose Pere


6.2 nga wahinetoa: the woMen intervieweD

ngaropi Cameron

Ngaropi is Manager and Senior Family Violence Programme Facilitator and Educator at Tü Tama Wahine o Taranaki Inc. This is a kaupapa Mäori service providing counselling, social work and family violence education programmes for men, women and children.144

Ngaropi is also Deputy Chairperson of Jigsaw, a network of organisations working to stop all forms of family violence. She says:

My hopes for the children in my family for the future are to reclaim their birthright to be fully in charge of their lives. My hopes for what might be achieved by my involvement with Jigsaw are to encourage and empower families to think well about themselves and their children and, if they need help, to seek it early.145

Ngaropi recently received the prestigious Excellence in Nursing Award, from the Nursing Network on Violence Against Women International. She is the first Mäori woman to receive this award. The mission of NNVAWI is to eliminate violence through advancing nursing education, practice, research and public policy.

naida glavich

Naida was the toll operator who was criticised for greeting customers with “kia ora” in 1984. She was initially demoted over this. But public opinion was firmly behind her and now New Zealand greets the world with “kia ora”.

Since then Naida has continued to lead the way for whänau, advocating for her own mokopuna and “everyone else’s”. As General Manager of Mäori Health and Chief Advisor, Tikanga, for the Auckland District Health Board, she promotes the vision for Mäori health as “100 percent Mäori customer focus”. An example is her fight for the rights of tüpäpaku within the health system and her insistence that they be treated with deep respect.

Naida has been a Commissioner for Te Ohu Kaimoana and is a member of the iwi Leaders Forum.146

Barbara greer

Since 1995 Barbara has been the Tumuaki (CEO) of Rata Te Awhina Trust, a kaupapa Mäori health and social service in Hokitika. Her paramount interest lies in improving the health status and outcomes for Mäori in particular, and the wider community in general.147

Barbara grew up in Hokitika. Whakawhanaungatanga, music, dance, laughter and hard work were the highlights of her childhood. Now she works with young parents:

We help them to be the best parents they can be… It’s about finding the positive stuff and growing it. It might only be just one little thing but it’s making that grow and building on that... You focus on the positive and grow it like the harakeke plant.

144 Source: http://www.familyservices.govt.nz/working-with-us/programmes-services/whänau-ora/Mäori-reference-group-profiles.html#NgaropiCameron12, accessed 14 January 2011.

145 Source: http://www.jigsaw.org.nz/Site/About/People.aspx, accessed 14 January 2011.146 Source: http://www.nzherald.co.nz/Mäori/news/article.cfm?c_id=252&objectid=10454332, accessed 14 January 2011.147 Source: http://www.familyservices.govt.nz/working-with-us/programmes-services/whänau-ora/Mäori-reference-group-profiles.

html#NgaropiCameron12, accessed 14 January 2011.


areta Koopu, CBe

Areta grew up in a strong and supportive whänau. She has many years’ experience working in mental health and social services. She says, “I’ve always had a strong sense of justice… I like to see people have a fair go.”

She believes that Mäori must work together: “If we all cross the river together they can’t pick us off one by one.” Areta has served on many national and local committees and was a past President of the Mäori Women’s Welfare League.

Areta was awarded the Women’s Suffrage Medal in 1993 and was made a Commander of the Order of the British Empire for services to the community in 1994. Areta has been a member of the Waitangi Tribunal and a Human Rights Commissioner.148

Dame Dr Katerina Mataira

Katerina Te Heikökö Mataira received the 2009 Linguapax Prize, given annually to recognise the preservation and promotion of mother languages. It is a prestigious international award.

Katerina has been driving the development of te reo me öna tikanga since the 1950s. With her tuakana, the late Kumeroa Ngoi Pewhairangi, she created the unique language revitalisation method Te Ataarangi. “Kia körero Mäori te motu whänui” is their motto.

An author and artist, Katerina has written books in Mäori ranging from children’s picture books (such as Marama Tangiweto) to sophisticated science fiction (such as Te Ätea). “Our rangatahi, our graduates of kura kaupapa Mäori, have benefited from her ability to tell stories through her native language,” said the Hon Pita Sharples.149

Moe Milne

Moe was a pioneer in nursing mental health consumers and consumers of addiction services within the community. Wanting her children to be nurtured in te reo Mäori me öna tikanga, she became involved in kaupapa Mäori education. Then she was approached by the kaumätua of the North to go back into health to “stop our people from dying”. She is now a leader in the field of health and disability.

Moe started her own business in 2000 to help iwi Mäori realise the dream of wellness for our people. She provides training, supervision, facilitation and mediation for individuals and groups.

Moe has pioneered new ways of treating addiction in the Takarangi programme, as part of Matua Raki, National Addiction Workforce Development.150

Dr rangimarie rose Pere, CBe

Strongly influenced by teachings that go back over 12,000 years, Rose is the author of Te Wheke – A Celebration of Infinite Wisdom and Ako: Concepts and Learning in the Mäori Tradition.

Rose was awarded the 1990 Commemoration Medal, the Commander of the Order of the British Empire and a Doctorate of Literature at Victoria University. Her consultancy,

148 Source: http://www.listening.govt.nz/web/RCCMS_cla.nsf/weblive/WGTN-7KV63C?OpenDocument, accessed 14 January 2011.149 Source: Linguapax Award Ceremony, Hon Dr Pita Sharples, Minister of Mäori Affairs, 28 July 2009, 4.00pm Grand Hall, Parliament.

http://www.teataarangi.org.nz/linguapax-speech.html150 Source: http://www.psychology.org.nz/cms_show_download.php?id=182, accessed 14 January 2011.


Ao Ako, focuses on global learning and she is a director of the Four Winds Foundation – an international body that works with indigenous and non-indigenous people.151

The best traditions and values of the Mäori culture … [and] the worthwhile values, traditions … technology and skills brought in by other cultural and racial groups may help to eradicate some of the human conflict and insecurity facing many of us today.152

Mereana Pitman

Mereana is the National Mäori Chairperson of Women’s Refuge. Born and raised on the East Coast, she has spent her life working to prevent whänau violence. “If Mäori cannot walk the talk, we will always have others walking it for us,” she says.

Mereana contributed to the development of Mauri Ora, the conceptual framework underpinning whänau violence prevention, a tool that enables people to ground their work within tikanga.

She is also the coordinator of the Ngäti Kahungunu Violence Free Iwi Strategy, which is centred around the taonga called Whakamoe Patu. This approaches whänau violence from an integrated and coordinated network of providers in Ngäti Kahungunu. In this way the iwi develops authentic Ngäti Kahungunu standards of practice in preventing whänau violence.153

Dr Paparangi reid

Paparangi is Tumuaki of Mäori Health at the University of Auckland. While she was a medical student, the 1981 Springbok Tour, the land marches, Bastion Point and the Waitangi protests made her come to view health differently. She focuses on analysing disparities between indigenous and non-indigenous citizens as a means of monitoring government commitment to indigenous rights.154

Paparangi was named Public Health Champion for 2007 by the Public Health Association. She says:

Eliminating inequalities means recognising that they are complex, multi-layered and long-standing situations that will take a commitment to goodwill, good information, good resources and a good deal of time to reach resolution. Only that commitment will really make the rightful changes to improve Mäori health.155

Dr Khyla russell

Khyla is the Kaitohutohu, Otago Polytechnic (OP). She says:

I oversee the embedding of the Treaty of Waitangi across the organisation. I also lead Mäori research or research specific to Mäori. I facilitate the relationship between Otago Polytechnic and the Ara-i-Te-Uru Papatipu Rünaka, the wider Mäori community, and across the tertiary sector. I was formerly employed by Kai Tahu and I also run a private consultancy business.

151 Source: http://www.nzfvc.org.nz/accan/speakers/pere.shtml, accessed 14 January 2011.152 Source: http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=90163013466, accessed 14 January 2011.153 Source: http://ipnanz.org.nz/page.php?p=62, accessed 14 January 2011.154 Source: http://www.fmhs.auckland.ac.nz/faculty/staffct/staff_details.aspx?staffID=6D726569303335, accessed 14 January 2011.155 Source: http://www.pha.org.nz/phchamppapaarangireid.html, accessed 14 January 2011.


My interests include gardening, collecting kaimoana and continuing my learning and teaching of things Kai Tahu, iwi interests and representations on governance and academic boards. I am still awestruck by travel and enjoy spending time with whänau locally, nationally and internationally.156

Dame Dr iritana täwhiwhirangi, CBe

A specialist in kaupapa Mäori education, Dame Dr Iritana Täwhiwhirangi is a cornerstone of köhanga reo. Internationally, the köhanga reo model is now considered an exemplar of regeneration of indigenous languages.157

In 1992, she said:

I want us as a people to be able to make the valuable contribution that we are capable of making to New Zealand society. I want our mokopuna to grow up with the idea that there is nothing wrong with being Mäori... I say to my own grandchildren that to belong to several tribes is a bonus, to have connections in England, or wherever, is an enrichment. What is good for Mäori must ultimately be good for New Zealand.158

Dame Iritana is currently a member of Te Köhanga Reo National Trust (Trustee), Mäori Education Trust (Deputy Chair), Te Taura Whiri (Commissioner), Te Pataka Ohanga Company (Chairperson), Te Whare Tapere Performing Arts Board, Mäori TV Electoral College, Mäori Spectrum Trust Electoral College and the NZCER Electoral College. She is a Life Member of the Mäori Women’s Welfare League and Lady President of New Zealand Mäori Golf Association. Her honours include the 1990 Commemoration Medal and in 1992 the MBE (Member British Empire).

6.3 CoMMon theMesSix common themes have evolved from the interviews:

> Wairua – spirituality

> Whakapapa – the ‘golden thread’

> Ngä Wähine Mäori

> Ngä Täne Mäori

> Whanaungatanga

> Mana Motuhake

‘Evolving forward’ is the conclusion of the report and it is about ‘optimism’ and how the women viewed the future: the future of ‘whänau’; the future of Mäoridom; the future of Aotearoa New Zealand.

wairua – spirituality

Not surprisingly, a majority of the women have spoken about the role that ‘wairuatanga’, spirituality, plays in their lives, their destiny, their mahi, their everything. As you can imagine, most of these women have lived and worked both Kaupapa Mäori and Kaupapa Päkehä.

156 Source: http://www.otagopolytechnic.ac.nz/index.php?id=504&clientref=1029, 14 January 2011.157 Source: http://www.manu-ao.ac.nz/content/files/iritana.pdf, accessed 14 January 2011.158 From Te Tïmatanga Tätau Tätau – Early Stories from Founding Members of the Mäori Women’s Welfare League, 1993.


These range from simple daily rituals of karakia (being recited in Mäori or English), to very clear directives from tupuna, and perceived ‘callings’.

One participant was born into the ‘Köhanga tüturu ä öku mätua tüpuna’ – an ancient birthing house especially built for her to be born into. Consequently, the life and work of this wahine Mäori has been guided by wairua for all of her life. She is now 75 years of age.

For these women, wairua ‘exists’, wairua ‘is’ and they do not see themselves separate from those spiritual realms or beings. Katerina Mataira articulates this fact beautifully:

“Wairua is the learning part of a human being – the brain is just the tool. Spiritual values need to be an intrinsic part of education (as opposed to religious values) in recognition of the fact that human beings are essentially divine spirits.”

Wairua was considered by most of the women as ‘normal’ and ‘natural’ and is definitely considered something that comes with being Mäori, though is not restricted to it:

“My service to people is my responsibility, an obligation and certainly my destiny. The responsibility of knowing is doing. You know things – you know you have to go and do it.” – Mereana Pitman

An account from Areta Koopu of the Mäori Women’s Welfare League gives us an insight into the understanding of ‘wairua’ by non-Mäori too. This experience happened in China in 1995 on a visit to Mao’s tomb, whilst attending the World Women’s Conference:

“Jenny Shipley got a piece of marble from amongst the ruins we were in and she was talking to the ambassador’s wife and he [the ambassador] was going to get it bundled up for her to take back for a dining room piece. Anyway we went round the back and just threw water over us. Forgetting that she [Jenny Shipley] was a minister’s daughter. Her parents were Presbyterians. We’re sitting on the bus and she [Jenny Shipley] said, ‘I saw you and Karen behind the bus doing karakia, I do my prayers wherever I am too.’

“A few years later after we were back from China, I said to her, ‘What did you do with that piece of marble?’ ‘Oh,’ she said, ‘I left it behind.’ I thought, ‘That’s good, there’s one woman that does listen.’ And it’s all those sorts of things that are special to women and not necessarily just for us [Mäori] because I think other races have it as well.” – Areta Koopu

The dual nature of being physical in the here and now, and being of ‘spirit’ at the same time, does not appear to be new – as evidenced by Dr Rose Pere in the following quotes, a whakatauki and a teaching.

He tangata! He Atua

“He tangata! He Atua!” (we are both human and divine)

“For me the whole of humanity has to remember that we’re ‘one’ – on a spiritual level, particularly, and that we are related to everything that exists.” – Dr Rose Pere CBE; CM

Rose once said to Khyla Russell: “You never go anywhere alone. You’ve got tons of people with you.” I said, “Yes, I know. I don’t think that I'd be able to do it if I didn’t.” Because no-one has more strength than any other; it’s how much they choose to call on the strengths of the ‘whole’ as opposed to their own.

“I remember sitting in the hall there at Moke and thinking, I’m actually getting that kind of nourishment to the wairua and the hinengaro that you don’t easily get with lots of people. Some people have it and they will keep you going and, in that way, you can


give to someone else. But if there’s nowhere to draw on it makes it hard work and that’s when I know I’ve forgotten to ask. But that’s only because I’ve gone solo instead of in the plural.” – Dr Khyla Russell

“Years and years ago I remember Aunty Marj said to me: ‘Oh your tüpuna are pulling you along by your little nose!’ And realising at one stage later, ‘Oh, so this is my calling.’” – Ngaropi Cameron

Khyla shared these whakaaro:

“We know what we know, we know how our bodies are, we know how our wairua are, we know how hinengaro is, we know all of these things and if one of them’s out of kilter, the whole lot [will be]. It’s like a domino effect, isn’t it? They all get a bit out of kilter. And it’s as bad as an actual injury that slows your body down.” – Dr Khyla Russell

“[My mother] was something else. She was something else. She started her day with karakia, you know; every morning before she got out of bed it was karakia, and ended her day before they went to sleep with karakia. And I know when my kids started, you know, they’d stay with nana and they’d say ‘Mum, she talks, she whispers when she goes to bed.’ I said, ‘She’s saying her prayers.’ ‘Oh.’ And then they started, you know, sort of taking notice of what she was doing.” – Barbara Greer

One woman chose to reserve any körero involving ‘wairua’ for Mäori or whänau discussions only. Her experiences informed her that it was still not safe enough to speak openly outside of her cultural boundaries, at this time.

whakapapa – the ‘golden thread’

If ‘wairua’ is one of the key drivers for these Mäori women, then ‘whakapapa’ is the ‘golden thread’ that links the two together and is also viewed as a significant prerequisite for the roles these women played in whänau development and Mäori development.

Every woman has spoken of ‘whakapapa’ as being the ‘link’, the ‘pito’ of whänau.

Whakapapa: the sacred blood line that links us from generation to generation since time immemorial. It is the same ancestral characteristics that we see when we look into the face of our newly born mokopuna, or touch the tupuna hair of our ‘mätämua’ – the first born, or that we laugh when a tupuna characteristic is being played out by our cheeky pötiki – the baby of the whänau.

Like wairua, whakapapa has a dual paradoxical role. It can connect you or it can separate you. One’s whakapapa can be perceived as you being a ‘someone’ or a ‘no one’. Whakapapa is at the centre of oratory rhetoric recited at every pöwhiri on any marae at any hui, on any given day of the year right around the motu. Why is that? What is it about whakapapa that makes it so powerful? So potent?

Mereana Pitman articulated these responses:

“Whakapapa opens discussion. Because of whakapapa I am obligated. The natural order of things in Mäoridom is to serve and to serve each other – for whakapapa – is the ultimate. What I see in my mokopuna is the whakawhanaungatanga coming through. The recognition of whakapapa.” – Mereana Pitman

Do we understand the timeframes of whakapapa when we are engaging with whänau and in whänau development? Most individuals would struggle remembering their second or third cousins. Dr Rose Pere gives us another paradigm to consider:


“You know, my life has nothing to do what you have here, basically. I come from 220 generations in terms of my whakapapa. And we love ourselves to the nth degree. We are miracles in expression – I don’t know any other way.” – Dr Rose Pere

There has been discussion on the ‘lost tribe’ – a description of the growing number of children leaving the homes of their dysfunctional whänau. So how potent is whakapapa outside the marae context, the whänau context? Is it still relevant in today’s modern world?

“Because they hide from their ethnicity. They don’t like you [to] know something’s happened, so they’re not Mäori. And you know that they are, and I think for that you’ve got to wait. It’s timing. It’s timing and you don’t drop it altogether, you just kind of keep planting the seed… Because eventually you know, if they are not happy with their identity it’s going to be really difficult to grow because they’re suppressing the essence of who they are.” – Barbara Greer

For Naida Glavich, the answer is “Yes.” This is a recent experience in an Auckland Family Court hearing with one of her mokopuna; first offence for theft of a condom. Believe it or not!

“Then we went to the Family Court. The Judge called her name out, she stood up and went forward. I stood up and went forward with her. The Judge said to me, ‘Is there something you wish to say?’ I said, ‘Yes there is. You have four generations standing before you. Four generations. She is named after my mother, so the vibration of my mother is here. That’s number one generation. Then there is me. Then there is her mother, and then there is her. You have four generations standing before you in this court room. While I accept according to the law that this is your court room, she is my mokopuna and she does not speak unless I give her permission to.’ He read the papers and he said to my moko, ‘Young lady, I would like to sentence you to your grandmother. Court dismissed.’ Case thrown out.”

Dr Khyla Russell spoke of the significance of whakapapa for other things:

“…Ours is always who’s your ‘bones’, isn’t it, who’s your ‘bones’? Whereas others it’s ‘What do you do?’ Nothing without my bones.”

ngä wähine Mäori

The first observation is that the majority of the women did not speak a great deal about themselves, their status or the contributions that they had made to our nation over the past 30 years. They spoke of ‘what you just do’ if there is a ‘gap’. What you just do if it is your whänau, what you just do if you love or care for yourself and others. The collection of experiences, strength, skills, qualifications (of the broadest kind, not just academic), gifts, networks, courage, capability and capacity of these 11 women is mind-blowing. So what makes them so? What makes these women continue to go ‘into battle’? These women are the carriers of the körero: they told stories, lots of stories, about their life journeys.

“First of all, the most effective advocacy that we as Mäori women use today is, ‘I do the work that I am going to do’ – but I actually make sure that my children learn well, and that my moko learn well – so that their moko learn well, and so it goes on. It was mainly the women who are the carriers of the körero and the carriers of the stories. That’s actually the most effective and efficient advocacy that wahine Mäori do.” – Moe Milne


Dr Khyla Russell:

“I will advocate on my own behalf so that I can love me even if I don’t always love the things that I sometimes do. And for me that’s about being comfortable in my own skin. I don’t mind that I may look scary to some people. I’ve been told I do, that I’m intimidating. I’m, you know, at least 6’7”, 77 stone, ‘not’.

“She was the first person I guess as an adult, not a young one, who was of our cohort, who died out of the Kapa and we were up at her tangi. Someone came along on the last day and just set forth and said goodbye. And I said, ‘Shut him down.’

“And the home people had tried to shut him down. And so they started to sing and he got louder. I said let’s make a choir and shut him down. The kaupapa’s back to the whänau and they said finish. If you couldn’t get here in the previous four days, don’t come on the fifth and want to wax lyrical for hours. Shut him down.

“Three times I’ve done that in my life and I didn’t enjoy any one of them, but they are sometimes necessary. And … that’s what we’ve lost.

“The absolute confidence that how we once were, we still are. It’s okay to be how we are.”

Barbara Greer:

“I think my advocacy started as a child in my home with the whänau and the roles that mum gave us as children and as young adults. So we had specific tasks that we were given and we knew that was our role for the whänau. Like one of my sisters was responsible for the land, you know, dealing with the land and the Mäori Court and another one was responsible for the banking and doing all that kind of stuff. And my role was to be the nurse.”

tuakana/teina

Second observation: these women are not ‘superwomen’ characters. These women are ordinary Mäori women, driven by wairua, linked by whakapapa and possessed by kaupapa that somehow has led them to do ‘extraordinary’ mahi at every level of our society with a great deal of success.

“Advocacy is a natural role for Mäori women. In particular, Mäori women like myself as a mätämua in my whänau. I became responsible for the support of my younger brother and my younger sisters. I was their advocate for their school teachers … so advocacy in my respectful opinion is a natural role for Mäori women. Why? Because we are raised according to the kaupapa of tuakana/teina.” – Naida Glavich

All their strategies, tactics, motivation, pain and frustrations are embedded in stories, experiences and actions – otherwise known as their ‘lives’, as they know them. As you would expect, the women share some common characteristics. Strength, kaupapa driven, clarity of purpose, politically astute, each a leader in her own right, each a specialist in their field of work, intelligent, beautiful, Western qualified, kaupapa Mäori qualified, wisdom wakas and each and every one of them has a superb, sophisticated, Mäori sense of humour. All but two of the women were living within their türangawaewae. All but one of the women were ‘nannies’, kuia to many mokopuna.

“Our wahine role – ‘Mai i a Papatuanuku tae atu ki te Ükaipö, ka hoki atu anö’ and so there are all the big take of the world and our world, but at the end of the day, being able to be the ‘present’ or the ‘gift’ that actually takes ‘Mai i a Papatuanuku’ through to


our children to get back to the sanctity of ‘Ükaipö’ when we die, back to our mother and then our children come back to us, their mothers and all that sort of thing.” – Moe Milne

What is it about ‘kaupapa’ that possesses these women to achieve such extraordinary successes that have led to significant developments and changes in Aotearoa New Zealand society?

“I believe that a strong Mäori woman who can help our people out as well as anyone else has to be able to stand in her own power and the other thing is that she has to be true to herself. There is no way that you will find a ‘programmed’ Rose Pere, you will not.”

All of their combined kaupapa-driven work has had a significant positive impact on the development of whänau in Aotearoa New Zealand and all of them are still actively involved in their ‘life’s work’.

Te köhanga reo, Te Wheke, Te Kura o Hoani Waititi Marae, Auahi Kore, Cervical Cancer Awareness for Mäori Women, National Office Women’s Refuge, Tino Rangatiratanga, Te Reo me Öna Tikanga o ngä Tïpuna, Tomorrow’s Schools, Tü Tama Wahine o Taranaki, Te Ihi Tü, the United Nations, the Mäori Women’s Welfare League, the Human Rights Commission, the New Zealand Government, the University of Waikato, the University of Auckland, Victoria University of Wellington, representing New Zealand at international conferences all over the world and just to keep them grounded all their affiliated whänau, hapü and iwi developments as well. They are also published authors, historians, researchers, musicians, poets, fabulous cooks, kaikaranga, kaikörero, kuia, mothers, aunties, sisters, wives or partners, sister in laws – rangatira tüturu.

ngä täne Mäori

The subject of whänau cannot be discussed without the inclusion of nga täne Mäori, our Mäori men, our tribal brothers, the sowers of the sacred seed. This view has been repeated by all the women interviewed. They are our koroua, our fathers, our brothers, our cousins, our husbands or partners and the uncles. Within the role of parenting and fatherhood, our men bring the other half of the whakapapa into the equation. The other half of the sacred blood line. The role and responsibilities of our Mäori men and our Mäori women working together, at any level within the whänau, hapü or iwi construct is a very powerful, complementary combination. The Karanga and the Whaikörero go together. Side by side.

“I come from a very powerful whänau … that’s men and women. Not just women. Get that one straight. My tribal brother is my right and I am his left. And I would trust my tribal brother any day of the week. Because that is what ‘whänau’ is to us.” – Dr Rose Pere

So what has happened to create the breakdown within some of our whänau, and, in particular, our Mäori men, our tribal brothers? Whilst every single participant discussed the importance of our Mäori men in the context of whänau ora, whänau development and Mäori development, some of the women have some specific expertise in this area as they have been working closely with our Mäori men and whänau for the past 20 to 30 years. Te köhanga reo is recognised as one of the most significant and successful whänau developments in the last 50 years of Mäori development and Dame Iritana shares with us some of the experiences that occurred for our Mäori men during the peak of te köhanga reo movement:


“I think Mäori women know their role and they know how important they are … but you can’t talk whänau ora without acknowledging the men. Whether they’re there or not there. These children did not happen without a father even if he is not there.

“I think that women, not just Mäori women, but women generally have been soaring like eagles. That is wonderful. They are the advocates; they are the ones that make it happen; they are the nurturers. But what has happened; the women have got so excited and flown and the men have been left way back.

“In 1999 we were doing our usual stint around the country, the trustees and some of the staff. We were sitting having lunch and these seven guys came, sort of quietly, and tapped me on the shoulder and said, ‘Oh, can we ask you a question?’ They were too whakamä to stand up (in the hui) because the women are so powerful – they were enough to frighten anybody!

“They asked, ‘Can the Trust do something for us men? Can we have a wänanga for us men, because our women are strong and they’re flying high and we are getting left behind.’ I felt so sorry for them. That was in 1999.

“So Te Atairangikaahu and I had a talk. I said, ‘We have got to do something for our fathers and she said, ‘Yes’. I am by nature an impatient person and if a wall is in my way I just kick it over and get on with it. With or without money. I said, ‘Right, we’re going to have a Hui Täne.’ We had our first one at Waimärama. One hundred and twenty of our fathers came.

“You should have been there. The light and the desire to be playing their role; their concern that they would not be welcome in a köhanga because of the case down in the South Island childcare [centre].

“They wanted to be involved in the köhanga. They didn’t want jobs; they wanted to know that they could just go in there. They wanted the Mäori reo, the language, and they wanted to look at men’s issues like diabetes.

“Our men have been marginalised. Not intentionally, but the women were so excited and so get up and go … I said, ‘This is a whänau kaupapa this one. It is wonderful that you are feeling so good, but where are the fathers? Where are the men? Where’s the husband?’ And they said, ‘Oh, they don’t want to come.’

“I said, ‘Well that’s your next skill, to learn how to get them to come.’ No use going home and saying, ‘Hey, we both made these kids get to the köhanga’. That won’t work. Men, you’ve got to treat them like pets. And say, ‘Listen darling, we need you and da, da, da’ – make them feel good and da, da, da. You know, different skills for different situations.

“You know, when köhanga first started, we would be lucky to see a man at a hui. Now we’ve got men all over the place. They are coming now to hui and we’ve got some wonderful men.” – Dame Iritana Täwhiwhirangi

Mereana Pitman is well known throughout the country for her work with whänau in the area of family violence and Women’s Refuge.

“Mäori women have come to develop their own take on that as well. We cannot exclude men from our vision, from our whänau. Men (when they have their act together) provide for whänau as well. Purely on a biological level, we wouldn’t have those mokopuna if we didn’t have those men. It doesn’t, however, mean that we cannot name what that man does to that woman. It does not mean that we can’t challenge and wero. What has changed, I think, for Mäori women, is our analysis of the oppression of women has been


submerged into our analysis around colonisation and around all types of violence that are committed on women and children and whänau, and on men.

“You know, probably eight out of 10 men that I see – and I probably see about 100 a year – are sexually abused, or have been subjected to abuse, dehumanisation. Many have been brought up by our koroua and our kuia and our pakeke and their care has been very bad at times.

“So it’s about seeing that person as a human being and if I don’t treat him like he’s a human being, if I don’t treat him like he is someone, then I am just perpetuating the cycles that he has come from.

“But, if I can at least, at the very least, get him to a point where he understands and knows what it is that happened to him and how he came to be in this situation then he is re-connected back into the story. That’s my love as a Mäori.” – Mereana Pitman

“I was told that my son would perhaps be a good apprentice… He’s lived and worked in Japan now for 18 [or] 19 years. He did his degree there and the second language at a religious university. Nothing like what he’d had here… You know, I mean he’s done marvellous things. And he’s a senior manager, which is not usual for what they term ‘foreigners as alien’.” – Dr Khyla Russell

For these 11 women, there is no question that our men, our täne Mäori, must be on this whänau development kaupapa with us.

whanaungatanga

Whanaungatanga: kinship ties across the universe. Whanaungatanga is based on ancestral, historical, traditional and spiritual ties. It forms that strong bond that influences the way one lives and reacts to his/her kinship groups. It is the area where one’s aroha (unconditional love based on the same divine presence and breath of life) is tested to the fullest extent. Te Wheke – A Celebration of Infinite Wisdom, 1991 (p. 26), Dr Rose Pere.

For most of the women, ‘whänau’ is not the same as ‘family’. They saw very little similarity to the Western construct of a family. So what makes these two concepts different for these women and their whänau, and how does that impact on the future of whänau development?

Starting with an understanding of the word ‘whänau’ might be useful. Dr Pere has provided a meaning of the word. Surprisingly, this is the first time in my 50-something years that I have had the meaning of ‘whänau’ explained to me in such depth.

“What does whänau mean? Whänau means that ‘whoever seeks for sustenance in the four directions is related’. That is what it means. ‘Whä’ is ‘four’, ‘nau’ is to seek sustenance’. So whänau actually means ‘that anyone who seeks sustenance from Papatuanuku in the four directions is whänau related.” – Dr Rose Pere

Knowing the true meaning has now put ‘whänau’ into a totally different context. It is definitely not quite the same as ‘cuzzie bro’. It has, however, assisted with a better understanding of the concept we have come to know as ‘whänau’. Simple understanding, ‘one’s family’, of whakapapa-related descendants of tupuna.

Key words to remember from Dr Pere's meaning: whä = ‘four’ (directions) and ‘nau’ = sustenance.


The New Zealand Oxford Dictionary says ‘family’ means: “set of parents and children or of relatives; persons’s children; members of household; all descendant of one lineage; group of kindred peoples; related objects; group of allied genera of animals or plants.”

No mention of ‘four directions’, no mention of ‘sustenance’. However, whilst there appears to be some similarities in the make up of these two groups, it does also appear that ‘family’ and ‘whänau’ are fundamentally ‘worlds apart’.

Organisations, whänau, hapü or iwi who are creating any form of meaningful assistance for ‘whänau’ and ‘family’ should be encouraged to take note of these fundamental differences when embarking on such interventions. Understanding the fundamental differences could prove to be the ‘x-factor’ in successful outcomes. At best – do no harm.

“Whänau, isn’t it, from four, as I understand it. As I was taught to understand it. We’ve got two lines to come from and there’s two on each line. That’s why we do that, you know, kind of, and that’s been my love of te reo is getting to the hohonu of it.” – Dr Khyla Russell

“Whakawhanaungatanga was really really important to us and Dad was the manager of a sawmill, so he had this big truck with a canopy on the back that he used to take the men to work with. But at the weekends we’d all get in the truck and go off visiting other whänau that lived out of the area. So we knew every one of our cousins that we had and all of our aunties and uncles, because, you know, Dad made sure that we knew them and they knew us. And I think we’re the only family that could say we know them all.” – Barbara Greer

“Whänau ‘evolution’ rather than whänau ‘development’.” – Dr Katerina Mataira

The women consistently agreed that our whänau constructs had certainly gone through significant change since our own childhoods in the 1930s, 1940s and 1950s.

Two working parents, te köhanga reo and affordable childcare, single-parent families, lack of employment, drugs, violence and alcohol, and health issues have all impacted either positively or negatively on ‘whänau’ and ‘families’ throughout Aotearoa New Zealand.

Dr Katerina Mataira articulated a need to consider a different approach to whänau and would prefer the use of ‘whänau evolution’ rather than ‘whänau development’:

“I don’t even like the words ‘whänau development’. I prefer to use words like the ‘evolution of consciousness’ and the ‘evolution of spirit’, the ‘evolution of soul’. I think if we as people focus more on those things then all the kinds of problems that we face in the material world would dissipate. Things will change; it will take a long time, but this whole thing of changing consciousness of people – it’s happening.

“And it is happening in spite of ourselves. I mean, my family for example. My son is married to a Japanese; my mokos have got a Niuean family; another moko has got a bit of Tonga in it and a bit of Samoan and Scots and – we are already [evolving] – there’s no denying it.” – Dr Katerina Mataira

Moe Milne also offers another strategy to assist whänau to bridge some of the gaps caused by the loss of kaumätua and leadership in some generations within various iwi:

“A strategy for transformation: focus on the child and the kaumätua. My absolute thing is to go to the very old and the very young. Never mind about the middle and build a new generation… If everybody focused on their child and every child born into this group and


focused on it, and linked it – it’s like building a new generation. I would go absolutely on the child for at least the first five years – then you can start focusing on the Mum. Some of these women have lost the way of being a mother or a grandmother. But you focus on the baby – ‘Te uri nö te Rangatira, tënei uri’.” – Moe Milne

From the körero with our wahine, you notice two significant things: their individual ‘workloads’ and their energy for the work that they have chosen to do day by day, year by year. So how do they maintain themselves, preserve themselves to ensure that they are able to continue these activities of advocacy, leadership, rangatiratanga?

The short answer appears to be: with a great deal of difficulty! But Dr Paparangi Reid realised this dilemma more than 20 years ago and put a strategy into place:

“Breed more mängai! When I was in Wellington in those early days, David and I, I think, were the only Mäori public health physicians.

“I decided that we needed a plan when I was having a ‘moment’ and I couldn’t do all the things I was doing and I was sick of being on every advisory board or committee etc. So I said, ‘Let’s train 10 more Mäori doctors to be specialists in public health. Well, now we’ve got another 12.

“Okay, ‘find a new mängai’; actually, let’s breed another 20. That’s what köhanga is, the links to the whänau are ‘How do we infect, put the ‘virus’ out there?’ Whether it’s a ‘virus’ of a kaupapa such as te reo, or aroha ki to marae, whatever.

“When we are young, we’re quite obsessed with being the ‘mängai’ ourselves and then we get over ourselves a bit. The feedback loop, it kicks in, and then we say, ‘Oh, let’s get another mängai.’ But sometimes we start to think ‘intergenerationally’ – and that’s quite interesting.“ – Dr Paparangi Reid

Mana Motuhake

Taku mana, taku mana, mana motuhake!

Taku mana, taku mana, mana motuhake!

Taku ihi, taku ihi, taku wanawana!

Taku ihi, taku ihi, taku wanawana!

He rangatira katoa täua te tangata ki te nuku o te ao. He ariki!

“I was bought up to see myself as a rangatira, as an Ariki, and that applies to the whole of humanity, not just the individual. So the assumption I make is that those Mäori women who do well, is that they would have to be standing in their own power, their own wisdom. That’s how I see it.” – Dr Rose Pere

The haka shared by Dr Rose Pere sets the context for the final theme. This section will discuss the views and feedback from the women on the impacts of government policies – beneficial and detrimental, impediments to whänau and Mäori development from 1975 to 2010.

Mana of the individual, mana of the whänau, mana of the hapü, mana of the iwi, te mana o Papatuanuku is unique and paramount to each of these institutions. The Crown’s lack of understanding, lack of consideration and lack of willingness over the years has been experienced by all of the participants.


The women’s political astuteness means that they all have a very good understanding of government: its roles and responsibilities; the Treaty of Waitangi; the New Zealand Constitution; and all the government agencies that have existed in the past 50 years.

The overall tone from the women – their individual view of several generations of governments, irrelevant of the political party – is one of distrust, sometimes disgust, and disdain. The same applies to the many government policies and interventions that have come and gone during the years.

However, they did note that te köhanga reo, the revitalisation of te reo Mäori, Mätua Whängai, the establishment of kura kaupapa and the three whare wänanga, It’s not OK (the family violence campaign), Auahi Kore, COGs, CEG, Tomorrow’s Schools and more were all viewed as very positive, significant developments of this period.

Mäori Women’s Health League, which then became the Mäori Women’s Welfare League, has had at its very centre ‘whänau ora’. It was about the whänau, supporting whänau through the women, the mothers, by the kuia and the wider community. Through hundreds of Mäori women, the league has now delivered numerous initiatives such as ‘E tipu e rea’ and ‘Tamariki Ora’ to thousands of Mäori women and their respective whänau since the 1940s.

So what has hampered successful models and outcomes for whänau development? There are volumes of experiences recorded in the individual interviews but the following are some of the ‘repetitive’ speak shared by the majority of the participants: racism, racism and more racism.

Whilst the country has made some positive gains in race relations in the past 30 years, racism is still alive and well in many ‘crooks and crannies’ of Aotearoa New Zealand today. As shared in the interviews, in some cases it has taken on a new disguise and in some areas it is as ‘blatant’ as it ever was.

Dr Paparangi Reid has worked in the health sector for the past 30 years and her experience informed this response:

“It’s really difficult. My daughter comes home saying, ‘My teacher’s a racist’, and I say, ‘Yes, actually, they’re all racist darling, you just have to handle it.’

“And then the students here at med school say, ‘Oh, the consultant’s a racist’, and I say, ‘Yes, they’re all racist, you just have to handle it.’ I’m sure that they (the students) go home and say, ‘Well she’s a bloody sell out because she wasn’t very shocked when I told her there was racism.’ And no, she is not shocked at all. So are ‘policies’; every ‘policy’ until proven otherwise is racist and is ‘anti-whänau’ because of that.”

Ngaropi Cameron of Tü Tama Wahine o Taranaki shared some of her experiences during 30 years of working with whänau, Mäori men and ‘tangata whai ora’: adult Mäori mental health whänau:

“Then I find myself in some more ‘hot water’ – having to confront another group of authorities. The whole thing of institutional racism and personal racism, and always being put into that spot to stand up and to speak up against it. I used to think, ‘My god, this is going to make me ill.’

“That’s what I’m going to call it. It is that level of malevolence that is politely termed as institutional racism, personal racism, barriers, gate-keeping.” – Ngaropi Cameron


sudden silence

“And at my own position I said once, ‘I will never, ever, if you interrupt me when I’m speaking, I won’t open my mouth again. You need to understand that that’s not appropriate. Because the ‘thought’ until you have heard it from me is in the status of ‘tapu’ and you will not make me and my thoughts ‘noa’ until such time as I’ve completed it. And if you never hear it, then you’ve missed out!” – Dr Khyla Russell

whänau ora or colonisation by policy?

“What worries me about ‘whänau ora’ is all of it. Whänau ora is what we (Mäori) have already been doing. Whänau ora is te köhanga reo, whänau ora is Mätua Whängai, whänau ora is Auahi Kore and now our problem is that we have got hung up on the ‘policy’. We are waiting for the policy to come out. Waiting for someone to come around and tell us what it is. And that is ‘colonisation by policy’. And that is because it’s the money getting mixed up with ‘mana’ again.

“So to me whänau ora was our Rotorua whänau trying to do something about intergenerational abuse in their extended whänau. That’s whänau ora – long before we had a policy. Those whänau marae that go ‘Auahi Kore’, that’s whänau ora – we didn’t have to wait for the policy.” – Dr Paparangi Reid

assimilation

“Government policies in 1958, 1960s, the Hunn Education Report came through. That report was really about assimilation. This is the way to solve these problem natives. Do away with their native schools… Take their language from them so they become good brown-skinned Päkehä.

“From assimilation then began a process of ‘integration’. So Housing New Zealand introduced ‘pepper potting’ housing. And they put one Mäori house amongst six Päkehä so that one Mäori could learn how to become good brown-skinned Päkehä, how to live properly, appropriately, according to policies.

“Assimilation failed, integration failed, so in the 1960s they brought in all the Islanders as a labour force. So we’ll introduce ‘multi-culturalism’ – so we’ll put brown skin against brown skin and call it ‘multi-culturalism’. And today mono-culturalism still rules.

“We still screamed ‘tino-rangatiratanga’. Here we are today with the iwi leaders and with the policies and with our Waitangi Tribunal claims, hearings and iwi becoming economically strong, standing on our own two feet still screaming ‘tino rangatiratanga’.” – Naida Glavich

“What has been the most detrimental to whänau development? Every attempt that’s been made to make me a ‘potato’. Has it worked? No. If it comes to that, I’d have to say the ‘Päkehä’ has been most detrimental to whänau development. Western missionaries – that’s what’s been detrimental to whänau development. Coming in with all their rubbish. Putting the Mother Energy down. You want to know how they affected us in this country? ‘Takahia a tamawahine!’” – Dr Rose Pere

Land loss – identity

“I think that the lack of identity and the loss of connection to the land and to tribal areas has been one of the biggest detrimental things.” – Areta Koopu


te reo Mäori – Mäori language institutions

“To conform with government expectations of outcomes, class numbers, governance style etc has created a negative impact on the ‘wairua’ of the learning environment; eg, larger classes, different governance model, an atmosphere of bullying in some cases.

“The impact of the change is that young parents are not taking their tamariki to learn te reo Mäori in these environments. Transmission of te reo Mäori needs to come consciously from young parents.” – Dr Katerina Mataira

6.4 evoLving into the future – whÄnau ora!Despite racism, colonising policies, assimilation attempts, the negative impact of missionaries – ALL of the women shared views of hope, optimism and excitement for the future of whänau, hapü and iwi in Aotearoa New Zealand.

“Whänau in the home – that’s the real köhanga.”

Dame Iritana reminds us from her vast number of years and experience to learn from our experiences, to build on them, to help us move forward. At the centre of this advice is the whänau:

“Kura kaupapa got caught up in the formal education system of funding, qualifications. Compliance issues, regulations etc. This took them away from embracing the parents. Key people involved with kura kaupapa who had compassion were marginalised: ‘Käore mätou haere mai kuni or ngä ture o te ao Päkehä’. No matter how professional we are, no matter how qualified we are, we cannot without the whänau do as much as we would like. This is criticism of a system that programmes us to behave against the best interests of whänau and children. Whänau development in its pure sense is about ‘whänau in the homes’. That’s the real köhanga. It’s the home.” – Dame Iritana Täwhiwhirangi

Whänau ora – Kia tüpato!

“I hope they know what they are doing – whänau ora is not new … this is the thing. It’s a concept that has been around forever. It’s how we lived. It is us. It is ours and what bothers me is that Päkehä organisations are going to try and do ‘whane ora’ their way and think it’s right. Yeah, ‘whane ora’ – that’s what I heard it called. Because they are never wrong! We work with non-Mäori families. Kaupapa Mäori and they like it and it works. If works for us it’s got to work for them. Got the stories and everything to back that up. One of the PHO wanted me to sign a contract to say that we were a baby-friendly, breastfeeding workplace. I said, ‘Go away. I’m not signing any contract. We’ve been doing it forever!’ They thought this was wonderful new stuff!” – Barbara Greer

Strengthening hapü and iwi

“The impact for me in ‘whänau ora’ is being able to name my work and put it out there for the first time in 27 years. For me to be able to say, ’I’m going to go and work with whoever.’ It’s the most amazing feeling. I think the hapü will become stronger and the natural things with that; your iwi will then become stronger. Because that all framed up around tikanga Mäori. It can only enhance us all…” – Mereana Pitman

Nothing about us without us

“…as that one kid said to her once, ‘There’s nothing about us without us.’ Just that sort of kid attitude. And she said it absolutely stopped me in my tracks. And for me that was


one of the most telling messages I’ve ever heard. Because it’s that good intent, people who will legislate on our behalf … for what’s good for us – how do they know?” – Dr Khyla Russell

A place in the sun – Tama nui te rä

“Without identity as a group you have no türangawaewae, no place in the sun. Nothing to which you can relate to in any particular, special way.” – Dr Katerina Mataira

Transformation – our time – our opportunity

“This is our time, as in Taranaki iwi Mäori; this is our opportunity. This is our chance to really make a difference for how work is done in the community for our people. This is transformative work.” – Ngaropi Cameron

I believe that the Families Commission has received an exceptional resource of data and information in these interviews that can add tremendous richness and value to the future of their work with all whänau, all families by any definition, for the highest good of our country, Aotearoa New Zealand.

The ‘final word’ to close this chapter is accorded to the articulate summary by Naida Glavich.

Whänau ora

“Just to say to our people; we survived colonisation, we survived their assimilation, integration, multiculturalism, biculturalism, whatever policy they want to bring.

“We survived the theft of our lands. We survived the theft or our foreshore and seabed. We survived the imprisonment of our people. We survived the enforcement and the indoctrination of their religions.

“We survived not to arrive today, to give in.

“We survived it to realise our strength. And that’s what our people need to look forward to.

“The realisation of the strength that they have. We never, ever gave it away. We never ceded our tino rangatiratanga.” – Naida Glavich

© Irwin Collection

7. whÄnau as the CustoDians of CuLturehuhana roKx-PotaengÄti awa, ngÄti Porou, tüwharetoa, te arawa, ngÄi tai, ngÄti ManiaPoto


7.1 introDuCtionAhorangi: Genesis. A hapü159 is born.

In 1988 I started hearing of a whänau based in Kirikiriroa doing things that were a bit out of the norm. I knew key members of the whänau and was related to some of them in different ways but I started hearing things about their being ’different’, being ‘staunch’ Mäori and being trendy at the same time. They had formed a kapahaka160 group that was different from the norm, not winning competitions or anything because they were too way out with their dress and performance, wearing shoes and flimsy dresses; but none the less blowing the audiences apart with their 20th century versions of kapahaka – musical theatre style.

The things I was hearing didn’t die down. To the contrary, the stories became more and more about “They’re doing things like REAL Mäori and they’re doing it with flair!” A couple of years later their flair hit Rotorua, with a show at the Town Hall called Ahorangi: Genesis, including their young and their old, singing Mäori and dancing kapa and haka in ways we had never witnessed before, long legs on amazing stilettos, showing us Mäori panache.

But what captured me most with that performance was the story they were telling. A story of a people reborn, of survival, of recapturing the past without living in the past, of bringing to the present all that was exciting and invigorating of that past, of moving forward, of honouring the old with grace and good taste.

I was reborn from that night’s performance.

Actually, my rebirth began in 1983 when, as a new mother, I was asked to open a köhanga reo in Rotorua with my old school friend, Roka Rangihau. Nineteen eighty two heralded the advent of the köhanga reo movement, Mäori language nests for Mäori babies and young children, and Roka and I were now part of the growth of the movement that saw more than 500 köhanga reo established by 1984. The movement grew out of Mäori unrest about the serious decline of the Mäori language161 and offered a whänau-based solution, not only to the language loss but also the loss of Mäori culture as a whole. Within the first two weeks of my involvement I was convinced that köhanga reo was the cultural panacea Mäori had long been waiting for.

Over the next few years the köhanga reo movement continued to grow. The whänau-based programme that focused on older native speakers instilling young children with the Mäori language soon also began to concentrate on the Mäori language skills of the parents of those children. Parents and children, the whänau as a whole speaking Mäori together, was seen as the solution to halting the decline of the Mäori language.

This is how the Winitana whänau began their journey with the Mäori language and culture in a serious way. As the parents of young children, and as adults whose upbringing had provided them with a head-start in the Mäori culture, the whänau became involved in a köhanga reo and the rest, as the saying goes, is history.

This story is about seeing where this whänau is today and how life in 21st century Aotearoa is treating them. It is about hearing from them how their whänau fared during the Mäori renaissance; whether Ahorangi: Genesis, the show they developed as they searched as a whänau group for the true meaning of being Mäori in 20th century Aotearoa, meant more to them than being a show, and what has happened to them in

159 Sub-tribe.160 Mäori performing arts including action songs and haka (traditional war dance).161 Richard Benton survey of the health of the Mäori language in the 1970s and 1980s. In the 1940s most Mäori spoke the Mäori language –

Benton’s survey in the 1970s showed that only 25 percent of Mäori were fluent in their language.


the years since. It’s also about seeing whether theirs has been a pathway of success – and, if so, what that success looks like and what it has cost. It’s about giving this whänau who captured my imagination in the 1990s the opportunity to share their journey with others who have travelled similar pathways and others again who are just embarking.

Winitana whänau.

7.2 the winitana storyThe day I visited Chris Winitana and Tina Kaipara was cold and wet. Chris had given me instructions on how to get to their home: “Keep going up the main road till you reach the turn on the right. Turn in and you’ll see our home right there: big gates, white, homestead style.” His instructions were faultless and I arrived right on time to find Chris stoking a fire that seemed to have its own thoughts on how to perform, but nonetheless it provided a welcome relief from the wet and cold outside.

Tina was ill, perhaps due to the cold weather, but – knowing her busy lifestyle and the demands on her from the Mäori language fraternity throughout Aotearoa – probably more in need of rest and quiet.

So Chris and I carried on with our interview or, rather, after the settling-in formalities, I let Chris talk about his amazing whänau and their equally amazing journey.

For the sake of this story I will refer to Tina and Chris’s whänau as the ‘Winitana whänau’. And in true whänau fashion, the Winitana whänau doesn’t just consist of Chris, Tina and their offspring – not at all. The Winitana whänau refers to Chris and Tina, their children and grandchildren, and Chris’s four siblings, their spouses, children and grandchildren: a total head count of 44, currently. In fact, this particular whänau has reached hapü status, the head being Chris’s mother Te Atamira Winitana nee Hura, whose parents were Päteriki Hura of Ngäti Türumakina o Tüwharetoa and Hariata Asher-Hura of Ngäti Türangitukua o Tüwharetoa; and Chris’s father Tamihana Winitana (Ngäti Hinekura o Tühoe, Waikaremoana, Ngäti Paretekawa o Maniapoto) who passed away in 2003.


So let’s list the siblings and their offspring:

> Te Mare Hahipene, the eldest, her husband, Hokimoana Hahipene, and daughter Piata Winitana-Murray.

> Next in age, Hariata Paki, her husband Huia Paki, and their children Te Ori, Te Atirau, Te Rurehe, Hariata, Te Uira, Tüpoutama, Te Aorere, Kerei, Hinerauwhiri. They also currently have six mokopuna.

> Chris’s older brother Brendan Winitana, his wife Rose and children Te Atamira and Te Kapua. It is important to mention here that Brendan and Rose, while supportive of the whänau journey, chose another track to follow.

> Then there’s Chris who has Paranihia Amber Winitana Anderson with his former wife, Lorna Anderson.

> And there’s Chris again who, with partner Tinamarie Kaipara, of Tüwharetoa and Ngäti Awa, have children Tüpoutahi, Herea, Ahorangi, Tüwaerea, Ahurei, Uenuku, Manea and six mokopuna.

> Finally there’s Ngäpera and Täwhero Haitana with their brood of Parehuia, Kerera, Mikaoka, Rerehau, Te Rangianiwaniwa, Rongomähuia, Waikatiria and Hineahikaiata.

So what’s the Winitana whänau story?

Firstly, it’s a story of survival – the survival of the customs and traditions of old. And within those customs and traditions, a pattern for life and living that is as contemporary and current as the mobile phone and Twitter.

It’s also a story of innovation and being fearless in that inventiveness, where to not conform is frowned upon.

Finally, it’s a story of fierce independence and self-reliance, the creation of autonomy where success is more about the journey than the product, and with a freedom of lifestyle the reward.

The story begins with what Chris terms ‘the first wave’ – that wave being the generation of Tamihana and Te Atamira Winitana, both born around the 1920s and the 1930s, when whänau and hapü still lived relatively close together and in the comforts of knowing themselves fully. However, it was an existence that was not to remain untouched for much longer.

In fact, some changes had already begun.

Te Atamira was born in 1933 in Aotearoa New Zealand, which had a population of 1,547,000 and most of them were not her own people. George William Forbes was the Prime Minister and the country’s first woman MP had been elected. It was the year Te Rata Mahuta passed away, 26 years since the passing of the Suppression of Tohunga Act and just over 60 years since Te Kooti ended his armed resistance and retreated to the King Country in 1872.

Äpirana Ngata162 was still in Parliament; however, by 1933 he had come under increasing scrutiny for what history later proved to be false claims of incompetence and deception. Äpirana Ngata had resigned from his ministerial positions a year earlier, in 1932.

162 Sir Äpirana Turupa Ngata (3 July 1874–14 July 1950) was a prominent politician and lawyer. He has often been described as the foremost Mäori politician to have ever served in Parliament, and known for his work in promoting and protecting Mäori culture and language.


So Te Atamira and Tamihana inherited an Aotearoa that was suspicious of Mäori and domination by the majority163 had begun. By the time they married and began their whänau in the 1950s, changes in whänau structures and education were already having a profound effect on Mäori society. Urban drift164 had begun and whänau were being split, with some relationships severed forever. To this day, the majority of Mäori reside in the urban areas.

This, by then, had begun to have the most dramatic effect on the fabric of Mäori society: its language and culture. The severing of whänau also severed a cultural and linguistic blueprint that had existed for centuries. Whänau who were the custodians of values, practices and communication norms handed down from generations before them, were now thrust into new environments alongside people unfamiliar to them, marginalised from marae and the traditions they encompassed. A system based on relatives living closely together and maintaining knowledge of lineage and commonalities was now seriously disrupted.

For Tamihana, born and raised in his close-knit Tühoe community steeped in the language and culture of his people, the impact was not yet as severe. Tamihana still thought and spoke as the old people did – his mind still somewhat untouched by the small amount of public school curriculum he experienced in between living in the Urewera and Waikaremoana bush culture.

In 1984, it was Tamihana’s cultural purity that provided the leadership required when four of his five children, living in Hamilton, sought his guidance to create and follow a lifestyle that was by then, for them, an idea. This was the second wave – the four siblings were now parents themselves, and they and their children were involved in the köhanga reo movement in Hamilton. Ngä Tama a Rangi Köhanga Reo began at Chris’s home and was later moved to Knighton Road Primary School. By 1986, Te Kura o Ahorangi had begun at Knighton Road Primary School.

During this time, Chris, his siblings and their spouses were constantly discussing what sort of world they wanted their children to grow up in, and how they wanted their children to be. They discussed their dreams with their parents; their desire for their children to grow up to be healthy, wealthy and wise – as Mäori. Chris’s discussions with his father centred on the learning that he and the rest of the whänau would need in order to be able to provide a rich learning environment for their children. His father warned him of the difference between what was accessible learning and what was not, and told Chris to remain aware of what was ‘too hot to handle’165 and deal with that accordingly.

The whänau as a whole was being influenced by what they were learning about, and through their Mäori culture. This learning was necessary as they nurtured their köhanga reo, and as their young children were still at an age where learning had to be intuitive and explorative. So, recognising their father’s deep knowledge of the Mäori culture, they turned to him for assistance. They looked to him to provide linguistic assistance as they collectively worked to improve their use of the Mäori language. They also sought advice from him as they tried different activities with the children in the köhanga reo, activities based on the Mäori culture for which they had no templates or precedents. Tamihana’s best piece of advice to them was to view the Mäori world in all its natural glory and

163 New Zealand had a Mäori population of about 100,000 and only about 2,000 Europeans in 1840. The Mäori population had declined to 37,520 according to the 1871 Census. The figure was 42,113 in the 1896 Census, by which time Europeans numbered more than 700,000. By 1936 the Mäori figure was 82,326.

164 In 1945, 26 percent of the Mäori population lived in the towns and cities. By 1956, this had increased to 35 percent. Mass migration continued into the early 1960s. The urban Mäori population grew to 62 percent in 1966, and reached nearly 80 percent by 1986.

165 Some sacred knowledge perhaps not intended for Chris who would recognise signs of this and would abandon the learning pathway.


encourage the children and adults to learn about it together. A whänau way of doing things.

What the whänau sought was their Mäori identity, the essence of being Mäori, the required set of characteristics that identified themselves as Mäori. Through their father, Tamihana, they were referred to waiata, oriori, kupu, ancient oral traditions, the natural world, their tribal history, old and sacred knowledge, in order to achieve a full understanding of who they were and the facts or conditions that made them Mäori.

In other words, the Mäori identity and how it would manifest became the curriculum, and what was learnt was a way of life that soon became a real and meaningful way of doing things for the whänau and their children.

As the children grew, in number and age, keeping the curriculum alive continued to challenge the whänau. It was no easy task, as the curriculum was a 24-hour programme, a way of life growing through the growing whänau.

By the 1990s there was little to identify where the curriculum began and ended, as the learning had become the way of life for the whänau. The Mäori identity was by now alive and well within them, the Mäori language flourished between them and they truly lived the values they learnt during their own research and through their parents and grandparents. What also grew was the innovation with which the whänau had developed their curriculum and the learning methods they applied. Waiata were composed to explain a view of life according to the ancient traditions; dance and movement then applied to give graphic application of that view; and then a whole choreographed presentation of song, imagery and props was given life with full whänau participation, young and old together.

This was when the curriculum became the beginnings of a fully-fledged dramatic performance, and eventually Ahorangi: Genesis, the theatre stage-show, performed at 52 venues nationwide by 1992.

In time Ahorangi: Genesis music albums were also compiled and the whänau began to realise the commercial value of what they were doing.

I instantly recognised the value of the material that was being produced and distributed by the Winitana whänau in the 1990s. I was part of the Mäori renaissance of the 1980–90 period, bringing my own children up in their Mäori language and culture with the help of köhanga reo. Initially, as part of that journey, I was drawn to using the natural environment and whänau activities as my curriculum, and used the Mäori language at all times and in all situations, as if that was the ‘normal’ thing to do. But everyday normal life in New Zealand at that time was not in the Mäori language. There was no regular flow of information or resources to support a Mäori whänau growing up as Mäori in the Mäori language. The stimulation required to keep my children developing as other children did could not easily be found in our local community. And while other children and their families lived a way of life that was supported linguistically by the television, radio and public facilities, I became a 24-hour playmate with my children so that they could develop in a ‘normal’ way in the Mäori language.

Thank goodness for köhanga reo and thank goodness for the Winitana whänau and Ahorangi: Genesis.


The choice of primary education was also limited and kura kaupapa Mäori166 were being established through the sheer will and hard work of the whänau rather than through active government policy. In 1990 I was part of the parents group that helped establish the first bilingual unit at Rotorua Primary School, only to discover early on the ineffectiveness of bilingual classes in terms of supporting a full and natural Mäori identity.

Sometime later, in about 1991, I began working with a group of parents – friends on the same cultural cause as me – to establish Te Kura Kaupapa Mäori o Te Koutu. This was no mean feat for us, the majority of whom were full-time working parents. Today, Te Koutu is celebrated as a high-achieving kura but my memory of the early years of Te Koutu was of lots of dedication and hard work!

However, in the meantime the bilingual unit and its issues were challenging myself and other parents, who had come to realise that there was another way to define ‘bilingual’: to teach in two languages, not teach to develop a bilingual person. We, the parents of the children in the bilingual unit, knew from personal experience that developing a bilingual person within the context of the monolingual New Zealand of that time required a total-immersion education delivery.

We watched with despair as we witnessed the rapid erosion of the Mäori speaking and Mäori thinking ‘whare’167 we had created for our children. Its walls were being dismantled by the establishment. Within their first week in the bilingual unit, our children showed signs of discontent. They quickly became bored with the Mäori language books and stories they had heard in köhanga reo. Nothing new had been created for them and it looked to me like my children were now struggling at having to slow down to the pace of the bilingual unit.

That was when we heard of Ahorangi: Genesis and found that it provided the inspiration we needed to keep developing what we needed to support ourselves and our children. The seeds of Te Koutu had been sown out of our frustration with the bilingual unit, and along came Ahorangi: Genesis to instil us with the energy and fortitude required to build a kura of our own design.

We attended the premiere Rotorua performance of Ahorangi: Genesis in 1991, children in tow, excited by the promise of a thrilling performance – and we were not let down.

The show we witnessed was a powerful and bold expression of what it was to be Mäori. It was exciting and intense; it was striking and musical; it was deep and philosophical. It was characterised by the gripping reality of the natural world of the Mäori aligned with the larger-than-life drama that is theatre. The Mäori gods were the centre-point and, through them, the dramatic sequence of the events leading to the separation of earth mother and sky father, the creation of the world according to Mäori, was played out.

My children were also in awe, as were their friends and the whole audience, enthralled by the singing and dancing. The show personified to us what was right and natural as Mäori. It just was.

So within the drought of any real support for whänau who against all odds had managed to reach back into the recesses of their cultural banks to bring forward a way of life that

166 It took five years from the first kura kaupapa Mäori to be established for the Government to begin funding kura kaupapa Mäori. In the early years, from 1985 to 1995, almost all kura kaupapa Mäori were accommodated at some stage in a place or venue that accommodated children for little or no rent. Parents fundraised to resource kura kaupapa Mäori until the Government officially recognised and funded the school.

167 House.


was right and appropriate for their children, the saving grace was Ahorangi: Genesis. Theatre performed by Mäori, in Mäori, for Mäori – for the world.

To me, the most fascinating aspect of Ahorangi: Genesis was the way it was received by myself and others like me. By the 1990s I was extremely conversant with much of the traditional Mäori stories – tales about Mäui and the Mäori gods, ngä atua Mäori. I had been involved in köhanga reo for nearly 10 years and I was accustomed to using the stories that Ahorangi: Genesis represented. My own children attended at least two performances and were already versed in the contexts that were being represented through the whänau performances. And yet we couldn’t get enough of them.

Looking back now I believe our fascination with Ahorangi: Genesis came about because this was actually the first time we saw our own stories depicted on stage by our own people. This was no Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs performed by Disneyland performers. These were our own stories performed by our own people with all the grandeur that a musical theatre stage can provide. Our familiarity with the stories ensured that we watched the performances with a watchful eye, reflecting on what was happening as it happened, and feeling the exhilaration as we noted the dramatic execution of dance and waiata.

It occurred to me at that time that we, those of us who were on the journey of learning to be Mäori in Mäori, existed almost as our own group of like-minded people. We recognised each other as we coaxed our children to keep speaking Mäori against the barrage of English that surrounded them. We reassessed what and who was important to us in order to meet our objectives. For me, there was a time of separation from some extended whänau members who did not understand what I was doing in bringing up my children in the Mäori language and culture, and actively opposed me. The changes seemed all too radical for them and yet I was on a journey that I could not be distracted from.

That same passion drove the Winitana whänau to undertake Mäori cultural learning that eventually saw them create the stage-show, Ahorangi: Genesis. It was developed by the whänau as a whole, included all members in the cast and was based on the stories of the creation of the universe according to Mäori.

The journey of the stage-show around the country was an undertaking of faith on the part of the whänau. While their instincts in 1992 told them that they had created something that others were interested in, they had no way of actually knowing the extent of that interest. However, they loved what they were doing, were aware that it wasn’t happening anywhere else in the country, believed that what they were doing was good, that the country needed it and that it had a following.

As it turned out there was a massive following, and the best guess is that up to 40,000 people attended the Ahorangi: Genesis shows across the country by the end of the 1992 tour. Records weren’t kept but Chris’s way of reconciling the numbers is by his analysis of the overall costs:

We only had enough money to get our 60 performers to our first venue. From then on it was ‘sell tickets; pay the bills; get to the next place’. In the final reconciliation we ended up with a small profit and when you consider the costs of 60 people, their travel by luxury bus, their food, accommodation, theatre presentation costs of lighting, sound etc. and many other sundry expenses, to get through the tour having made a small profit was no mean feat. We had sell-out numbers at every performance and we sometimes had up to four performances at each venue.


The whänau were surprised when they realised that not just Mäori appreciated the performances; according to Chris’s best-guess analysis, up to 25 percent of the total audiences were non-Mäori. He quotes the Christchurch performances as being the most telling of the universal appeal of Ahorangi: Genesis:

We had four performances at the Christchurch Ngä Hau e Whä Marae venue that held up to 350 people. Our first night was a sell-out and, unbeknown to us, in the audience was a journalist from the Christchurch Press who was there to review the show. He was so taken by the performance, his review that appeared in the paper the following day raved of how superb it was and that the show he witnessed was of musical and dramatic professionalism that he had never before experienced in New Zealand. Naturally our next three nights were standing room only and even more startling was that our Christchurch audiences were 70 to 80 percent non-Mäori.

However, for Mäori like me on the journey of Mäori language and cultural regeneration, Ahorangi: Genesis was the manifestation of all that we understood about ourselves. It depicted our stories in our language and as far as we were concerned it was for us alone.

The tour ended in 1993. Looking back at the experience, Chris is philosophical about its rewards and the challenges it presented for the whänau. Performing and re-performing the same stories night after night provided a depth of learning that they would have never been able to reach through any formal school situation. Children and adults alike performed and reached extreme levels of understanding as they became more and more intimately involved with the prose and scripts carefully researched, written and edited by Chris and others.

They also relished the pleasure they obviously gave others. Chris describes the experience of performance as a natural extension of what they were learning about, and putting their understandings into song and dance. They enjoyed performing and the fact that others gained contentment and new learning from their performance was extremely gratifying to the whänau.

However, the tour took its toll on them in physical and family terms, as they were always on the move and ‘on show’. Quite literally, after all the travelling and performing it was time for the whänau to ground itself again.

In 1993 Chris and Tina decided to move back to their traditional homeland of Tüwharetoa. This involved some re-establishment work, particularly in terms of the homeschooling programme the whänau operated with. Tüwharetoa knowledge now became the centre of their curriculum, providing a new richness and area of focused learning.

Eventually Chris’s three sisters, their spouses and children also moved back, and by 2000 the whole whänau was living closely together again on their traditional whenua.168 Since then they have stayed focused on three key objectives:

> the establishment of their kura-a-hapü,169 which has been operating since 2006 and formal registration with the Ministry of Education is now imminent

> creating new whänau business ventures, including input into a tourism venture that is now operating successfully at Wairakei

168 Land.169 Tribal-based school where the curriculum is based on local tribal values and priorities.


> maintaining their learning and development together as a growing whänau.

Today the whänau is on the brink of the third wave and they consider that they are a hapü.170 Tina, Chris and their siblings and partners are now of the grandparent generation. Their children range in ages from three to 31. They have 12 mokopuna between them. Careers and business ventures between them are flourishing.

But the younger generation of the Winitana whänau are expressing the view that this is not enough. It is not enough that they have their language and culture in good health. It is not enough that they have kept themselves together as a whänau complete with the cooperation that living closely together as a whänau offers. They want more, though they’re not sure what that ‘more’ is.

The younger generation speak of their parents giving them their identity and recognise the sacrifices that were made to achieve this. They also accept that that identity has a way of doing things, has a way of thinking and viewing the world, has a language. They understand that they now have the luxury of being able to take that language and culture for granted. But they also recognise that that peace of mind comes with a different set of responsibilities, the first of which is ensuring that complacency does not set in.

So the younger generation of the Winitana whänau now question whether they themselves are able to reach another level of collective thinking, and put that to good use. They want to test whether the unique fighting spirit demonstrated by their parents can now be theirs by design. They have insights of the Päkehä world. They also have insights of the mainstream Mäori world. What they now want to test is whether they can come together – as their parents did more than 20 years ago – with a plan to achieve what needs to be achieved now.

I find it interesting now with my own children that the need to challenge themselves and “give back to the cause” is also something very important to them. They are now aged 23 to 31 and three of them are actively involved in careers that can be defined as kaupapa-Mäori171 based. They are keen to be instrumental in and support the ongoing progress of Mäori, and are very aware of the opportunities they gained as a result of their rich Mäori cultural upbringing.

This, too, is what I see as the current focus of the Winitana whänau younger generation. They are seeking their own unique pathway to continue the journey begun by their parents and grandparents. To find what it is that they require by reaching another level of collective thinking, they must probe into what it is that made their parents and grandparents achieve what they did, and figure out how to apply this to themselves in the current context.

The younger generation of the Winitana whänau know they are linked through whakapapa and that that whakapapa provides them with safe entry into a world of traditions, practices and values. They know that others, through closely linked whakapapa, also have entry into the same set of traditions, practices and values. However, what they also have come to understand is that the entry points for others into those traditions, practices and values differ from those they, as a Winitana whänau collective, have decided to use. And the difference may actually be the way in which they have approached learning about themselves as a people – that way being represented by Ahorangi: Genesis, or their interpretation of the creation of the natural world according to Mäori traditions.

170 “That they have moved from a whänau (family) status to that of a hapü (sub-tribe).”171 Pertaining to Mäori.


So what was Ahorangi: Genesis?

Firstly, it was a whänau interpretation of how the world came into being according to Mäori traditions. The whänau interpretation was built up after many years of their venturing into the world of the Mäori through their whänau köhanga reo and with the assistance of their tïpuna, Tamihana Winitana. Its research base was ’te ao Mäori172 according to Koro Tamihana’ and the learning and understanding of anything Mäori and in Mäori by members of the whänau.

But, secondly, and more importantly, it was an entry point into a way of Mäori cultural thinking and being. Waiata173 and körero tawhito174 provided the traditional beliefs and values framework, the clues about a world that was. And the whänau used the new knowledge to create a theatre presentation of the separation of Rangi and Papatuanuku and the creation of the world of light and understanding thereafter.

The dramatic presentation itself evolved with much input by all whänau individuals – adults and children alike. A member of the Winitana whänau, Te Ori Paki, who was around 10 at the time, far belied his age and impressed all with his performance that included singing, dancing and acting – all in te reo Mäori. My recollection of his live Rotorua performance in 1992 was that he exuded confidence not only in his acting, singing and dancing abilities, but also in his execution of aspects of Mäori language and ritual significance. He demonstrated an ease of understanding of the symbolic nature of the traditional rites and ceremonies that was astounding at a time when most Mäori nationally were still coming to terms with the mere basics of the Mäori language and customs.

It is probably this aspect that has me wondering all these years later whether there was something in the way the Winitana whänau took their cultural learning and understandings to a point that enabled a greater depth of ‘being Mäori’. Is there a fine line between acting the life and living the act? At what stage does a performance become a reality, or was the performance always real for the performers anyway?

Certainly what has evolved all these years later is a whänau confident in being Mäori, that confidence going beyond a basic commitment to the regeneration of a language and a culture. What the Winitana whänau now represent is a commitment to the regeneration of the Mäori identity; what their journey has demonstrated is the importance of insights gained through the use of the Mäori language. In other words, the learning and use of the Mäori language and culture provided the ways and means of recreating the Mäori identity for and by them.

The confidence of Winitana whänau individuals as Mäori is exemplified by the leading roles they currently play in Mäori language broadcasting, journalism, resource development and education. They have been extremely successful in their Mäori resource development business. The whänau now has a long history of Mäori language resource production covering a raft of genres and curriculum areas. In total they have produced more than 35 Mäori language curriculum resource packages including books, CDs and DVDs. Most of these are accompanied by teacher resource notes that support teachers to use and value these resources.

172 The Mäori world.173 Traditional Mäori songs.174 Traditional stories.


As a collection, the resources developed by the Winitana whänau are a manifestation of their success in terms of their quest for the Mäori identity. The impact of Ahorangi: Genesis can be seen in the production of supporting resources that were distributed to other whänau nationally through early childhood education services and primary schools. The uniqueness of the Winitana whänau is now well known, and is illustrated by how they have used their Mäori worldview skills to support whänau who lack that essential support. But, as stated earlier, the whänau is now at a crossroad and are assessing how they can continue to help progress the Mäori language and culture.

Part-way through the interview Chris explained that the younger members of the hapü were preparing for a hui175 that they had called for themselves. The purpose of the hui was to ask and answer a range of questions of each other: What is it that we need to achieve to feel a sense of purpose akin to that realised by our parents? What is our common cause now? What do we need to continue the forward momentum begun by our parents and grandparents?

The answers to these questions are probably reflected in the national status of the Mäori language and, through that, the national status of the Mäori identity today. The 2006 Census reported that 24 percent of all Mäori could hold a conversation in Mäori about everyday things. Comparing that statistic to the Winitana whänau, where 45 out of 49, or 84 percent, of the whänau conduct their full daily interactions as a whänau in the Mäori language, one might argue that their role is blatantly obvious: it is tied to strengthening the Mäori identity on a national scale.

There is a saying that goes “Ka pü te ruha, ka hao te rangatahi”; the pattern of life goes on and the young will eventually take responsibility. Even in a whänau that seems to have it all together, there are always new challenges to be overcome. There is still much for the whänau to achieve and the third wave will find a new pathway forward.

From my point of view, it is absolutely critical that this whänau continue to grow and develop to provide the Mäori worldview leadership that, to me, is clearly its destiny. The members of the third wave are already experiencing their own generational success: appearing regularly as hosts on national television channels and programmes; featuring highly in the Manu Körero competitions; operating successful and entrepreneurial tourist ventures; continuing to develop educational resources; and run and staff their own kura. This continued success will strengthen their role modelling of the Mäori identity in the 21st century.

Summing up of the cost of this to the whänau is counter to the achievements they have gained. No amount of recompense can replace what they see now as the only way things could have been. Priceless. Culture, traditions, working together: all invaluable. And the challenges have been nothing more than mere mounds of earth.

The future of the whänau now sits in the hands of the third generation, who are continuing to learn from their parents and their grandparents. At their hui they asked three critical questions of themselves: What do we need to achieve to feel a sense of purpose akin to that realised by our parents? What is our common cause now? What do we need to continue the forward momentum begun by our parents?

175 Gathering to meet.


I believe that the key outcome of this latest hui is the reaffirmation of a cultural strength that still exists in the hapü as a whole. This is a realisation that evolves only through the hapü taking time to review where they are at and how they can continue moving forward. It is a necessity borne out of the fact that within the multi-faceted make-up of this country there is still very little that identifies and affirms the Mäori culture and language on a national scale. While this situation is slowly changing, the reality for whänau like the Winitana whänau is that their strong identity is evolving outside of the eyes and earshot of mainstream New Zealand.

But I predict that in the final analysis this will be its saving grace anyway: the hapü and others like it will develop a Mäori cultural identity free from the disruption of outside factors. Sure, it will move with the modern times and influences but the hapü will look within itself to consider its perspectives, challenges and solutions. And by this it will continue to ingrain values lost during the colonisation of Aotearoa, something it needs to do on its own terms and in its own time.

This is the legacy of Ahorangi: Genesis.

Tüwharetoa waewae räkau. Tüwharetoa: the agile one who moves with haste and tempo. The impetus continues to move your progeny.


8. taKu Maara, toKu ora traDitionaL KnowLeDge guiDing ConteMPorary

DeveLoPMent

Ko otawa te Maunga

Ko te raParaPa-a-hoe te awa

Ko hei te tuPuna

waitaha te iwi

te arawa te waKa

Ko sanDra PotaKa MÄua Ko Punohu MCCausLanD


8.1 introDuCtionMaranga Waitaha is a philosophy developed by the people of Waitaha. Waitaha are an ancient tribe of Te Arawa and we are utilising our settlement process to re-establish our tribal identity and to reaffirm our mana (authority). Maranga Waitaha is a philosophy developed by Waitaha about our people – ngä wawata, ngä moemoeä a ö tätou tüpuna.

The settlement negotiations are never going to address the injuries that Waitaha experienced at the hands of those whose ideologies were, and are still, different from ours. Engaging with those of different cultures while sustaining our mana and identity is the most effective way forward for our people.

This case study discusses how Maranga Waitaha influences the way we think about who we are as a people, and how we can blend the traditional knowledge of the past into the thinking of today and for the future.

8.2 waitaha – Kei hea Koe, e ngaro neiThe tribe of Waitaha descends from Hei and his son Waitaha who were aboard the waka Te Arawa. We are found in the Bay of Plenty, and our base is at Hei Marae, near Te Puke. We have one marae and we have our people; and we live on a reservation.

The relationships between Waitaha and our natural environment are embedded in traditions derived from a long association with the whenua and its features: ngä maunga (mountains), ngä awa (waterways) and ngä wähi (sites).

The role of Waitaha as kaitiaki (custodian) is an obligation which is not taken lightly. The intervention of Western civilisation has brought about changes in how Waitaha has been able to exercise kaitiakitanga (custodianship). There are spiritual and cultural relationships that are considered on a wider global level. On a day-to-day basis, however, there are also significant relationships between tangata and whenua: mära kai (gardening) is one of the most significant activities that embody the practice of kaitiakitanga. But it is often overlooked because it is so ‘normal’ and so familiar.

The key elements of the Taku Maara, Toku Ora project (my gardening activities will result in wellbeing for us all) deliberately focused on the people of Waitaha. The transfer of knowledge and skills related to maara kai can occur through the:

> ancestral association of Waitaha with our land

> traditional practices of land and resource management embedded in ngä tikanga o Waitaha

> contemporary experiences of our people living on the land at Waitaha.

waitaha

The traditional rohe of Waitaha extended from Hikurangi in Katikati to Otümatawhero along the Papamoa coast. Along with the other tribes affiliated to Te Arawa, Waitaha has an ancestral and ongoing relationship with Maketü, the landing place of Te Arawa.

While Hei was still aboard Te Arawa, he stood and claimed the maunga (mountain) Otawa for his son Waitaha. Otawa represents the mana and mauri (life force) of the tribe Waitaha. Over time, the descendants of Hei and Waitaha travelled extensively, settling


throughout the North and South Islands. The rohe (tribal area) of Waitaha is now around Te Puke, where Otawa is always visible from north, south, east and west.

Otawa has its own spiritual energy and identity; it derives its name from one of the Pou Tokotoko a Ranginui. Otawa was the name of one of the poutiriao used by Tänenui-a-Rangi to separate Ranginui and Papatüänuku.

Respect for te mauri o Otawa is at the heart of the relationship between Waitaha and our ancestral mountain. It is the spiritual symbol of our tribal identity. “Nö mai anö” Waitaha have adhered to the tikanga (values) embodied in their profound respect for their maunga tapu. Otawa sustains the people physically and spiritually. It brings us peace in times of stress, relief from illness and pain, and cleanses and purifies our bodies and souls from the many problems that surround us.

When someone asked, “Kei hea a Otawa?” the old people would wave their arms and say “arä”, signifying that Otawa is much more extensive than a mountain peak but part of the greater Papamoa range. They would say:

E hoki ki ngä maunga kia puhipuhia ai koe e ngä hau o Täwhirimatea.

Return to your mountain to be cleansed spiritually and physically by the winds of Täwhirimatea.

ngä tikanga o waitaha

Ngä tikanga o Waitaha are derived from the relationship that Waitaha has with Ranginui and Papatüänuku. They are a reflection of the relationship of Waitaha with the wider environment. All understanding and körero descends from the heavens. This körero (ie, the treasures) is then suspended from the tähuhu before being translated into wise utterances and conversations. The following whakatauäki of Waitaha describes the inherent link between their ancestral beliefs and the land:

I heke iho i te rangi

te whakairinga o ngä körero me ngä taonga

heke iho i ngä heke

ki ngä poupou

kia pouhia ki te whenua

kia kore ai e taka ki te taha ki te hë176

Waitaha have held steadfast to the tikanga that is the basis of being Waitaha, including:

> He Mauri – recognising the life force of all things

> Mauri ora – symbolising the life principles; ie, the superiority of the wellbeing of man

> Mauri tapu – symbolising and acknowledging the principles and disciplines of emotions and the expression of behaviours

> Whakakaha – to strengthen

> Whakanui – to elevate

176 Translation: All knowledge and understanding are the treasures that descended from the heavens and were established within the tähuhu (main beam) of the meeting house. It is from there that these treasures descend again to the heke (beams connecting the roof to the walls). From the heke they descend again to the poupou (mainstays of the meeting house) where they were firmly implanted at the base, to the land, never to be lost or forgotten.


> Manaaki/äwhina – to care, to nurture, to support

> Te Tihi – the pinnacle of all things

> Ngä Tetekura – descendants; as one tree falls another rises

> Wairua – spiritual wellbeing

> Te Reo me öna ähuatanga katoa o Waitaha – the language of Waitaha, and the disciplines

> Whakapapa – genealogy

> Whanaungatanga – relationships; kinship/blood ties

> Whakapapa ki te whenua – relationships to the land

> Kaitiaki – stewardship/guardianship

> Waiora – health

> Hauoranga – holistic wellbeing

> Mätauranga – knowledge and understanding

> Ngä mea tapu katoa – all things sacred.

Maranga waitaha

Waitaha was once a thriving tribe with land, water, food sources and other resources to support its people. Soon after the raupatu (ie, Crown land confiscations) in Tauranga in the 1870s, Waitaha was almost destitute. Forced into the sale of what is known as the Te Puke block, Waitaha was then settled on a 500-acre reservation to the east of what is now Te Puke township and was granted 1,000 acres to the west. This has split our significant places – unlike other marae settlements, the urupä (cemetery) is to the east of town and Hei Marae, the only marae of Waitaha, is 6km to the west on the other side of town. Much of the 1,500-acre Crown grants had to be sold to keep the people alive.

Waitaha is in the final stages of negotiating the settlement of our historical Treaty of Waitangi claims – Wai 664, 702 and 1175. Waitaha intends to utilise the settlement process to strengthen our Waitaha tribal identity and to reaffirm tribal mana.

Maranga Waitaha is a philosophy developed by Waitaha about the people of Waitaha and the vision our ancestors had for us, “ngä wawata, ngä moemoeä a ö tätou tüpuna”.

There are some basic things that Waitaha is striving for in order to build a positive future for our people including:

> tribal unity

> cultural identity

> social fabric

> an economic base

> to re-establish Waitaha as a political force.

The focus has been on doing what Waitaha can do for Waitaha – recognising that Waitaha cannot rely on anyone else to help them to move on.


8.3 iwi strategiC PLanningIn 2009, Waitaha undertook a strategic planning process with support from Te Puni Kökiri (Ministry of Mäori Development) and the Ministry of Social Development. At workshops held at Hei Marae, the people identified aspirations they wanted achieved for Waitaha. Whänau identified key goals and aspirations that they envisaged for their tamariki and mokopuna. Our people wanted to have healthy, happy whänau; living free from alcohol, drugs and other abuses; they wanted to eat nutritious kai grown on their own land.

Maranga Waitaha is a way to support whänau to achieve those dreams. This means looking for the potential in our people, nurturing their strengths and developing skills and talents while developing initiatives that provide opportunities for self-determination.

From those facilitated workshops, Waitaha developed an Iwi Strategic Plan: Waitaha Toward 2050, and this document is the overall umbrella plan. Other strategies can be attached, including, for instance, strategies and plans to embrace kaupapa such as Hauoranga, Whänau Ora, Mätauranga, Te Reo o Waitaha and economic development.

8.4 taKu Maara, toKu oraIn 2009, Waitaha launched the year-long Taku Maara, Toku Ora mära kai (gardening) project at the Hei Marae Matariki Wänanga, led by the Waitaha Hauoranga Trust. The gardening was coordinated with cooking classes and opportunities for the whänau to participate in healthy activities. The name of the project, Taku Maara, Toku Ora, is in the context that “my gardening activities will result in wellbeing for us all”.

The aim of the Taku Maara, Toku Ora project was to improve nutrition and increase physical activity within the Waitaha iwi whänau and the Hei marae community. This was achieved through investing in programmes that use a community action approach. It focused on increasing fruit and vegetable consumption, better nutrition and more physical activity. The priority group included members of the Waitaha/Manoeka whänau and iwi within the Western Bay of Plenty. Linking this group with other organisations and networks has benefited the overall project.

The kaupapa included helping to establish gardens for individual households and for collectives/whänau groups; a gardening mentoring programme; visiting other sites; and involving whänau members in networking. These activities helped individuals and groups to share knowledge and expertise intergenerationally (between generations), intra-generationally (within the same generation) and cross-generationally (across multiple generations).

Whänau were encouraged to grow the kai that they would eat. Seeds and seedlings were sourced from commercial and personal supplies. Initial support was provided for whänau to establish their maara and some ongoing support was given throughout the year. Although some crops were disappointing, overall, many of the project participants had a surplus which they were able to share with their wider whänau, neighbours and workmates.

This approach has been described as a ‘neighbourhood support’ approach in that it is about people caring for each other, and supporting them on a day-to-day basis within the community. Neighbourhood support should not be focused on crime prevention, but on sustainable relationships within which the kaupapa of whänau is central.


highlights

The participation of the whänau in the project was a definite highlight. People were interested in the project from the outset, because it was created as a response to their own körero in the Waitaha Iwi Strategic Planning workshops.

Although 20 whänau were originally expected to participate in this project, in fact a total of 30 households and nine collectives joined it. Some whänau collectives were formed because the prospect of growing in larger plots of land became more appealing. Sharing seeds, plants, tips and advice has led to many whänau growing plants they have not previously grown, or to try gardening for the first time. Throughout the project anyone who showed an interest was encouraged to establish a garden, attach themselves to a collective or to extend their gardens to include fruit, vegetables and herbs that they had not previously grown.

Project participants became actively involved in networking outside the Manoeka community. Through their interest, the Waitaha project group was able to join Tähuri Whenua and become part of a national network. Making these contacts has benefited the individuals and the core group. It is hoped that continued involvement with Tähuri Whenua will encourage more of our Waitaha whänau to join.

Mentors

Individuals were asked to act as mentors and/or leaders. This allowed less experienced gardeners to seek information and advice from people with gardening expertise.

Each whänau garden group (defined as a collective of households sharing a garden or a cluster of gardens) was also encouraged to nominate a person to be their leader. The project originally focused on recruiting mentors attached to each whänau group with a couple of mentors to be available globally for advice and information. While this was achieved, another level of informal mentoring also developed and this has proven very effective.

8.5 Major issues anD ChaLLengesParticipation was also our biggest issue. The project team started off with a lot of energy and because several members only worked part-time they were able to give a lot of time. Others got on board with the project but were clear that they didn’t want to be involved in any ‘paperwork’ activities. As the project progressed it was difficult to recruit others to provide ongoing project support – the focus of most of our whänau was to grow the kai.

8.6 CritiCaL suCCess faCtors

Land

Land was a critical element for this project. Whänau were encouraged to participate whether they had several hectares available or only a small patio or deck. Each whänau was able to plan their own gardening area and was supported with a central distribution of seeds and seedlings. In some cases the project team was able to provide topsoil, hire equipment or purchase small items that would make their gardening experience a positive one.


funding

The Waitaha Hauoranga Trust provided overall leadership and was able to access funding from the Bay of Plenty District Health Board through the Healthy Eating, Healthy Activities (HEHA) fund. This was critical to be able to provide resources to the participants.

Leadership

Project leadership was a positive factor but also became one of the biggest challenges. As with many projects, at the outset the motivational level was high but declined as people found it more difficult to commit the same level of time. Several of the project team moved into full-time employment which also reduced the time they had available. The project support became inconsistent as a result. However, because the project was a very practical one, the participants were generally able to continue their gardening activities with limited support.

varied activities increased the benefits

Many different activities were undertaken during the project. Although there was a clear focus on growing kai, the people also benefited from hosting workshops, visiting other maara kai sites and looking at similar projects. Visits to other areas and discussing a range of relevant topics with people with more extensive or different experiences was another positive outcome of the project.

On-site workshops were useful as a way to engage with others who had different farming methods and ideas gained through their personal experiences. A core group was very committed to participating in these workshops and was positive about their experiences and what they learnt.

An initial biodynamics and organics workshop with Bonnie Savage was held at Manoeka in August 2009, with a follow-up in October 2009. These included a short presentation on the concepts, an informal discussion, a site visit and an intensive workshop focused on potting up seeds, caring for seedlings and collecting natural matter to use in the gardens.

A tyre-painting workshop for tamariki was held in August 2009 and the tyres have been used in gardens for growing kai. A scarecrow-making workshop for tamariki was also held in September 2009 and the scarecrows placed in whänau/individual gardens. These workshops were held in conjunction with the Waitaha Sunday School programme and were very successful.

networks

Tähuri Whenua, the National Mäori Vegetable Growers’ Collective, has been identified as an ideal network and a long-term relationship will benefit our whänau. A group attended the Tähuri Whenua AGM at Rata Marae in October 2009, which coincided with a visit to Parewahawaha Marae and discussions with the kaumätua there. Another group attended the Tähuri Whenua Hui ä Rohe at Takahanga Marae, Kaiköura in February 2010 and several field trips were organised. This trip included a visit to the Marlborough Wine Institute in Blenheim and different sites around Kaiköura. The visit to the Blenheim community garden enabled some of the project participants to see how an allotments approach to gardening can work.


Another important relationship was developed with Te Papa Täkaro o Te Arawa which has a primary focus on wellbeing and healthy lifestyles. They provided recreational training in traditional Mäori games and have committed to continue doing so.

field trips

A visit to the Mangatawa Nursery near Tauranga showed participants how a shade house could be utilised for different periods in the lifecycle of the gardens.

A group of about 25 people also visited Ruatoki to look at another gardening approach and to participate in a workshop in a site which combines a home garden and a commercial activity. At this visit, the group was able to discuss traditional growing and harvesting methods as well as traditional and contemporary use of vegetables and fruit.

Promoting the project successfully

The most effective methods of promoting the project were face-to-face meetings and word of mouth as people actually saw the progress made with the whänau and collective gardens. Newsletters with updates and gardening tips were distributed regularly and this was appreciated by the project participants. Email messages were also used from time to time to share information and engage with whänau who have internet access.

Providing seeds, plants and other materials to assist our whänau with establishing their gardens was very important for the level of success we wanted to achieve in the project. This kick-start helped a lot of our whänau to become involved and motivated others to participate.

The response of local businesses (ie, businesses in Te Puke and Tauranga) has been very positive. They have shown support for the kaupapa and the project team has built a very positive profile with them. This will benefit the community long term.

8.7 roLe of the ProjeCt in strategiC PLanning for the iwi

A copy of the Iwi Strategic Plan was provided as a backdrop to the funding proposal. More than 40 letters of support were provided to support the application. This, we believe, was critical in achieving funding for the project.

Collaborating with the Hei Marae Committee was also very strategic. This relationship provided stability for the project and a central location for some of the activities. The launch and the closure of the project coincided with the Hei Marae Matariki Wänanga in 2009 and 2010 respectively.

This project was strategically managed as a support activity to services provided by the Waitaha Hauoranga Trust. The clients of the Waitaha Hauoranga Trust were encouraged to participate, and were actively supported by their Hauoranga support workers. It was also managed so that this project linked in with other activities they were coordinating and the services they provided. Although the project focused on the Manoeka community, Waitaha whänau living in and around Te Puke could participate and several did so.

The success of the project has inspired the people and feeds into further planning for the iwi.


8.8 he ara Ki MuaAlthough the project itself has ended, the benefits of it continue. Individuals and households have been encouraged to establish gardens or extend what they already have. This is expected to lead to growing confidence and expertise in gardening as a whänau experience. Collectives have proven to be a very effective way of ensuring successful crops. The cooperative nature of these gardens has inspired several of the landowners to consider donating larger tracts of land for a communal garden or marae garden. Collectivising the gardening effort is the first step toward developing a communal garden specifically for the Manoeka community.

Although whänau at Manoeka tend to have reasonably large home sections, the only tribal land is Hei Marae. Much of the multiple-owned Mäori land at Manoeka is in papakäinga housing, kiwifruit orchards, or has been contracted out for maize production or lying fallow. In the long term, we see our whänau continuing to garden and to eat kai they grow themselves. This is a return to a lifestyle that strengthens our connections to our whenua in a very practical way.

The results of our Maranga Waitaha philosophy can be seen in the maara kai project, in our cooking classes and in the opportunities for the whänau to participate in healthy activities. We have set up a gardening mentoring programme and we got our whänau involved in networking so they could learn what other people are doing.

These are things our whänau wanted to do; and we are doing them.

8.9 aCKnowLeDgeMentsWe would like to acknowledge the elders of Waitaha who provided information, advice and guidance to us all. However, many of them have now passed away. Much of the information for this case study has come from supporting the Waitaha negotiating team working on the settlement of the historical claims of Waitaha.

This case study includes material from our presentation to the 4th International Indigenous Traditional Knowledge Conference, June 2010, Auckland. The theme of the conference was Kei muri i te awe käpara, he tangata kë: Recognising, engaging, understanding difference.


9. the roLe anD status of MÄori Language anD KnowLeDge in eConoMiC DeveLoPMent anD transforMationDave Bassett


9.1 unDerstanDing how ConsuMers MaKe DeCisions aBout BranDs

introduction

If we argue that Mäori language and culture have a role in the economic development and transformation of Mäori, then there are some parameters and definitions that we must first agree on.

The first is that there is an existing market for things Mäori. If we look at New Zealand’s traditional trading behaviour concerning anything remotely connected to Mäori we see it has been rooted in a separatist view. By this I mean that two separate commercial domains existed; the first was European products and services and the other was Mäori products and services. The European stream often made use of Mäori resources but without acknowledging their source.

Mäori commerce consisted of the sale of innately Mäori products (usually artefacts) and services (often tourism). The products of Mäori businesses, such as farm and forestry incorporations, were not identified as Mäori. All other commercial activity consisted of European produce even when it was labelled ‘New Zealand made’. There were few examples of culturally differentiated products and services that we are now seeing emerge.

Other cultures have experienced this ‘cultural differentiation’ process and have embraced the phenomena with spectacular results (the Cajuns of Mississippi are a great example of this type of cultural blending). It is a maturing of attitudes, it is the celebration of difference and it is the ability to embrace who we really are.

the concept of ‘Brand Mäori’

Brand Mäori is a product of our time and by understanding why it exists we can leverage the possibilities it promises. The term ‘Brand Mäori’ is used to describe the deliberate use of anything distinctly and identifiably Mäori to add value to an existing or new product or service.

Until recently there were few known or recognised economic advantages to using Mäori language, Mäori ways or Mäori perspectives, either within New Zealand or globally, other than in tourism or artefacts.

We will see by the case studies that this is no longer the case. There is both real as well as perceived value of staggering economic proportions in the Brand Mäori of New Zealand products and services. We are witnessing the emergence of new brands, products and services that cleverly exploit individual or multiple Mäori elements to great effect. Importantly, this practice has and is occurring equally amongst both Päkehä- and Mäori-owned and operated businesses.

Brand Mäori is deeper than a paint job, it is not cosmetic; Brand Mäori contributes to the flavour, appearance and performance of New Zealand products and sets them apart from all others. It means we can add value to products that can attract a premium because of what they stand for.

The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate why and how Brand Mäori occurs so that the commercial dynamics can be understood and further explored.


Brand Mäori is a ‘hybridising’ of locally made products and services in a way that gives brands a clear source of origin; that is, these are New Zealand brands that are distinctively and proudly Mäori because that is who we are. They display clear Mäori values and attributes.

the enigma of brand value

To understand the economic value of Brand Mäori there are two issues we must first be clear about:

> What exactly is a brand?

> How do consumers make decisions about the brands they purchase?

These two subjects are inseparable. A brand cannot exist without a purchaser and vice versa. Therefore, both exert influence on each other and it is in understanding the component parts as well as acknowledging the relationship between both that provides the answer. In other words, value is a human interpretation and it requires both an object and a perceived need.

what is a brand?

A brand is more than a logo or a name, more than a look or a feel, more than a visual identity system or a colour scheme. A brand is best described as a reputation that exists in the minds of consumers. Businesses do not really own their own brands because their brands exist as ideas that others hold about them. A brand, like a reputation, is the result of a sum of its parts.

a brand as a reputation

A personal reputation is developed through how we behave, what we look like, what we say, where we are seen, where we are not seen, who we associate with, what we believe and what we wear. (As well as many other elements.) You may not own your reputation but you can influence it; you do have control of your own actions.

A brand is simply a reputation that resides in other people’s minds. It is a perception premised on available information or, in the absence of information, assumptions.

the death of advertising as a brand-building tool

In this changing world, brand management is crucial for commercial success. We have lost control of the media as it fragments and multiplies – as more and more information goes online – so we must draw back and control the only domain we can: our reputation.

In practice, brands are built with advocacy, not advertising. What you do and therefore what others say about you is an important subject that I will address in more detail later.

Is it possible to manage what must be a myriad of influential brand reputation elements? Absolutely! It is merely a matter of identifying what you need to manage. To do this you need to understand the core components of a brand (qualities and values) and then the points of exposure or what we call the brand impact points. These are all of the places where the brand is seen or where it engages with consumers, where it will be judged. If you marry these two ideas together you have a process I have called Brand Harmonix™.


taBLe 16: Business harMonix™

where you are now where you neeD to Be how to get there

1 2 3

strategy MoDeLing iMPLeMentation

Mindreader internal

interviews

Mindreader external

interviews

Workshop Strategy document

Brand architecture

Brand name development

Visual identity

Presentation Collateral audit

Comms programme

Launch

Products

Premises

People

Promotions

Publications

© 2008 The term Business Harmonix and the Business Harmonix process is proprietary to BrandNew Pacific Limited

Why do consumers engage with a brand in the first place and how do we decide to buy or not?

If we can understand the science of decision-making then we will truly gain the means to control how we should conduct ourselves, how we should build businesses, products and brands. It is within this very process that we find the growing significance of Brand Mäori and the appeal and the value it now holds for our commerce.

Brands can be constructed with methodology. Have a clear and well-articulated process to follow.

In 2002 a researcher called Bugental asserted that humans have five domains or “bodies of knowledge that act as guides to partitioning the world and that facilitate the solving of recurring problems”.177 These drivers are inherent and while personality types add colour to this model, we are slaves to these primary principles. These five drivers are like gravity, they form an unseen, constant force that keeps us together and influences all we do:

1. We will always gravitate towards communities.

2. There will always be a hierarchy within every community.

3. We will always want to belong within our community.

4. We will always feel an obligation of responsibility to our community.

5. We will always want to increase the numbers of our community.

The primary driver of almost every purchasing decision we make has a social basis.

word of mouth

Communicating by ‘word-of-mouth’ is still the most powerful business building tool. When you ask almost anyone where most new business leads come from they will say ‘word-of-mouth’.

177 Moskowitz, G.B. (2005) Social Cognition: Understanding self and others. Guildford Press, New York.


We would rather believe gossip than scientific fact. Gossip has been the greatest of human inventions and it is gossip that oils the ‘social cogs’. If you are to build a great business you will need a great word-of-mouth strategy.

Most purchasing decisions we make are fundamentally emotional but are almost always justified intellectually. Intellectual justification does not always provide a transparent motive for our actions. The overriding drivers of most purchases will be social unless issues of immediate comfort or safety become a priority, but even these are prone to social pressures.

all value is perceptual

There are four primary constituents of value:

> desire (or need)

> performance (fit for purpose)

> trust (reliability)

> availability (convenience).

It has been suggested that people purchase fundamentally for two reasons:

> good feelings

> solutions to problems.

Value can be best described as an expressed desire (motivation) to obtain an object of either limited supply of superior performance or particular significance. Supply can be as much to do with convenience (how easy it is to obtain) as it is to do with availability (can I get it at all). Lack of availability, either contrived or circumstantial, will affect value as much as performance and significance. (I want it but I can’t get it; therefore it is rare and more valuable.)

Value can be a measure of this fluctuating escalation of desire. All value is perceptual and determined by the degree of emotional attachment the subject has to the object of desire; the higher the emotional attachment the greater the perceived value. The greater the perceived value the greater the price consumers are willing to pay.

the principle of commoditisation

With a flood of similar products comes commoditisation. Commoditisation drives prices down. Commoditisation is spawning two new types of product categories:

> masstige brands (ie, mass prestige); desirable products we willingly pay a premium for

> masschic brands (ie, mass trendy); popular products that are relatively inexpensive.

Indirect competition is now a greater threat than direct competition, which makes old marketing practices increasingly less effective. For example, today the furniture manufacturer competes with the airline as much as his or her direct ‘furniture’ competitors; it is all about perceived relative value; all expenditure today is much more discretionary.


Brands that succeed

The appeal of a brand is determined by some or all of the following performance attributes:

> technically better

> functionally superior

> highly desirable

> an element of artisan

> an element of intrigue

> personality inspired

> experience focused

> evidence of performance

> apparent value

> brand consistency

> differentiated.

For businesses to succeed, they must now express crucial points of difference. Newly differentiated brands are recognised as being either ‘masstige’ or ‘masschic’ products and services or they are in danger of being perceived as commodities. Brands in these categories display a number of performance characteristics that make them highly desirable.

the age of recommendation

Humans have always sought recommendations from others they can trust; it is a significant part of decision-making. The old adage describes this well: people do business with those they like and trust.

Word-of-mouth is the most common form of recommendation. It is no longer limited to face-to-face conversations, phone calls, radio shows and letters; it now forms the basis of all social media.

Brands are built with advocacy

Business is therefore built with advocacy, not advertising. Advertising was the dominant communication mechanism in the brand-building landscape from the 1950s onwards. But it is now struggling with the advent of online communication. Social media, email, text messaging, Twitter and Facebook are all the new media for gossip. This new technology means that gossip is about to become a global rather than a village phenomenon, with fresh potency.

As choice becomes more complex and difficult, humans will seek the advice of friends and colleagues. It is also for this reason that face-to-face retailing will be with us for a long time yet.


Mäori communities prefer the spoken word. Speaking on the marae, storytelling and the respect for the wisdom and orating skills of the kaumätua all have roots in cultures without the written word (a very recent invention). The spoken word has a power within Mäori communities that all New Zealanders understand and respect.

Spoken language is a rich conveyor of information. Intonation, eye contact and body language are loaded with meaning that we humans have evolved to detect.

Price

When these factors are all blended together and the product is placed within a market (an identified audience) then the sale takes place; goods or services are exchanged for an agreed price. The price (the cost of procurement) is determined by both parties; what the seller is prepared to accept and what the purchaser is prepared to pay. Whether a price is fixed or not, this principle is always in effect.

A ‘market’ is best described as an ‘existing community with shared and agreed values’.

identity

Brand Mäori is an expression of the Mäori identity in action. It is increasingly visible as the Mäori experience becomes more valued. This means that symbols (such as those that are used on fashion-wear, for example), stories (the movie Boy) and ways of doing business (such as whänau-based tourism ventures) are appreciated by an ever-increasing number of people because they have greater perceived value and/or meaning.

New Zealand as a nation is growing up. As we seek to find our place in the world there has been a fresh impetus on defining who we really are.

Mäori have a rich and unique history that they are reclaiming. As Mäori reassert their rights to their own identity, custom and language they are gaining an increasing awareness of just how special their identity is. Päkehä are now a part of the Mäori story just as Mäori must be a part of the Päkehä story. The New Zealand community exists and the culture and values are shared; they must be or the community cannot coexist.

Brands as tokens and icons

These are distinguishing rituals, phrases, songs, designs and objects of meaning and value. Not surprisingly, many of these things are rooted in Mäoridom because things Mäori are unique and are found nowhere else. Brands have become the new regalia that define and express who we are; they define our tribal or community affiliations. Because we have choice we gravitate towards brands of meaning, especially when we have a strong emotional attachment to the products and services. The products and services we purchase are as much functional as they are iconic; they perform a task but also express who we are. Brands say something about us. Brands are the icons and the rallying point for new communities; they define ritual, custom, language and behaviour. Brands are both definable and defensible.

We are about to look at only four Mäori businesses that have made their identity a point of difference. Their brands connect in spectacular ways. They are only a tiny sample of a new stable of truly New Zealand brands that are emerging. To understand the dynamics of these new brands we need to look at the way the business owners have approached brand building and talk to consumers about how they connect with the brands.


We must also acknowledge that many inherent Mäori values are fundamentally different from Western values, but we can all embrace their different ways of thinking. In the face of the Western world’s ‘financial collapse’, these Mäori values are starting to look very attractive indeed:

> tribal land is sacred and not for sale

> children are the responsibility of tribe, not the property of parents

> respect your elders

> you carry your ancestry with you.

Just as reggae or zydeco describes a musical sound and beat (a rhythm; a collection of instruments; a sound with geographic roots), Mäori is a distinctive blend of culture and language rooted in Aotearoa. It has a look, a feel, a sound and a taste that is uniquely ours. Great brands are discovered and then adopted. There is a world hungry for new discoveries. Authentic brands of great value, brands that force us to think differently, brands that are unique but describe who we are and what we stand for. This is our opportunity.

What we must ensure is that we protect and nurture what makes us unique.

9.2 exaMPLes of new MÄori BranDsNothing better helps us to understand the role and status of Mäori language and knowledge in economic development and transformation than seeing it in action. The following businesses are only four amongst a far greater number of Mäori-branded businesses. By talking to the founders and owners, a distinct pattern of thinking and behaviour emerges. Each of these businesses could have existed without the Mäori dimension and, for their competitors, it is the one factor that is missing. What is evident is that the Mäori dimension has transformed ordinary businesses into extraordinary businesses.

Kaitaia fire new Zealand’s award-winning, iconic chilli sauce

Kaitaia Fire Ltd was established in 1989 by Garry Sommerville (Ngä Puhi) on a five-acre organic farm in the Far North of New Zealand. Garry had been granted government funding, as he puts it, to get himself off the dole and into gainful employment. No-one else was growing chilli peppers on this scale so this would be a steep learning curve.

To make red pepper sauce the harvested peppers need to be ground and then barrel-brewed in brine for two years before being cooked and bottled.

“The business was kind of an accident; my vision at that stage was to do something that kept me up North where I could go fishing and surfing, and work in my own time, work for myself and be my own boss and hopefully not have to put too much time and effort and money into it.

“It was working well, and then I thought that what we needed as a business, and what I felt New Zealand needed, was an iconic sauce. It was a long time before I had any returns coming in but it was good because I had that time to do the research on bottles and labels. And when it was finally ready, because I was working with a food technologist, it was a good sauce.”


People liked it; it was relatively simple to make and easy to bottle and slap on a label. But red chilli sauce is not unique. What Garry wanted was a sauce we could call our own. There was nothing more Kiwi than kiwifruit so Garry set about developing a new recipe using kiwifruit and mänuka honey.

“Every country in the world makes a red hot sauce but no-one has a hot kiwifruit sauce, particularly one with mänuka honey in it which guaranteed it was only ever going to be made here. I guess we have piggy-backed off that image with the name and in America, because of the nature of the ingredients, it’s exotic; it’s from an exotic place to them and it’s got an exotic label. Whether or not they have any idea that it’s something to do with Mäori I have no idea but I like to think that we might be telling them a little bit about our place here anyway.”

To ensure that this was a New Zealand chilli sauce, Garry sought help from a few trusted friends. “A guy I was working with at the Trade Development Board suggested the name Waha Wera. Kaitaia Fire sounded good, but Waha Wera was really good. It’s not quite a literal translation meaning ‘hot mouth’ but it is close enough.

“I was very happy with what my first label designer had done so I went back to him and that’s his design, the tiki which we’ve appropriated. I felt encouraged to do that through my own background: being a Ngä Puhi descendant.

“We won a lot of awards with Waha Wera both here and in America because it was so distinctive. The red sauce, the Kaitaia Fire, outsells Waha Wera here by a ratio of about 10 to one which is I think a reflection on the fact that Kiwis don’t like eating kiwifruit. It might be a luxury item overseas but not here. In America it’s the other way around.”

Only 10 percent of the sauces are exported. The product is consumed mainly within New Zealand. Everything Garry makes is sold and, with a two-year wait, it is not easy to scale up or increase production even if more is requested. Garry is content with the business and has no aspirations of building a chilli sauce empire. He has had numerous requests to supply product into the US but his enterprise simply can’t supply in the quantities required.

“We sell everything we can make. Our biggest hold up, the only thing holding us back, is production. We’ve increased our volumes probably by between 10 and 20 percent every year since we’ve started. So we’re doing good volumes now – this place is chocka block. To sell more and to ramp it up; I mean, that’s a big investment of money which is a gamble. I’m comfortable with the way I am now in terms of my work and lifestyle balance. Eventually somebody will buy the brand off me, somebody young with ambition and hopefully wads of cash.”

Chilli sauces are a commodity. There are many boutique brands in New Zealand but none enjoy the iconic status of Kaitaia Fire. As Garry admits, it has little to do with the sauce or the recipe. “The name was a stroke of genius really. It’s the best thing probably going for it. Any stock that I’ve got or the capital assets are far superseded by the value of the brand I would say.”

Garry is every bit an entrepreneur. The evidence of his commercial success is crammed into his Glenfield factory but is better understood by his talking to his loyal customers. His is a business with massive commercial prospects.

“The potential for overseas sales is limitless. It wouldn’t be hard to saturate the market here. I always said I’d be happy if there was a bottle in every household in the country. We’ve probably sold enough now to be at that point. This year has been the biggest year we’ve ever done.


“So sales are good here and continuing to increase. I went on my own fact-finding thing to New York and it was mind boggling. The scale of it; I mean, it’s no good me going to someone like Safeway or even Whole Foods or those supermarket chains because they’ve got thousands of outlets and they all want a pallet each. There’s no way we can produce a thousand pallets out of here. We had a firm order recently from Australia; they wanted six pallets and I couldn’t even do that.”

What this business model clearly illustrates is a potential for success in the most modest of people and places. It is, however, premised on taking a popular product and clothing it in an indigenous cloak. While the process has been anything but slick or corporatised, the name, the ingredients, the passion, the labour and the place of origin are undeniably genuinely home-grown. This is not a Mäori sauce but it is a New Zealand chilli sauce and it is the beautifully casual and understated nature of label, the Mäori place names and the tiki that give it a birthplace. If you visit the website you will hear the voice of a friend you’ve never met, cheeky, informal and very familiar. Even the use of the Mäori design is discreet. It does not blatantly cash in on its Mäori heritage; rather, it cleverly assumes it almost in passing.

“Kaitaia Fire was just something I was going to do until I got my real job back but now I’ve got a tiger by the tail and I haven’t managed to cast it off yet.”

ruakurï Cave Den of Dogs – a new spectacular tourism venture in waitomo

According to Mäori history, Ruakurï cave was discovered by a hunter around 500 years ago. The name Ruakurï literally translates to mean two dogs although the cave became known as Ruakurï; the den of dogs. Legend tells that when it was discovered by a Mäori hunter he was attacked by a pack of 20 wild dogs that had made a home in the cave. The fleeing hunter threw his catch of pigeons to the dogs and made his escape only to return with reinforcements to destroy the resident pack. From then until the early 1900s the cave has served as both a fishing ground and a burial ground for the local Mäori.

It was Mäori who initiated the first tourism forays into the nearby world-famous Waitomo glowworm cave. This ended when the Government annexed the caves as one of New Zealand’s prime tourism locations. Today the caves are operated by Tourism Holdings as one of a suite of tourist ventures on offer in the area. With 400,000 tourists passing through the cave each year the pressure has forced local operators to think hard about different caving experiences.

James Holden, a local Mäori, owned land that backed onto a local reserve containing the entrance of the Ruakurï caving system. Holden was keen to open the Ruakurï cave


to tourists, as a survey showed that much of the cave lay under his farm, but he was thwarted by government officials who once more claimed ownership of the caves.

In a now famous court case, Holden discovered a little-known Roman law that had crept into our statutes which proved he in fact owned the land under his farm all the way to the centre of the earth. With his rights to the caves assured he then needed to work with the Department of Conservation (DOC) to secure access into the caves from the Crown reserves.

DOC was not the greatest hurdle for Holden; his plans were next thwarted by his own tribe. The desecration of the caves by vandals forced the tribe to insist on wähi tapu and forbade any further access into the cave entrance.

Holden knew the founder of The Legendary Black Water Rafting Company who had brokered access into a river that flowed through part of Ruakurï cave directly under his farm. As this venture had been sold to Tourism Holdings, Holden suggested that dialogue with the new owners might throw some light on how the caves might be developed. This discussion culminated in the forging of a remarkable relationship between Holden, the local tribe, Tourism Holdings and DOC. Together the parties worked on a plan to turn Ruakurï into what is now one of New Zealand’s most remarkable tourism experiences.

To protect the now-tapu cave entrance, a new entrance was drilled from the surface. This new access was linked to the cave by a horizontal shaft. A series of solid and suspended floorways were installed to reduce the impact on the natural formations and enhance the experience for adventurers. The results are spectacular, not only in what has been achieved but also the manner in which it was built.

Each day, the workers – many of them local guides – had to swim in wetsuits to work through a labyrinth of drowned caves. They removed 2,500 wheelbarrow loads of debris and 2,500 cubic metres of concrete and steel were installed, all by hand. Secreted theatre-style lighting turns the underground journey into a breathtaking hour-and-a-half adventure that anyone in ordinary street wear can comfortably enjoy.

Human imagination, clever engineering and great storytelling have created a fresh cave experience, unique to Ruakurï. Ruakurï the adventure was built, not discovered. As John Ash, founder of The Legendary Black Water Rafting Company, describes it:

“The ‘wow factor’ is obviously a key thing for tourism. The engineering feat of establishing the entrance structure and the manner in which it has been lit and worked with, I think it creates a wow to start with. Then another door opens and you enter a pipe tunnel. We have the lights in it so it’s spurring you on into a world of mystery. When you get to the top of the drum passage people turn the corner and when the first formations are lit up they just go, ‘wow’ because the formation is so beautiful. So in the drum passage itself we have 140 metres, I think it is, of quite spectacular formation.

“When you get to the end of that, all they know is there is a rushing river with a void beneath; and people feel they could be 200 feet up in the air. So that’s another place they go, ‘Whoa, what’s happening here?’ They head off onto the suspension walkway and the first thing they notice is this thing is up in the air; it is only held up by these thin cables. They may see a Black Water Rafting trip go beneath them; it is a very impressive sight. As they move through the cave it is like a good book; each area of the cave is like another chapter and they are all different. I think this is one of the best things about the caves; it’s got lots of texture to it as people go through it; it builds up apprehension.”


Ruakurï is ‘underground theatre’ and it is intrinsically a Mäori story and a spiritual experience. Without the Mäori lens Ruakurï as a tourism venture would not exist – a fact all of the other partners in the project willingly admit.

“We are gathering up the cultural history of the cave because the wähi tapu still exists and then of course you have the legend of Ruakurï itself; the den of dogs. We are linking together the illusion to mythology of various Mäori entities: the sky father, Täne the forest, and tracing that water right through Täne into the earth, Papatuanuku. Hence in the development we actually have water dripping onto a rock at the bottom. There is a huge amount of respect for the role that the various elements have to play within the development of the cave itself and hopefully people will leave with that respect.”

The fact that the cave is wahi tapu is part of the story. Before leaving the cave the Mäori ritual of washing hands, as a sign of respect to those buried in the caves, is explained to each party. This opportunity is offered at the dripping stone. Tourists are under no obligation or pressure to do so. However we noticed that everyone in our party washed their hands.

The cave has a 25-million-year-old history and, as John Ash describes it, when this history – both natural and human – is told from a Mäori perspective it is transformed from the ordinary to the extraordinary. This is an extraordinary brand, not just for Mäoridom but for New Zealand and tourism.

Spending four million dollars on the cave does not guarantee a financial windfall. Tourism Holdings decided to embark on the investment because of those involved, who are all experts in their fields. The parties’ collaboration was essential, and will remain essential if long-term financial harvest is to happen.

Robert Tahi is both the caves manager and a member of the local hapü. He makes this point: “The fact that you’ve got Mäori and Crown together as owners with a commercial enterprise; all together, the three of them in a very successful enterprise, has made the partnership that much stronger.”

The numbers speak for themselves. On opening in 2005 the caves were expected to accommodate up to 25,000 visitors but the annual throughput is 36,000. This is well short of 400,000 visits to Waitomo caves, but with a premium price almost twice that of those iconic glow-worm caves, the venture has an exciting future.

Tourism Holdings has recently spent another $14 million on a stunning piece of architecture at the entrance to the glow-worm cave. This is the gathering place for their stable of Waitomo cave experiences: Waitomo Glowworms, Aranui, Ruakurï and The Legendary Black Water Rafting Company. The return is expected to be at least 14 percent on the investment and in 21 years the infrastructure is returned to the local tribe.

Robert Tahi is very aware of the responsibility this places on the hapü and 90 percent of the staff employed are local Mäori. Ruakurï is a Mäori story and the authenticity of the experience is enriched with Mäori telling the story themselves. Robert says it is imperative for a number of reasons:

“I think what we want to do more than anything is to protect the resource. We don’t want this resource overused and that can happen.” Monitoring and managing the resource will protect the future asset, both natural and human, and is of central concern to the owners.


“We’ve got all of the different aspects that owners want protected and monitored. The guides can look at a screen and see what the CO2 level is, see how many people are going in, we see what the temperature is and look at the flood levels. Guides also need to know that their visitors are being looked after so we screen our visitors to see if they like it and if we’re doing the right thing by them.”

Half a million visitors pass through Waitomo each year and only 12 percent of these are New Zealanders. This is a significant percentage of the nearly 2.5 million visitors we get to our shores each year. Ruakurï is an experience that goes beyond dropping down a hole in the ground; it is a spiritual experience, a world-class product with international appeal; it is a brand that has growing investment potential that is yet to be realised.

Clever, sophisticated, compelling, exemplary and inherently Mäori, Ruakurï is the new face of New Zealand tourism.

©

Kia Kaha wearing our hearts on our sleeves

Founded in 1994 by Matene and Kristen Love as a clothing company that creates and showcases distinctive Mäori designs, Kia Kaha has become an iconic New Zealand apparel brand. This has been a family affair and it wasn’t long before his brother Dan and his wife Charmaine bought into the business.

Charmaine had a passion for fashion design. The business started by supplying T-shirts and tracksuits at hui, conferences and temporary market stalls and then changed up a gear.

“In 1994 we made the decision to create our own designs, with some following traditional philosophies and kaupapa but certainly not taken straight out of a traditional design piece. Every design has a story and certainly when I’m designing it I know what I want to create. Not only the design but the story as well and we find that’s a very important part of the sale. Some people will buy a T-shirt because of the meaning of the design. Like the ‘Manaia’ is often given as a gift as it’s seen as a guardian and protector over those who wear it. Each design is part of a particular story and these are increasingly being purchased by people travelling overseas. We always try and incorporate the design’s story because people want to know.”


In 1997 they set up shop in Wellington as well as venturing into the mail-order business. Dan noticed that the demand and interest was shifting from traditional sportswear, such as Canterbury and Carisbrooke clothing, to Kia Kaha teamwear. Sporting organisations, schools, kapa haka groups and even businesses were all looking for a casual, streetwear-style New Zealand wardrobe with a difference. The Kia Kaha designs then caught the eye of national sporting organisations.

In 2000 the demand from wholesalers encouraged Kia Kaha to supply retail outlets. The brand was rapidly moving from the sportsfields to become a streetwear brand. With the demand growing the number of outlets quickly grew nationwide, to more than 50.

By 2003 it became evident that the bold and distinctive Mäori designs were as much a fashion statement as they were a New Zealand brand. Charmaine Love, under her own name, developed and launched a fashion line that became an overnight success. She won the coveted Supreme Award at the New Zealand Style Pasifika fashion awards.

It wasn’t just the judges who were impressed. Local celebrities realised this was a label that made a statement about who they were. Grant Roa modelled a custom-designed korowai-inspired outfit at the red-carpet premieres of Whale Rider in London, New York, Los Angeles and Chicago. International interest in the label was now ignited and many celebrities became proud Kia Kaha wearers. Kia Kaha was now a global brand.

“The brand is strong. The positive aspect of the brand is that it’s recognised now and it’s accepted and sought after. For us it’s about wholesaling a lot more. We still do teamwear, because a lot of groups, clubs and schools are choosing Kia Kaha. They love the designs that Charmaine does. Also, our service and delivery are great, because when you’re only a small player in that market you need to perform.”

Charmaine has recently returned from the US where she negotiated an exclusive arrangement with Ambrosia, a leading American fashion house, for release in their Atlanta, Dallas, New York and Los Angeles showrooms.

“A lot of it is to do with Charmaine’s designs. There’s a younger Mäori market that likes the full-on great designs such as the Taha Warrior; it’s an in-your-face design. But we had the idea that we wanted Kia Kaha to have a presence right across the board with more subtle designs as well. The other important aspect is the quality of the product; that’s been paramount.”

In 2004 Michael Campbell, New Zealand’s top golfer, turned down a lucrative contract with Nike™ in favour of supporting the Kia Kaha brand. Such was Campbell’s commitment to his roots and to what he believes is the “strength and courage” that Kia Kaha design exudes. In 2005 the brand got international exposure once again when Michael won the US Open in a Kia Kaha Mangopare design shirt. Internet orders went ballistic, climbing over 27,000 percent, with most orders coming from the US and European markets.

“The pleasing thing is the amount of people who have accepted it and have come on board with Kia Kaha, particularly sporting organisations and groups. There have been schools that I would never have thought would have supported it. Who would have thought that some of these high-profile or well-known, elite boy schools would want a Mäori design on their garments? That has been a highlight for us.

“Michael winning the US Open obviously has been a highlight; Charmaine’s fashion awards have been a highlight. But, you know, generally it’s just seeing people who are coming in and buying the gear in the shops.


“A lot of the people we’ve wholesaled to are based all over the country. In 1995/96 they wouldn’t have a bar of our gear; they said it wasn’t going to sell, as they didn’t have many Mäori customers so it’s not going to move, and doors were closed on me. Those same people are now wanting the gear. What that has shown me is that people, and not only shop owners but their customers as well, are changing. That’s the exciting part.”

It has become the apparel brand of a nation where other iconic apparel brands such as Line 7 and Canterbury have failed. It is not sailing or rugby that makes us who we are but our own unique and distinctive indigenous culture.

Boy

a new Zealand film phenomenon

Boy is set in 1984 on the rural East Coast of New Zealand. It is a feature film that grew out of an Oscar-nominated short film by Taika Waititi. As the film’s producer Ainsley Gardiner puts it:

“The story of Boy was based on Taika’s experiences of growing up in Waihau Bay. It’s not autobiographical but it just draws on and is inspired by the people he knows, the places he knows and the things that were a part of his growing up. It’s a story of children growing up in an adult world without many adults around.”

It is the story of a young Mäori boy whose hero is Michael Jackson. He lives with his grandmother, his younger brother Rocky and cousins in Waihau Bay. Like all children he idolises his father (a sad character who spends much of his time behind bars) and the memory of his mother who died giving birth to Rocky. It is a New Zealand story drawn on rich memories of a time many of us can remember and identify with. There is a power in the telling of this story that hits us at a very personal and intimate level.

“What is significant is the authenticity – the storytelling and the universal truths. Being disappointed by your father, worshipping your father, being in love with a girl who doesn’t know you exist, the love you have for your friends. Boy presents really common universal things and that’s what audiences respond to worldwide. What makes it so special for


New Zealanders is the fabric and the texture of the landscape and the sound of the voices and the colour of the faces; they are all very, very familiar as well.

“People want to see it; it won Audience Award in Sydney this month. It won a Jury Prize in Berlin. It went down really well in the States at Sundance. It’s not quite comedy, it’s not quite drama, it’s not quite a kids’ movie, it’s not just for adults; it’s indescribable.”

Boy is now the most successful New Zealand movie ever; something happened with this movie that we have not seen before.

It is best described as ‘ownership’. New Zealanders, Päkehä and Mäori, have taken ownership of a story that is ‘us’, the good with the bad, the funny and the sad, the proud moments and the embarrassing. Ainsley says, “The main thing about that is it can’t be superficial, what is Mäori can’t be superficial. It actually has to resonate deeply. Going to Te Kaha, where we’re from, gave a sense of authenticity and ownership to the project, and I think that shows.”

The producer has gone to extraordinary lengths to work in with the local community and customs. Not because it was easier or to please the locals but because she felt that the story and the film would fall short if the ‘tikanga’ was not respected.

“I think tikanga is a living, breathing thing as well which I think changes and I think that tikanga is about the way that a tribe operates to protect those things that are important to it. So it’s not like the law; it’s not hard and fast and I think that good relationships and good intentions will ensure the best result for all parties anyway.

“I think there is an active softening of ideals. It’s by osmosis, by the very fact that you’re surrounded by those sorts of things. My kids are growing up; they’ll be bilingual, Mäori language classes with non-Mäori children; at schools where Mäori is very much part of their day-to-day life. They’re not afraid of it; they’re not confronted by it. So, because of this environment, in 20 years’ time, we’ll have New Zealanders who find this second nature; they will consider tikanga or tribal politics just as a matter of course in their day-to-day life.”

This film is undeniably a commercial success. People have voted with their wallets.

“One of our next films will definitely be a Mäori film full of Mäori characters doing Mäori things. In fact it could be a Mäori language film. If we happen to do it in Mäori language we’ll be able to say this is a film for New Zealanders because it will have subtitles and it will still resonate on an emotional level with them. Mäori film is worth investing in, but it has to be an original. It means you actually fill it with the authenticity of being Mäori, otherwise it won’t resonate because it won’t feel authentic.

“Film making parallels the state of our nation and I think Mäori as a whole have been on a path of strengthening, purging, reconnecting for some time.

“We are being unashamedly whoever we are. There are parallels in film making but I still think that until there is a deep connection between being a New Zealander and having ownership over what it is to be Mäori, whether you’re Mäori or not, there will be an awkwardness in our film making in general.”


9.3 the eConoMiC vaLue of MÄori CuLture anD Language

All value is perceptual. What one person attaches great value to can be of no value to someone else. Economic value assumes there is a market that is willing to pay for goods and services in the first place. It also assumes that the market is definable and within any community exists a shared agreement of values. While New Zealand is a distinct community that can be considered a market, it is by no means homogeneous. As the world shrinks, market dynamics are changing. There are global markets of truly staggering size and opportunities that reach far beyond our shores.

The most powerful drivers of all are social and the need to belong. New Zealanders – like everyone else – are being thrust into a global community where identity is a crucial aspect of understanding who we are, where we fit and what we are able to do.

If we are to protect what is rightfully ours then we need to define it and ensure its economic value can also be assessed. The danger of not doing this is predation by offshore businesses. In 2001 the Danish toy giant Lego ‘borrowed’ Mäori names for a computer game and series of toys it launched called Bionicle. Only after the threat of legal action did Lego back down as they feared a consumer backlash. In the end, Mäori representatives and Lego worked together to find a solution.

In a BBC article, New Zealand barrister Maui Solomon is reported to have said: “Lego was taking bits and pieces [of our language] and sticking it all together to make a bit of a menagerie of toys, which projected what they saw as a sort of wonderful kind of culture of good versus evil.”

Roma Hippolite, Chief Executive Officer of Ngäti Koata Trust, attended meetings with Lego executives.

“We want to have a code of conduct; we know that other indigenous people around the world want to have a code of conduct. It’s not to protect and isolate but to make sure that appropriate recognition is given where due. Having Mäori culture represented correctly could be a powerful tool for Mäori.

“If an agreement can be made and the stories and the names are used appropriately so you couldn’t put the name tohunga [a spiritual advisor and healer] where it didn’t belong, then there can be a whole generation of kids around the world who get to know and understand about things Mäori.”

This demonstrates the vulnerability of Mäori culture and language. If we are to protect things Mäori then we must agree upon the values and principles that define our community. The distinctive and easily identifiable aspect of our culture and language is Mäori; it can be found nowhere else in the world. It is an integral part of who we are and is a defining dimension that seems clearer to others than to ourselves.

The challenge for us all is to more clearly define the attributes of the culture and attempt to enshrine these for use with our products and services. These cultural values are what drive our nation’s wealth and are the most visible representations of who we are and what we stand for.

New Zealand’s future may also hinge on the charitable nature of Mäori. Are they willing to share aspects of their culture with Päkehä? There are signs that they are. Already, Päkehä have adopted the haka as ‘ours’, seemingly with the apparent blessing of Mäoridom. The haka is a ritual of national significance but not just Mäori significance.


The haka has become a recognised rugby ritual that qualifies the importance of the game.

© Dompost

why does the world need Mäori?

Many people are looking over their shoulders to a time when the values that protected and nurtured our communities were enshrined in our culture and belief systems. Mäori beliefs are universal with many other ancient cultures but Mäori have their own interpretations, their own laws, which make them unique. These laws still have traction today. Increasingly, people are looking to these old world laws for guidance.

The sacredness of land, the respect shown for ancestry, the responsibilities of the tribe, the significance of food and the desire to make haste slowly are all principles that are coming full circle. The world is ready for some fresh guiding principles, particularly when they have been ‘proven over time’. We can’t pay lip service to our culture, it requires acknowledgement and respect.

These cultural norms become important wherever they are used to create and sell our products and services. Commerce is an essential aspect of communicating the value of our culture. We are familiar with ‘corporate culture’ and this principle is no different. We can determine and capture all aspects of our cultural framework so that guidelines can be created. What will be important is:

> authenticity

> trust

> quality.

These are absolutes. In a world where every product category is oversubscribed and differentiation is essential, our identity will provide us with a real competitive advantage.

There is no need to embark on a start-up campaign because the Mäori lens can be applied to almost any business, including existing businesses.


The process has begun, as Air New Zealand’s latest advertising campaign demonstrates.

We can confidently say that Mäori culture and language is above all our country’s greatest asset. The sooner we can acknowledge this, the richer we will be as a nation.


10. ConCLusionDr Kathie irwin raKaiPaaKa, ngÄti Porou, ngÄti Kahungunu


I want, so much, for all our whänau to be self-determining, to be living healthy lifestyles, to be participating fully in society but, more importantly in te Ao Mäori, to be economically secure, cohesive, resilient and strong. That requires all of us to step up to the mark, to engage the disengaged, and to embrace the alienated.

Source: Hon Tariana Turia, Minister Whänau Ora, Speech to Iwi Leaders Forum, 19 August 2010

10.1 why we unDertooK this worKIf you stay with the same old thing over and over, you don’t get anywhere.

Nobel Prize Winner, Muhammad Yunus178

Little contemporary research explores the breadth and depth of whänau success through narrative accounts of Mäori living as Mäori. Much of the existing research on whänau draws on Western models and focuses on whänau failure, problems and deficiencies. Whilst that research details a significant part of the whänau experience, it is not the whole story.

This report presents contemporary narrative accounts of whänau, hapü, iwi and Mäori succeeding as Mäori. Publicising these accounts to the wider community will allow us to learn from them.

10.2 te KöMihana Ä whÄnau strategiC fraMeworK 2009–2012

Te Kömihana ä Whänau, Families Commission has developed a Whänau Strategic Framework 2009–2012. Its overarching goal is to support whänau to achieve a state of whänau ora or total wellbeing. Early in 2009, Te Kömihana ä Whänau engaged with whänau, Mäori service providers and researchers, iwi entities and Mäori providers and organisations, to discuss its whänau strategy. Te Kömihana received four clear messages through this engagement:

> Whänau ora is a non-negotiable outcome.

> Listen to the voices of whänau.

> Speak out for vulnerable whänau.

> Inform best practice.

To achieve strong partnerships with its stakeholders, the Commission is developing an operating environment which ensures that it:

> listens to the voices of whänau

> understands the needs, values and beliefs of Mäori as tangata whenua, as required under Section 11(a) of the Families Commission Act 2003

> promotes and maintains whänau strength and resiliency

> promotes whänau ora through advocacy, engagement, policy advice and research.

178 Prasso, S. (2007). “Saving the world with a cup of yoghurt,” Fortune, 155(2): 44–49.


10.3 aLignMent of the whÄnau strategiC fraMeworK 2009–2012

Te Kömihana ä Whänau considers that the Whänau Strategic Framework 2009–2012 creates a unique integrated platform across a number of taskforces, namely: the Whänau Ora Taskforce, the Mäori Economic Taskforce and the Taskforce for Action on Violence within Families. The platform enables them to take a sustainable developmental approach, which is positioned within a quadruple reporting framework: economic, social, cultural and environmental.

The sustainability promoted in the alignment is:

> grounded in mätauranga Mäori, Mäori knowledge

> based on a kaupapa Mäori approach, a Mäori philosophical and methodological approach

> inclusive and speaks to diverse whänau, hapü, iwi, Mäori realities.

figure 20: aLignMent of te KöMihana Ä whÄnau/faMiLies CoMMission whÄnau strategiC fraMeworK 2009–2012

whÄnau

Whänau Ora

Taskforce

Mäori Economic Taskforce

Te Kömihana ä Whänau/Families Commission Whänau Strategic Framework 2009–2012

Taskforce for Action

on Violence within

Families

Through the Whänau Strategic Framework Te Kömihana can support whänau to maximise their cultural, social, economic and environmental resources as both tangata whenua (Article II) and as citizens (Article III).179 New Zealand’s signing of the United Nations’ Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples this year will further highlight issues related to providing rights for Mäori as indigenous peoples.

Te Kömihana ä Whänau views this position as a unique space from which to undertake its work with Mäori. Positioned as it is within the public sector, but one step removed from the public service, the Families Commission can move with a flexibility and urgency others may not be able to manage as readily.

179 Baker, K. (2010). Whänau Taketake Mäori. Recessions and Mäori Resilience. Families Commission, Wellington.


10.4 te Puni KöKiri – LeaDing the governMent resPonse

Many negative sets of statistics depict whänau are ‘outliers’ in Aotearoa in negative terms, as Figure 21 illustrates.180 Our focus on Mäori success aims to present a fuller picture of Mäori development – while statistics remind us how far we have yet to journey, success stories highlight breakthroughs that are creating pathways to a brighter future.

figure 21: Key outCoMe inDiCators: BaseLine Data

Mäori succeeding as Mäori

Mäori position as Treaty partner is secured and enhanced

Mäori achieve enhanced levels of economic and social prosperity

Mäori prepared for future opportunities

Knowledge of iwi affiliation

Te Reo Mäori speakers

Tertiary education achievement

Secondary education achievement

Mäori asset base relative to GDP

Voter turnout

Mäori Members of Parliament

Mäori Local Councillors

Life expectancy

Employment

Home ownershipHousehold

income

Mäori (2000–2002) Mäori (2006–2011)

Source: Te Puni Kökiri

The focus on whänau, hapü, iwi and Mäori success is increasingly a focus of government policy. Te Puni Kökiri (Ministry of Mäori Development), has led this strengths-based approach which focuses on Mäori potential. Under the vision of “Mäori succeeding as Mäori”, Te Puni Kökiri has developed a Strategic Outcome Framework with four key features: Te Tiriti o Waitangi; Whänau Ora; Te Ao Hurihuri; and Te Ao Mäori.181 “Mäori succeeding as Mäori” is also a theme in the Ministry of Education Mäori Education Strategy Ka Hikitia 182 and in the Tertiary Education Strategy.183

180 Bishop, D. (2010). Data created through measurement: Measuring Mäori Wellbeing, Challenges and Opportunities from a Policy Perspective. Paper presented on behalf of Te Puni Kökiri at AIATSIS, Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies Seminar Series. Theme: Indigenous Wellbeing. See: http://www.aiatsis.gov.au/research/seminarseries/2010-1.html

181 Ibid.182 http://www.minedu.govt.nz/theMinistry/PolicyAndStrategy/KaHikitia.aspx, accessed 29 January 2011. 183 http://www.tec.govt.nz/Tertiary-Sector/Tertiary-Education-Strategy/, accessed 29 January 2011.


figure 22: strategiC outCoMe fraMeworK – he aha te Mea nui o te ao, he tangata, he tangata, he tangata. tino rangatiratanga

> Mäori position as the Treaty partner is secured and enhanced.

te tiriti o waitangi

> Whänau and Mäori achieve enhanced levels of economic and social prosperity.

whÄnau ora

> Mäori prepared for future opportunities.

te ao hurihuri

> Mäori succeeding as Mäori, more secure, confident and expert in their own future.

te ao MÄori

Source: Te Puni Kökiri

10.5 exPLorations of MÄori DeveLoPMent anD the MÄori renaissanCe

In Issue 32 of Te Ao Hou (September 1960), the late Professor James Ritchie, then a lecturer in psychology at Victoria University of Wellington, published an article entitled, “The future place of Mäori culture in New Zealand society”.184 The article starts with a section suggesting useful ways to think about culture. He identifies four: “culture as a way of life; culture as a set of traditions, customs, or practices, perpetuated and/or cherished by a group; culture as a creative process; and culture as a personal sense of difference”.185

In recent decades whänau, hapü and iwi have actively engaged in a cultural revolution in the terms that Ritchie spoke of. They have been supported and resourced by what can be termed a ‘Mäori cultural infrastructure’. Infrastructure is usually thought of in terms other than cultural: energy, road systems, telecommunications. Taking the first meaning from the definition, ‘the underlying foundation or basic framework’,186 the exploration and analysis of the Mäori cultural infrastructure becomes a fascinating exercise.

Definition of ‘infrastructure’:

> the ‘underlying foundation or basic framework’ (as of a system or organisation)

> the permanent installations required for military purposes

> the system of public works of a country, state or region; also: the resources (as personnel, buildings, or equipment) required for an activity.

184 Ritchie, J. (1960). “The future place of Mäori culture in New Zealand society”, Te Ao Hou, 32: 16–20.185 Ritchie, J. (1960: 17). “The future place of Mäori culture in New Zealand society”, Te Ao Hou, 32: 16–20.186 http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/infrastructure, accessed 24 December 2010.


The critical features of the Mäori cultural infrastructure are:

> Mäori people

> Mäori worldview

> the marae as a cultural institution and the marae network of more than 1,300 marae throughout New Zealand, and growing

> whänau, hapü, iwi social structure

> the epistemological relationship Mäori people have with the environment

> broadcasting and IT.

Mäori are not supposed to be here. Not as a people, not as a language, not as a culture. The impact of colonisation, disease and war were, at one point in New Zealand’s history, thought to spell the complete demise of Mäori. The phrase “to smooth the pillow of a dying race” was heard in the House of Representatives and in other debates where people contemplated the future of a doomed people.187 History now tells a different story. With heart, courage and strategic adaptability whänau, hapü and iwi have found hope in the legacy of their ancestors and inspiration to invest in it so that it was possible to gift it on to future generations.

The integration of Mäori cultural knowledge, Mäori cultural practices and Mäori cultural methods into the ‘Mäori worldview’ has created a platform for transformative change since at least the mid-1970s. The movement, known as the Mäori renaissance, has created a paradigm shift which has not only transformed Mäori economic, social, cultural and political realities in the national context, it has also excited the world. The paradigm shift has inspired whänau, hapü and iwi to reclaim and revitalise Mäori knowledge, ways and methods.

Within the Mäori worldview, the focus on Mäori success has been a primary driver of the Mäori renaissance and is one of its success factors. At the heart of the renaissance was the act of Mäori reclaiming the right to base vision, strategic and futures planning and programme development on matauranga Mäori: Mäori cultural knowledge, Mäori epistemology. This stand has resulted in the creation in education, for example, of the ‘Mäori mainstream’: köhanga, kura kaupapa, wharekura and whare wänanga. It has contributed to the revitalisation of te reo me ona tikanga in ways that critics argued would not be possible when the programmes were launched in the late 1970s.

The Mäori renaissance created new pathways for Mäori to live successfully as Mäori in both the private and public spheres of life. The movement, and the organisations that gave expression to it, were driven by a vision which had the revitalisation, and maintenance, of Mäori language and culture at its core. Te reo Mäori me öna tikanga were identified as critical components of Mäori identity, and social and economic wellbeing. A recent analysis of the value of a range of performance management measures188 suggested that high-level conceptual modelling and economic analyses, of the kind that the Mäori renaissance was built on, offer strong ‘value for money’ returns.

187 Barrington, J., & Beaglehole, T. (1974). Mäori Schools in a Changing Society. New Zealand Council for Educational Research, Wellington. 188 Source: Rose Anne MacLeod, VUW (Slide 56, PowerPoint Presentation, Finance for the Public Sector Manager/Analyst, TPK Professional

Development Course, 2009 09 18) citing Grant Taylor, Partner, Ernst Young Presentation PADM 507 Australian New Zealand School of Government.


taBLe 17: vfM/exPenDiture reviews, estiMateD ‘siZe of the PriZe’

PerforManCe ManageMent: Data, CaPaBiLity, DeCision-MaKing saving

Corporate cost reduction 5–10%

Procurement <10%

Corporate services 10–15%

Shared services 10–20%

Process improvement 15–25%

Programme assessments 15–30%

Operating model redesign/cost business review 20–40%

This has been a movement of heart. Of courage. Of purpose. And of determined intent. The will of the people, the love of the people for their traditions, their tipuna, their whänau, hapü and iwi narratives has kept alive the means to create change and the motivation to do so. As well as providing a framework for the development of identity, the whänau/hapü/iwi social structure provides a framework for social, cultural and economic development. Future takers? Future makers?189 Mäori have shown their response, by walking their talk.

©

The transformations have used the latest technology and innovation to create new pathways to the future. Iwi websites, Facebook, text messaging during Treaty settlement ratification processes, iwi radio, mobile calling through iwi networks, Skype: whänau, hapu and iwi are pushing the edge of information technology to create the next wave of change. And then there is Mäori Television (MTS), a separate consideration because of its power and significance. Mäori Television beams out a different kind of messaging,

189 Te Puni Kökiri. (2007). Ngä Kaihanga Hou. For Mäori Future Makers. Te Puni Kökiri, Wellington.


broadcasting from the heart of the Mäori worldview to the outside world. That new way, in itself, comprises a transformation that is heartfelt. Watching MTS is a different experience from watching mainstream television.

The role and status of the Mäori cultural infrastructure has been able to support the Mäori renaissance when the machinery of government did not. The role and status of the Mäori cultural infrastructure has been a major factor in the paradigm shift that has occurred in New Zealand from 1975 to the present.

In 1998, Te Puni Kökiri (Ministry of Mäori Development), undertook a national survey of marae 1,031 marae were identified. The survey had an 86 percent participation rate. Te Puni Kökiri reports that marae now number 1,300.190 This is a growth approaching 25 percent, some new 269 marae in 13 years.

The 1998 Te Puni Kökiri survey found that:

…marae continue to occupy a significant role for Mäori as a primary site of hapu and whänau governance, traditional ritual and learning, customary practice and collective art estate, and assembly.191

The survey also found that marae are highly adaptive institutions within Mäori society. Over time they have adapted to “expand their activities to accommodate contemporary service delivery functions without displacing their customary responsibilities”.192 It found marae were increasingly being used by non-Mäori, which highlights both their adaptability and their modern face:

The range of non-Mäori user groups of marae further illustrates the modern relevance of marae not only to Mäori but to the wider community as well.193

socio-political context of aotearoa’s journey towards nationhood

Social wellbeing: “the things people value in their life that contribute to them reaching their potential. It’s a shorthand way of referring to the conditions in society – health, education, productive work and so on – that allow people to flourish.”

Source: Hon Paula Bennett, Minister for Social Development, www.honpaulabennett

New Zealand has been given a precious gift by Mäori. It is the gift of aroha. Whänau, hapü and iwi have remembered the stories of the past, as a gift to this country, so that when the time was right the stories could be told, heard and addressed. In terms of tikanga Mäori, Professor Sir Hirini Moko Mead has described this restorative process as ‘take–utu–ea’.194 Breaches are the ‘take’; acknowledgement, resolution, re-compense the ‘utu’; ‘ea’ the state of resolution.

This has allowed New Zealand to adopt a new strategic response to planning for the future. In the words of the Nobel Prize winner Muhammad Yunus, quoted at the beginning of this chapter, it enabled us to turn a corner and take a different path in the resolution of longstanding historical grievances. To stay ‘with the same old thing over and over’ would not have created the transformative change that has led to New Zealand being considered ‘an outlier’, a global leader in indigenous development.

The resolution process in New Zealand, led mainly through the Waitangi Tribunal, has been one that could well be described as cultural philanthrophy. Settlements have not been couched as compensation: the country could not have afforded to pay market rates

190 www.tpk.govt.nz191 Te Puni Kökiri. (1998). National Survey of Marae (p. 7). Te Puni Kökiri, Wellington.192 Ibid.193 Ibid.194 Mead, H. (2003). Chapter 3 Ngä putake o te tikanga. Tikanga Mäori. Living by Mäori Values (p. 27). Huia Publishers, Wellington.


in resolution of the quantum of breaches that occurred. Iwi have adopted a philanthropic approach to their negotiation, investing in nationhood by settling as they did. Both parties, iwi and the Crown, reached a point that New Zealand could sustain and in so doing have each contributed to the task of futureproofing the settlement process.

The price paid for this ‘duty of memory’,195 as Dr Rachel Buchanan has described it, has been generations of whänau, hapü and iwi devoted to the task of carrying the pain. The task of shouldering the grievances and working to restore justice has taken a toll. It would be churlish to suggest that the incidence of disease and impoverishment amongst the carriers of this historical legacy is all attributable to personal factors. The powerlessness, and what may have seemed like the futility of holding the state to account, must have been heavy burdens for generations to bear. The Crown acknowledges the historical and structural locatedness of this duty of memory in the speeches made at the signing of Treaty settlements.196

What source could be so powerful as to sustain iwi, the length and breadth of Aotearoa to hold on to, to remember, to be ever hopeful that justice would prevail, for so long? In Ngai Tähu’s case, for example, for six generations at least.197 What kind of love could be so strong? In the concluding analyses of her doctoral dissertation Dr Rawinia Higgins, Tuhoe, helps us to find some of the places to look for the answers to these questions. The places she highlights are te reo Mäori me öna tikanga, the Mäori language and culture. Within Mäori cultural knowledge are to be found rich sources of creativity, innovation and wisdom. Projects to revive and revitalise te reo me ona tikanga lie at the heart of the Mäori renaissance, expressions of matemateaone, the particular love whänau, hapü and iwi have for the legacy of their tipuna. The following whakatauäki is an oft-quoted proverb expressing this love:

E kore e ngaro,

te käkano I ruia mai I Rangiätea.

I will never be lost,

the seed which was sown from Rangiätea.

Dr Rawinia Higgins discusses matemateaone as ‘deep affection’,198 suggesting a relationship between the people and the land and the people with the people: a relationship described in terms that originate in Mäori philosophy. The relationship Mäori have with the land is a feature of Mäori epistemology. In the Mäori creation story people are literally of the land. The Mäori worldview offers this country a rich Mäori epistemological source for future planning. Naturally, different cultures have different ways of conceiving of the world around them, of relating to it and engaging with it.

We cannot allow Jake Heke, the fictional male character from the book Once Were Warriors, to be the arbiter of Mäori lifestyles. Whilst it is true that Mäori lifestyles are found in the broadest range of the human experience, as is also the case within any other culture, Mäori have the right to explore best-case scenarios of whänau, hapü and iwi development. To plan from these, to strategise from these, to develop pathways and solutions from these. As well as a Treaty right, this is also a fundamental human right. Increasingly, it is an economic necessity in the knowledge society and economy.

195 Buchanan, R. (2010). Paper, Stout Centre Seminar, Victoria University of Wellington. 196 Waitangi Tribunal (2011a). Ko Aotearoa Tenei: A Report into Claims Concerning New Zealand Law and Policy Affecting Mäori Culture and

Identity Te Taumata Tuatahi. Waitangi Tribunal, Wellington. Waitangi Tribunal (2011b). Ko Aotearoa Tenei. A Report into Claims Concerning New Zealand Law and Policy Affecting Mäori Culture and

Identity Te Taumata Tuarua, Volume 1. Waitangi Tribunal, Wellington. Waitangi Tribunal (2011c). Ko Aotearoa Tenei. A Report into Claims Concerning New Zealand Law and Policy Affecting Mäori Culture

and Identity Te Taumata Tuarua, Volume 2. Waitangi Tribunal, Wellington. http://www.waitangi-tribunal.govt.nz/doclibrary/public/reports/generic/Wai0262/Wai262mediarelease2July2011.pdf

197 Parata, R. (1994: 150). “Priorities for Mäori development: Mäori Investments for the future”. In Kia Pumau Tonu (p. 150). Proceedings of the Hui Whakapumau Mäori Development Conference, August, 1994. Massey University, Palmerston North.

198 Williams (1992: 193) as cited in Higgins, R. (2004: 351). He Tänga Ngutu, He Tühoetanga Te Mana Motuhake o te Tä Moko Wähine: The Identity Politics of Moko Kauae. A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the University of Otago, Dunedin.


This best-case scenario planning, based in culturally authentic knowledge codes, is one of the critical success features of the Mäori renaissance. What might Jake Heke’s life have been like if he had lived amongst his own people, in a community in which whänau, hapü and iwi development were his lived realities, played out regularly on their local marae? How might the love of his people have transformed his life and the lives of those around him?

The emphasis on Mäori cultural knowledge stems in part from the need to be able to plan new futures and chart different pathways to them. In the quest to find new solutions to some of the issues this country faces, looking to Mäori cultural knowledge codes is a natural source to explore. No culture has a mandate on genius. The next great idea could come from any culture. That includes Mäori. Mäori cultural knowledge offers New Zealand an authentic point of difference. That point of difference has as much economic significance in the knowledge society and economy as it does cultural significance.

The Mäori worldview offers this country a rich source for planning and development.

That New Zealanders may not be aware of the true value of Mäori cultural knowledge as a source of innovation and creativity may well be a legacy of a colonised past.

It no longer needs to frame our future.

© Irwin Collection


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