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ISSN (Online) - 2349-8846 When Blank Spaces Speak On 26 June 1975, a couple of English language daily newspapers ran blank spaces instead of editorials. They were protesting press censorship imposed by Indira Gandhi’s government when it proclaimed a state of internal emergency. In India’s North East, there has been a virtual state of emergency for decades. But for the first time, the local press in Nagaland decided things had gone too far. Three daily newspapers, Morung Express, Eastern Mirror and Nagaland Page, substituted their editorials with a blank space to mark 16 November, National Press Day. This was their dramatic rejoinder to attempts to curb the very freedom that day is supposed to denote. The blank spaces also spoke to the challenges that face the media in conflict areas, particularly if they decide that freedom of the press also means they are free to give expression to conflicting points of view. They also reminded us of the invisibility of the struggles of these journalists, who walk a tight rope between militant groups on the one side and the army and government on the other. The provocation for the protest was a 25 October notice sent by the Assam Rifles to five media houses. It noted that these dailies had carried the press release of the banned National Socialist Council of Nagaland (Khaplang) (NSCN (K)) threatening “senior lawmakers” of the Nagaland government and encouraging collection of funds. In the view of the Assam Rifles, this could be interpreted as abetting and aiding a banned group under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act 1967 (UAPA). In response, in a joint statement issued on 15 November, the editors of the five media houses asked, “Is this an attempt to censor, weaken and ultimately silence the role of the media in Nagaland?” On 19 October, the Press Council of India (PCI) issued a suo motu notice asking the Assam Rifles the reasons behind the move. It also sought the Nagaland Chief Secretary’s report in the matter. What needs to be questioned though, as the media houses in Nagaland have rightly done, is whether the Assam Rifles, that is present in the state on behalf of the Ministry of Home Affairs, has the right to tell the local media what it can and cannot report or take it upon itself to suggest to the state government that it move against these media houses for publishing the purported “objectionable” news items. Does the law give it these rights, or is the interpretation of provisions of UAPA, as also the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA), such that military and paramilitary forces can make this type of intervention? If the latter is the case, does it not set a dangerous precedent for media operating in any conflict zone in India? The media, especially the print media in much of the North East, faces a tenuous existence. Newspapers are grossly underfunded, their staff is poorly paid by any standards, they face huge infrastructural problems with erratic electric supply, intermittent internet connectivity and a constant threat of closure when supplies cannot reach them whenever there is any kind of trouble. Manipur is the most vulnerable in this respect as a blockage on one highway can bring the state to a virtual standstill. On top of this, newspapers have to figure out how to survive direct threats and pressures—from the security forces, from the state government, and from militant groups. That they are able to publish at all is itself a miracle. If they publish certain news, such as on the NSCN (K) for instance, they face charges under laws like the UAPA for aiding banned groups. On the other hand, if they refuse to publish the handouts of militant groups, they face violent threats that cannot be brushed aside lightly. What is worse is that the rest of India remains uncaring and ignorant about the challenges facing the media in the North East as is evident from the minimal reaction in mainstream media to this

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Page 1: When Blank Spaces Speak

ISSN (Online) - 2349-8846

When Blank Spaces Speak

On 26 June 1975, a couple of English language daily newspapers ran blank spaces instead ofeditorials. They were protesting press censorship imposed by Indira Gandhi’s government when itproclaimed a state of internal emergency. In India’s North East, there has been a virtual state ofemergency for decades. But for the first time, the local press in Nagaland decided things had gonetoo far. Three daily newspapers, Morung Express, Eastern Mirror and Nagaland Page, substitutedtheir editorials with a blank space to mark 16 November, National Press Day. This was theirdramatic rejoinder to attempts to curb the very freedom that day is supposed to denote. The blankspaces also spoke to the challenges that face the media in conflict areas, particularly if they decidethat freedom of the press also means they are free to give expression to conflicting points of view.They also reminded us of the invisibility of the struggles of these journalists, who walk a tight ropebetween militant groups on the one side and the army and government on the other.

The provocation for the protest was a 25 October notice sent by the Assam Rifles to five mediahouses. It noted that these dailies had carried the press release of the banned National SocialistCouncil of Nagaland (Khaplang) (NSCN (K)) threatening “senior lawmakers” of the Nagalandgovernment and encouraging collection of funds. In the view of the Assam Rifles, this could beinterpreted as abetting and aiding a banned group under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act1967 (UAPA). In response, in a joint statement issued on 15 November, the editors of the five mediahouses asked, “Is this an attempt to censor, weaken and ultimately silence the role of the media inNagaland?” On 19 October, the Press Council of India (PCI) issued a suo motu notice asking theAssam Rifles the reasons behind the move. It also sought the Nagaland Chief Secretary’s report inthe matter.

What needs to be questioned though, as the media houses in Nagaland have rightly done, iswhether the Assam Rifles, that is present in the state on behalf of the Ministry of Home Affairs, hasthe right to tell the local media what it can and cannot report or take it upon itself to suggest to thestate government that it move against these media houses for publishing the purported“objectionable” news items. Does the law give it these rights, or is the interpretation of provisionsof UAPA, as also the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA), such that military andparamilitary forces can make this type of intervention? If the latter is the case, does it not set adangerous precedent for media operating in any conflict zone in India?

The media, especially the print media in much of the North East, faces a tenuous existence.Newspapers are grossly underfunded, their staff is poorly paid by any standards, they face hugeinfrastructural problems with erratic electric supply, intermittent internet connectivity and aconstant threat of closure when supplies cannot reach them whenever there is any kind of trouble.Manipur is the most vulnerable in this respect as a blockage on one highway can bring the state toa virtual standstill. On top of this, newspapers have to figure out how to survive direct threats andpressures—from the security forces, from the state government, and from militant groups. Thatthey are able to publish at all is itself a miracle. If they publish certain news, such as on the NSCN(K) for instance, they face charges under laws like the UAPA for aiding banned groups. On theother hand, if they refuse to publish the handouts of militant groups, they face violent threats thatcannot be brushed aside lightly.

What is worse is that the rest of India remains uncaring and ignorant about the challenges facingthe media in the North East as is evident from the minimal reaction in mainstream media to this

Page 2: When Blank Spaces Speak

ISSN (Online) - 2349-8846

protest from Nagaland’s media houses. By asserting their right to give all sides a voice in a long-standing conflict situation, these editors have reminded the rest of the media in India how it oughtto conduct itself. It is worth heeding their words:

As proponents of the free press supporting our commitment to the right to freedom of speech andexpression, peace, democracy and economic empowerment, we shall: remain impartial and non-partisan while exercising our editorial independence that is free from all influences by State, Non-State and Corporate entities; continue to create and provide responsible and healthy spaces andopportunities that are open to diverse viewpoints in a sincere and sensitive manner withoutinfringing on the news quality or the potential for constructive engagement; continue to uphold andsafeguard values and practices of non-violence, democracy, liberty, inclusivity and peace; continueto practice universally acceptable standards and ethics of journalism, in particular peacejournalism, while upholding the right to freedom of speech and expression.