When an Arab Laughs in Toledo

When an Arab Laughs in Toledo: Cervantes's Interpellation of Early Modern SpanishOrientalismAuthor(s): E. C. GrafReviewed work(s):Source: Diacritics, Vol. 29, No. 2 (Summer, 1999), pp. 68-85Published by: The Johns Hopkins University PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1566455 .Accessed: 03/11/2011 16:21

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WHEN AN ARAB LAUGHS IN

TOLEDO

CERVANTES'S INTERPELLATION OF EARLY MODERN SPANISH ORIENTALISM

E. C. GRAF

My purpose has been to place in the plaza of our republic a game table which everyone can approach to entertain themselves without fear of being harmed by the rods, by which I mean without harm to spirit or body, because honest and agreeable exercises are always more likely to do good than harm.

-Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra, Prologue to Novelas ejemplares [my translation]

We are engaged in a technical enterprise at the species scale. -Jacques Lacan, "L'agressivit6 en psychanalyse" [my translation]

While I was all intent on watching him, he looked at me, and with his hands he spread his chest and said. "See how I split myself!"!

-Dante Alighieri, Inferno 28.28-30

For much of this century, Hispanists have labored in an effort to elevate Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra's El ingenioso hidalgo don Quijote de la Mancha (1605, 1615) to the coveted status of the "first modem novel." Today this kind of criticism may strike our postmodern sensibilities as a rather traditional enterprise, the kind more interested in establishing an elite hierarchy of literary tastes than in saying anything new about an author or text. For many, the study of literature is still an aesthetic beauty pageant in which "great books" like Laurence Sterne's Tristram Shandy (1767) or Marie de la Vergne de La Fayette's La princesse de Clives (1678) are paraded across the stage in a contest to seduce the Western intelligentsia.' The postmodern student of literature may not have much concern for this age-old territorial contest, but she might be interested to learn that the fallout from Hispanism's quest for the "first modem novel" has involved so much attention to, indeed complication of, Don Quixote, that the book now resembles more a postmodern text than an early modem one. At the turn of the century, we have been left with what Jorge Luis Borges would recognize as an "aleph": an infinite ideological labyrinth that reflects and/or cannibalizes all forms, thereby escaping all at-

1. Cf. Harold Bloom's arguably ambitious Shakespeare: The Invention of the Human. See also Walter Cohen's materialist response to "the ethnocentrism and narrowness of the hierarchi- cally ordered field of literary study in which English, French, and German are privileged at the expense of all other linguistic traditions" [156].

68 diacritics 29.2.: 68-85

tempts to describe it.2 Whatever we currently mean by "Cervantes" (an author, a collec- tion of texts, an ideological construction, and so forth) carries with it an impressive range of critical responses. Cervantes has been labeled converso (Castro, Canavaggio), Christian humanist (Castro, Bataillon, Forcione, Herrero, Vilanova), disillusioned secu- larist (Lukics, Cascardi), precapitalist (Johnson), anti-essentialist (Wilson), anti-Eusebian

(Presberg), Menippean (Bakhtin), feminist (El Saffar, Rabin, Cruz), sadist (Nabokov), ethnocentric imperialist (Mariscal), medieval (Gorfkle), homophobic (Martin), non-or- ganicist Aristotelian (Read), and either discursively or actually homosexual (Combet, Rossi, Smith, Arrabal). This list is nowhere near complete, but the reader will grasp the robust effects of the plurality of perspectives on Cervantes.

Each of these interpretations is valid to varying degrees within various contexts, but at present I am interested in reading Cervantes as the author of a multicultural mani- festo on behalf of the Moriscos of Southern Spain.3 Within the contexts of French Marx- ist philosopher Louis Althusser and Palestinian postcolonial literary critic Edward Said, materialist, postcolonial, and multicultural critiques of various forms of power and their ideologies can be seen as the fundamental propositions of Cervantes's Don Quixote.4 Cervantes's ultimate orientation may perhaps be inescapably Eurocentric, but his responses to the European experience of the rise and expansion of an ethnocentric militaristic nation state are relatively centrifugal when compared to the attitudes of many of his contemporaries.

In surveying some of the antihegemonic details of Cervantes's novel, I am also interested in dispelling the popular myth of Don Quixote. Especially in the English- speaking world, and particularly in the United States, Don Quixote remains captive to a romantic interpretation. Despite the efforts of numerous cervantistas, the protagonist is still generally taken as a positive hero "dreaming the impossible dream" against his oppressive society, the tone of Wasserman's Man of La Mancha (1966) as well as of a forthcoming Hollywood version of the novel in which the writers have chosen to make the narrative "move" by having Don Quixote attempt to rescue Dulcinea from the evil Inquisition. These are but two examples of the common misrecognition of Cervantes's

2. For Borges's response to the "protestant" tendency to turn art into an object that loses its dialogical distinctiveness, see "Pierre Menard, autor del Quijote." For Borges's appropriation by French poststructuralism, see John T. Irwin.

3. Moriscos were Muslims living under Christian rule who, after the fall of Granada in 1492, were forced to convert to Christianity in Spain. They were the Islamic analogue of the Jewish converso. A major event in Cervantes's day was the rebellion of Moriscos in Granada, also known as the Alpujarras War, which began around Christmas 1568 and lasted into the summer of 1570 before it was finally repressed by Philip II. Historian Henry Kamen has called this conflict "the most brutal war to be fought on European soil during that century" [131]. Philip III decided to resolve the ongoing social unrest that he inherited from his father by expelling over 500,000 Moriscos in 1609-11, four years after the publication of Don Quixote, part 1. Castro points out that Cervantes's sarcastic response to this policy was part 2 of the 1615 Don Quixote. Diana de Armas Wilson: "The late Cervantes, I think, could be ranked among that visionary company of Spaniards-Antonio de Montesinos, Francisco de Vitoria, Bartolomd de las Casas- who were actively generating an internal critique of their own empire's colonial abuses" ["Cervantes Romances Inca Garcilaso de la Vega" 247].

4. In the concluding chapter of Capital, "The So-called Primitive Accumulation of Capital," Marx suggests the postcolonial direction of the materialist critique. In 1969 Althusser glosses this chapter with ominous concern for the future: "[t]his last chapter contains a prodigious wealth which has not yet been exploited: in particular the thesis (which we shall have to develop) that capitalism has always used and, in the 'margins' of its metropolitan existence-i.e. in the colonial and ex-colonial countries--is still using well into the twentieth century, the most brutally violent means" [87-88].

diacritics / summer 1999 69

radicality, whereby the author is appreciated for having anticipated the modem bour-

geois values of everyone from Goethe to Jefferson-individual freedom, creative es- capism, metaphysical multiperspectivism, and so on. While Cervantes's anti-inquisitorial and even protofeminist attitudes are quite tenable, the liberal individualist reading risks erasing the more fundamental cultural component of his agenda. In short, Cervantes did not intend Don Quixote to be a noble hero, but rather an annoying ethnocentric fool, a menace to society who acts out his infatuation with the laughably antiquated aristo- cratic ideology of Arthurian chivalric romance.'

Althusser

Althusser's most salient term, "interpellation," is used throughout his critical negotia- tion of the hegemonic ideology of liberal capitalism in his famous 1970 essay "Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses":

Ideology "acts" or "functions" in such a way that it recruits subjects among the individuals (it recruits them all), or "transforms" the individuals into sub-

jects (it transforms them all) by that very precise operation which I have called

interpellation or hailing, and which can be imagined along the lines of the most commonplace everyday police (or other) hailing: "Hey, you there!" [ 174]

This is essentially a political translation of Lacan's mirror stage of human development, where the infant is deceived into accepting the illusion of its autonomy via its recogni- tion of a corporeal self. In Lacan's developmental trajectory, the social self loses its

preverbal plurality; in Althusser's political trajectory, the interpellated individual loses radical agency. But since Althusser's definition of interpellation is for the purposes of

discussing the relatively endogenous phenomenon of the rise of modem European bour-

geois ideology, he privileges the exchange between classes over that between cultures. In deference to the latter, the term interpellation can have a more active and opposi- tional meaning which Althusser never fully develops [see note 4]. In the context of international relations, interpellation is a diplomatic gesture, the process by which a

foreign minister formally questions the actions or policies of another nation-state. As we shall see, both senses of the term are ideal for a discussion of Cervantes's ideological and cultural intentions.6

At the beginning of the narrative, Don Quixote has already been called to action- that is, been interpellated in the Althusserian sense-by the ideology of Spanish chau- vinism. His desire to imitate the prenational hero Amadis de Gaula is a logic brought on

by his having confused chivalric romance with real history. To the extent that the books

5. As Mary Gaylord puts it, "Cervantes's novel foregrounds intentions--his own, Don

Quixote's, those of a whole host of other characters" [117]. See this study's epigraph, where Cervantes is clearest about the problems, means, and goals of his texts (public violence, playful exchange, and an orderly republic, respectively). For a Freudian assessment of the relationship between intentionality and plot design, see Peter Brooks. For a critique of the New Criticism's aversion to intentionality, see Patrick Swinden [21-29].

6. From his participation in the battle of Lepanto and his captivity in Algiers to his mysteri- ous role as an envoy to Ordn, and from the early drama Los bafios de Argel to the novel Don

Quixote, both Cervantes's life and his literary production take shape as a series of complicated maneuvers along the multifaceted fault line between Islam and Spain. For Cervantes's diverse

experimentation with Islamic subject positions, see Abi-Ayad, Anderson, Bubovna, Gallotta, and Herndndez Araico.

70

of chivalry have muddled Don Quixote's interpretation of reality, they have functioned like one of Althusser's ideological apparatuses, which subtly interpellate the reader who ingests their values. Such is made clear by the novel's exposition. As the narrative pro- ceeds, however, the discomfort and humor that form the thematic backbone of the novel's episodes derive from Don Quixote's repeated inability to gratify his chivalric impulses with respect to others. The initial phase of this process culminates in the cliffhanger at the conclusion of chapter 8, when the second narrator intrudes to inform the reader that the manuscript he has been transcribing has ended without offering a resolution to the battle between Don Quixote and the Basque. Here, as the frustration of the reader's desire for a satisfactory narrative climax coincides with the frustration of the protagonist's desire to conquer his enemy, Cervantes unveils the process of diplomatic interpellation as a key to overcoming ideological interpellation: if the subject already ideologically interpellated is the protagonist of Cervantes's novel, the subject now being formally questioned by Cervantes's novel is the ingenuous reader, who shares the second narrator's and the protagonist's nostalgia for the cultural and military dominance of Castile. Just as one might say that Althusser wishes to counterinterpellate the capitalist subject of 1970, Cervantes wishes to counterinterpellate the nationalist imperialist subject of 1605.7

Said

Said's Orientalism (1978) offers an important critical perspective on the history of Eu- ropean literature from Dante to the present. The general mystique of the Orient has more often than not been a hyperbolic formulation based upon fear and ignorance, and hence one highly conducive to the sanctioning of military aggression and economic exploitation by the European powers. The theoretical play of Said's term orientalism derives from the fact that it describes an Occidental phenomenon-specifically the ethnocentrism of English and French colonialism.8 It is therefore curious, but perhaps not so surprising, that aside from two rather perfunctory references to the medieval epic Poema de mio Cid [63, 71] and a quick portrait of the stupid brutality of Spanish colonial imperialism in the New World [82], Said's discourse on the European encounter with the Oriental Other is largely silent with respect to the case of Spain. Particularly disappointing is Said's stereotypical reference to Cervantes's Don Quixote as a book

7. Flores, in his study of Cervantes's method of composition, has suggested that Cervantes realized that the battle between Don Quixote and the Basque was the ideal place in the text to insert the first formal break around the same time that he conceptualized the novel as a more lengthy parody of books of chivalry. Moreover, he has this to say about the intentionality of this break:

It is obvious that the division into Parts at this stage was perfectly viable. It obeyed a definite literary purpose and a clear sense of structure. The felicitous addition of a new point of view (two if one considers the alterations that Cide Hamete's manuscript must have suffered at the hands of the morisco translator) enriched the complexity of the narrative. [139-41]

8. Compare Americo Castro's use of the "Orient" in 1966 in a discussion of the aesthetic praxis of "perspectivism," which Castro argued was imported to Spain via Jewish, Moorish, and Byzantine intellectuals: "En el arte cervantino confluyeron el Oriente y el Occidente" ("In Cervantine art the Orient and the Occident converge") [269, my translation]. For Castro, "orientalism" is the appropriation of a superior ontology imported from the Orient; for Said, "orientalism" is a European fetish that results in an ignorant ideological construction of the Orient.


about the dangers of literal reading [92-93]. One is tempted to conclude that Said does not seek allies for his project, that his silence with respect to Cervantes is a case of "anxiety of influence" in the still-nascent field of cultural criticism. Cervantes's novel concerns itself with precisely the same problems that preoccupy Said. By his deconstruction of the very national and colonial period of Spanish history that should be of more interest to Said, Cervantes is an important precursor in the task of diplomati- cally interpellating European orientalism.

Cervantes

If the intended significance of Don Quixote is an Althusserian counterinterpellation of the ideology of early modem Spanish imperialism and a Saidian or diplomatic interpellation of the ideology of early modem Spanish orientalism, this intention is to be found most explicitly in the fundamental climax of the first part of the novel, which occurs between chapters 8 and 9 and on the heels of the famous adventure with the windmills. Significantly, this is precisely where the novel achieves its modem status as a "writerly" text, a book that, as Said puts it, challenges its reader's tendency "to prefer the sche- matic authority of a text to the disorientations of direct encounters with the human" [93]. Between chapters 8 and 9, where the so-called first modem novel's most important rupture takes place, Don Quixote is left in the midst of his duel with the Basque:

Venia, pues, como se ha dicho, don Quijote contra el cauto vizcaino, con la espada en alto, con determinaci6n de abrirle por medio, y el vizcaino le aguardaba ansimesmo levantada la espada y aforrado con su almohada, y todos los circunstantes estaban temerosos y colgados de lo que habia de suceder de aquellos tamahos golpes con que se amenazaban; y la sefiora del coche y las demds criadas suyas estaban haciendo mil votos y ofrecimientos a todas las imadgenes y casas de devoci6n de Espafa, porque Dios librase a su escudero y a ellas de aquel tan grande peligro en que se hallaban.

Pero estd el daho de todo esto que en este punto y termino deja pendiente el autor desta historia esta batalla, disculpdndose que no hall6 mds escrito, destas hazafias de don Quijote, de las que deja referidas. Bien es verdad que el segundo autor desta obra no quiso creer que tan curiosa historia estuviese entregada a las leyes del ovido, ni que hubiesen sido tan poco curiosos los ingenios de la Mancha, que no tuviesen en sus archivos o en sus escritorios algunos papeles que deste famoso caballero tratasen; y ast, con esta

imaginaci6n, no se desesper6 de hallar elfin desta apacible historia, el cual,

sidndole el cielo favorable, le hall6 del modo que se contard en la segunda parte. [137-38]

Don Quixote, as we have said, rushed at the wary Basque with sword aloft, determined to cleave him to the waist; and the Basque watched, with his sword also raised and well guarded by his cushion; while all the by-standers trembled in terrified suspense, hanging upon the issue of the dreadful blows with which they threatened one another. And the lady of the coach and her waiting-women offered a thousand vows and prayers to all the images and places of devotion in Spain, that God might deliver their squire and them from the great peril they were in.

But the unfortunate thing is that the author of this history left the battle in suspense at this crucial point, with the excuse that he could find no more records

72

of Don Quixote's exploits than those related here. It is true that the second author of this work would not believe that such a curious history could have been consigned to oblivion, or that the learned of La Mancha could have been so incurious as not to have in their archives or in their registries some documents relating to this famous knight. So, strong in this opinion, he did not

despair offinding the conclusion of this delightful story and, by the favour of Heaven, found it, as shall be told in our second part. [74-75]

The promised "second part," which follows in chapter 9, is anything but satisfying to the reader who seeks the gratification of an immediate resolution to the armed conflict.

Chapter 9 begins with the confession on the part of the Christian narrator that the fabled original manuscript has left him in the lurch as well. First he tells of his disappointment at finding the text to be incomplete, and then he tells of his joy at the fortuitous discovery of its continuation:

Dejamos en la primera parte desta historia al valeroso vizcaino y alfamoso don Quijote con las espadas altas y desnudas, en guisa de decargar dos

furibundos fendientes, tales, que si en lleno se acertaban, por lo menos se dividirian yfenderian de arriba abajo y abriri an como una granada; y que en

aquel punto tan dudoso par6 y qued6 destroncada tan sabrosa historia, sin

que nos diese noticia su autor d6nde se podria hallar lo que della faltaba. [139]

In the first part of this history we left the valiant Basque and the famous Don

Quixote with naked swords aloft, on the point of dealing two such furious downward strokes as, had they struck true, would have cleft both knights asun- der from head to foot, and split them like pomegranates. At this critical point our delightful history stopped short and remained mutilated, our author failing to inform us where to find the missing part. This caused me great annoy- ance, for my pleasure from the little I had read turned to displeasure at the

thought of the small chance there was offinding the rest of this delightful story. [75]

The intended irony of all of this is easy to miss, but fortunately it is historically specific. The comedic battle between the archetypal Castilian knight and his Basque enemy at the conclusion of chapter 8 is an emblem of the initial phase of Christian

military consolidation on the Iberian Peninsula prior to the rise of Castile in the twelfth

century. The episode's humor derives as much from the parody of a military encounter as it does from the Basque's inability to speak proper Castilian,9 but the scene also contains an abstraction for the popular imagination's version of the prehistorical encounter between Cantabrian tribes, an encounter that must have occurred long before the Reconquest, and perhaps even before the Moorish invasion (cf. the role of Minaya Albar Fafiez in the Poema de mio 7id). In 1611, for example, Sebastia6n de Covarrubias Horozco, the Cuencan lexicographer, describes the Basque language with historical awe for a postdiluvian golden age:

9. "LYo no caballero? Juro a Dios tan mientes como cristiano. Si lanza arrojas y espadas sacas, iel agua cuwin presto veris que al gato llevas! Vizcaino por tierra, hidalgo por mar, hidalgo por el diablo, y mientes que mira si otra dices cosa" [ 136] ("I not gentleman? I swear you liar, as I am a Christian. You throw down lance and draw sword, and you will see you are carrying the water to the cat. Basque on land, gentleman at sea. A gentleman, by the devil and you lie if you say otherwise!" [73]).


La lengua de los desta tierra llamaron vascongada. Tienese por cierto que la

primera poblaci6n de Espaia fue la de esta tierra, por Tubal, tataranieto de Noe; y es cosa admirable que hasta nuestros tiempos se aya conservado sin mezcla de otra alguna, excepto algunos vocablos que por la comunicaci6n de los demds pueblos se avrdn introducido. Esta gente hasta la predicaci6n del Evangelio vivi6 en la ley de naturaleza, adorando un solo Dios verdadero. La Cantabria, Guipazcoa, Alava, Vizcaya y las demds partes del reyno de Navarra, que han participado y participan desta lengua, es de la gente mds antigua y mds noble y limpia de toda Espafa. ["Vascufia" 995]

The language of those from this land is called vascongada. It is taken as certain that the first population of Spain was that of this land, by Tubal, third grandson ofNoah; and it is an admirable thing that until our times it has been conserved without mixture with any other language, except for a few words which have been introduced due to communication with the other peoples. These people up until the teaching of the Gospel lived under the law of nature, worshiping one true God. Cantabria, Guipazcoa, Alava, Vizcaya, and the other parts of the kingdom of Navarra that have shared and continue to share this language, are possessed of the most ancient, noble, and pure people of all Spain. [my translation]

J. J. Menezo's genealogy of Spanish heads of state shows that this foundation myth persists today: "Se puede considerar el nacimiento de Castilla como una manifestaci6n de los pueblos caintabro y vasco, poco romanizados, que defienden su peculiar modo de vida; teniendo como base, la propiedad y libertad individual frente al Fuero Juzgo, nostalgia del Nuevo Imperio G6tico" [1] ("The birth of Castile can be considered a manifestation of the scarcely Romanized Cantabrian and Basque townships that de- fended their particular way of life, having as its base, individual liberty and property before the Just Law, a remnant of the New Gothic Empire" [my translation]). Not surprisingly, numerous members of the Covarrubias family served in the government of the Hapsburgs and were often intimately involved in the recovery and redissemination of the Fuero Juzgo. Covarrubias even proudly includes the family name in his definition of the term [613].

Clearly, Cervantes's text questions the construction of national identity being mounted by Castilians like the Covarrubias and their Hapsburg patrons. The slippery issue of whether or not the ancient Iberians accepted this "just law" or instead had it violently imposed upon them, first by the Visigoths and later by Castilla-Le6n, is another underlying tension at the end of chapter 8. The conclusion foregrounds the violent contradiction between the imperial nostalgia of the Castilian Don Quixote and the linguistic and nationalistic independence of the primordial Basque. Of particular interest is the fact that in Cervantes's version of the cultural tension at the mythical foundation of Castile, the character fighting for his freedom is not Don Quixote, who instead violently contaminates-or "stains" as the epithet "de la Mancha" indicates-the purity of the Basque.

Ask the popular reader which is the most famous episode of Don Quixote, and she will recall the windmill at the beginning of chapter 8. But she will not understand the symbolic relationship between the windmill and the postponed image of the crossed blades of the Castilian and the Basque, where "X marks the spot" again at the conclusion of the very same chapter. Fidel Fajardo-Acosta has pointed out that the giant windmills are a reference to the final circle of the Inferno, where Dante undergoes his own crucial transformation by having to embrace Satan and symbolically reverse the upside-

74

down logic of his universe in order to proceed.10 Subsequently, Don Quixote's ridicu- lous battle with the Basque marks the climax of the novel's satirical portrait of the Castilian national identity that remains incapable of learning from its "revolutionary" fall and is still hell-bent on demonizing everything and everyone it meets. Indeed, only moments after being thrown to the ground and having his lance broken by the windmill, but still previous to his encounter with the Basque, Don Quixote had already declared his intention to emulate a certain Diego Perez de Vargas, whose fame and epithet derive from his prowess against Moors:

-Yo me acuerdo haber leido que un caballero espahol llamado Diego Perez de Vargas, habiendose en una batalla roto la espada, desgaj6 de una encina un pesado ramo o tronco, y con ~1 hizo tales cosas aquel dia y machac6 tantos moros que le qued6 por sobrenombre Machuca, y ast el como sus decendientes se llamaron desde aquel dia en adelante Vargas y Machuca. Hete dicho esto, porque de la primera encina o roble que se me depare pienso desgajar otro tronco tal y tan bueno como aquel que me imagino, y pienso hacer con J1 tales hazafias, que tai te tengas por bien afortunado de haber merecido venir a vellas y a ser testigo de cosas que apenas podrdn ser creidas. [ 131]

I remember reading that a certain Spanish knight called Diego Perez de Vargas, having broken his sword in battle, tore a great bough or limb from an oak, and performed such deeds with it that day, and pounded so many Moors, that he earned the surname of the Pounder, and thus he and his descendants from that day onwards have been called Vargas y Machuca. I mention this because I propose to tear down just such a limb from the first oak we meet, as big and as good as his; and I intend to do such deeds with it that you may consider your- self most fortunate to have won the right to see them. For you will witness things which will scarcely be credited. [69]"

And so the unmasking of imperialist ideology that occurs at the conclusion of this chapter is made even more complete by the sudden contextual presences of both the original Arabic author Cide Hamete Benengeli and the Morisco translator. If the battle between the Basque and Don Quixote is symbolic of the dialectical difficulty at the mythic foundation of Castile, then the presences of the Arab and the Morisco allow for the "othered" perspectives of more recent Castilian history. Similarly, the use of the term "granada" as an image of the hypothetical outcome of the violence between the Basque and Don Quixote ("dos furibundos fendientes, tales, que si en lleno se acertaban, por lo menos se dividirian y fenderian de arriba abajo y abririan como una granada" [139] ("two such furious downward strokes as, had they struck true, would have cleft both knights asun- der from head to foot, and split them like pomegranates" [75]) strongly suggests the

10. Come quando una grossa nebbia spira o quando l'emisperio nostro annotta, par di lungi un molin che'l vento gira, veder mi parve un tal dificio allotta. [Inferno 34.4-7]

Just as, when night falls on our hemisphere or when a heavy fog is blowing thick, a windmill seems to wheel when seen far off, so then I seemed to see that sort of structure.

11. For the windmill episode as Cervantes's symbolic castration ofDon Quixote, see John T. Cull.


Sandro Botticelli, The Virgin and Child (c. 1490). Courtesy of the Fogg Art Museum, Harvard University; @1999 Presi- dent and Fellows of Harvard College.

Salvador Dali, Dream Caused by the Flight of a Bee around a Pomegranate One Second before Awakening (1941). Courtesy of Museo Thyssen- Bornemisza, Madrid; ? 1999 Artists' Rights Society (ARS), New York.

kingdom by the same name that is the current site of the Morisco problem [see note 3].12 In conjunction, then, the Moor, the Basque, the Arab, and the Morisco contain the Castilian (protagonist, second narrator, and reader) and force him to examine the violence both at the beginning, middle, and present of his national history. Much more than a modem deconstruction of the suspension of disbelief involved in the acts of narrating and reading, what is truly marvelous about Cervantes's "disorienting" transition is the way in which he weaves the laughter of the Arabic Other into a deconstruction of Castilian identity. Cervantes, the ultimate author of what at this moment becomes the modem novel, subtly invites his reader to laugh along with both the Morisco translator and the original Arabic author at the ingenuous antics of the medieval Castilian nationalist.

At the beginning of chapter 9, Cervantes's Christian narrator enthusiastically seeks the outcome of the battle. Indeed he seeks the self-privileging pleasure of an already- known outcome. The mere fact that a Castilian is transcribing the novel for a Castilian public would indicate that Don Quixote is expected to defeat the Basque for the historical allegory to reflect reality. But the rupturing action of Cervantes's narrative disallows this result, and what ensues instead is a dizzying deconstruction of national, ethnic, religious, and linguistic subject positions. Here in Toledo, in the very heart of Spain, in its religious center just south of Madrid, in its ancient imperial Visigothic capital-the glorious multicultural center of medieval translations, but later home to one of the bloodi- est inquisitorial tribunals-a young boy in the marketplace ("alcana" from the Arabic

"al-janit") provides the Castilian narrator with the Arabic text that supposedly promises to relinquish the preferred outcome:

Pas6, pues, el hallarla en esta manera: Estando yo un dia en el Alcand de Toledo, lleg6 un muchacho a vender

unos cartapacios y papeles viejos a un sedero; y como yo soy aficionado a leer, aunque sean los papeles rotos de las calles, llevado desta mi natural

inclinaci6n, tome un cartapacio de los que el muchacho vendia, y vile con cardcteres que conoci ser ardbigos. Y puesto que aunque los conocia no los sabia leer, anduve mirando si parecia por alli algan morisco aljamiado que los leyese, y nofue muy dificultoso hallar interprete semejante, pues aunque le buscara de otra mejor y mds antigua lengua, le hallara. En fin, la suerte me depard uno, que, dicidndole mi deseo y ponidndole el libro en las manos, le abri6 por medio, y leyendo un poco en el, se comenz6 a reir. [142-43]

This is how the discovery occurred:--One day I was in the Alcandt

at Toledo, when a lad came to sell some parchments and old papers to a silk merchant. Now as I have a taste for reading even torn papers lying in the streets, I was impelled by my natural inclination to take up one of the parchment books the lad was selling, and saw in it characters which I recognized as Arabic. But though I could recognize them I could not read them, and looked around to see if there was not some Spanish-speaking Moor about, to read them to me; and it was not difficult to find such an interpreter there. For, even if I had wanted one for a better and older language, I should have found one. In short, chance offered me one, to whom I explained what I wanted, placing the book in his

12. This fruit (granada 'pomegranate') as a symbol for the kingdom with the same name persists today at the bottom of the national coat of arms. Salvador Dalfi's Suefio causado por el vuelo de una abeja un segundo antes del despertar (1944) is an abstraction of Iberian history up to the Spanish Civil War that echoes Cervantes's technique, albeit with much less humor. Note also that the pomegranate symbolizes the life-giving blood of Christ from medieval times-that is, another instance of Cervantes's appealfor a Christian solution to the violence of Spanish history.


hands. He opened it in the middle, and after reading a little began to laugh. [76]

And so the old Morisco translator in Toledo greets the fumbling second narrator and his complicit reader with laughter. Laughter at what? In general, laughter at the desperate importance that the Castilian has placed on such a silly text. But the specificity of this laughter is even more amazing, and perhaps paradoxically justifies said importance. For the Morisco translator has comprehended an Arabic commentator's joke in the margin about a classic Castilian anxiety that deserves to be laughed at:

Preguntele yo que de qud se reia, y respondi6me que de una cosa que tenia aquel libro escrita en el margen por anotaci6n. Dijele que me la dijese, y el, sin dejar la risa, dijo:

-Estd, como he dicho, aqui en el margen escrito esto: <<Esta Dulcinea del Toboso, tantas veces en esta historia referida, dicen que tuvo la mejor mano para salar puercos que otra mujer de toda la Mancha.~> [142-43]

I asked him what he was laughing at, and he answered that it was at something written in the margin of the book by way of a note. I asked him to tell me what it was and, still laughing, he answered: "This is what is written in the margin: 'They say that Dulcinea del Toboso, so often mentioned in this history, was the best hand at salting pork of any woman in all La Mancha.'" [76]

This is much more than the Morisco laughing at the object of the Castilian Christian's desire; this is a complicated geopolitical and cultural joke. He is mocking the Castilian Christian's ethnic anxiety, his need to prove, by eating pork, that neither he nor his love object are Jewish or Islamic. The Morisco translator's laughter discloses the knowledge he shares with Arabic readers and glossers who recognize that Don Quixote's lady is also from "La Mancha," and therefore quite likely Semitic despite her reputation for

salting pork. In short, after nearly 900 years of convivencia, this pathetic Castilian attempt at a clear ethnic or cultural distinction strikes the Morisco as absurd. The question now: is the Spanish reader of 1605 still laughing? The ultimate result of the windmill episode is as simple as "what goes around comes around." Just as Don Quixote would contaminate the Basque golden age with Castilian history, so the Morisco reduces the late sixteenth-century Castilian concern for blood purity with marginal irreverence. More- over, the fact that this culturally interpellating joke occurs in the marketplace adds a Bakhtinian dimension to the Cervantine critique. Bakhtin's positive assessment of the lower-class humor of Rabelais as the textual equivalent of liberating spaces and events like the marketplace or carnival is akin to Cervantes's regard for the young merchant as well as his sympathy with the laughter of the Morisco translator."

But let us be even more specific about what it is that provokes the Morisco's laughter. Let us do exactly as he does and open the book at the middle and read a little. When we do, we find more evidence of the novel's multicultural humor as well as its remark- able degree of self-referentiality. The following passage at the beginning of chapter 26, the middle of the novel's 52 chapters, might easily provoke a wry Arabic commentator to scribble something snide in the margin:

13. For Cervantes's concern for the social vitality of the marketplace, see Johnson. I have employed Bakhtin in a cursory manner because the Soviet theorist is far more common in Cervantine studies than either Althusser or Said. For more on Bakhtin and Cervantes, see Reed, Gorfkle, and Cascardi ("Romance, Ideology and Iconoclasm in Cervantes").

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Y volviendo a contar lo que hizo el de la Triste Figura despues que se vio solo, dice la historia que, asi como don Quijote acab6 de dar las tumbas o vueltas de medio abajo desnudo y de medio arriba vestido, y que vio que Sancho se habia ido, sin querer aguardar a ver mds sandeces, se subi6 sobre una punta de una alta pefia, y alli torn6 a pensar lo que otras muchas veces habia pensado, sin haberse jamds resuelto en ello; y era que cudl seria mejor y le estaria mds a cuento: imitar a Rolddn en las locuras desaforadas que hizo, o en Amadis en las malenc6nicas; y hablando entre si mesmo, decia:

--Si Rolddnfue tan buen caballero y tan valiente como todos dicen, ique maravilla, pues, al fin era encantado, y no le podia matar nadie si no era

metidndole un alfiler de a blanca por la punta del pie, y dl trafa siempre los zapatos con siete suelas de hierro? Aunque no le valieron tretas contra Bernardo del Carpio, que se las entendi6, y le ahog6 entre los brazos, en Roncesvalles. Pero dejando en e?l lo de la valentia a una parte, vengamos a lo de perder el juicio, que es cierto que le perdi6, por las seniales que hall6 en la Fortuna y por las nuevas que le dio el pastor de que Ange'lica habia dormido mds de dos siestas con Medoro, un morillo de cabellos enrizados y paje de Agramante; y si e"l entendi6 que esto era verdad y que su dama le habia cometido desaguisado, no hizo mucho en volverse loco; pero yo, g c6mo puedo imitalle en las locuras, si no le imito en la ocasi6n dellas? Porque mi Dulcinea del Toboso osare yo jurar que no ha visto en todos los dias de su vida moro alguno, ansi como el es, en su mismo traje, y que se estd hoy como la madre que la pari6. [318-19]

To continue the account of the actions of the Knight of the Sad Countenance once he was alone, our history tells that, after the falls or somersaults performed with his upper parts clothed and his lower parts naked, and after he had seen Sancho depart, unwilling to wait and see any more of his antics, Don Quixote climbed to the top of a high rock, and there turned his thoughts once more to a problem on which he had already pondered many times without reaching any conclusion. This was to decide which was the better and would stand him in the greater stead: to imitate Roland's downright madness or Amadis' melancholy moods. So, communing with himself, he argued: "IfRoland was as good a knight and as valiant as they all say, where is the wonder? since after all, he was enchanted, and no one could kill him except by stabbing a long pin into the sole of his foot, which was the reason why he always wore shoes with seven iron soles. But these contrivances were of no avail against Bernardo del Carpio, who understood them, and throttled him with his bare hands at Roncesvalles. But, setting his bravery on one side, let us consider his madness, which certainly arose from the evidence he found beside the spring and the news which the shepherd gave him that Angelica had slept more than two afternoons with Medoro, a little curly-haired Moor and page to Agramante. Now if he believed that this was true, and that his lady had done him this foul wrong, it is not surprising that he went mad. But how can I imitate him in his madness without a similar cause ? For I dare swear that my Dulcinea del Toboso has never seen a real Moor in his real Moorish dress in all her life, and that she is to-day as her mother bore her:" [214]

The pointed ridiculousness of Don Quixote's concern for Dulcinea's purity should be self-evident. The irony of the logic of his hero worship is perhaps more complicated. The passage's initial image of the half-clothed and half-naked body of the protagonist is one of an always almost interpellated subject, a portrait of Don Quixote at the very


instant of the mirror phase of his cultural identity. When Don Quixote is finally and completely alone in the middle of the forest, in the middle of his textual labyrinth, life boils down to an excruciating choice between the competing exemplarities of Roland and Bernardo del Carpio. Similar to the historical allegory involved in the image of Don Quixote's battle with the Basque framed by the perspective of the Arab, this choice between chivalric icons is a highly significant one between the French invader from the north (Roland) and the relatively more autochthonous Basque or Leonese Spaniard from the south (Bernardo del Carpio). Don Quixote, who shares with Bernardo del Carpio an opposition to Carolingian Empire, has an Achilles' heel to his Castilian ethnocentrism that is made vulnerable by this coincidence between Basque, Leonese, and Moorish politics.14 Don Quixote prefers the raw strength of Bernardo del Carpio to the madness of Roland, and so we might say that in reading his own Castilian medieval history, Don Quixote questions the layered ideology and aggressive logic of Charlemagne. Note further that this split identity arises from an abstract representation of medieval history at Roncesvalles (778), constructed in hindsight as the crucial midpoint in the Christian- Islamic relations of southern Europe. We might expect to find references to the post- Carolingian lull after the Moorish invasion and before the rise of the Leonese-Castilian nation-state near the middle of an epic parody of Iberian history.'5

The break between chapters 8 and 9 and the identity crisis at the beginning of

chapter 26 are more than mimesis. The parodic and comedic tone of such episodes be- trays a desire for social engineering; they are Cervantes's abstract ways of unveiling Spanish history as an absurd series of ethnic and/or cultural dialectics: Basque/Castilian, Moor/Spaniard, Leonese/Carolingian. In the end, Cervantes indicates that to be able to contextualize and to laugh at the tortuous complexity of Spanish history, so as not to become its pathetic protagonist, requires that one actively outmaneuver and defeat the fraudulent ideology of the ethnocentric Spanish national identity and replace it with the hybridized truth of said history-that is, with more historically accurate, less ideal, identities. The identity displacements offered by Cervantes's vision open the way for the reader to recognize the incredulous and resistant perspective of the native Morisco, who is presently experiencing the ill effects of Spanish nationalism.

To see the social difficulty involved in realizing this shift of subject positions, one need look no further than the 1605 novel's conclusion, which presents yet another symbolic intersection of sorts in the contrast between Don Quixote and Captain Ruy P6rez de Viedma. The captain, who has returned from captivity on the North African coast, is

obviously an autobiographical reference to Cervantes's return from Algiers. His story, "The Captive's Tale" [chapters 39-41], is full of historical references to the author's post-Lepanto experience. The key difference is that P6rez de Viedma not only returns from Algiers; he brings back his future bride Zoraida. Zoraida, in turn, is explicitly associated with the Virgin Mary. If the image of her on a donkey being led by P6rez de Viedma in search of an inn is not an obvious-enough allusion [461, 513], then she spells it out for the reader by objecting to her Arabic name with "iNo, no Zoraida: Maria, Maria!" [464]. In the simplest terms, "The Captive's Tale" expresses a desire to trans- late and expand the Christian foundation myth so as to include the Arab Other in the

14. For studies of El retablo de las maravillas as Cervantes's critique of Castilian ethnocentrism, see E. Michael Gerli ("El retablo de las maravillas") and Enrique Martinez L6pez.

15. Ren" Girard's diagnosis of Don Quixote's problem as his "metaphysical desire" to imitate Amadis de Gaula makes a step toward suggesting the complexity of Cervantes's purposes, but it falls far short of unveiling the historically specific irony of a desire that is not always so clearly "metaphysical." For example, the passage I have just cited shows that the protagonist's ideological affections are swayed when he contemplates Bernardo del Carpio's cunningly mate- rial opposition to Roland's magic.

80

definition of the Christian Self. Such is Cervantes's final appeal for a new Catholicism that returns to the essence of the Christian myth by shunning hostility, displaying com- passion, and seeking dialogue.16

Opposite this alternative method of Christian imperialism through self-restraint, we are soon given a reprise of the antiquated variety of Christian self-expression through aggression in chapter 52. Here Don Quixote, in what is significantly his last act before being returned home in a cage, attacks a procession of local townsfolk who carry a statue of the Virgin Mary and make supplications to God for rain. The mad knight gets it into his head that the black-clad (read "racially veiled") Virgin requires his rescue. Moreover, Cervantes describes the group laughter at the mad knight's interpretation of reality as being the same as "poner p61vora a la c61lera de don Quijote" [600] ("gunpow- der thrown on to Don Quixote's anger" [454]). This potentially counterinterpellating laughter unfortunately results in Don Quixote's unbridled rage, which makes for the antithesis of the Captive's strange seduction of Zoraida from Islamic Africa. Don Quixote, as an interpellated individual, still insists on taking up the evangelical sword for a Chris- tian cause that he has radically misunderstood; P6rez de Viedma, opting for a more diplomatic interpellation, beats a relatively passionless retreat from his own militaristic violence. Put another way, Don Quixote hears the call of Christian empire and thinks that his Virgin Mary must be aggressively rescued from primitive peoples, whereas the "captain turned captive" discovers that his Virgin Mary is the Islamic Other.

Conclusion

Reading Don Quixote side by side with Althusser and Said we have analyzed some of the details of Cervantes's dual process of diplomatic interpellation and ideological counterinterpellation of Castilian identity. But since Cervantes's text is generally considered a work of art rather than social criticism, a word is in order on Althusser's understanding of art. At one extreme of the critical spectrum, one might expect Althusser to adopt the classic marxist line that any art which is not socialist realism is bourgeois ideological nonsense, little different from the academic philosophy that Lenin called (quoting Dietzgen) the "refined, elevated professorial religion of muddled idealists" [cited by Althusser 30]. Yet Althusser offers a surprisingly moderate, and even elitist, commentary on art: "I do not rank real art among the ideologies, although art does have a quite particular and specific relationship with ideology" [221]. In his essay on Cremonini, he displays further committed regard for the representation of abstract relations [229-42]. It can be surprising to find that such an irascible materialist does not rank "real art" among the ideologies.17 Surely this must be Althusser's single most ide- alistic and quixotic gesture. If interpellation is the means by which the dominant ideology controls the subject, then the exception that Althusser grants to the sophisticated abstractions of "real art" suggests a materialist agenda, meaning that "real art" has the potential to "counterinterpellate" the dominant rationale of the reading subject. Cervantes's Don Quixote anticipates this definition of "real art" as a purposeful means of breaking his society's structures of misrecognition.

16. For a succinct reading of "The Captive's Tale" as an intercultural version of the story of Mary and Joseph as well as an inversion of the La Cava myth, see E. Michael Gerli [Refiguring Authority 40-60].

17. This elitism is by no means the exception among marxist humanists. Adorno and Horkeimer of the Frankfurt school regard high art as an appropriate social suicide performed by the edu- cated elite.


In reading art as social criticism, we grant it a modicum of authorial intention, acknowledging at least the author's attempt at the logic of a persuasive discourse. Wimsatt and Beardsley's insistence that "the design or intention of the author is neither available nor desirable as a standard for judging the success of a work of literary art" [3] should not preclude us from attending to the cultural and historical specificity of what happens when a text intentionally fails to work, as it does at the end of chapter 8 of Don Quixote. In the broad cultural and geopolitical terms to which the text is historically predisposed and that thus require no substantiation through authorial intent, we might say that Cervantes's text marks the crossroads of the interdependent births of modem imperialism, colonialism, and capitalism. But in Don Quixote Cervantes does more than record his historical context; he purposefully reveals how Spain, owing to its hybrid cultural history and its geographical location as an intercontinent between Africa and Europe, cannot evince the same kind of easy colonialist orientalism as France and England. In Spain the more enduring presence of the Arab "disorients" the European to a far greater degree than in the rest of Europe. At the first major break of his novel, when Cervantes interrupts Don Quixote's battle with the Basque in order to have a Toledan Morisco laugh at an Arabic joke scribbled in the margin of a passage about a Spanish identity crisis, he has inserted a metatextual obstacle, a kind of narrative trajectory that ap- proaches, but always resists, an asymptote of the gratification of Castilian aggression. Perhaps a tragedy of early modem Spanish history is that the antiquated nationalism of Don Quixote won and the marketplace humor of the Toledan Morisco lost. But in his novels, Cervantes would have his readers both comprehend and desire the economic laughter of the Other in order to move in a direction opposite that of actual history-that is, opposite the dominant history exemplified by Don Quixote. In this sense, the character Don Quixote is a portrait of perpetually misdirected aggression around which Cervantes constructs the novel Don Quixote as an apparatus for its rational contain- ment. Thus in the 1605 novel's conclusion Don Quixote arrives literally in a cage at the center of his town's plaza."8 And given Cervantes's stated purpose of placing a multiperspectivist literary game in the public plaza of his republic (see this paper's epigraph), it would seem that the body of Don Quixote is to serve an analogous purpose. The scene very much implies that Don Quixote is to be punished or sacrificed for the public good, the simple irony being that such public humiliation was common in the treatment of heretics rather than heroes.

Malcom Read has pointed out that Cervantes's rationalism is "not to be confused with the scientific empiricism and mechanical rationalism that correspond to the next stage of bourgeois development, which was to take place in England and France" [6]. Yet the image of Don Quixote's hopeless and laughable battle with the windmill both anticipates and complicates Lenin's understanding of imperialism as the highest stage of capitalism. The precapitalist scenario of chapters 8 and 9 shows the imperialist hope- lessly battling against the onset of the dehumanization of capitalism, and failing at that, immediately returning to his old ways, sublimating his own defeat into a renewed aggression against Others like Basques, Moors, Arabs, and Moriscos. If, on the one hand, as Fernand Braudel has claimed, "the 'imperial idea' had its roots in the historic Spanish crusade" [418], on the other, the most famous episode of Don Quixote allows that the imperialism and colonialism of Hapsburg Spain was also dynamically related to the bourgeois materialism threatening from the north. To the extent that Don Quixote is a negative exemplar of the abuses of Hapsburg imperialism against various Others, Cervantes also seems to be making a qualified appeal for the very scientific empiricism

18. For the ontological disquietude implied by the conclusion of part 2, where the cage is placed in Don Quixote's own hands, see Jacques Lezra [246-56].

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and mechanical rationalism that Don Quixote would resist. Such an attitude may well be the secular and economic corollary of Erasmism, what Javier Herrero has called "the new, to a great extent bourgeois, Christianity which descended to the South of Europe from the Low Countries" [77].19

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Documents

When an Arab Laughs in Toledo