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The Peoples of the West from the Weilue by Yu Huan A Third Century Chinese Account Composed between 239 and 265 CE Quoted in zhuan 30 of the Sanguozhi Published in 429 CE Draft English translation by John E. Hill © September, 2004  “I was not born knowledgeable, I am devoted to antiquity and am quick to seek know ledge.” Kong Qiu (Confucius).  Lunyu, 7, 19.  Contents Preface Acknowledgements Introduction About this Translation About Fonts and Characters About the Text Translator’s Notes About the Dating and Background of the Text Background Reading About Measurements and Administrative Divisions The Text Section 1. The Di Tribes Section 2. The Zilu Tribes Section 3. The Qiang Tribes Section 4. The three main overland routes to the Western Regions

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The Peoples of the Westfrom the Weilue

by Yu Huan

A Third Century Chinese AccountComposed between 239 and 265 CE

Quoted in zhuan 30 of the Sanguozhi

Published in 429 CE

Draft English translation

by

John E. Hill

© September, 2004

 

“I was not born knowledgeable,I am devoted to antiquity and am quick to seek knowledge.”

Kong Qiu (Confucius). Lunyu, 7, 19.

 

Contents

PrefaceAcknowledgementsIntroductionAbout this TranslationAbout Fonts and CharactersAbout the TextTranslator’s Notes

About the Dating and Background of the TextBackground ReadingAbout Measurements and Administrative Divisions

The Text

Section 1. The Di TribesSection 2. The Zilu TribesSection 3. The Qiang TribesSection 4. The three main overland routes to the Western Regions

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Section 5. The Southern RouteSection 6. The Kingdom of Linni (Lumbini)Section 7. The Kingdom of Juli (the ‘Eastern Division’ of the Kushan Empire)Section 8. The Kingdom of Panyue (Pandya)Section 9. The Central Route

Section 10. Previous MisconceptionsSection 11. Da Qin (Roman territory/Rome)Section 12. Products of Da Qin (Roman territory)– Product ListSection 13. The Sea Route to Da Qin (Roman territory)Section 14. Roman DependenciesSection 15. The Kingdom of Zesan (Azania)Section 16. The Kingdom of Lüfen (Leukê Komê or modern Al Wajh)Section 17. The Kingdom of Qielan (Wadi Sirhan)Section 18. The Kingdom of Xiandu (‘Aynūnah = Leukos Limên?)Section 19. The Kingdom of Sifu (Petra)

Section 20. The Kingdom of Yuluo (Karak)Section 21. The Kingdom of SiluoSection 22. The Far WestSection 23. The New Route of the NorthSection 24. The Kingdom of Northern Wuyi (Khujand)Section 25. The Kingdoms of Liu, Yan, and Yancai (the Alans)Section 26. The Kingdom of HudeSection 27. The Kingdom of Jiankun (Khirgiz)Section 28. The Kingdom of DinglingSection 29. The Kingdom of Duanren (‘Pygmies’)Section 30. The Author’s Comments

Abbreviations and Bibliography

Appendices

A. The Main Caravan Routes.B. The territories of Haixi, Haibei and Haidong.C. The “Great Seas” and the “Western Sea.”D. Sea Silk.

E. Wild Silks.F. Maritime Commerce and Shipping during the Han Period.G. The Water Cisterns on the Route between Petra and Wadi Sirhan.H. The Identification of the City of Angu with Ancient Gerrha and ModernThaj.I. The Spread of Ideas and Religions along the Trade Routes.J. Climate and other Changes along the Silk Routes.K. The Identification of Jibin as Kapisha-Gandhāra.L. The Introduction of Silk Cultivation to Khotan in the 1st Century CE.M. The Canals and Roads from the Red Sea to the Nile.N. Kanishka’s Hostage in History and Legend.

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Preface

There are several important Chinese texts relating to the early development of the “Silk Routes” that have not been translated into English previously. They

include the ‘Chapter on the Western Regions,’ several biographies of theChinese generals who expanded Chinese power to the west, from the Hou

 Hanshu (covering the period from 25-220 CE); and an important 3rd centurygeographical and historical text called the Weilue. My aim is to complete up-to-date, fully annotated translations of these texts, and make them easily availableto all.

• My first translation, a draft annotated version of The Western Regions

 According to the Hou Hanshu , appeared on the Silk Road Seattle website inMay of 2002. The response from readers was beyond any expectations. I wasinundated with a wealth of new material, comments and suggestions from

scholars in more than 30 countries. This led to a thorough revision andupdating of my original draft which had been available on this site since July2003. It is presently being revised once more before being published in bookform.

• I am hoping, by the publication of this draft version of my annotatedtranslation of the Weilue on the same site to elicit a similar response. Thisshould lead to a more accurate and useful final document. I intend to add thebiographies of several of the Chinese generals who were instrumental inopening the main “Silk Routes” to the west at a later date.

• I have included a number of lengthy quotations in the notes because I believethey are of importance, well-stated, and of particular interest. I have alsoincluded some notes sent to me privately in emails. I have tried to getpermission from all these correspondents but have not heard back from all of them yet. If authors have any objections to my use of their material I hope theywill contact me and I will gladly make adjustments.

• Some of the longer notes, which may be of more general interest, I haveincluded as Appendices at the end of the document so they can be easily foundand accessed.

• Publishing this translation will, I hope, make the Weilue of interest to thegeneral reader, while retaining enough information in the notes to make ituseful for specialists. I have tried to keep the text itself as uncluttered aspossible so that it may be comfortably read as a whole.

• I hope the work will help rekindle interest in the extensive early contacts andexchanges between East and West, and how they shaped the development of our cultures and our technologies. May it inspire readers to search for answersto some of the many remaining mysteries in the text. I also hope that you will

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share at least some of the great pleasure I have received while studying thisfascinating work.

• Your comments, corrections, criticisms or suggestions are most welcome andwill be taken into account in future revisions and, if used, full credit will be

given. Please contact me directly – not through the Silk Road Seattle website. Iwill try to answer any questions – my contact details are:

John E. HillPO Box 467Cooktown, Qld.,AUSTRALIA 4895Email: [email protected]

AcknowledgementsMany, many people have helped to encourage me and with the research thatwent into this new draft version of the Weilue.

I would like to acknowledge the constant help and encouragement I havereceived from Jo Wynter, my beloved partner of almost 30 years. Without heruntiring patience and constant help, editing and suggestions, none of myhistorical work would have ever come to fruition.

My special thanks go to Professor Fida Hassnain, who originally firedmy enthusiasm in early Indian history, took me to visit many Kushan sites,helped me explore the archaeological collections held in Kashmir, whileconveying the knowledge he had gained through his long career; ProfessorDaniel Waugh for his encouragement and for making it possible to publish mywork on the Silk Road Seattle website; and to Professor Victor M. Mair forongoing advice and assistance. Others who have generously provided valuablehelp include:

Nettie K. Adams, Dr. Farhad Assar, Dr. Thomas Bartlett, ProfessorChristopher I. Beckwith, Dr. Craig Benjamin, Professor Alison Betts,Professor E. Bruce Brooks, Professor Felix Chami, Dr. T. MatthewCiolek, Professor Joe Cribb, Chris M. Dorn’eich, Professor Étienne de

la Vaissière, Aayko Eyma, Professor Richard N. Frye, Professor M.Gawlikowski, Dan Gibson, Gaston Giulliani, Dr. Irene L. Good, Dr.David T. Graf, Paul Greenhall, Chris Hopkins, Professor Karl Jettmar,Agnes Korn, Henriette Kress, Whalen Lai, Valérie Lefebvre-Aladwi,Renzo Lucherini, Pavel Lurje, Thomas K. Mallon-McCorgray, Dr.Michael Macdonald, Professor Daniel L. McKinley, Raoul Mclaughlin,Felicitas Maeder, Josef Maier, Samir Masri; Professor IrinaMerzliakova, John Moffett, Khademi Nadooshan, Professor GiorgioNebbia, Mark Passehl, Prof. E. G. Pulleyblank, Lic. Paola Raffetta, Fr.Yves Raguin, S.J., Professor Nader Rastegar, Professor DonaldRedford, Joachim K. Rennstich, Janet Rizvi, Peter Rowland, Dr.

Edmund Ryden, Orit Shamir, Michael Schimmelpfennig, Professor

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Steven Sidebotham, Professor Nicholas Sims-Williams, Sören Stark,Dr. Sebastian Stride, Dr. Mehmet Tezcan, Professor E. H. Uphill, Dr.Chunyun WANG, Professor Donald B. Wagner, Antonia Willis,Richard Wong, and the Editorial staff of Shen-Nong of IntegratedChinese Medicine Holdings Ltd., in Hong Kong (www.icm.com.hk).

Almost inevitably I will have forgotten some who have helped me along theway – and a few have asked not to be named. I extend my heartfelt gratitude toyou as well.

Thank you all so very much. I will be forever in your debt. This is yourwork as well as mine – there is no way I could have written it without the kindsupport and assistance I received from you. I hope you will find it worthy andwill be pleased with it. I look forward to any suggestions you may have toimprove it in the future.

 

Introduction

About this Translation

• This translation has been made from the text of the Weilue as contained inthe five volume Sanguozhi published by the New China Bookstore PublishingHouse, Beijing, 1975, zhuan 30: 858-863. I have also checked critical passagesagainst other, earlier, editions.

• As in the modern world, the borders of countries were constantly changing.In addition, many of the peoples mentioned in the Weilue were nomadic, andregularly moved from place to place. Peoples of different ethnic backgroundsand even languages were sometimes grouped together under a common nameas “confederations” or “tribes,” which at times can be quite confusing for thereader.

• I have divided the text into numbered and headed sections for clarity andease of use. Modern place-name equivalents are in rounded brackets after theChinese names. Many are well-established and widely accepted. Tentativeidentifications are indicated with a question mark, and the evidence isdiscussed in the notes.

The modern place-names adopted here sometimes only refer to thegeneral location of the ancient sites mentioned in the text. Usually I have onlygiven the name of the nearest modern town, or the main town of an oasis. Forexample, the oasis of Kashgar (Shule) contained several towns, as it still does,and these are sometimes referred to individually. Literal translations of place-names and products have been put within single inverted commas, such as:‘Eastern Division.’

Where needed for clarity, I have added comments and notes in squarebrackets, eg: “the three heavenly bodies [the sun, moon, and stars].”Identifications that remain uncertain are indicated by a question mark.

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• Because the older Wade-Giles system of Romanizing Chinese is stillcommonly used, you will find it employed in many of the quotes given in mynotes. I have, therefore, included the Wade-Giles equivalents after the Pinyinfor many names and terms in italics and within square brackets.

• Chinese characters are omitted from the translation itself to make it easier toread. The characters for all major place-names and terms are included in theappropriate notes.

• For those wishing to check the reconstructed ancient pronunciations I highlyrecommend first checking Edwin Pulleyblank’s masterful Lexicon of 

 Reconstructed Pronunciation in Early Middle Chinese, Late Middle Chinese, and 

 Early Mandarin (1991), UBC Press, Vancouver. It is arranged alphabeticallyaccording to the Pinyin renderings and also contains references to the entriesin Karlgren’s earlier, but still useful, Grammata Serica ( Recensa).Pulleyblank’s listing of the reference numbers to the characters in Karlgren’s

work probably provides the most convenient way of finding particularcharacters in that work, which is notoriously difficult to access. Someadditional reconstructions have been added from the Grand dictionnaire Ricci

 de la langue chinoise. 7 volumes. Instituts Ricci (Paris – Taipei). Desclée deBrouwer. 2001, which is abbreviated as GR in the entries.

• Note that the EMC reconstructions are only reliable back to the time whenthe Qieyun dictionary was completed in 601 CE, as Pulleyblank himself noteson p. 20 of his Lexicon. This means there was a gap of over 300 years betweenthe composition of the Weilue and the best phonetic reconstructions for thecharacters we have at our disposal.

Although the reconstructions back to the late 6th century are frequentlyuseful in helping to identify place-names, there were undoubtedly significant

phonetic changes between the 3rd century and 6th century CE. Also, there werelikely significant differences in pronunciation between the Chinese soldiers andsettlers on the northwest frontiers and the inhabitants of the capital.

• The reconstructions of “Archaic Chinese” according to Karlgren’sGrammata Serica, in which he attempts to reconstruct pronunciations back tothe Chou period (up to circa 220 BCE), are also included. These reconstructionsof “Archaic Chinese” are indicated by the use of a preceding asterisk: *.Sometimes Karlgren’s attempts to provide these earlier reconstructions are of value, but they should be regarded with caution. They are followed byKarlgren’s “Ancient Chinese,” which are his reconstructions for the periodequivalent to Pulleyblank’s EMC.

As entries are often difficult to find in Karlgren’s book, I have includedhis numbering system preceded by “K”, so a typical entry from his work willlook like this: K. 139s *g’ân / γân.

• Quotes from French authors have been translated into English and usuallyadapted (e.g. by changing the French E.F.E.O. romanizations into Pinyin,leaving out unnecessary footnotes and some of the Chinese characters).

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• Some notes from my earlier translation of the Chapter on the Western

 Regions According to the Hou Hanshu (abbreviated here as CWR) areduplicated here to save the reader the tedious task of checking the notes fromone work to the other.

 About Fonts and Characters

• I have avoided using Chinese characters in the Text itself. Chinesecharacters as found in the Notes will require the enabling of “Unicode”Chinese characters. Most modern computer programs come with the ability todisplay Chinese characters but some readers may have to install or “enable”them in their browser to be able to read the Notes and Appendices properly.

• Some of the rarer characters may not be available in the fonts on your

computer. In this case, if you are using Windows 2000 or XP format, try toobtain the very extensive “Simsun (Founder Extended)” font which isavailable on the (unfortunately very expensive) Microsoft Office ProofingTools CD.

Those with Office XP 2002 or later should be able to install it from yourOffice XP CD using the information available at: http://www.i18nwithvb.com/ surrogate_ime/background.htm

• For Mac users I recommend checking the following website for informationon Chinese fonts for the various OS X operating systems: http://www.yale.edu/ 

chinesemac/pages/os_x.html 

• For Linux users I recommend checking the following website forinformation on Chinese fonts: http://seba.studentenweb.org/thesis/linux.php

• For the balance of the document (including Chinese romanizations and thequotes from various other languages), I have used “Gentium” font throughoutas it elegant, and contains the greatest number of diacritics (or accents)needed. Best of all, is free and available now in Linux, Mac and PC formats.

If this font is not on already your computer it can be easily downloadedand installed from this site, or: information on the Gentium font can befound at: http://scripts.sil.org/cms/scripts/page.php?site_id=nrsi&item_id=Gentium&_sc=1

Gentium fonts may be downloaded from: http://scripts.sil.org/cms/ scripts/page.php?site_id=nrsi&item_id=Gentium_download&_sc=1Fortunately, it is free, and not a large file, and so should not take toolong to download and install in your “Fonts” folder.

• The use of “Gentium” has allowed me accurately represent almost all thediacritics employed in the quotes. Don’t forget, if you can’t find exactly the

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diacritic you need already in the list of characters, you can combine marksfrom the “Combining Diacritical Marks” heading, by typing the character youwish to mark and then going to “Symbol” and adding the appropriatediacritical mark. This works reasonably well in most cases.

In spite of this, some readers may still experience difficulties. However, I

believe that most of the notes will be meaningful even if the odd character ismissed. If readers continue to have problems, or wish to discuss some point,contact the author directly at: [email protected] . But please – do notcontact the Webmaster.

 

About The Text.

• The Weilue fills in many gaps in our knowledge of the extensive internationalcontacts and trade networks at this early period. The kingdom of Wei was one

of the ‘Three Kingdoms’ (Wei, Wu and Shu) formed after the disintegration of the Han dynasty in 220 CE. Its capital remained at Luoyang [ Loyang], whichhad also been the capital of the Later Han dynasty.

“The Wei controlled the north and north-west, being based essentiallyon the Yellow River valley with their capital at Loyang ; the Wu in thesouth and south-east ruled the Yangtze valley and the two Kuangprovinces, while the Shu were based on the Szechuan basin in the east,but also commanded the hills of Kweichow and part of Yunnan.”Needham (1978), p. 40.

• The original text of the Weilue, or “ Brief Account of the Wei Dynasty,” by YuHuan has, sadly, been lost. Fortunately, this chapter on the xirong, or ‘Peoplesof the West’, was quoted in as extensive footnote to the Sanguozhi by PeiSongzhi, first published in CE 429.

• Unfortunately, Yu Huan does not mention his sources in the text that hassurvived. Some of this new data undoubtedly came to China via traders fromDa Qin. Land communications with the West apparently continued relativelyuninterrupted to the northern state of Wei after the fall of the Han dynasty.

Wei was the northernmost of the three kingdoms the Han empire hadsplit into and it controlled access to Dunhuang and the main trade routes to

the west. It was also, of course, the state that Yu Huan lived in. An entry of the“Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms” for the year 222 CE informs us:

“Second month (Mar. 1-29). The Kings of Shan-shan , Ch’iu-tsŭ

(Kutcha), and Yü-tien (Khotan) each dispatched an envoy tooffer tribute. [The Emperor said in an edict: “‘The Hsi-jung cameto submit to his arrangements,’ and ‘The Ti-ch’iang came to seekacknowledgment,’ – these lines are sung in praise in the Shih and theShu . Now, the distant barbarian tribes of the Western Regions haveall come to offer submission and allegiance to us. Envoys shall be sent

to soothe them.”] From this time on, the Western Regions maintained

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contact with China, and the wu-chi chiao-yü was appointed.”Fang (1965), p. 98. [Note: this latter title is usually transcribed as: “wu-

(or mao-) chi hsiao-wei” – which translates as the “Maoji Commandant”– see Hucker No. 2456 and TWR notes 1.5 and 22.5. Also, “the Ti-ch’iang” above would be better rendered as “the Ti and the Ch’iang.”] 

• There is information in the Weilue about the maritime routes to the RomanEmpire and it is quite possible that some, or all, of the new information on theRoman Empire and Parthia came from foreign sailors. One record of information obtained from such sources (which may have been available to YuHuan) is recorded in the Liangshu:

“During the 5th year of the Huangwu period of the reign of Sun Quan[= CE 226] a merchant of Da Qin, whose name was Qin Lun came toJiaozhi [Tongking]; the prefect [ taishou] of Jiaozhi, Wu Miao, sent him

to Sun Quan [the Wu emperor], who asked him for a report on hisnative country and its people. Qinlun prepared a statement and replied.At the time Zhuke [nephew to Zhuke Liang, alias Kun Ming] chastisedDan Yang [= Jiang Nan] and they had caught blackish coloured dwarfs.When Qin Lun saw them he said that in Da Qin these men were rarelyseen. Sun Quan then sent male and female dwarfs, ten of each, incharge of an officer, Liu Xian of Huiji [a district in Zhejiang], toaccompany Qin Lun. Liu Xian died on the road, whereupon Qin Lunreturned direct to his native country.” Adapted from Hirth (1885), pp.47-48.

Note: In the name of the “Roman” merchant Qin Lun above, Qin, as isstandard Chinese practice with foreign names, stands for ‘from Da Qin’ or theRoman Empire. The old pronunciation of the personal name Lun isreconstructed as: K. 470b *li wn / li uĕn or *lwn / lun; EMC lwn or

lwnh. This, as Renzo Lucherini has kindly pointed out in a privatecommunication of 23 May, 2004, may well have represented the Greek name of Leon.

• Yu Huan apparently never left China, but he collected a large amount of information on the countries to the west of China including Parthia, India, andthe Roman Empire, and the various routes to them. Some of this informationhad reached China well before Yu Huan’s time, and can also be found in thesections dealing with the ‘Western Regions’ of the Shiji, the Hanshu, and the Hou Hanshu.

• In spite of this repetition of earlier (and sometimes fanciful) information, theWeilue contains much new, unique, and generally trustworthy material. Mostof it dates from the late second and early third centuries CE. It is this newinformation that makes the Weilue such a valuable source. Most of the newinformation appears to have come from the Later Han dynasty, before China

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was to a large extent cut off from the West by civil wars and unrest along itsborders during the late 2nd century CE.

“The time of the Han dynasty, especially the Later Han, was one of therelatively important scientific periods in Chinese history. There were

great advances in astronomy, improvements in the calendar, anoutstanding development in the earth sciences, and foundations laid formethods of classifying plants and animals; alchemy flourished, and thefirst book ever written on the subject appeared (A.D. 142). A scepticaland rationalist way of thinking developed, particularly about A.D. 80 inthe hands of Wang Chhung [Wang Chong].., while there were two Hanprinces who also took part in active intellectual life. One, Tê of Ho-Chien, was a scholar and bibliophile who preserved the important‘Artificer’s Record’ section of the Chou Li (Records of the Rites of Chou), the other was the almost legendary Liu An of Huai-Nan, whogave his name to the Huai Nan Tzu, a compendium on all the science of 

the day and one of the most important monuments of ancient Chinesescientific thought. Indeed, bibliography as a whole received greatstimulus, for the Han period marked the first systematic development of book lists; compiled by experts in astronomy, medicine, militaryscience, history, magic and divination, these were incorporated into theHan histories and list some 700 works written on wooden or bambootablets, and on silk. Buddhism also entered China in Later Han timesand the first sutras were translated into Chinese at the capital, Loyang.

In technology the Han age was marked by the invention andspread of the use of paper, by numerous developments in ceramics suchas the first glazes and the introduction of a material that was the

forerunner of porcelain, by advances in architectural techniques suchas making decorated bricks and tiles, and by raising the level of textiletechnology to a stage not approached by Iran or Europe until centurieslater. A large number of natural products new to China were alsoimported: alfalfa and the grape-vine from the west, oranges, lemons,betel nuts and lychees from the south and south-west. From the westalso came improved breeds of horses, and from Khotan, possibly fromBurma too, jade arrived in large quantities. Perhaps the greatestachievement of the Han people in nautical technology was the cardinalinvention of the axial rudder at least as early as the first century A.D.

Towards the end of Later Han times, palace revolutions becameincreasingly frequent, and in 184 a farming crisis led to a peasant revoltguided, in this case, by the ‘Yellow Turban’ secret society. Although therevolt was suppressed, it left some of the army generals in positions of great power, and by 220 the central government found itself ineffective.The country became divided, and for the next half century remainedfragmented into three independent kingdoms in a state of permanentmutual hostility.” Needham (1978), pp. 39-40.

• Along with these great scientific and technological exchanges came newideas, philosophies and religions. Foreign ideas and religions spread incredibly

quickly via the trade routes across the whole of Eurasia and much of Africa.

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The acceleration of information exchange was unprecedented. Buddhismbecame established in Central Asia well before the turn of the millennium and

in China during the 1st century CE.

• There is also some fairly convincing evidence that Christianity and Judaism

had reached both China and India by the first century CE, and Christianitywas definitely well-established in southern India at least by the second centuryCE. This rapid spread of religions was to continue in later centuries withManichaeism, Nestorian Christianity and Islam. See: Appendix I: “TheSpread of Ideas and Religions Along the Trade Routes.”

 

Translator’s Notes

• The section on Da Qin (Roman territory) from the Weilue was translated

into English, with excellent notes, by Friedrich Hirth in his pioneering volume,China and the Roman Orient, first published in 1885. He also includedtranslations of a wide range of other Chinese texts relating to Da Qin (theRoman Empire) and the Chinese text of each is included, making it anessential reference, even today.

• This was followed in 1905 by a translation of the rest of the text of the Weilue

into French by Édouard Chavannes, under the title of, “Les pays d’occidentd’après le Wei lio.”

Chavannes’ translation is accompanied by copious notes in which heclarified numerous obscurities, and convincingly identified many of the

countries and towns mentioned in the Weilue, especially along the easternsections of the overland trade routes. These are, to my knowledge, the onlytranslations of significant portions of the text into European languages to date.

• In 1980 I was living in India, beginning to study the history of the KushanEmpire, when Professor Edwin Pulleyblank very kindly sent me copies of Chavannes’ annotated French translations of the Weilue and the chapter onthe ‘Western Regions’ as well as other key texts from the Hou Hanshu. Itranslated Chavannes’ accounts into English as an aid to my studies. What awonderful treasure chest of information I discovered there!

It was soon clear to me, however, that the translations and notes were

badly in need of expansion and updating, and, as there had never been acomplete translation of the whole texts into English, I decided to beganteaching myself Chinese so I could study and translate the original Chinesetexts.

I had not realised when I first started in 1980 what an immense andlengthy, but rewarding, task the translating and annotating the Weilue wouldbe. It was an audacious undertaking, as my knowledge of Chinese was (andstill is) very limited. It would have been impossible without the help of manyexperts and friends and any merits this new translation might have are duelargely to their kind and generous suggestions and advice.

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• An excellent and detailed review of Chavannes’ translation of the Weilue

(which, unfortunately, excludes the section on Da Qin or the Roman Empire)was published by Paul Pelliot in BEFEO 6 (1906), pp. 361-400, in which hecorrected some of the major mistakes and weaknesses in Chavannes’pioneering translation. I include here some of his more important observations

and notes:“Mr. Chavannes always makes use of the edition of the twenty-fourhistorians published by the library of Tushujicheng in Shanghai from1888. This edition has the advantage of being printed clearly in aconvenient format and is relatively inexpensive. It accurately

reproduces the Imperial edition published in the 18th century by orderof Qianlong and which is authoritative in China today. It is just that

this edition in moving characters1, generally correct for the Shiji or the Histories of the Han, and which is at the same time the first and the onlytrue reflection of the dynastic histories, is quite careless from theSanguozhi onwards. Additionally, Mr. Chavannes has had at hisdisposal the edition of the Sanguozhi known as the Baorentang (p. 550,n. 2; p. 555, n. 1), but he does not seem to have always checked it for, inat least two cases it is unlikely that the Baorentang edition givesreadings which, in the edition of Shanghai are clearly printing errors:on p. 522, “ Zixiang Di” is incorrect for “ Baixiang Di”and the correct reading is found in the example in the xylographic

edition published by Jiangnanshuju in 18871. It is the same for the

Weibi of p. 526 where Mr. Chavannes clearly sees that it ought to bewritten Xianbi and which is, in fact, correctly written Xianbi in

the edition of Jiangnanshuju and, very probably, in that of the Baorentang. The edition of 1877 that I quote here is, however, far frombeing satisfactory itself. In the section on Da Qin that Mr. Chavanneshas not translated, it presents a printing fault which has misled Mr.Hirth and which I have already had the occasion to note ( B.E.F.E.-O.,iv, p. 175, n. 3). As to the rest of this section taken from the Weilue, onewill find in the large format edition of 1887 the faulty readings:

Lufu in place of the Fulu of Mr. Chavannes (p. 521); Juejinginstead of  Jingjue (p. 556). On the other hand, this same edition of 1887 gives readings or characters in certain places that one cannot

reject a priori: such as the fact that it always writes Yuedi and notYuezhi 2, ling in place of  (although I do not believe the twocharacters were used interchangeably); in the name of Yulai (p. 558),one finds yu in place of its equivalent ; Danduo (p. 526) is writtenwith to and not with tuo [note Chavannes (1905), p. 526, n. 5,writes: “The character is also pronounced zhi; but the pronunciation tuo appears preferable when it refers to the pronunciation of foreignsounds [there is a typographical error here where Chavannes gives‘ nons’ instead of ‘ sons’].” The Pikang of p. 558 is not a priori

better than the Pirong given in the edition of 1887. In the

enigmatic title that the edition of the library of Tushujicheng gives in

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the form of  bosuwen (p. 550), the edition of 1887 agrees withother sources that have xian in place of  wen. All these examplesshow that one cannot safely translate using a single contemporaryedition of the dynastic histories. The first palace edition alone deservescomplete trust for the text adopted under Qianlong, and yet modern

criticism can only see there the version which was followed by thescholars of the 18th century, but not a sufficiently reliable text thatcomparison with the editions of the Sung, Yuan, or the Ming would be

without profit3.All these editions, from whatever period, have this in common,

that they have not modified the text even if it was clearly in error.Disregarding the copying or printing faults that they inevitably presentin greater or lesser numbers, the differences between the editions towhich Chinese or European science are able to refer to always providevarious readings furnished by previous printed or manuscript

examples, and the various editors have not chosen between them in thesame manner. This prudence, this respect for the text, is one of theprincipal merits of Chinese scholarship and it is, in part, due to this thatthe dynastic histories have retained such great authority. But, as aresult, commentaries are necessary to establish, whether by comparisonbetween the dynastic histories or referring to other works of Chineseliterature, if a certain passage is certainly or probably in error, and inwhich manner it ought to be corrected. It is principally under thepresent dynasty, which is the great period of Chinese exegesis, that thisresearch has been undertaken.”

Page 365, note 1. I have several times, and with others with me, spoken of thelithographic or photolithographic edition of the twenty-four historians. This isthe edition used here by Mr. Chavannes ; it was published in 1888 and in thefollowing years in a small format, and, in fact, has been carried out with the useof mobile metallic characters. The same applies to the corresponding edition of the Tushujicheng.

Page 366, note 1. This xylographic edition of 1887 does not, however, reproduce

the official edition of the 18th century, but that published under the Ming by the Jiguge. It is known that the Jiguge of the Mao family was the bestpublishing house existing during the Ming. There is the catalogue of what waspublished there (cf. WYLIE, Notes on Chinese literature p. 60). The edition of theJiangnanshuju which appeared in 1887 is in the library of the École des

Langues orientales.

Page 366, note 2. This form Yuedi has not been neglected, if one refers tothe remarks of Mr. FRANKE in his Beiträge aus Chinesischen Quellen zur

 Kenntnis der Türkvölker und SkythenZentralasiens (Berlin, 1904), where itsexistence prior to the Weishu is disputed : yet there was a printing fault. Onesees that it is a matter of the edition. In reality, I believe that the ancientmanuscripts rarely distinguished between da and dai, di and zhi, zhi and qi. The unity of the ancient forms of these dual characters hassurvived until now in spirit. As for the form Yuezhi, it should be noted thatit has also served for writing the name of a Korean principality (Sanguozhi, ch.30, folio 13).

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Page 366, note 3. We have not so much as mentioned ancient Chinesemanuscripts. Meanwhile, exception should be made for those that have beenrediscovered in Japan over the last few years. Among them is a manuscriptfrom the Tang period giving the Shihuozhi of the Qian Hanshu of BanGu with commentary by Yan Shigu, that is to say, a portion of the threecanonical histories which have never ceased attracting attention and which, as aconsequence, have been transmitted with the greatest care. Now, on this chapteralone, there are about a hundred characters different from the usual text. Cf.on this subject B.E.F.E.-O., ii. 335.

Translated and adapted from Pelliot (1906), pp. 365-367 and nn.

• Throughout this translation I have relied primarily on the Weilue as quotedin the Sanguozhi, New China Library 1975 Edition, published by the NewChina Bookstore Publishing House, Beijing. This is generally regarded as anauthoritative an accurate rendition, with the added advantage of includingpunctuations. Occasional small differences with other editions have been dealtwith in the Notes.

• Paper was a new invention, first recorded in China in the year 105 CE

(although recent research indicates it was probably invented previous to thisusually accepted date). Prior to this books were usually written on bambooslips or on silk. It is unclear whether Yu Huan had access to paper or not. Thereader should be aware that this chapter has only survived because it wasincluded as an extensive note to the Sanguozhi. Often it is possible to tellwhether a bamboo slip has been lost because they usually only had a limitednumber of characters on them; a page of paper could contain a larger text.Unfortunately, here one cannot tell for certain, but it does seem possible thatone or more bamboo slips were lost before the chapter was recorded in theSanguozhi – particularly near the end of Section 10.

• The notes, which I hope will make the translation more meaningful andaccessible for readers, have proved to be even more difficult and demandingthan the translation itself. In particular, the identification of some of the place-names and products mentioned in the text are still unresolved; and continue tobe vigorously debated.

 

About the Dating and Background of the Text

Chavannes, in his introduction, convincingly dates the composition of the text:

“The biography of Yu Huan has not been admitted to the canonicalhistories. Therefore, we would only be able to guess at the date at whichthis author wrote if a celebrated critic of the Tang period, Liu Zhiji , had not left us, in his Shi tong published in 710, this veryshort bit of information:

‘Previously, during the Wei period (220-265), Yu Huan,originally from the capital (Changan), composed the Weilue

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without being officially given the job. The narrative of theseevents comes to a halt during the reign of Emperor Ming(227-239). . . . ’

The evidence of Liu Zhiji, dating from a time when the Weilue had not yet

disappeared, cannot be put in doubt. It fixes the composition of the Weilue inthe twenty-six years between CE 239, the end of Emperor Ming’s reign, and265, the end of the Wei dynasty.” Translated and adapted from Chavannes(1905), pp. 519-520.

Pelliot adds the following information about the date and status of the text inhis review:

“The first question to resolve was to establish clearly in which periodthe Weilue was composed. It is known that the author was called

Yu Huan, and various indications support the late testimonies that

place him under the Wei (220-265), but Mr. Chavannes is the first tobase this date on a text definitely from the 8th century. This text isfound in the Shi tong of Liu Zhiji [661-721], published in710. Mr. Chavannes believes that it is unique and decisive. In fact, it istruly the only text that the Chinese bibliographers quote regarding YuHuan that is not taken from the canonical histories. However, the factof not coming from the official compilations, regarding material onChinese history, does not give more authority to a work. Henceforth wewill be able to call upon a text more than a hundred years older, andmore reliable. It is said in the chapter on literature of the dynastichistory of the Sui (581-617) that Yu Huan occupied a post of langzhong

(“Palace Gentleman”) under the Wei2.”

2. Sui shu, Huainanshuju edition (1871) ch. 33 folio 4 b.

Translated and adapted from Pelliot (1906), p. 362.

 

“After the Tang, the only title that survived, before the completedisappearance of the work, is the Weilue in 50 chapters, mentioned stillin 1225 in the Shilue of Gao Sisun . Xin Zhu reports

another work of Yu Huan, the Zhongwai guan , of which the titlehas been preserved for us in the Nanqi shu chapter dedicated tothe administration. This was, without doubt, a sort of table of themetropolitan and provincial functionaries. Yu Huan is this timequalified as a guanyi, but there is no doubt that it refers to thesame individual. Here again it is said that Yu Huan lived under theWei. As the Nanji shu deals with the years 479-501, and was compiled inthe first half of the 6th century, we have in this passage new evidence,100 years previous to the Shui shu, and 200 years before the Shih tong,which allows us to fix the period in which the Weilue was written in the

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second third of the 3rd century.” Translated and adapted from Pelliot(1906), pp. 363-364.

• Although the Weilue was never classed among the official or ‘canonical’histories, it has always been held in the highest regard by Chinese scholars as a

unique and precious source of historical and geographical information. Pelliotnotes:

“Tianlue and Weilue are classed among the zashi. Mr. Chavannestranslates this term by “historians of mixed value.” I am not sure thatthis is the meaning. Wylie ( Notes on Chinese Literature, p. 25) renders zashi by “miscellaneous” and perhaps he was right. The term tsa

“mixed” could apply here to the nature of the subjects dealt with, whichare “various,” and not to the greater or lesser knowledge or talentwhich the author would have to prove.” Translated and adapted fromPelliot (1906), p. 362, n. 2. [Note: The ABC p. 1230, defines as an “unofficial

history.”]

• Since the time of Chavannes and Pelliot, there has been almost a century of scholarship devoted to various aspects of the text by scholars from manycountries.

Recent archaeological finds, and research on other key texts, notably the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, and the chapters on the ‘Western Regions’ inthe Shiji, the Hanshu, and the Hou Hanshu, have helped to throw light on thisdifficult but important work.

In spite of all this attention, many place-names in the text remainunidentified (or the identification is not convincing), and some sections of the

routes outlined in the text have remained unclear. This is especially true of thesections relating to the Roman Empire, and the sea routes between China andEgypt, where the data available is very sparse.

• The Weilue contains many place-names which are no longer known inChinese and which, if left unidentified, make the trade routes, and much elsebesides, impossible to decipher.

• Local place-names frequently change, and the ancient names of places areoften long forgotten. Nor are we certain of the local pronunciations in thesecond and third centuries CE. As in English, the Chinese sometimes used

descriptive names, such as ‘Salt Lake’, or ‘Red Valley,’ and, at other times,literal translations of foreign names.

• The pronunciation of words change over time, as do the pronunciations of the Chinese characters that have been used to transcribe them. The Hantranscriptions of the sounds of local place-names often amount to little morethan rough approximations. Sometimes syllables were dropped, sometimes thepronunciations were drastically altered, particularly as certain foreignphonemes did not exist in Chinese. These processes are also common in Englishwhere we find examples such as ‘Roma’ transcribed as ‘Rome’ (single syllable)and ‘Paris with an ‘iss’ sound at the end instead of the French ‘ee’.

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• It was recognised by both Hirth and Chavannes that, although the Weilue

was composed during the Wei dynasty, most of the geographical information itcontains, especially that on the regions to the west of the Tarim Basin, musthave been collected at an earlier date.

• The Weilue includes much of the information on the Roman Empire alreadyrecorded in zhuan 118 of the Hou Hanshu on the “Western Regions.” Thisinformation seems to have been mainly based on the accounts of the Chineseenvoy, Gan Ying, who had been sent by the famous Chinese General BanChao, Ban Yong’s father, in CE 97, to the west to gather information. It hasbeen either paraphrased from the Hou Hanshu itself, or taken from the samesources. On the other hand, much of the information on Parthia and theRoman Empire is additional to that included in the Hou Hanshu. It waspresumably collected after the report of the Chinese General Ban Yong to theEmperor in, or just before, CE 125.

• Gan Ying got as far as the banks of the Persian Gulf but was persuaded notto go further by the Parthians. He returned to China in 101 CE. Much of thisinformation is duplicated in the Weilue. Fan Ye, the compiler, who died in CE

445, added a few bits of later material to the Hou Hanshu (dating up to aboutCE 170). These include this fascinating passage:

“The king of this country [Da Qin] always wanted to send envoys to theHan, but Anxi (Parthia), wishing to control the trade in multi-colouredChinese silks, blocked the route to prevent [the Romans] gettingthrough [to China].

In the ninth Yanxi year [166 CE], during the reign of Emperor Huan,the king of Da Qin (the Roman Empire), Andun (Marcus Aurelius Antoninus), sent envoys from beyond the frontiers through Rinan(Commandery on the central Vietnamese coast), to offer elephant tusks,rhinoceros horn, and turtle shell. This was the very first time there was[direct] communication [between the two countries]. The tributebrought was neither precious nor rare, raising suspicion that theaccounts [of the ‘envoys’] might be exaggerated.” Hou Hanshu, ch. 118.See TWR Section 12.

• Much of the new information in the Weilue is very specific and quite

detailed, giving distances and directions between cities, and must have beenbased on actual travel notes. Who supplied this information is not clear,although the routes described strongly suggest that they were mainly gatheredfrom Arab, possibly Nabataean, traders.

However, the many references to Anxi (Parthia) indicate that theinformation in the Weilue on the Roman Empire and Parthia must date frombefore the collapse of the Parthians and the founding of the Sasanian Empirein 224 CE.

Indications in the text strongly suggest that the information on Parthiaand the Roman Empire was gathered after the accession of Meredat to thethrone of Mesene/Characene (i.e. sometime after CE 116), and before the fall of 

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Sura on the Euphrates (along with the whole region between Dura-Europosand Edessa), to the Romans in CE 164-165.

• Wherever possible, the information in the Weilue has been checked with thatof the 1st century Periplus of the Erythraean Sea. This work can now be

confidently dated to between 40 and 70 CE and, most probably, between CE 40and 50. See: Fussman (1991); Robin (1991); and Casson (1989): pp. 6-7.

 

Background Reading

To gain background on the period, and especially of the trade between theRoman Empire and the Orient, the Weilue can be read alongside the followingtexts:

– the Shiji [Shih-chi] by Sima Qian [Szu-ma Ch’ien], particularly

chapter 123 on Dayuan [Ta-yüan] which covers up to the end of the 2nd

century BCE. See the very readable translation in: Watson, Burton,1961, II: 264-289.

– the chapters on the Western Countries ( zhuan 61 and 96) of the Hanshu which covers the period 125 BCE to 23 CE (translated andamply annotated by Hulsewé and Loewe in China in Central Asia, 1979). (Covers 125 BCE to CE 23)

– the chapter on the Western Regions ( zhuan 118), of the Hou Hanshu

(23 CE to late 2nd

century, with most of the information on distantcountries dating prior to 125 CE): See the 2nd edition of the annotatedtranslation of my The Western Regions According to the Hou Hanshu

(abbreviated as TWR in this work), which is freely available on the SilkRoad Seattle website: http://depts.washington.edu/uwch/silkroad/texts/ hhshu/hou_han_shu.html

– the chapter on Chinese expansion into the Tarim Basin (zhuan 77) of the Hou Hanshu (French translation by Chavannes in T’oung pao 7,

1906, pp. 149-234). (1st and early 2nd century CE). (I hope to make anEnglish translation of these biographies available soon.)

– the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea ( c. 40-50 CE). See the excellenttranslation (from H. Frisk 1927 with up-dates and improvements) withthe Greek text and extensive notes by Lionel Casson: The Periplus

 Maris Erythraei. (1989), Princeton, Princeton University Press. Also stilluseful is William H. Schoff’s 1912 translation: The Periplus of the

 Erythræan Sea. Wilfred H. Schoff. New York, Longmans, Green, andCo. Second Edition. Reprint, New Delhi, Oriental Books ReprintCorporation. 1974. The main text from the earlier translation by Schoff is now fortunately available to all on this website, although one should

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still consult both his book and Casson’s more recent one for their usefulcommentaries.

– the Naturalis historia by Pliny the Elder - completed, except forfinishing touches, in 77 CE. For a full translation see: Natural History.

Pliny the Elder (77 CE). Translation by W. H. S. Jones, Loeb ClassicalLibrary, London/Cambridge, Mass. (1961). For a widely available,readable and useful selection see: Natural History – A Selection. Plinythe Elder (77 CE). Translated by John F. Healy, London, PenguinBooks. (1991).

– the Geography by Ptolemy completed c. 150 CE. The only availableEnglish translation is by Edward Luther Stevenson in Geography of 

Claudius Ptolemy. Reprint New York: Dover Publications, Inc. 1991. Itis, unfortunately, full of mistakes. Additionally the Greek names havebeen Romanized, which often makes identifications unnecessarily

difficult.I have not included maps with this translation but strongly recommend havinga good atlas at hand while reading the book. Some of the maps available on the“Silk Road Seattle” website will also prove helpful, especially the detailed mapshowing the main routes across the Tarim Basin and the one accompanyingthe Schoff’s translation of The Periplus of the Erythræan Sea. Interactive mapsand much additional information may be accessed at the following sites: http:// www.fas.harvard.edu/~chgis/chgis_home.html, and http:// www.people.fas.harvard.edu/~chgis/tools/ 

 

About Measurements and Administrative Divisions

• The basic units of measurement employed in the Weilue, were the li andthe chi . They have varied considerably through the ages and from district todistrict. Fortunately, measurements remained stable over the Qin and Hanperiods, and an inscribed bronze standard measure, dated 9 CE, wasdiscovered in 1924 at the Imperial Palace in Beijing. This has allowed accurateconversions to modern measurements. The Han chi, or ‘foot’ is given asequalling 0.231 metres (or 9.095 inches).

• On the basis of this lucky discovery, the li was calculated by Dubs (1955):160, n. 7 to be 415.8 metres. See also Chapter IV, Appendix I, StandardWeights and Measures of Han Times, ibid., 276-280.

In most cases, I have given the exact equivalents to the nearest kilometrebased on this measurement even when the number of li given is obviously anapproximation (e.g. 8,000 or 10,000 li). For relatively short distances (less than100 li), I have calculated to the nearest tenth of a kilometre.

• Most, though not all, of the distances between places given in the Weilue –where they can be checked – prove to have been surprisingly accurate,

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especially those in areas controlled at times by the Chinese.Sometimes there are mistakes in the distances given in the text. This may

be because it is not clear exactly where the ancient route went between twopoints (or which of several alternatives was used). Occasionally, especially overlonger distances, the figures given are obviously widely inaccurate.

• All other conversions of Chinese measurements are based on the valuescalculated by Wan Kuo-ting for the Qin [Ch’in] and Han periods as describedby A. F. P. Hulsewé in T’oung pao Archives, Vol. XLIX, Livre 3, 1961: 206-207.

• The main administrative divisions of the Han Empire were the jun

“commanderies” (or ‘provinces’) and wangguo ‘kingdoms.’ These weresubdivided into xian “counties,” xsiang “districts,” and li “wards.”

• Some Chinese words have no exact equivalent in English. One such exampleis the word cheng, which literally translates as ‘walled town,’ but it was also

used for large towns that were not walled. It is sometimes rendered ‘city,’ butonly a handful of the cheng mentioned in the Weilue would be large enough tobe called a ‘city’ in our age of megalopolises. Most of them were what wewould think of as country towns or provincial centres. I have translated theword simply as ‘town’ and leave it to the reader to add the nuances accordingto the context.

Similarly, guo is used to refer to entities ranging from tiny fiefdomsor even villages to entire empires and can be translated as ‘kingdom,’ ‘fief,’‘nation,’ ‘state,’ ‘country,’ or ‘empire.’ I have translated it as ‘kingdom,’unless the context specifically indicates otherwise, as most of these territoriesseem to have had a hereditary system of rulers at this period.

• I have used “Western Regions” for the term xiyu rather than the usualtranslation as “Western Countries.” I emphasize that xiyu is sometimes used inthe specific sense of the kingdoms actually controlled by China on the routes tothe west of “China Proper” (the “Inner” region – the land within the Wall),and sometimes in the far more general sense of all countries to the west of China.

• The character du is frequently translated as ‘capital’ in spite of the factthat there are many examples of more than one du existing in a single state.

Additionally, Dubs (1938), p. 28, n. 2, says that in “ancient times” it referred to“a large walled city”. I have, therefore usually translated this word as ‘majorcentre’ or ‘large town.’ Sometimes the Weilue designates a town as a wangzhi

which translates literally as the “king’s chief town or residence” and thisis much closer to the concept of ‘capital’ as we use it today, so I have translatedit variously as “the (king’s) capital,” or “the king’s residence.”

In one place in Section 11, just after referring to the fact that Romecontrolled hundreds of minor kings, the text becomes more specific, using theterm wangsuozhi cheng which can be translated as “the king’s centreof administration city,” which I have rendered: “the king’s administrativecapital” – i.e. Rome itself. See note 11.25.

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• Territories referred to as ‘Han,’ ‘Tianzhu’ (India), ‘Anxi’ (Parthia), or ‘DaQin’ (Rome) were sometimes used very specifically for the home territory, butoften far more loosely for territories controlled by, or tributary to, the mainseat of power. Thus, in the Hou Hanshu, we find references to the ‘King of DaQin’ (that is, the king of Rome) and, at the same time, subject territories such

as Egypt, or the ‘Roman Orient,’ are also referred to simply as Da Qin.

THE TEXT OF THE WEILUE

Section 1 – The Di Tribes

The Weilue’s Chapter on the Western Rong (‘Peoples of the West’),1 says:

The Di2 have their own kings. They originally came from far away.

When the Han opened Yi zhou,3 and established Wudu Commandery,4 theydrove back the people of this race who dispersed, and took refuge in the

mountain valleys. Some were at Fulu,5 and others in the neighbourhood of 

Qian6 and Long. 7

They are not an homogenous race. They are said to be the descendants of 

Panhu.8 Some are called the Qing Di (Green Di), others the Bai Di (White Di),

and others the Ran Di (Giant Python Di),9 referring to the class of reptiles inwhich they are placed.

The people of the Middle Kingdom name them according to the colour of their

clothes,10 but they call themselves Hezhi.11

Each (of their tribes) has its kings and chiefs who, in most cases, received theirlands and titles from the Middle Kingdom, and are required by it to fulfil theirresponsibilities, or they are demoted.

During the Jianan period [CE 196-220], Angui, king of the Xingguo Di (Xing

Kingdom Di),12 and Qianwan, king of the Baixiang Di (White Section Di),13

each had tribes of more than ten thousand men.

In the sixteenth year [= CE 211 – but should read 213 CE], they joined forces

with Ma Chao and rebelled.14 After (Ma) Chao had been defeated [in 214],Angui was attacked and killed by Xiahou Yuan. Qianwan made his way to the

southwest and entered Shu (Western Sichuan).15 His tribes were not able to getaway and all submitted.

The (Chinese) government transported those who had taken a questionablestance during these events, to a separate place in Meiyang (in the

Commandery) of Fufeng.16

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These are now the two tribes of Anyi (Peaceful Yi) and Fuyi (Governed Yi).17

A Military Protector manages the region.18

As to those who behaved wisely, (the Chinese Government) left them their

place on the borders of Tianshui19 and Nanan.20 These are the ones who are

now dependants of Guangwei Commandery.21

Their customs and language are not like those of the Middle Kingdom, but

similar to those of the Qiang22 and several Hu peoples.23 Each person has afamily name, like the family names of the Middle Kingdom. They prefer blueand deep red clothes.

They are commonly skilled at weaving cloth; they are good farmers; theybreed and rear pigs, oxen, horses, donkeys, and mules.

When a woman marries, she wears a renlu24

that, in the way that it is trimmedand decorated, sometimes resembles the renlu of the Qiang, and sometimes thetunic of the Middle Kingdom. All braid their hair.

Many of them know the language of the Middle Kingdom because they havelived in the Middle Kingdom and mixed among the people. Nevertheless, whenthey return to their tribes they naturally speak the Di language.

Their marriage (customs) resemble those of the Qiang.

These are, in fact, the people who were previously called the Western Rong,1

and now live in Jie,25 Ji,26 and Huandao.27

Although, at present, the fiefdoms28 are administered by the (Chinese)

commanderies and kingdoms,29 previously they had their own kings andfeudal princes living in (now) empty villages. They also had more than ten

thousand (people) living in the region of Wudu,30 and in the neighbourhood of 

Yinping31 and Jie.32

 

Section 2 – The Zilu TribesThe Zilu1 originated among the Xiongnu.2 Zi is the name the Xiongnu used forslaves. Formerly, in the Jianwu period [CE 25-55], the Xiongnu became weak

and dispersed. Their slaves fled and hid in the region of Jincheng,3 Wuwei,4

and Jiuquan (Commanderies),5 north to Hei Shui (‘Black River’) and Xi He

(‘Western River’).6

Wandering from east to west, they care for their flocks by leading them in

search of water and pasture. They make raids on the territory of Liangzhou.7

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Their tribes have progressively increased until they number several tens of thousands of men.

They are not the same as the eastern tribes, who are the Xianbi.8 They are not

all of one race. There are Dahu,9 Dingling,10 and also quite a large number of 

Qiang living among them. This is because they were originally slaves of theXiongnu.

During the period (at the end) of the Han and (the beginning) of the Wei [ circa

220 CE], one of their great chiefs was named Tantuo.11 After he died, somegreat chiefs, descendants of his, were living to the south near the frontier of 

Lingju (Prefecture) in Guangwei (Commandery).12 There was Tugui13 whocame (to invade our territory), and rebelled several times. He was killed by (the

Prefect of) Liangzhou. Now there is (the chief named) Shaoti.14

Sometimes these tribes come to submit, sometimes they withdraw in hiding.They often make trouble on the routes to the western provinces.15

 

Section 3 – The Qiang Tribes1

From Dunhuang in the Western Regions2 to the Chuo Qiang (‘Disobedient

Qiang’)3 in the Nan Shan (‘Southern Mountains’),4 and several thousand li

west to the Congling (the Pamirs),5 are the remnants of the Yuezhi6 and the

Congzi (‘Brown Onion’),7 the Baima (‘White Horse’),8 and the HuangniuQiang (‘Yellow Ox’ Qiang).9

Each of these peoples has its’ own chief. They are bordered to the north byvarious kingdoms. Neither the distance (from China), nor the extent (of theirterritories), is known.

It is rumoured that the Huangniu Qiang (‘Yellow Ox’ Qiang) are of a separaterace, and are born after a pregnancy of (only) six months. To the south, theyborder on the Baima Qiang (‘White Horse’ Qiang).

 

Section 4 – The three main overland routes to the WesternRegions

It was at the beginning of the Han that the routes were opened leading to thekingdoms of Xiyu (‘The Western Regions’ – the countries of the Tarim Basin

and adjoining areas).1

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At this time the kingdoms numbered thirty-six. Later they split into more thanfifty. From the Jianwu period [CE 25-55] to our time, they have torn each other

to pieces, and destroyed one another, and now they number twenty.2

There were previously two roads, but now there are three3, which go to the

Western Regions from Dunhuang and the Yumen guan (‘Jade Gate FrontierPost’)4 :

[1] Heading west from the Yumen (‘Jade Gate’) Frontier Post, andpassing through (the territory of) the Chuo Qiang (‘Disobedient Qiang’)

,5 one turns west to pass over the Congling (the Pamirs),6 and through

the Xuandu (the ‘Hanging Passages’ in northern Hunza),7 to enter (the

territory of) the Da Yuezhi (Kushans).8 – This is the Southern Route.9

[2] Heading west from the Yumen (‘Jade Gate’) Frontier Post, leaving

the Dadu jing (The Protector General’s Well),10 turning around thenorthern end of the Sanlongsha (‘Three Sand Ridges’),10 one passes by

the Julu cang (‘Depot Dwellings’).12 Then, on leaving the Shaxi jing

(‘West-of-the-Sand Well’),13 and turning northwest, passing by the

Longdui (‘Dragon Dunes’),14 one arrives at ancient Loulan15 and,

turning west, goes to Qiuci (Kucha),16 and on to the Congling (Pamir)

mountains. – This is the Central Route.17

[3] Heading northwest from Yumen (‘Jade Gate’) Frontier Post,passing through Hengkeng (‘East-West Gully’ = the Bēsh-toghrak

Valley),18 one avoids the Sanlongsha (‘Three Sand Ridges’)11 as well as

the Longdui (‘Dragon Dunes’),14 and emerges to the north of Wuchuan

(‘Five Boats’)19 and arrives in the territory of Jushi at Gaochang (47

km SE of Turfan),20 which is the residence of the Mao (Wu) and Ji

Colonel (in charge of the agricultural garrisons).21 Then it turns to thewest and rejoins the Central Route to Qiuci (Kucha). This is the New

Route.22 [Note that there is also a ‘New Route of the North’ outlined below in Section10].

Previous historians have already described the products of the WesternTerritories in detail; therefore, I will now be brief.

 

Section 5 – The Southern Route

The Southern Route1 heads west to:

• the kingdom of Qiemo (Cherchen),2 the kingdom of Xiaoyuan (‘Little

Yuan’ – 3 marches south of Qiezhi),3 the kingdom of Jingjue (Niya),4

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the kingdom of Loulan (north of Lop Nor),5 which are all dependencies

of Shanshan (Lop Nor and surrounds).6

• the kingdom of Ronglu (4 marches south of Jingjue or Niya),7 the

kingdom of Hanmi (Keriya),8 the kingdom of Qule (south of Keriya),9

and the kingdom of Pikang (modern Pishan or Guma),10 which are all

dependencies of Yutian (Khotan).11

• the kingdom of Jibin (Gandhāra- Kapisha),12 the kingdom of Daxia

(Bactria),13 the kingdom of Gaofu (Kabul),14 and the kingdom of 

Tianzhu (Northern India),15 which are all dependencies of the Da

Yuezhi (Kushans).16

 

Section 6 – The Kingdom of Linni (Lumbini)

Regarding the kingdom of Linni (Lumbini),1 the Buddhist books say:

“The king of this country fathered Futu (the Buddha).2 The Buddha was theheir apparent. His father was called Xietouye (Suddhodana). His mother wascalled Moye (Maya).

The Buddha wore yellow clothes. His hair was silky black. The hair on his

chest was black; his complexion a coppery-red.3

Initially Moye (Maya) dreamed of a white elephant and became pregnant.

When the Buddha was born, he emerged from the left side of his mother.4 At

his birth, he had a topknot (the ushnisha) of hair.5 As soon as he touched

ground, he was able to take seven steps6.”

This kingdom is in the centre of the towns of Tianzhu (Northern India). Also,

there was another holy man named Shalü (Sāriputra)7 in Tianzhu (NorthernIndia).

Previously, in the first Yuanshou year (2 BCE), during the reign of Emperor Aiof the Han dynasty, the National University Student,8 Jing Lu, received verbal

instructions from Yicun, the envoy of the king of the Da Yuezhi (Kushans),9 onthe Buddhist sūtras which say this man (the Buddha) is the one who is

reincarnated.10

The Buddhists mention linpusai (upâsaka – a male lay disciple),11 sangmen

(śrama a – monks, ascetics),12 bowen,13 shuwen (śrāvaka – ‘a hearer’, a

follower of the H ī nayāna),14 baishuwen (‘white’ or ‘pure’ or ‘elder’ śrāvaka’)

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,15 biqiu (bhiksu – an ordained monk),16 chenmen (‘Guardian of the Gate’),17

which are all terms for disciples.

The Buddha’s [teachings] are related to, but different than, the scriptures of Lao Zi of the Middle Kingdom. Indeed, it is believed (by the Taoists) that Lao

Zi left the passes and, heading west, crossed the Western Regions to Tianzhu(Northern India), where he taught the Hu (Westerners).18

There are, altogether, twenty-nine titles for disciples of the Buddha, which I

am not able to give in detail, so I have summarised them as above.19

 

Section 7 – The Kingdom of Juli (or, rather, Dongli)

The kingdom of Juli (should read ‘Dongli’ = ‘Eastern Division’ of the Kushan

Empire1) is also called Liweite (Ayodhyā),2 and Peiliwang.3

It is more than 3,000 li (1,247 km) to the southeast of Tianzhu (Northern India)

.4 This country is low, humid, and very hot.

The king rules from the town of Shaji (or Shaqi = Sakēta).5 There are severaltens of other towns.

The people are cowardly and weak. The Yuezhi (Kushans) and Tianzhu

(Northwestern India) attacked and conquered them.6

This territory is several thousand li from east to west, and north to south. Themen and women of this nation are all eighteen chi tall [mistake for 8 chi = 1.85

metres, or just over 6 feet, as in the Hou Hanshu].7 They ride elephants andcamels into battle. Currently they provide military service and taxes to the

Yuezhi (Kushans).8

 

Section 8 – The Kingdom of Panyue (Pandya)

The kingdom of Panyue (Pandya) is also called Hanyuewang.1 It is severalthousand li to the southeast of Tianzhu (Northern India), and is in contact with

Yi Circuit.2 The inhabitants are small; they are the same height as the Chinese.

Traders from Shu (Western Sichuan) travel this far.3

The Southern Route, after attaining its most westernmost point, turnssoutheast until it reaches its end.

 

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Section 9 – The Central Route

The Central Route goes west to:

• the kingdom of Weili (near modern Korla),1 the kingdom of Weixu

(Hoxud = Chokkur),2 the kingdom of Shanwang (in the western Kurukmountains),3 which are all dependencies of Yanqi (Karashahr).4

• the kingdom of Gumo (south of modern Aksu),5 the kingdom of Wensu

(Uqturpan),6 the kingdom of Weitou (Karaqi),7 which are all

dependencies of Qiuci (Kucha).8

• the kingdom of Zhenzhong (Arach?),9 the kingdom of Suoju

(Yarkand),10 the kingdom of Jieshi,11 the kingdom of Qusha,12 the

kingdom of Xiye (Khargalik),13 the kingdom of Yinai (Tashkurghan),14

the kingdom of Manli (modern Karasul),15 the kingdom of Yire (Mazar

– also known as Tágh Nák and Tokanak),16 the kingdom of Yuling,17

the kingdom of Juandu (‘Tax Control’ – near Irkeshtam),18 the

kingdom of Xiuxiu (‘Excellent Rest Stop’ – near Karakavak),19 and the

kingdom of Qin,20 which are all dependencies of Shule (Kashgar).21

Leaving there (Kashgar), and going west, you reach Dayuan (Ferghana),22

Anxi (Parthia),23 Tiaozhi (Characene and Susiana),24 and Wuyi (Arachosia

and Drangiana – capital, Kandahar).25 Wuyi is also called Paizhi.26 These fourkingdoms succeed each other to the west. These are kingdoms that existedpreviously and have not been modified.

 

Section 10 – Previous Misconceptions

In earlier times, it was mistakenly thought that Tiaozhi (Characene andSusiana) was west of Da Qin (Roman territory). Now it is known to be to the

east.1

In earlier times it was also mistakenly thought to be more powerful than Anxi(Parthia), but it has been changed into a dependency said to mark the westernfrontier of Anxi (Parthia).

In earlier times it was also mistakenly thought that the Ruo Shui (‘WeakRiver’) was west of Tiaozhi (Characene and Susiana). Now it is (thought to be)

west of Da Qin (Roman territory).2

In earlier times, it was also mistakenly thought that if you left Tiaozhi(Characene and Susiana), and travelled more than two hundred days to thewest, you reached the place where the sun goes down. Now, (it is thought that)

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you travel west from Da Qin (Roman territory) to reach the place where the

sun sets.3

 

Section 11 – Da Qin (Roman territory/Rome)The kingdom of Da Qin (Rome)1 is also called Lijian.2 It is west of Anxi

(Parthia) and Tiaozhi (Characene and Susiana), and west of the Great Sea.3

From the city of Angu (Gerrha)4, on the frontier of Anxi (Parthia), you take a

boat and cut directly across to Haixi (‘West of the Sea’ = Egypt).5 Withfavourable winds it takes two months; if the winds are slow, perhaps a year; if 

there is no wind, perhaps three years.6

The country (that you reach) is west of the sea ( haixi), which is why it is calledHaixi (literally: ‘West of the Sea’ = Egypt). There is a river (the Nile) flowingout of the west of this country, and then there is another great sea (the

Mediterranean). The city of (Wu) Chisan (Alexandria)7 is in Haixi (Egypt).

From below this country you go north to reach the city of Wudan (Tanis?).8

You (then) head southwest and cross a river (the Sebannitus branch of theNile?) by boat, which takes a day. You head southwest again, and again cross a

river (the Canopis branch of the Nile?) by boat, which takes another day.9

There are, in all, three major cities [that you come to].10

Now, if you leave the city of Angu (Gerrha) by the overland route, you go northto Haibei (‘North of the Sea’ – the lands between Babylonia and Jordan), then

west to Haixi (Egypt),11 then turn south to go through the city of Wuchisan(Alexandria). After crossing a river, which takes a day by boat, you circlearound the coast (to the region of Apollonia, the port of Cyrene). (From there,i.e. the region of Apollonia) six days is generally enough to cross the (second)

great sea (the Mediterranean) to reach that country (Da Qin = Rome).12

This country (the Roman Empire) has more than four hundred smaller cities

and towns. It extends several thousand li in all directions.13 The king has his

capital (that is, the city of Rome) close to the mouth of a river (the Tiber).14

The outer walls of the city are made of stone.

This region has pine trees, cypress, sophora, catalpa, bamboo, reeds, poplars,

willows, parasol trees, and all sorts of plants.15 The people cultivate the fivegrains [traditionally: rice, glutinous and non-glutinous millet, wheat and

beans], and they raise horses, mules, donkeys, camels and silkworms.16 (Theyhave) a tradition of amazing conjuring. They can produce fire from their

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mouths, bind and then free themselves, and juggle twelve balls with

extraordinary skill.17

The ruler of this country is not permanent. When disasters result fromunusual phenomena, they unceremoniously replace him, installing a virtuous

man as king, and release the old king, who does not dare show resentment.18

The common people are tall and virtuous like the Chinese, but wear hu

(‘Western’) clothes. They say they originally came from China, but left it.19

They have always wanted to communicate with China but, Anxi (Parthia),

 jealous of their profits, would not allow them to pass (through to China).20

The common people can write in hu (‘Western’) script.21 They have multi-storeyed public buildings and private; (they fly) flags, beat drums, (and travelin) small carriages with white roofs, and have a postal service with relay shedsand postal stations, like in the Middle Kingdom (China).

From Anxi (Parthia) you go around Haibei (‘North of the Sea’ – the lands

between Babylonia and Jordan) to reach this country.22

The people (of these countries) are connected to each other. Every 10 li (4.2km) there is a ting (relay shed or changing place), and every 30 li (12.5 km)

there is a zhi (postal station).23 There are no bandits or thieves, but there arefierce tigers and lions that kill those travelling on the route. If you are not in a

group, you cannot get through.24

This country (Rome) has installed dozens of minor kings. The king’s

administrative capital (Rome) is more than 100 li (42 km) around.25 There isan official Department of Archives.

The king has five palaces at 10 li (4.2 km) intervals. He goes out at daybreak toone of the palaces and deals with matters until sunset and then spends thenight there. The next day he goes to another palace and, in five days makes acomplete tour. They have appointed thirty-six leaders who discuss events

frequently.26 If one leader does not show up, there is no discussion. When theking goes out for a walk, he always orders a man to follow him holding aleather bag. Anyone who has something to say throws his or her petition intothe bag. When he returns to the palace, he examines them and determines

which are reasonable.27

They use glass to make the pillars and table utensils in the palaces.28 Theymanufacture bows and arrows.

They divide the various branch principalities of their territory into small

countries such as that of the king of Zesan (Azania?),29 the king of Lüfen

(Leucos Limen),30 the king of Qielan (Wadi Sirhan),31 the king of Xiandu

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(Leukê Komê),32 the king of Sifu (Petra),33 (and that of) the king of Yuluo

(Karak).34 There are so many other small kingdoms it is impossible to givedetails on each one.

 

Section 12 – Products of Da Qin (Roman territory)

This country produces fine linen.1 They make gold and silver coins. One gold

coin is equal to ten silver coins.2

They have fine brocaded cloth that is said to be made from the down of ‘water-sheep’. It is called Haixi (‘Egyptian’) cloth. This country produces the

six domestic animals, which are all said to come from the water.3

It is said that they not only use sheep’s wool, but also bark from trees, or the

silk from wild cocoons,4 to make brocade, mats, pile rugs, woven cloth andcurtains, all of them of good quality, and with brighter colours than those

made in the countries of Haidong (“East of the Sea”).5

Furthermore, they regularly make a profit by obtaining Chinese silk,

unravelling it, and making fine hu (‘Western’) silk damasks.6 That is why thiscountry trades with Anxi (Parthia) across the middle of the sea. The seawateris bitter and unable to be drunk, which is why it is rare for those who try tomake contact to reach China.

The mountains (of this country) produce nine-coloured jewels (fluorite) of inferior quality. They change colour on different occasions from blue-green to

red, yellow, white, black, green, purple, fiery red, and dark blue.7 Nowadaysnine-coloured stones of the same type are found in the Yiwu Shan (a mountain

range east of Hami).8

In the third Yangjia year (CE 134), the king of Shule (Kashgar), Chen Pan[who had been made a hostage at the court of the Kushan emperor, for someperiod between 114 and 120, and was later placed on the throne of Kashgar by

the Kushans],9 offered a blue (or green) gem and a golden girdle from Haixi

(Egypt).10

Moreover, the Xiyu Jiutu (‘ Ancient Sketch of the Western Regions’) now saysthat both Jibin (Kapisha-Gandhāra) and Tiaozhi (Characene and Susiana)

produce precious stones approaching the quality of jade.11

 

Product List12

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Note: The translator has added the numbering in brackets for the convenience of the reader inchecking the notes on the various items. For information on any of the items mentioned in the list,please click on the blue superscript No. 12 after “Product List” above, and then scroll down thepage of notes until you come to the number you are looking for. For instance, if you want to checkthe notes on tin, scroll down until you reach note number 12.12 (6).

Da Qin (the Roman Empire) has plenty of:(1) gold

(2) silver

(3) copper

(4) iron

(5) lead

(6) tin

(7) ‘divine tortoises’ – tortoises used for divination

(8) white horses with red manes

(9) fighting cocks

(10) rhinoceroses

(11) sea turtle shell

(12) black bears

(13) ‘red hornless (or immature) dragons’ (which produced the famous“dragons’ blood” resin)

(14) ‘poison-avoiding rats’ = mongooses

(15) large cowries

(16) mother-of-pearl

(17) carnelian(18) ‘southern gold’

(19) kingfisher feathers

(20) ivory

(21) coloured veined jade

(22) ‘bright moon’ pearls

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(23) luminescent ‘pearls’ or pearl-like jewels (probably large diamonds)

(24) genuine white pearls

(25) yellow amber

(26) (red) coral

(27) ten varieties of glass: red, white, black, green, yellow, blue-green, darkblue, light blue, fiery red, purple

(28) a magnificent jade

(29) white carnelian?

(30) rock crystal or transparent glass

(31) various semi-precious gems(32) realgar

(33) orpiment

(34) nephrite

(35) multicoloured jade or gemstone

(36) ten sorts of wool rugs: yellow, white, black, green, purple, fiery red, deepred, dark blue, golden yellow, light blue and back to yellow

(37) finely patterned multicoloured wool carpets

(38) nine colours of multicoloured lower quality wool carpets (kilims ratherthan knotted carpets?)

(39) gold threaded embroidery

(40) polychrome (warp twill) fine silk or chiffon

(41) woven gold cloth

(42) purple chi cloth

(43) falu cloth

(44) purple chiqu cloth

(45) asbestos cloth

(46) fine silk gauze cloth

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(47) shot silk, ‘clinging cloth’ or ‘cloth with swirling patterns’?

(48) dudai cloth

(49) cotton-wool cloth?

(50) multicoloured tao cloth

(51) crimson curtains woven with gold

(52) multicoloured ‘spiral curtains’?

(53) yiwei

(54) myrrh

(55) storax

(56) diti

(57) rosemary

(58) probably dhū a – an incense made from the resin of the Indian Sal tree.

(59) bai fuzi – lit. ‘white aconite’ – but it is not clear what plant this refers tohere. See notes.

(60) frankincense

(61) turmeric, saffron or tulips

(62) rue oil

(63) Oriental lovage – Lysimachia foenum-graecum Hance

Altogether (they have) twelve types of aromatic plants.13

 

Section 13 – The Sea Route to Da Qin (Roman territory)

As well as the overland route from Da Qin (Roman territory) through Haibei(‘North of the Sea’ – the lands between Egypt and Parthia), one can also followthe sea south along the seven commanderies of Jiaozhi (stretching down the

north Vietnamese coast),1 which are in contact with foreign countries.2 Nearby

(or ‘North’)3 is a waterway (the Red River)4 which leads to Yongchang5 in

Yizhou (a commandery in present-day southern Yunnan).6 That’s why rareitems come from Yongchang.

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In early times only the maritime routes (to Da Qin) were discussed because

they didn’t know there were overland routes.7

 

Section 14 – Roman DependenciesNow, (the Roman Empire) can be summed up as follows: the number of peopleand families cannot be given in detail. It is the biggest country west of the Bai

Congling (‘White Pamir Mountains’).1 They have installed numerous minorkings so only the bigger dependencies are noted here:

 

Section 15 – The Kingdom of Zesan (Azania)

The king of Zesan (Azania)1 is subject to Da Qin (Rome). His seat of government is in the middle of the sea.2 To the north you reach Lüfen (Leukê

Komê).3 It can take half a year to cross the water, but with fast winds it takes a

month.4

(Zesan) is in close communication with Angu city (Gerrha) in Anxi (Parthia).5

You can (also) travel (from Zesan) southwest to the capital of Da Qin (Rome),

but the number of li is not known.6

 

Section 16 – The Kingdom of Lüfen = Leukê Komê or modern AlWajh

The king of Lüfen (Leukê Komê)1 is subject to Da Qin (Rome). It is 2,000 li

(832 km) from his residence to (the nearest) major city (= Daphnae) of Da Qin

(the Roman Empire).2

From the city of Lüfen (Leukê Komê) going west to Da Qin (alongside theButic Canal), you cross over the sea by an ‘elevated bridge’ 230 li (96 km)

long;3

then you take the sea route southwest, travelling around the sea (coast),and then head west (to reach Da Qin).4

 

Section 17 – The Kingdom of Qielan (Wadi Sirhan)

The king of Qielan (Wadi Sirhan)1 is subject to Da Qin (Rome). From the

kingdom of Sitao (Istakhr, Stakhr)2 you go south, cross a river (the Rūd-i Kor),

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then head west 3,000 li (1,247 km) to go to Qielan (Wadi Sirhan).3 The route

leaves south of the river (the Rūd-i Kor), only then do you head west.4

From Qielan (Wadi Sirhan) you again travel west 600 li (250 km) to the

kingdom of Sifu (Petra).5 The Southern Route joins (this east-west route) at

Sifu (Petra). Also, (a route) goes southwest to the kingdom of Xiandu(‘Aynūnah).6

Due south from Qielan (Wadi Sirhan) and Sifu (Petra) is Jishi (‘Rock Piles’).7

To the south of Jishi (‘Rock Piles’) there is a big sea (the Red Sea) which

produces coral and pearls.8

North of Qielan (Wadi Sirhan), Sifu (Petra), Sibin (Susa)9 and Aman (Ariana)10 there is a mountain range (the Taurus mountains)11 running east to west.

East of both Da Qin (Roman territories) and Haixi (= Egypt)11 there is amountain range (the Jibāl ash Sharāh Range or Mount Seir)12 running northto south.

 

Section 18 – The Kingdom of Xiandu (‘Aynūnah = Leukos Limên)

The king of Xiandu (‘Aynūnah = Leukos Limên)1 is subject to Da Qin (Rome).

From his residence it is 600 li (250 km) northeast to Sifu (Petra).2

 

Section 19 – The Kingdom of Sifu (Petra)

The king of Sifu (Petra)1 is subject to Da Qin (Rome). From his residence

northeast to Yuluo (Karak),2 you go 340 li (141 km), and cross over a sea

(mistake for ‘river’ = the Wadi al- esa).3

 

Section 20 – The Kingdom of Yuluo (Karak)

Yuluo (Karak)1 is subject to of Da Qin (Rome). The seat of government is

northeast of Sifu (Petra) across a river (the Wadi al- esa).2 From Yuluo

(Karak) you go northeast, and again cross over a river (River Arnon).3

 

Section 21 – The Kingdom of Siluo (Sura)

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Northeast of Siluo (Sura)1 you again cross over a river (the Euphrates). Thekingdom of Siluo (Sura) is subject to Anxi (Parthia), and it borders on Da Qin(Roman territory).

 

Section 22 – The Far West

West of Da Qin (Rome) is sea water. West of the sea water are rivers. West of 

the rivers there are big mountains running south to north.1 West (of this) is the

Chi Shui (‘Red River’ = Kāshgar-daryā?).2 West of the Chi Shui (‘Red River’

= Kāshgar-daryā?) are the Baiyu shan (‘White Jade Mountains’).3

In the Baiyu Shan (‘White Jade Mountains’) lives Xi Wangmu (‘Spirit-Mother

of the West’).4 West of Xi Wangmu are the long Liusha (‘Shifting Sands’).5

To the west of the Liusha (‘Shifting Sands’) is the kingdom of Daxia (Bactria),

the kingdom of Jiansha (‘Stable Sands’),6 the kingdom of Shuyao (Sogdiana)

,<7 and the kingdom of the Yuezhi (Kushans).

West of these four kingdoms is the Hei Shui (‘Black River’),8 which is as farwest as I have heard of.

 

Section 23 – The New Route of the North

The New Route of the North1 goes west reaching the kingdom of Eastern Jumi

(near modern Dashito),2 the kingdom of Western Jumi (near modern Mulei),2

the kingdom of Danhuan,4 the kingdom of Bilu,5 the kingdom of Pulu,6 and the

kingdom of Wutan,7 which are all dependencies of the king of the FurtherJushi Section (near Jimasa).

The king has his capital in the city of Yulai.8 The Wei (dynasty) conferred the

title of ‘Probationary Wei Palace Attendant’9 on Yiduoza, the king, with the

honorific name of ‘Great Defender of the Wei’.10 He received the ‘Seal of King

(appointed by the) Wei’.11

The (New Northern) Route then turns northwest to reach Wusun (Issyk-kol

and Semirechiye),12 and Kangju (Tashkent plus the Chu, Talas, and middle

Jaxartes basins).13 These kingdoms existed previously and have neither grown

nor shrunk.14

 

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Section 24 – The Kingdom of Northern Wuyi (Khujand –Alexandria Escharte)

Northern Wuyi (modern Khujand)1 is a distinct kingdom in the northern partof Kangju.

 

Section 25 – The Kingdom of Liu (Turkestan? Kzyl-Orda?), Yan(north of Yancai), and Yancai (= the Alans between the Black andCaspian Seas).

Then there is the kingdom of Liu (between Kangju and Yancai?),1 the

kingdom of Yan (to the north of Yancai),2 and the kingdom of Yancai (between

the Black and Caspian Seas),3 which is also called Alan.4 They all have the

same way of life as those of Kangju.

To the west, they border Da Qin (Roman territory), to the southeast theyborder Kangju (Tashkent plus the Chu, Talas, and middle Jaxartes basins).

These kingdoms have large numbers of their famous sables.5 They raise cattleand move about in search of water and fodder. They are close to a big marsh

(to the northeast and north of the Aral Sea).6 Previously they were vassals of Kangju (Tashkent plus the Chu, Talas, and middle Jaxartes basins). Now they

are no longer vassals.7

 

Section 26 – The Kingdom of Hude

The kingdom of Hude is north of the Congling (the Pamirs), northwest of Wusun (Issyk-kol and Semirechiye), northeast of Kangju (Tashkent plus theChu, Talas, and middle Jaxartes basins). They have more than 10,000 menable to bear arms. They follow their cattle. They produce excellent horses, andhave sables.

 

Section 27 – The Kingdom of Jiankun (Kirghiz)

The kingdom of Jiankun (Kirghiz)1 is northwest of Kangju (Tashkent plus theChu, Talas, and middle Jaxartes basins). They have more than 30,000 menable to bear arms. They follow their cattle and have lots of sables and excellenthorses.

 

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Section 28 – The Kingdom of Dingling (Around Lake Baikal andon the Irtish River)

The kingdom of Dingling is north of Kangju (Tashkent plus the Chu, Talas,

and middle Jaxartes basins).1 They have 60,000 men able to bear arms. They

produce famous sable pelts,2 as well as white and blue Arctic fox pelts.3

Of these three states Jiangun (the Kirghiz – in the region of Omsk?), is the

central one. It is 7,000 li (2,911 km) from the court of the Chanyu (Shah)4 of the Xiongnu (which was close to modern Ulan Bator) on the Anxi River (JuulGol?).

It is 5,000 li (2,080 km)5 south to the six kingdoms of Jushi;6 3,000 li (1,247km) southwest to go to the frontier of Kangju (Tashkent plus the Chu, Talas,and middle Jaxartes basins); 8,000 li (3,326 km) west to go to the capital of the

king of Kangju.It was thought that perhaps these Dingling were the Dingling to the north of the Xiongnu (around Lake Baikal), but the Northern Dingling are west of Wusun (and north of Kangju), and it seems they are of another race.Furthermore, north of the Xiongnu (near modern Ulan Bator) is the kingdomof Hunyu, the kingdom of Qushi, the kingdom of Dingling, the kingdom of the

Gekun, and the kingdom of the Xinli.7

It is known that if you go south from Bei Hai (‘Northern Sea’ = Lake Baikal)you find the Dingling again. They are not the same as the Dingling to the west

of the Wusun (Issyk-kol and Semirechiye).8

The Wusun elders say that north of the Dingling is the kingdom of Majing(‘Horses Shanks’). These men make sounds like startled wild geese. Fromabove the knee, they have the body and hands of a man, but below the knees,they grow hair, and have horses’ legs and hooves. They don’t ride horses as

they can run faster than horses. They are brave, strong, and daring fighters.9

 

Section 29 – The Kingdom of Duanren (‘Short Men’)

The kingdom of Duanren (‘Short Men’)1 is northwest of Kangju (Tashkentplus the Chu, Talas, and middle Jaxartes basins). The men and women are allthree chi tall [0.693 metres or 2.27 feet]. They are very numerous.

It is a long way from Yancai (at the mouth of the Syr Darya near the Aral Sea)and the other kingdoms. The elders of Kangju (Tashkent plus the Chu, Talas,and middle Jaxartes basins) say that merchants frequently cross this

kingdom.2 It is possibly more than 10,000 li (4,158 km) from Kangju(Tashkent plus the Chu, Talas, and middle Jaxartes basins).

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Section 30 – Yu Huan’s Comments

Yu Huan (the author) observes: It is commonly believed that a fish living in a

little stream does not know the size of the Qiang (Yangtze River) and the sea.1

The mayfly,2 for that matter, does not know of the changing of the fourseasons. Why is this so? Because one lives in a small place, and the other’s lifeis short.

I am, at the moment, intensively examining Da Qin (the Roman Empire) andall the other foreign kingdoms. Still, it seems to me that I am neglecting to(fully) instruct the uninformed.

Moreover, as to the speculations of Zou Yan,3 or the hypotheses of the Dayitai

 xuan, “The Great Mystery of the Noble Yi (-jing)”,4 alas, I am limited to

travelling by foot, and living in the puddle left in the hoof print of an ox.5

Besides, I don’t have the longevity of Peng Zu.6

It has not been my fate to see things first hand, travelling with the rapid winds,or enlisting swift horses to view distant vistas. Alas, I have to strain to see thethree heavenly bodies [the sun, moon, and stars] but, oh, how my thoughts fly

to the eight foreign regions!7