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Championing Political Campaigning towards First-Time Voters
Effective Style, Pattern and Elements of political Advertisements towards First-Time Voters
ByNazrin Shahnaz Binti Peer Mohamed
109020263
A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Communication, Media, &
Broadcasting in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Bachelor of Professional Communication with Honours.
Limkokwing University of Creative and Technology, June 2013.
DECLARATION
I, Nazrin Shahnaz declare that this dissertation contains no
materials, which has been accepted for the award of any other
degree or diploma in any tertiary intuition. It is to my
knowledge and belief that this thesis contains no material
previously published or written by another person except where
due reference is made in the text of this thesis.
………………………………………Nazrin Shahnaz Binti Peer Mohamed
2nd June 2013
2
ABSTRACT
Undoubtedly, the 2013 electoral campaign in Malaysia marked to have
significantly increased in i ts pol it ical campaigning budget . Despite that,
General Election 13 was noted to be the most interesting in the historic
of Malaysian history, as i t would be most competi t ive presidential
campaign, and the kingmakers to be fi rst- t ime voters and young voters.
This chapter focused on the candidate’s advertising message strategies
and their effects . The content and effects of these tremendous advert ising
expenditures warrant investigation. Since the most polls conducted
throughout crit ical phase of the campaign indicated that the bat t le of
General Election 13 would be to convert large undecided voters, young
voters with weak pre-existing storage of information and also for
polit ical parties to sustain as relevant to the youth. In this study, studies
ident if ied the elements that underlie a successful polit ical campaign, by
ascertaining most preferred style, elements, tone and manner, content,
st ructures and pattern of polit ical advert isements to be targeting to first-
t ime voters in particularly. Researcher conducted a focus group of 3
groups based on their urban development categories such as rural , semi-
urban and urban. The results show there is many elements that was not
acknowledge by advert isers and polit ical part ies before designing and
strategizing a campaign, thus, there is lack of effectiveness in persuading
and communicating with first- t ime voters. Pol it ical messages remain
unpopular, and play insignificant role in influencing voter’s to perform
act ion, which is to vote.
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Table of Contents
CHAPTER 1............................................................................................................................................. 13
1.0 INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................................................................13
1.1 RESEARCH PROBLEM .......................................................................................................................19
1.2 RESEARCH GOAL ..................................................................................................................................20
1.3 RESEARCH OBJECTIVES ................................................................................................................20
1.4 THEORIES .....................................................................................................................................................21
1.4.1 PERSUASION THEORY ...........................................................................................................21
1.4.2 AGENDA SETTING THEORY .............................................................................................24
1.4.3 USERS GRATIFICATION THEORY ...............................................................................27
1.5 LITERATURE REVIEW .....................................................................................................29
1.5.1 MALAYSIAN CONTEXT OF POLITICAL CAMPAIGNING .......................29
1.5.2 NAJIB, THE MAN IN SPOTLIGHT .................................................................................31
1.5.3 CONCEPTUAL THEORETICAL OF POLITICAL CAMPAIGN .................33
1.5.2 STYLE AND PATTERN IN POLITICAL ADVERTISEMENTS .................37
1.5.2.1 TECHNIQUES ............................................................................................................................. 37
1.5.2.2 IMAGES VERSUS ISSUES SPOTS ..............................................................................40
1.5.2.3 ISSUES OWNERSHIP ........................................................................................................... 40
1.5.2.4 COUNTER-ATTACK ADVERTISING ........................................................................41
1.5.3 SPEECH AND WRITING .........................................................................................................43
1.5.4 MASCOT FOR POLITICAL CAMPAIGNING .........................................................44
1.5. VOTERS WHO ARE PERUSABLE? ...................................................................................45
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1.6 PAST RESEARCH ..............................................................................................................................49
1.7 HYPOTHETICAL STATEMENTS ..........................................................................................52
1.8 RESEARCH METHOD ....................................................................................................................53
1.8.1 SETTINGS ........................................................................................................................................... 53
1.8.2 SAMPLE ................................................................................................................................................ 55
1.8.3 MATERIALS SAMPLES ............................................................................................................ 55
1.8.3 SAMPLING METHOD ............................................................................................................... 55
1.8.4 DATA COLLECTION .................................................................................................................. 56
1.8.5 DATA ANALYSIS ........................................................................................................................... 57
1.9 RESEARCH SCOPE ..........................................................................................................................57
1.10 RESEARCH IMPLICATION ....................................................................................................58
1.11 OPERATION DEFINITION ......................................................................................................59
CHAPTER 2 ....................................................................................................................................... 60
2.0 INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................................60
2.1 RESPONDENTS BACKGROUND ..........................................................................................60
2.2 RESEARCH FINDINGS .................................................................................................................62
2.2.1 FIRST GROUP (Rural) ............................................................................................................. 62
2.2.2 SECOND GROUP (Semi-Urban) ......................................................................................68
2.2.3 THIRD GROUP (Urban) .........................................................................................................76
2.3 HYPOTHETICALS FINDINGS .................................................................................................86
2.3.1 ATTACK AND COUNTER ATTACK ADVERTISEMENTS .............................87
2.3.3 MANIFESTO AS CONTENT OF ADVERTISEMENTS ......................................90
2.3.4 TOP LEADER’S IMAGE IN POLITICAL ADVERTISEMENTS .................90
2.3.5 ENTERTAINMENT AND CELEBRITY ENDORSEMENT FOR
POLITICAL CAMPAIGNING ............................................................................................................. 92
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2.4 OTHER FINDINGS ............................................................................................................................93
2.4.1. IDENTIFICATION OF ADVERTISEMENT WITHOUT LOOKING AT
SPONSORS ....................................................................................................................................................... 93
2.4.2 POLITICAL ADVERTISEMENT ENHANCE ENGAGEMENT .....................94
2.4.3 BEST PREFERRED ADVERTISEMENTS AND WHY ........................................95
2.4.4 SUBTLE AND SUBLIMINAL MESSAGES ...............................................................100
2.4.5 BEST ISSUES FOR POLITICAL ADVERTISEMENTS ..................................101
2.4.6 BEST TONE AND MANNER FOR POLITICAL ADVERTISEMENT . . .102
2.5 CONCLUSION ................................................................................................................................... 103
CHAPTER 3......................................................................................................................................... 108
3 .0 INTRODUCTION ..........................................................................................................108
3.1 RESEARCH AND IMPLICATION ....................................................................................110
3.2 ACHIEVING RESEARCH GOAL ......................................................................................116
3.3 LIMITATION OF RESEARCH/ PROBLEM IN RESEARCH .......................118
3.4 FUTURE RESEARCH AND RECOMMENDATION ...........................................120
3.5 CONCLUSION .................................................................................................................................122
REFERENCES....................................................................................................................................... 127
APPENDIX……………………………………………………………………………………………………137
7
LIST OF FIGURES AND TABLES
Figure 1.1 Persuasion Theory in context of Poli t ical …………………24
Figure 1.2 Correlation between media agenda and voter’s
Agenda………………………………………………………….25
Figure 1.3 Analyt ical models of agenda sett ing,
Priming and Framing…………………………………………26
Figure 1.5: The Polit ical Marketing planning process:
Improving Image and Message In
Strategic Target Areas………………………………………36
Figure 1.6: Effect of Polit ical Engagement
On Campaign Ad Avoidance……………………………….46
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Table 1.1 Total voters by age group in descending order ………………..17
Table 1.2 Stages and Kinds of Advertisements in
Polit ical Campaigns………………………………………………39
Table 2.1 Summary of demographic profile table………………………..61
Table 2.2 Hypotheses from the Findings………………………………………….86
Table 2.3 Best Preferred Advertisements Across Group
and Why…………………………………………………………………………..95
Table 2.4 Best Issues for Polit ical Advert isements
Based on Findings……………………………………………..101
Table 2.5 Best Tone and Manner for Poli t ical
Advertisement Based on Findings……………………………102
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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
GE 13 13th General Election
BN Barisan Nasional
PKR Pakatan Keadilan Rakyat
PR Pakatan Rakyat
Ad Advertisement
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CHAPTER 11.0 INTRODUCTION
Advertising is a tool that enables poli t ic ians to send their messages to a
large number of people. I t has been a significant component of the
polit ical communicat ion strategies adopted by election candidates,
polit ical part ies and interest groups (Rafter, 2009).
The use of pol it ical advertisement could be seen over past years
especially when the elections beckons. Nevertheless, in the past, the uses
of polit ical advert isements were mainly to serve as mean of a
communication tool for a party, and electoral candidates. But , i t is not
l imited to only that, from the previous research done, i t shows that the
uses of pol it ical advertising assist candidates to be better known through
establ ishing popularity, enable candidate to connect with a part icular
demographics groups, attract new supporters, st imulate voters
participation in the campaign, raising fund for the candidate and party
involves, and ult imately at tacking the opponent (Munira, 2012).
“The first use of poli t ical advertisements date back decades ago. The
first country that used such form of polit ical campaign was the United
States of America” (Valent ino, Hutchings, & Will iams, 2004). The
advert isement was a success because i t addresses relat ionship between
polit ics and television via the advertisement “Eisenhower Answer
America”. The uses of pol it ical advert isements was praised well by
polit ical and social studies scholars not only because i t was an effective
tool in promoting candidates, but a lso enable to reshape the image of
competing candidate (McGinnis, 1969; Valentino, e t al . , 2004).
11
In 2008, general e lect ion has shown significant changes, tremendous
transformation in Malaysia’s poli t ical scenarios and governing policies.
These transformations are gett ing stronger and stronger because the
uprising of the middle class cit izens. In 1999 ti l l 2008 middle class has
emerged to be a force in Malaysia polit ics (Loh, Saravanamuttu, 2003a,
2003b) however in 2013 elect ion, for the frist t ime the kingmakers would
be youth and middle class (Dermawan, 2013).
Such transformation was especially evident due to the stronger and larger
uprising of the middle class as compared to the 1999 election. The
middle class had emerged as a force in Malaysian polit ics since the 1999
election (Loh & Saravanamuttu, 2003a, 2003b) and was now more
evident in the pol it ical landscape. The rise of coal it ion of the opposi tion
party under the flag of Pakatan Rakyat is seeing Parti Keadilan, Parti
Islam Malaysia and Democratic Action Party against ruling party,
Barisan National (Mohamad, 2008).
The federal government mainly using the mainstream media such as those
owned by Media Prima (TV3,NTV7,TV9) and main newspaper agencies
such as Utusan, The Star and others. Prime minister, Najib Razak is also
act ive involvement social media in engaging local communities through
blogs, Facebook, Twitter and other online platforms (JomBertindak,
2013). Furthermore, the media channels of TV1 and TV2 are owned by
national broadcaster Radio Television Malaysia (RTM), and Bernama
news agency are seen to be the mouthpiece of the government, hence i t is
also used to be broadcasting al l and only Barisan Nasional campaigns
(George, 2007). On the other hand, the opposition parties uti l ized the
Internet, independent newspapers, news online, or any other alternative
media to spread polit ical agenda and views (Ng, 2013).
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Candidates, parties and other independent group spend hundred of
mil l ion of dol lars on poli t ical advertising each year in the U.S, and the
amount spent increases every year at a double-digit rate. In Malaysia ,
2013 seems to be the year of highest expenditure for campaigning
purposes, of over RM 400 mill ion as compared to 2008, which is RM
171.8 mil l ion ringgit whereas a huge differences from 2004 which was
estimated to be RM 100 mil l ion (The Star, 2003). In addition to that,
Barisan Nasional with the approval of Election Commission (EC)
determined that campaign period is 15 days, which was also anticipated
by all polit ical components (The Star, 2013).
Figure 1.0 The photo “Government Budget Approved for Running Each
General Election (RM Mil)” (The Star, 2013).
With party leaders and candidates spending mill ion of dollars in airing
on broadcast media, social media, print media, and even ambience
advert ising. Thus, each party must be expecting-in-return benefits such
13
as higher number of voters, or volunteers for certain parties and such.
The equation goes l ike, the more crowd being pulled via insti l l ing
awareness, interest through campaigns, the more chances to wins, as well
higher number of loyal voters in future years.
Consequently, the proport ion of campaign-related expenditure by
candidates and their interest groups dedicated for polit ical campaigning
has risen dramatically (West, 1997). Thus, there has been a fundamental
shifts from simply polit ical campaigning materials and balanced with
news over the last decades. Audiences are exposed to multiple numbers
of polit ical advert ising in every election cycle (Bartels & Rahn, 2000;
Kern 1989).
However, era has changed times, as how candidates send message to the
public and how the public receives those messages has shifted
dramatically. Prior to these changes i t was safe to assume that almost
everyone with l i t t le or no interest in advert ising came across some
polit ical information, or even if the exposure was unintentional (Blumer
& Katz; 1974, Prior 2007).
In recent decades, polit ical advert ising has assumed greater and greater
importance in campaigns for offices at al l levels. There is a reason for
this . Unlike most channels of communication, advertising allows
candidates to reach uninterested and unmotivated cit izens, those who
ordinari ly pay l i t t le at tent ion to news reports, debates, and other
campaign events (Ansolabehere & Iyengar, 1995). In other words, least
polit ically aware, could be infrequent newspaper readership seems to
learn more from exposure of pol it ical advert isements. However those
who are well adverse col lects and gains prolong information seems not to
be influenced or even affected as their candidate preference is
unshakeable (Patternson & McClure,1976).
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Nonetheless this research would focus on the element underlies in
advert ising polit ical campaigning target ing for f irst t ime voters. Why
such importance is given to youth between the age of 21 t i l l 27 years
old? Election Commissions figures show that 70% of the 4.2 mil l ion
unregistered voters are between the ages of 21 to 40 years old. On
contrast , about 450,000 Malaysian turn 21 each year, thus eligible to
vote in this country. The effect of these young voters was seen in 2008
General Election to be one of the reason vote swing towards opposition
(Nawab, 2013). In 2013, i t is accounted some of 2.3 mill ion of the
country 13.3 mill ion registered voters, or one in five, would be entering
the pooling booth for the first t ime (TheMalaysianTimes, 2013).
Table 1.1 The Photo “ Total voters by age group in descending order”.
(The Star, 2013).
15
University of Malaya Centre of Democracy and Elect ion (UMCEDEL)
showed 48% of the first t ime voters have yet to decide which party to
vote for. They are usual ly refers to fence sit ter or party hopper would be
crucial in determining the election outcome. The ini t ia l survey are
estimating that there would be only slim differences betwen support of
two coalit ion) BN at 42%, while PR at 37% respectively). Against this
backdrop, both party, BN and PR are all out to step up their effort in
order to win the youth vote (Nawab, 2013).
Young voter do not experiences nation defining events such as
independence from British rule or 1969 racial r iots . They are raised by
amid growing prosperity, thus they are passionate about Malaysian
future, and not necessarily clamor to Barisan National as previous
generation. Based on survey conducted by 826 first- t ime voters, they
admitted to be agnostic in their pol it ics, while other two-third felt
government had paid enough at tent ion to their needs. These voters of
who, 90 percent said they have access to Internet , thus, they are less
l ikely to vote for poli t ical party, but focus more on issues (The Malaysia
Times, Apri l 2013). While, another survey by Asian Foundation Youth
Council in 2013, stated that “youths might st i l l vote for BN even if they
are unhappy with aspects of i ts governance, in the bel ief that , the current
government is st i l l the better bet in ensuring the continued economic
well-being and societal harmony of the country” (The Kuala Lumpur
Post , 2013)
The research in this area often focuses on two dependent variables that
are vote choices on communicat ion materials versus i ts effect iveness.
Thus there is an evaluation of l ikeabili ty, believabil i ty, and emotional
quotient, from polit ical campaigning medium of communicat ion only.
16
In hope, thorough research were done, could adjust theories about
possible influence of ads, but also to suggest a different outcome to
develop new research designs to capture these effects .
1.1 RESEARCH PROBLEM
Social and poli t ical advertisements were scrut inized and studied over the
years. Much of such studies were mainly developed out in United States
and some part of Europe (Jasanoff, 2005). However l i t t le at tent ion has
been placed on the development of polit ical advert isements studies in
Malaysia . At the end of the research, we would be able to f ind evidence
that advert ising has significant impact in how it persuade, convey i ts
own messages, and heighten up the party’s image.
1. Does the uphold stigma of advertising affect pol it ical campaigning
negat ively? Do polit ical advertisement st i l l is relevant to the
growing audiences with technology and secondary option of news?
2. How do public read the messages through elements of
advert isements and the existence of subtle messages in an
advert isement?
3. How could polit ical campaigning message able to shape audience
l ikeabil i ty, and believabil i ty?
The statements of problems above mentioned numbers of questions that
will be ident if ied along this research. The area of foci would be content
of advertisements that would derive evaluation about candidates and
parties.
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1.2 RESEARCH GOAL
This dissertation has few main research goals. With the substantial
amount of t ime and money invested by both the government and the
opposi tion, there should be studies on the effectiveness of poli t ical
advert ising to public, and understanding the great level of importance of
advert ising in electoral process. Over last decade, how candidates send
messages to public has changed and how public perceive and receive
messages varies too. Citizen has much control over the information
environment that they did last twenty years.
1. To understand the effectiveness of different advertising content
from both parties and how are first t ime voters perceive them.
2. To assess f i rst t ime voters responses to exposure of poli t ical
campaigning, as to know whether those advertisements persuade
them.
3. To review and generate understanding of their preferred
advert isements content , elements, and style that sui ts f irst- t ime
voters and hence drew the most l ikeabil i ty and believabil i ty.
1.3 RESEARCH OBJECTIVES
In compliance with the above goals, the following is the research
objectives:
1. To expand the understanding of polit ical advertising of f i rst- t ime
voters, their level awareness, perceived rate of effectiveness based
on specific urban development categories.
2. To expand and investigate the factors and elements of the poli t ical
advert isements, which are able to successfully, engage and connect
with first- t ime voters.
18
3. To understand how could successful pol it ical advertisements could
be generated based on each urban development categories (rural ,
semi-urban, and urban) preferences.
1.4 THEORIES
1.4.1 PERSUASION THEORY
Persuasion is a form of human communication from sender to receiver
that is designed to influence, modifying bel iefs, values, or a tt i tudes
(Simons, 1976). Yet, O’Keefe argued that persuasion could only come
into place when certain requirements are fulfi l led by senders. The second
condit ion, communication is the means to achieve that goal . Third is that
message recipient must have free will , for example, i t does not threaten
physical harm or using force.
However this theory are concerned with shifts in att i tude. An at t i tude is
a “relatively enduring predisposit ion to respond favorably or unfavor-
ably” toward something (Simons, 1976). Atti tudes varied towards people,
places, products, policies, ideas and so forth (O’Keefe, 1990). Why it is
important is because att i tudes are learned through evaluations, and it can
be changeable, most important ly i t can influences behavior.
Under persuasion theory, there are few sub-theories, which are Social
Judgment Theory, Elaboration Likelihood Model , Theory of planned
Behavior, and Inoculation Theory.
For poli t ical campaign studies, the most suitable theory would be
Elaboration Likelihood Model. This is because, the theory emphasizes on
persuasion messages uses mental processes of motivation and reasoning
to accept or reject message.
19
Likelihood Model was Pet ty and Cacioppo (1986) ELM conjectures two
possible routes or methods of influence, which are centrally routed
messages and peripheral ly routed messages. The central route is also
referred to as elaborated route, and i t come about when; i t is supported
by wealth of information, rat ional arguments, and evidence to develop a
particular conclusion. For example, during election season, pol it icians
are usually posit ioned in advertisements f i l led with elaborated, rat ional
information about on his/her viewpoints, outstanding report or
achievements, and even manifesto. These are injected again and again
into people’s mind, in order to insti l l the information inside them, so
that they are not influences by the opposi tion’s advertisements.
Central routed message are more l ikely to create long-term change for
recipient , but this route could not guarantee success unless 1) the target
is highly motivated to process al l the information, b) the target must be
able to process the message cognitively. Thus, after a ll , this theory
suggest ing that target audience which is the people would be able to
change their cognitive map on certain party when they are will ing to, or
when they are approached in the best manner. This would results on
att i tudes people have towards certain party, and if they were fully
persuaded, they would start from insignificant changes to bigger scale.
For example, at ini t ia l level those have been persuaded would wear
party’s logo button on their T-shirt , and the process would eventual ly
escalate unt il they would be loyal to certain party even after years.
This theory also suggesting strong arguments (messages) would create
posi t ive cognitive response in the mind of receivers while also posit ively
aligning the receiver’s bel ief with those views of the persuader (Pet ty &
Cacioppo, 1986). This would make them more resistance to counter-
persuasion and most l ikely to create long-term at t i tude change that leads
to predictable behavior. While Neutral arguments would generate non-
20
committal cognitive response from receiver, which would lead no
att i tude change, and no action. Finally weak messages would results in
negat ive cognitive response, and what worse about i t is that , i t has
reverse or boomerang effect , automatical ly reinforcing opposit ion point
of view.
Another route to this model is peripheral route that is regarded as short-
cut cue in persuading target audiences. Peripheral messages rely on
receiver’s emotional involvement and persuade through more superficial
means. For example, an advert isement from poli t ical parties portraying
good image, family values, patriotism, character and likeabili ty would
increase emotional attachment to certain part ies as i t carry the same
value as the potent ial receivers. The same scenario are seen when
polit ical party are using celebrity endorsement to publicly support. Using
celebrity endorsement would heighten up party’s image because they are
able to borrow the part icular celebrit ies’ popularity, fame and reputation
to enhance party they endorse.
A peripheral message also varies by i ts type that are posit ive, neutral and
weak. Posit ive peripheral messages are those that are perceived
favorably by the audiences, have a chance to yielding weak to posit ive
changes in att i tudes, which later resul ts in action. Neutral peripheral
messages would leave the audiences with the feeling of emotionally
ambivalent, as they do not exhibit any connect ion mentally, or
emotional ly. While negative peripheral messages would arise when there
are cues of disapproving emotional responses with the receivers.
21
Figure 1.1 The photo “Persuasion Theory in context of Poli t ical
Campaigning”. Petty & Cacioppo, (1986).
1.4.2 AGENDA SETTING THEORY
In order to understand the hypothetical relat ionship between
advert isement content and voter’s perception, agenda sett ing theory
would come to great use. Cohen, McCombs and Shaw invented this
theory in 1972, but Weaver, McCombs, and Shaw later reinforced it in
1998, which suggested priming, and framing should be taken as natural
extension of agenda-set t ing theory.
Agenda sett ing theory is very powerful because i t “ tell us that the media
may not only te ll us what to think about , they also may tell how and what
to think about i t , perhaps even what to do about i t” (McCombs & Shaw,
1998).
22
Agenda Sett ing is a process whereby the mass media determine what we
think and worry about (Spring, 2002). McCombs and Shaw (1998)
believe that agenda set t ing function of media is responsible for almost
correlation they found between
Figure 1.2 The photo “Correlation between media agenda and
voter’s agenda”. (Mc Combs & Shaw, 1998)
Agenda Set tings has two levels, as the fi rst level is to rat ify important
subjects, while the second subject decides which part of the subject is
important and need to be informed to the audiences (Lit t leJohn, 2002).
Framing on the other hand is the “select ion of a resisted number of
thematically related at tr ibutes for inclusion on the media agenda when a
particular object is discussed” (Combs, & Maxwell , 1972). In simpler
words, agenda sett ing is concerned with salience of issues, frames
sett ing and second-level agenda sett ing. (McCombs, Llamas, Lopez-
Escobar & Rey, 1997) is concerned with salience of issue attr ibutes.
Therefore, frames influences opinion by stressing specific values, facts ,
and other considerat ions, endowing them with great apparent relevance
to the issue than they might appear to have an alternative frame: (Nelson
et a l . , 1997).
The psychological concept of priming works on the cognit ive processing
of information (Collins & Loftus, 1975; Tulving & Watkins, 1975). By
receiving and interpreting information, individuals develop memory
traces (Tulving, Watkins, 1975) or activation tags (Collins, Loftus,
1975). With the existing memory traces and activation tags, any
subsequent information processing would be influence right away.
Media Agenda Voter’s Agenda
23
Figure 1.3 The photo “Analytical models of agenda set t ing, priming and
framing”. (Coll ins & Loftus, 1975; Tulving & Watkins, 1975).
Agenda sett ing theory is an essential theory on discovering what has the
polit ical campaigning material displayed, and how the content were
portrayed in order to gain public’s believabil i ty and likeabil i ty. In order
to gain interest of large public audiences, advertisements are projected in
very subtle, convincing, yet promoting good images from both parties.
But as the competi t ion grew heated, and as to gain the vote of fence
si t ter , communicat ion materials have changed to be in counter-attack
strategy. Those who have been influenced ini t ia lly wil l reinforce higher
beliefs, in part icular party, whereas fence sit ter are force to re-evaluate
their perceptions to be mold by what are shown to them. Although some
crit icism argues that agenda set t ing is coherent with media agenda, but
24
could be overruled by public agenda. But from Chapel Hill , McCombs
and Shaw provide evidence that media agenda is the fact the cause while
public agenda is somewhat delayed effect . As described, agenda set t ings
is concerned with salience of issues, frames sett ing and second-level
agenda sett ing, but for polit ical campaigning studies, pol it icians would
be the ult imate source of issue salience. Poli t ic ians from part ies, the
government and opposit ion would be raising national issues, manifestos,
and some of the news would be selected to be focus of polit ical
campaigning issues of a particular poli t ical party.
1.4.3 USERS GRATIFICATION THEORY
According to Palmgreen, Wenner, and Rayburn (1980), the uses of
grati f ication theory derive that audience member seek information or
content commensurate with theirs needs and interest (Katz, et al . , 1974).
Blumler and Katz(1974) uses gratif ication theory to suggest that media
are used in an act ive role in choosing and exposing to what is preferred
by audience themselves. “They integrate the content to fulfi l l the needs
or to satisfy their interest” (Lowery & DeFleur, 1983). The theory
assumes that 1) mass media use is goal-directed, and the audience is an
act ive media user, 2) the l ink between specific media choices and
audiences establ ish need grat if ication by drawing their own conclusions,
and 3) the media is competing with other sources for potential need for
satisfaction (Blumler & Katz, 1974)
Users have different personali t ies; level of maturation, and social
backgrounds thus there would be different needs to be sat isfied (Miller &
Landau, 2005). As according to McQuail et .a l (1972), individual needs
are as fol lows: diversion (emotional release), personal relationships
(social uti l i ty of conversat ion and companionship), personal ident ity
(value reinforcement , self understanding), and surveil lance (seeking
information).
25
McQuail (1897) also observes “seeking information and entertainment
are two commonly cited reasons for media use. The need for information
involves the need to know events and condit ions in one’s immediate
surroundings, in the larger society, and the rest of the world. I t is also a
need to seek advice on matters, or to substant iate opinions and decision
choices, or the need to sat isfy one’s curiosity and general interest , the
need to learn, the need to gain sense of securi ty through knowledge.
While on the other hand, the need for entertainment involves desire to
escape and divert from problems, to relax, aesthet ic enjoyment, f i l l t ime,
for emotional release, or for arousal”.
People are not automatons waiting to be programmed by the news media.
Viewers are selective to what TV programs they watch, what newspaper
they are reading, and the content of social media broadcast they are
watching. The theorist sough to discover exact ly what kind of person is
most susceptible to the media agenda. They concluded that people who
are wil l ing to let the media shape their thinking have high need
orientation, otherwise known as index of curiosity. Index of curiosi ty is
a measure of the extent to which individuals may have need for
orientation motivation to let the media shape their views.
As for public or young voters who have intent ion to learn and gain
knowledge will be more incl ined to get involved with poli t ical
campaigning, elaborate information received and present i t for
surveillance purposes. Their cognitive processing would be at higher
level, thus when they are act ively gett ing involve, they wil l most
probably show predictable and posit ive response. Those who are
processing informational in peripheral ways, or being more select ive in
the choice of pol it ical advertising they are exposed to would be less
involved and demonstrate l i t t le i f not no behavioral responses (Lin,
2004).
26
1.5 LITERATURE REVIEW
1.5.1 MALAYSIAN CONTEXT OF POLITICAL CAMPAIGNING
A democracy ruling system is a staple of polit ical science and popular
commentary. Why there is a need for poli t ical advertising? It is because
the levels of ci t izen part icipation and polit ical knowledge are
disturbingly low. Thus advert ising would rife both informational and
emotional content and contribute low a more informed, more engaged,
and more participatory ci t izenry. When there is a detailed planning in
advert ising, exposure to campaign advert ising produces ci t izens who are
more interested in the election, because i t says about the candidates, and
more l ikely to vote (Freedman, Franz & Goldstein, 2004).
In Malaysia , the trend of electoral campaigning focused more on
candidates f irst then only parties. In one level of social media candidates
can individually brand themselves which sometimes lead to poli t ic ians
and candidates often surpass in numerical terms in social network when
compared to party based platforms. “For instance, as i t stands today,
Facebook fan pages of BN’s Najib Tun Razak has 1, 636,000 likes,
compared to PAS’ Nik Aziz 917,000, PKR’s Anwar Ibrahim 582,000 and
DAP’s Lim Kit Siang 137,000. Meanwhile, the BN page has 60,000 likes
while PAS 120,000, PKR 20,000 and DAP an exceptional 434,000” (Free
Malaysia Today, 2013).
On the other hand, local campaigning is extremely important in Malaysia
because priori ty is not to get an overall majority of individual votes
(state) but to obtain an overal l majority of individual seats. Thus, this
give arise to implication that one consti tuency is more important than to
target consti tuencies that are more l ikely to change (Niffenegger, 1989).
27
Advertising provides candidate with a much more ‘direct route’ to the
minds of voters. Effective advertising is not merely about designing a
persuasive and memorable campaign jingle, but the overal l plan is to
strengthen the sponsoring candidates “market share”. This target could
be achieved by adjustment, altering advertising message to the context in
order to stage the campaign and to specific attr ibutes of candidates in the
race (Iyengar & McGrady, 2007).
Despite the orthodox wisdom, campaigns do not manipulate voters into
support ing the candidate that have more attractive appearances or
compelling advertisements. But then, one of the principal effects of
campaign’s message is to bring candidate preferences and party image
into the l ine with voter’s sense of party’s ident if ication. Whereas, the
swing or undecided voters who are lacking from an at tachment to a party
would be susceptible to image and issue oriented approach (Iyengar &
McGrady, 2007).
In Malaysia, the recent General Election witness a heal thy competit ion in
individual candidate marketing as well as party polit ic posit ioning. Since
GE 13 was a tough battle between both coali t ion party, and naturally
both party were fight ing to be people’s choice. This si tuation has give
arise to strong party posit ioning tactics in order to be able to stand in i ts
own unique posit ion in the mind of audiences. Based on Bradshaw
(1995), party posit ioning uses policies, issues and reasoned arguments as
well as style of presentation in order to win the batt le in the mind of
voters. This define theme as ‘ the rationale of your candidate’s election
and your opponents defeat’ . Each party has come up with a single,
central idea to communicate to voters, thus, t r ies to sum up the
candidate’s connect ion with voters, their concerns and contrast between
candidate and the opponents.
28
Essentially, party posit ioning is very crucial in poli t ical campaigning
because each part ies need to select a theme, and aspects of the theme
that would connect well with voters. Selection of theme becomes
paramount as parties cannot change or portrayed inconsistency in their
original policies and statements or else would face a rebuttal picked up
by media, and opposit ion (Baines, Lewis & Yorke, n.d).
1.5.2 NAJIB, THE MAN IN SPOTLIGHT
The media bli tz used creat ive input of three or four advert ising
companies, planning for integrated campaign in TV, Radio, Print Media,
Billboards, and Direct Mail (for the first t ime). Najib Razak uses
polit ical campaigning by using soft sell , as most of the advertisements in
General Elect ion 2013, are about ‘feel good’ factor, and most of the
issue pointed in the advertisement is about everyday things for example
education, bet ter services, improving police, ant i-corruption and more.
Nevertheless, Najib Razak has brainchild the campaign of 1Malaysia.
1Malaysia is an on-going campaign on 16 t h September 2008, call ing the
cabinet, government, agencies, c ivil servants and other mass public to
emphasize ethnic harmony, national uni ty, and efficient governance. The
eight values of 1Malaysia as articulated by Najib Razak are
perseverance, a cul ture of excellence, acceptance, loyal ty, education,
humil ity, integri ty, and meritocracy.
Datuk Seri Najib Razak is taking leaf out of former UK Labour Party
leader strategy book by launching “BN Baru” or new campaign on the
1Malaysia website. The Barisan Nasional chairman said the new BN and
his “Transformation Team” of new faces representing BN for the general
election. The l ist presents a perfect balance of individual with rooted
knowledge and experiences alongside young and dynamic whose would
bring fresh ideas and new impetus to the party.
29
Our prime minister also urges the public to not be convinced by pledge
of opposit ion better government that the current incumbent Barisan
Nasional. Our Prime Minister promise that changes would come from
within Barisan Nasional, and there is no need for change of governance
(TheEdge, 2013).
In other words, the campaign is about sell ing the Barisan National brand,
and the principal product that is Najib Razak. In addition, the technique
of soft sell ing is used because the target audiences are largely young
voters, who have reach certain level of maturity, and these young voters
enjoy making decision rather than being forced to formulate action
(Utusan Online, 2012).
This elect ion was based on several issues of concern, for example, the
opposi tion was pin-pointing on manifestos, corruption, cronyism, free
education for al l levels, education, improving police, and more. On
contradict , Barisan Nasional brought up the issue of how incapable
opposi tion leaders and theirs policy are, inst i l l ing hope of better
tomorrow, facts and figure of the current developments, as well as
manifestos.
When an election looms on the horizons, leaders start making promises
by simply out-doing each other, even they know cant keep promises, they
throw freebies, and trying to appear more patriotic over competi t ion.
But populism has i ts l imits, because i t harm easi ly harm the credibil i ty
of party, effect economy and country’s image. PKR has cal led for a law
that would ban the use of any company and trade interest with Zionist ,
whereas he was tell ing The Wall Street Journal that he would protect the
security of Israel. On the other hand, he also proposed that the National
Higher Education Fund Corporation (PTPTN) loan would be abolished
30
immediately. All this would have clearly be economically suicidal
moves, yet , populist manifestos and promises have made Pakatan Rakyat
to be preferred especially by the working class groups and students (The
Choice, 2012). While on the other hand, Barisan Nasional government
made only pro-people promises that could be delivered and sustained in
the long run. The government has implemented a series of schemes that
looked after the interests of rural dwellers, low-income earners, and the
middle class.
1.5.3 CONCEPTUAL THEORETICAL OF POLITICAL CAMPAIGN
The idea of pol it ical candidates can be advertised and marketed in the
similar manner of product advertising is prevalent in pol it ical campaign
li terature. (Baines, Worcester, Jarrett , & Mortimore, 2005; Ben-Ur &
Newman, 2002; Bulter & Collins, 1994; Henneberg, 2004; Kotler, 1975;
Lock & Harris , 1996; Newman, 2001; Niffenegger, 1989; O'Cass, 1996;
Omura, 1979; Schiffman, Sherman, & Kirpalani, 2002; Shama, 1975,
1976; Wring, 1997). All the theory and key concept of consumer
marketing, and consumer behavior had their counterpart in polit ical
marketing (Shama, 1976); for instance, “a consumer marketing
transaction through which sel lers exchanged products or services with
buyers for sales income was analogous to a polit ical market ing process
in which polit ical candidates offered their service and ideas about pol icy
issues to voters for their support” (Shama, 1975). Nevertheless, the best
similarity could be seen when two types of marketing was probably using
extensive use of advert isement by seller , or in poli t ical context, a
candidates to inform and persuade target consumers and voters
respect ively (Shama, 1976). Therefore, the importance of poli t ical
advert ising had contributed to the interest in applying consumer
marketing theories and practices to poli t ical campaigning materials or
advert isements (Dermody & Scull ion, 2001; Kotler, 1975).
31
For a more serious comparison, many concepts and tools are shared by
marketing of goods and services could be reapplied to market pol it ical
candidates. Sellers and buyers, consumer behavior, market segmentat ion,
image, brand loyalty, product concept, and product posit ioning, and
others are part of the tools used in order to develop successful
advert ising concept. They are al l concepts of polit ical marketing, Kotler
(1975) also mentioned that some of the “famil iar tools which are used in
marketing: market research, media, advertising, multiple regression,
factor analysis , discriminant analysis , conjoint measurement, and multi-
dimensional scaling, etc. They are all tools uti l ized in the marketing of
polit ical candidates”.
In addit ion to that, voter’s behaviors are studied to be much same
manner as consumer behavior, namely the decision-making engagement
in certain action. Both individual ei ther voter or consumer wil l receive
information, seeking out information, processing the information to
reach predisposi t ions to respond and final ly responding to the product .
Accordingly, in applying the general approach of consumer behavior
models to voter behavior, one can point out the fol lowing components
that are part of the decision process. John A. Howard and Jagdish N.
Sheth, (1972) ini t ia ted The Theory of Buyer Behavior as below:
1. Stimulus input from candidate and his party towards the targeted
voters. This may include candidate 's experience in poli t ics, his style of
act ion as a polit ical f igure, his stands on issues, his party identif ication,
etc .
2. Environmental influences such as social class, peer group, family
influence, voter’s own personality t raits would influence voter’s
decision.
32
3. From the stimulus received, voters would process st imulus and
environmental information to reach own predisposit ions. These processes
involve learning and select ively screening. I t is possible that such
screening was based from advertisements, as both parties, and only party
who provide strongest judgments have higher chances to win portrayed
issues.
4. One of the most powerful output variables is the voter party
ident if ication which, in a manner similar to brand loyalty, denotes an
attachment to the party, and therefore also to i ts candidates.
5. Feedback processes
In addit ion to the above theory, there are another communication effects
that may be important in order to lead directly or indirectly to voting
behavior.
McDonalds (1989) describes the purpose of market ing planning as
“identif ication and creation of competit ive advantage”. Polit ical
marketing planning aims to determine how to generate and retain public
support for party pol icies and programs. Competit ive advantage occurs
through determination and conduct of the party’s posit ioning strategy
and the consistent communicat ion in local context as well as nat ional
channels via mass medium such as press, radio, television, and even
social media.
33
Figure 1.5: The poli t ical marketing planning process: Improving image
and message in strategic target areas. (McDonalds, 1989).
The other aspect of polit ical campaigning process stem from polit ical
science for example, tradi tional, personal and tactical voting behavior
from a consumer behavior perspective: canvassing and comparative and
negat ive from communicat ion standpoints and competi t ive perspective in
which competi t ive situation is more akin to general public.
This research paper however would be focusing on the communication
material of both strong part ies in Malaysia that are Barisan National and
Pakatan Rakyat. By looking at the pol it ical campaigning done in recent
General Elect ion, pol it ical advertising do play a vital role in carry
particular messages from one party to be communicated to mass audience
or even as counter-at tack from opposi tion’s advertisements.
34
This paper would contribute to a significant research on how much the
recent communication materials actually help delivering straightforward
and subliminal messages. Nevertheless, the way audience interpret ing a
message has change and the source of information varies, thus,
audience’s information seeking and receiving has change course. In this
manner, how advertising actually helps pol it ical campaigning remains
unknown. Thus, there so far no evidence of best e lements in poli t ical
advert isements that is able to convey bel ievable and l ikeable polit ical
messages also achieve the most effective piece of communication
materials .
1.5.4 STYLE AND PATTERN IN POLITICAL ADVERTISEMENTS
Campaign ads tend to be rich in informational content and advertising
conveys information in an efficient, easily digestible way. Like any
product advertising, polit ical commercials are carefully tested and
ski llful ly produced. Text , image and music work to complement and
reinforce each other. Many ads tend to be emotionally rich; they provoke
diverse responses including fear, pride and sympathy, e ither directly or
indirectly through scripts of the ad, images and music (Iyengar & Grady,
2007).
1.5.4.1 TECHNIQUES
Although poli t ical parties or candidates campaigning are focus to sell the
non-product, as the outcome would be promoting services. Pol it ical
parties are marketed on two simple ways, which is soft sel l of hard sell .
Hard sell ing is a way to make the product a direct appeal , by voicing out
and stating the unswerving benefits, and posi t ive outcome derive from
the party chosen, however, i t convey guaranteed reliabil i ty. On the other
hand, soft sell ing relies more on mood than on exhortation and on the
implication that l ife would be better with the product.
35
Another classificat ion of technique is between reason and tickle
(Bernstein 1974). Reason ads suggest motives for purchase. Yet, t ickle
ads appeal to emotion humor and mood (Cook, 1996). A direct sells often
suggest indirect appeals, for example, PETRONAS fest ive
advert isements using communicate direct and indirect appeals for
example insti l l ing family spiri t , togetherness and sl ice-of l i fe in their
television advert isement , and it has work in many magical, powerful
ways in the mind of consumer.
Ad exposure can facil i tate the l ikeabili ty heuristic, by which audience
make informational inferences on the whether they l ike or disl ikes
(Sniderman, Brody & Tetlock, 1991). In addition to that, an ads could
also produce demonstrable change in viewer’s level of anxiety about
election and enthusiasm for candidate which resul ting in increase
polit ical awareness and interest (MacKuen, 1993; Marcus, Neuman &
MacKeun,2000). In short , advertising with cognit ive and emotional
content could produce ci t izen who are more informed about candidate ,
more interested in the polit ical race, and more engaged in the campaign.
In addition to synchronizing the advertising message to the context,
campaigns must decide on precise abundant mix of affirmative message
in favour to candidate or party. The message could be posi t ive or
negat ive which were designed to increase voter’s aversion to the
opposing candidate. The use of negative appeals is not necessari ly bad,
although i t is not advisable to be use for fast moving goods
advert isements, poli t ical advertisement needs negat ive advert isements to
attack their opponents (Iyengar & McGrady, 2007).
Three components of communication process involve exposure, reception
and acceptance of new information (Hovland et .a l 1953; Price and Zaller
1993; Zal ler 1992, 1996). Exposure in when there is a physical encounter
36
with media message, and the process subsequently comprehended through
reception, and next would be acceptance involves “yielding” to message
that has been received. Advert ising would highlight on the reception as
whether the message projected gets through to viewers, whether or not i t
has the persuasion impact.
In the early level of campaign, polit ical advertising would introduces
candidate through biological spots focus on candidate’s personal
background, and record of public services or achievements. By focusing
on personal virtues, humble beginnings, l ife achievements are done to
insti l l confidence in candidate’s suitabili ty for public office (Iyengar &
McGrady, 2007).
Table 1.2 Stages and Kinds of Advertisements in
Polit ical Campaigns. (Ivengar & McGrady, 2007)
Time in Campaign
Kind of Advertisement
Function
Early Name Identif ication Ads
Identi ty
Later Arguments Ads Ideology
Later Sti l l Attack Ads (Negative Ads)
Insul t
End of Campaign
Posi tive Visionary Ads
Image
For those who are contest ing from independent party, candidate might be
unknown to voters, thus the goal of advert ising would be more mundane,
because the purpose would be to achieve candidate’s name recognition
(Iyengar & McGrady, 2007).
37
1.5.4.2 IMAGES VERSUS ISSUES SPOTS
After recognition and snapshots of their l ives, candidates now are
campaigned to their credentials . Image advert isements are a type of
advert isement that shows candidate as l ikeable human being with strong
sense of public services. Most famous image ad would inevitable
introduce candidate as “man of the people”.
Whereas issue ads fall into broad classes of performance message tout ing
the sponsoring candidate’s experience and proven accomplishments as
public servant and policy message summarizing candidate’s preferences
on public policy. Whereas the opposit ion would broadcast that the
administrat ion had done incumbent has weakened the economy, or has
done nothing for the people. This led to upsurge in ‘ad hominen’ attacks
or may later lay the term “character assassinat ions” (Free Malaysia
Today, 2013).
1.5.4.3 ISSUES OWNERSHIP
The next step in polit ical advert ising is policy advert ising where i t
should follow simple instruction of highlight only the candidate’s
posi t ions but focus only on issues where candidate is favored. This
means that advertisement should focus not publicize on unpopular or
controversial posit ions (i t would be taken by the opponent instead), and
eliminate any issues that are at the t ightest grip (Iyengar & McGrady,
2007).
Candidate tend to campaign on issues that their own party are focus on,
or pol icy that has strong defense because their message is more credible
when consistent with the stereotypes of the party. For example, the
recent campaign in Malaysia is focusing on a sole worrying topic that is
Hudud.
38
Hudud is a policy that follow Islamic doctrines, but i t has extreme
punishments for example cut off l imb if found steal ing, and 100 lashes i f
found practicing adultery. Pakatan Rakyat (opposition) is trying to
implement hudud law in Malaysia, but because of the multi racial
sett ings, i t was cri t ic ized and rejected straight away. With this , Barisan
Nasional has use this issue to campaign against PAS in GE 13 by
implementing and insti l l ing fear tactics in the mind of non-muslim,
Chinese and Indian respectively.
1.5.4.4 COUNTER-ATTACK ADVERTISING
Negative appeals in advert ising come about as natural because public is
cynical about motives and behaviors of candidate. Thus, in the context,
attack is more credible than a message promoting a candidate’s virtues.
Negative spotl ight, bad news, and conflic ts would result on far more
newsworthy than good news and civi l i ty are. Campaign strategies
convinced that i t is necessary to mount any at tack. Hence, money
invested by both parties was tr ivial , and sponsors at tracted a torrent of
news reports across the country simply because their message was so
controversial .
In one of the few controlled studies examine the value of counter at tacks,
Ansolabehere and Iyengar (1995) compared vote shares of candidates
responded to attack ei ther by running a posit ive or a counter at tack
advert isement . Respondents in these studies are more att racted to the
attacked candidate’s party rather than those who run posi t ive
advert isements. Therefore, Ansolabehere and Iyengar’s result shows
clearly that rat ional candidates should counterattack.
In America, according to Wisconsin Advert ising Project nearly one in
every three ads aired on television is primari ly at tack in an opposing
candidate.
39
There is also evidence on negat ivity in campaigns is higher than in
1960’s, 1970’s and 1980’s (Kaid and Johnston 2001;Geer 2006; West
2009). There is a good amount of research suggesting that negative ads
are more memorable (Brians, & Wattenber, 1996; Kahn & Kenney
2000,2004) and contain more information (Geer 2006) than posit ive ads.
When researchers examine specific discreet emotions elic ited by
advert ising (Chang 2001; Brader 2006). They found out that ads may
include anger, fear, or anxiety that could be transferred to targeted
candidate thereby resul ting in lower voter evaluat ions of candidate, and
directly diminishing in l ikel ihood of voting for that candidate. Likewise,
emotions such as pride and enthusiasm may be transferred to ad sponsor
(polit ical party) leading to higher evaluations and greater l ikel ihood of
voting for that person. Another researcher by Brader (2006) found that
exposure to enthusiasm cues embedded in polit ical ads actually lowered
towards the ad’s sponsor ( instead of making receivers feel more warmly
towards candidate) a lthough they also reinforced support for support
among his or her init ial supporters.
“Scholars however have increasing recognized that negativi ty can refer
to many things in the context of poli t ical and elections campaigns. Kahn
and Kenney (2004), for example, different iate “mudsl inging” from both
advert ising and press crit icism of candidates, and find that the former
demobilizes voters while the la tter types of negat ivity mobil ize. Building
on Brader’s (2006) efforts to highlight the dist inct role of emotional
appeals, we argue for further differentiating negat ivity in the nature or
valence of the advertising message (i .e. , tone) from efforts to elic it a
variety of negat ive emotions such as fear, anger, or sadness”.
40
1.5.5 SPEECH AND WRITING
In analyzing the language of ads, wri t ing style refers to how the copy,
headlines, sub-headlines, puns are wri t ten. Ads copy focuses on
receiver’s attention upon the words themselves and on what is perceived
to be the objective meaning or content of what is said. I t enables freely
for the receiver to contemplate the text more careful ly and sometimes
finds inconsistencies and untruths.
In the context of Malaysian pol it ical scenario, the incumbent rul l ing
party, Barisan Nasional uses party slogan of ‘Saya pil ih Malaysia’ (I
choose Malaysia), whereas Pakatan Rakyat uses the slogan of ‘Ubahlah’
(Change) and Inikali lah (This is the t ime) alternatively. These slogans
are paramount for extending meanings, the exploitation of connotation.
Connotat ions are a vague associat ion of a word to represent different
quali t ies such as friendliness, authority, powerfulness, and many more.
For ‘Saya Pilih Malaysia’, is to communicate the str ived peace, stabi li ty
and unity that Malaysia has achieved in 56 years, under the governance
of Barisan National, thus indirectly the party is t rying to show that
public should be thankful, and be aware that the current government has
created bigger opportunity and development to public. Whereas,
‘Ubahlah’ and Inikali lah portrays opposi tion plead for the public to
choose change the current government by acknowledging the negat ive
issues, and offers a sheer safekeeping that if they were given a chance to
govern Malaysia, they would bring more posit ive changes and benefi ts .
In contrast , polit ical advertising of both parties uses significant amount
of words to counter-attack the other party. But the best picked word
which was used by parties to reflect on their poli t ical s tance are, for
instance, Barisan National using the world ‘Transformation’, whereas the
opposi tion is using the word ‘Reformation’.
41
Although this two meaning convey only small difference between one
another, these words can help give extra power poli t ical messages and
show how current issues were dealt .
1.5.4 MASCOT FOR POLITICAL CAMPAIGNING
The use of mascots could be predictable and generic, and that could
results on i t becoming noise. Sports franchise usually uses names l ike
‘bulldogs’ and ‘t iger’ even though it may not a bad name, but their
impact has diminished (AgencyPost, 2012).
Today, pol it ical parties say mascots have different reasons behind their
affi l iat ions. In United States, the Democrats say the donkey is smart and
brave, while in contrarily, The Republicans uses elephant to symbolize
strong and dignified (AgencyPost, 2012).
Some mascots have a long history, while some doesn’t . But how can they
become recognizable by the public at large? The simple answer to this
question would be branding. Mascots should be simple, recognizable and
symbolized the polit ical party’s stance. I t gives a rallying symbol and it
represent al l pol it ical views in one symbol, no text is needed
(AgencyPost , 2012).
In Malaysia, i t is the fi rst t ime, mascots were used to associate with a
polit ical party. DAP's uses a Bird, a hornbill in particular, which
emblematic of Sarawak. The mascot reflects the party rallying cry for
change (ubah). The mascots then are incorporate in the communication
material in print, broadcast and even on the social network. The mascot
not only represent the DAP party but the three coalit ion together.
Supporters were very engaged and thril led on the release of merchandise
and soft toys of the ‘Ubah’ bird that i t was sold within 3 weeks in the
market.
42
“Ubah" is also social media savvy with i ts own Twit ter and Facebook
page and loves to post photos of i t during Pakatan Rakyat functions. The
hornbill has now got new identit ies in l ine with the various cultures and
religious festivals . In addition to i ts original Sarawak Iban costume,
"Ubah" now comes in a Malay costume for Hari Raya, Indian costume for
Deepaval i , Santa Claus costume for Christmas, and a Superman costume
that depicts the power of the people” (MalayMail , 2013).
“Whereas MCA (Malaysian Chinese Association), the second largest
party in the rul l ing party of Barisan Nasional, introduced panda as their
mascot , Wen Wen. I ts name - which means "stabi li ty" in Chinese - is
central to the slogan of "stabili ty over chaos" that the MCA has adopted
for this elect ion. The party chose the panda to symbolize the close t ies
that Malaysia has with China. On its belly is a big red heart , with the
1Malaysia symbol” (AsianOne, 2013).
1.6. VOTERS WHO ARE PERUSABLE?
Although the elements and characterist ics of campaign advert isement
should influences i ts effect iveness, but i t should not overlook who would
receive the advert isement well .
Based on dosage-resistance model by Krosnick & Brannon, 1993; Iyengar
& Simon, 2000), i t presumed that every voter is al igned at some point on
the poli t ical awareness scale. Those who are less informed or know li t t le
about advert isement could not answer basic questions on country’s
polit ical scenario, but mind that they may very will be interested in
polit ics or care about larger issue, but in pract ical term they have no
preexist ing store of polit ical information. This in fact is a sharp contrast
to poli t ical lovers who knows everything about pol it ics, and always up to
43
date on i ts events. For those who have l i t t le poli t ical knowledge, new
information might easily sway their decision-making. But voter who have
large pre-existing stores of polit ical information, they have resistance in
believing a news message and likely to be counter-argued.
Figure 1.6: The photo “Effect of Polit ical Engagement on Campaign Ad
Avoidance”. (Sides, 2012).
In this research, our focus would be the effect iveness of advert ising to
first- t ime voters. The main reason to i t would be they the growing
number of youth in Malaysia, making up to 2/3 of population segments,
while another reason would be that they are st i l l undecided over their
choices.
First- t ime voters do not have strong pre-existing stores of pol it ical
information, and they are easily swayed by party’s promises or
44
manifestos. However, young voters have minimal readily avai lable
information via the ent ire medium they choose, as they are more l ikely to
engage with tradi tional mass medium as well as social media. Hence,
sponsors need to extend their communication material to go beyond their
tradi tional means of communicat ing to audiences.
In Malaysia, there is a non-part isan movement, UndiMsia! that works to
educate voters on important issues of the nation using a set of form of a
Report card (Laporan Rakyat) to gauge level of awareness of Malaysian
regarding our Members of Parliament and State Assemblypersons. These
derive from unimpressive and resounding empty awareness and
knowledge of young voters about the polit ical scenario in Malaysia (Bon
& Rui, 2013).
“The knowledge of young voters regarding their representatives is
ambiguous at best , yet their hopes and expectat ions for Malaysia are
concrete. They are able to be aware of problems affect ing their
immediate surroundings also issues that plagues the nations such as
corruption and racial discrimination thus they want their e lected
representatives essent ially to solve these problems. But the failure
of our education system to provide sufficient understanding of our
democratic system and involve our young in nation building has
created a large gap between youths and our elected representatives.
Polit ics is seemingly, by design, detached from education.
Polit ical ly l inked act ivit ies (especially those organized by the
Opposit ion) are portrayed by school administrators as having no
relevance to the l ives of the youths, and thereby discouraged. With
the exception of a few vocal polit icians who constantly receive
media coverage, many others remain strangers to the younger
consti tuents” (Bon & Rui, 2013).
45
A research done by Rahn and Hirshorn (1999) found that among type of
advert isements, negative advert ising al tered young people’s poli t ical
att i tudes, however this does not affect their desire to vote. Whereas
Kaid, McKinney and Tedesco (2000) found young voters with low
knowledge on polit ical scenario are more cynical after exposure to
polit ical spots especially in 1996 Presidential campaign in United States
of America. Even so, there is no clear connection between negative
advert ising, pol it ical apathy and cynicism by other studies (Garramone,
Atkin, Pinkleton, & Cole, 1990). Pinkleton et al . 2002). But (Kaid and
Postelnicu,2005) proved otherwise, that level of polit ical cynicism after
exposure of posit ive and negative ads are expressed lower.
This research are circulated on youth and fi rst- t ime voters, nevertheless
i t involves the complex polit ical campaigning elements, i ts effect iveness
and youth att i tudes towards polit ical advert isement. So much so, the
research will entail more exposure of how must advertisement be
posi t ioned in order to deliver messages and coherently build party’s
image. In Malaysia for instance, the youth have make up 2 third of the
populat ion segments, and this number would rise in matter of 5 years
t ime for General Elect ion 14 t h . Thus, i t is essent ial to understand youth’s
complex behavior towards pol it ical advert isements, in order to be able to
comply and del iver accordingly. Advert ising is the best medium to reach
youth due to i ts coverage, but the area of research on how can
advert ising be effective when the aesthetics (elements, style, pattern, and
content) of advert isements in Malaysian were not identif ied.
In order to get young ci t izens to be involved in pol it ical process would
not be an easy task. This was acknowledge by Delli Carpini (2000) as he
said Americans younger than 20 is very cynical than the older
populat ion, less interested in public affairs , less l ikely to vote, and has
46
lowest level of knowledge on polit ics. On account, United States of
America was campaigning for youth in their Presidential Elect ion since
2004 t i l l recently (Lee, Kaid, Postelnicu, Lanrevi lle , Yun & Gail ,2007),
United Kingdom faced similar si tuat ion in their 2010 campaigns, and
both situation concluded that youth empowerment and motivation in
polit ical scenario come along when they know the candidate’s stance on
issues, their personal qualit ies, and poli t ical competence level before
making an informed decision to vote (Hannon & Tims 2010).
1.7 PAST RESEARCH
In cit ing this research to the previous research, researcher was not able
to f ind a specific topic of art icles, which covers all the aspects of these
advert isements, however, found three past research that are relevant to
this study. For instance, research conducted by Margaret Scammell, and
Langer, A. (2006) wrote a research of the topic, ‘Why Poli t ical
Advertising is Very Boring?’. Through the research they were able to
claim that the provision of substantive information to enable voters to
make rat ional choices between policy platforms. However, i t may create
difficulties of evaluation. I t is easy enough to dist inguish and measure
the information content but i f mobilization is the main democrat ic
function, how should voters judge campaigning materials as text , and
how would the first- t ime voters decide in which is more l ikely to
mobil ize? The method of evaluat ing an advertisements is through content
analysis because there is a need to compare commercial and polit ical
advert isements in looking at the informational content, identif ies the
narrat ive structures, aesthet ics, and emotional appeals of poli t ical
advert ising. I t s tr ike the researcher that the commercial and poli t ical
advert ising have their own persuasive strategies, commercial is
concerned with audience’s pleasure, whereas pol it ical communication is
to str ives for plausibi l i ty. From the conclusion, pol it ical advert ising is
47
essential to st imulate voter’s engagement, but i t remains unpopular. Even
when here is increasing uses of pleasure/entertainment as an attent ion-
grabbing strategy, pol it ical advertisements remains wedded to
information and plausibi l i ty.
The second that is related to this study would be research done by Wilke,
(2011) by the topic of Advert ising Effects , The Impacts of Campaign Ads
on Voter Preferences in the 2004 Presidential Elect ion. The researcher
argues that if there is so much hatred about campaign advertising, the
dirty, unfair and undemocrat ic, then why it is being used over and over
again as their s trategy. The simple explanation about i t is that is works.
This paper seeks to understand how advert ising affects the electoral
process. Which types of advert ising most effectively persuade voters?
Which types encourage viewers to go to the pol ls on Election Day or –
maybe – discourage that activi ty? The researcher interviewed 81, 422 by
surveys but only used 11, 514 respondents to based the responses and
demographic information instead. The effect of campaign ads is rarely
persuasion, and voters are not changing their electoral decisions on the
basis of 30-second campaign ads. Rather, ads reinforce the part isan
predisposit ions of the viewers.
This was true not only for the posit ive ads, but for the infamous attack
ad as well . I t was also true when character-focused ads were examined
separately. Of course, there are exceptions: st rong Republicans who fell
in the high TV use category were somewhat swayed by Kerry‟s
advert ising and fel t more favorably towards him as their ad exposure
increased.
Among High TV viewers, s trong Republicans voted for Bush 94.2% of
the t ime (compared to 96.2% among all st rong Republicans); while this
difference is not large, i t is important .
48
In the same research, i t also showed campaigns supporting the reelect ion
of an incumbent candidate should focus less on persuading members of
the opposite party – or even independents – to vote for them; their image
has already had a chance to be cemented in the public mind. Rather,
incumbents should focus on building enthusiasm for the candidate and
ensuring that members of their party who would not otherwise vote show
up on Election Day.
The third research focused on examining the Style and Effects of Bush
and Gore Spots writ ten by Kaid and Tedesco in 2003, and they were in
attempts to explain changes in candidate evaluat ions have led researchers
to suggest negative and emotional advertising content as two significant
factors in altered evaluations of candidates. Not surprisingly, negative
(e.g. , Kaid & John- ston, 1991, 2001; Kaid & Tedesco, 1999) and
emotional appeals (Kaid & John- ston, 1991, 2001; Kern, 1989) are
dominant features in poli t ical spots.
The researcher used survey method to collect the findings, during the
presidential campaign in 2000 in United States.
“Negative advertisements may evoke a backlash for the
sponsoring candidate (e.g. , Ansolabehere & Iyengar, 1995;
Merrit t , 1984). Additionally, powerful evi- dence exists of a
relationship between respondent feelings after viewing ads and
candidate image evaluations (e.g. , Alwit t , Deighton, & Grimm,
1991; Kaid, Leland, & Whitney, 1992 ; Kaid & Tedesco, 1999;
Lang, 1991; Tedesco, 2002). More specifically, posit ive emotional
reactions to ads were posit ively related to increased image
evaluations and negative emotional react ions were correlated with
decreased image evaluations (Kaid et al . , 1992; Kaid & Tedesco,
1999; Ted- esco, 2002)”.
49
“Despite the strong evidence that ad exposure leads to gains in
polit ical candi- date issue and image understanding, research
shows that advert ising exposure increases polit ical cynicism
(Kaid, McKinney, & Tedesco, 2000; Tedesco, 2002). Using a
cynicism scale adopted from the National Election Survey
(Rosenstone et al . , 1997), Kaid et al . (2000) and Tedesco (2002)
found that advert ising exposure significant ly increased cynicism
levels in experimental research studies”.
1.8 HYPOTHETICAL STATEMENTS
H1: Negative advert ising and counter-at tack advertisements at tract
youth engagement and interest .
H2: Effectiveness of advertising depends on the voter’s pre-existing
knowledge of pol it ical scenario. So much so, that selectivity in
believing content of advertisements comes from the elements of
the advertisements such as icon, symbols, party logo, and such.
H3: Young voters were negligence towards advertisements that use
manifestos are campaign material .
H4: The uses of image of top leader’s part ies do not necessarily add
value to the advertisements towards young voters.
H5: The use of entertainment and celebri ty endorsement are greatly
and well accepted by young voters.
1.9 RESEARCH METHOD
Three groups of f ix respondents was selected based on their on their
engagement and responsive on poli t ics during the 13 t h General Election.
50
The focus group method was chosen because i t a llowed the interaction
between respondents to be observed, which proved valuable for a study
on youths (Raby, 2010). Furthermore, the respondents were able to
engage in social facil i tat ion (Feldman, 2001, p.469) where they
encouraged responses from one another. This method allowed the
researcher to access how the respondents react to pol it ical
advert isements, express themselves, which would provide clearer picture
of their perception on the latest trend and style of pol it ical
advert isements in Malaysia .
1.9.1 SETTINGS
The groups were placed in a neutral environment to evoke responses that
were least affected by external factors. One of such was reduction as
much as possible a sett ings that mirrors seriousness, so as to prevent the
participants from feel ing that they were probed by the interviewer. This
might produce hesi tations and a change in behavior of participant due to
the presence of the interviewer, what Feldman (2001) defined as
“obedience” (p.413). The researcher, as the interviewer would assume a
casual personality.
Due to the emergent and open-ended nature of focus group, the purpose
of this study was purposively broad to provide opportunities for f luid
discussion during the focus group and thick descriptions of personal
interpretations and observat ions (Grow & Christpher, 1998). Qualita tive
descript ion is necessary when studying individual and social s i tuations
that are dist inctive, unknown or have become stereotyped (Rowled,
Reinharz, 1988).
The hallmark of focus group is use of group interaction to produce
insights that would be less accessible without interaction found in a
group (Morgan, 1988). The focus group al lows one participant to draw
from another or to collectively brainstorm together and this may lead to
51
a large number of ideas, opinions, and issues, topics that were being
discussed (Berg, 1998).
The focus group method which was chosen for this study allow access to
social ly-constructed expressed views, opinions, experiences, and
att i tudes of the partic ipants which helped the researcher understand how
they interpret advert isements message, including subtle messages, most
effective poli t ical advertisements elements, tone and voice, images being
used, words, concepts and many more.
Hitherto to that, in order to ensure that this focus group’s outcome could
be generalized to Malaysian’s populat ions although not through stat ically
generalization, but concluded over tentat ive incidence generalization. I t
is found that If similar views were expressed across focus groups, even
though there were differences between the composition of the groups in
terms of social-demographic characterist ics and in conducting the
sessions, then Knodel claims that “i t is l ikely that views or experiences
are being tapped that are common to a shared underlying culture within
the broader populat ion”.
Partic ipants were organized to sit in a circle. The arrangement of the
seats is important , promoting the whole group partic ipation, the face-to-
face interact ion, and good eye contact among all the partic ipants, with
the same distances between everybody and al l partic ipants in every
person’s f ield of vision.
1.9.2 SAMPLE
The sample size was small compared to the general population i t
represents; however, researcher’s endeavor was to provide look into this
52
psyche of this subjects . Each focus group has five respondents. Thus, the
focus group of three groups consists of 15 people from the age of 21 to
25 years old.
1.9.3 MATERIALS SAMPLES
The target audiences were given each 7 minutes to observe 21 print
advert isements, 14 being advertisements from Barisan Nasional, whereas
7 advert isements are from Pakatan Rakyat. This sampling materials are
designed in such way is merely based on the print advertisement
published during 2 weeks of the campaigning period, dating from 21 s t
April to 4 t h May 2013. For Barisan Nasional print advertisements, all of
them, which were taken, were published on The Star, whereas Pakatan
Rakyat advertisements was partially taken from The Star newspaper, and
another half from their social media page, Facebook mainly. As
mentioned above in Chapter 1, s ince all the traditional medium were
control led by government, Pakatan Rakyat have few means to publish in
tradi tional mediums, thus, their campaigns take place more in social
media.
1.9.4 SAMPLING METHOD
Researcher used snowballing sampling, or convenient sampling in
choosing the sample respondents for this research. Snowballing or
convenient sampling is the best method in non-probabili ty sampling to
distinguish between the leaders and followers. Although selection may
be unguided, i t probably is not random, using the correct definit ion of
everyone in the population having an equal chance of being selected.
The three groups were obtained from researcher’s own circles and
acquaintances; most of the participants are students from Limkokwing
University from various course background, ci t ies of origin, and part ies’
preferences. While other part icipants part icularly for the rural group, are
53
friends in researcher’s hometown, Alor Star, Kedah. Although, i t might
seems that the researchers sampling method might prompt to biasness,
however, the researcher fel t that i t is important to have partic ipants
which is not afraid to voice out his/her thoughts, not afraid to be judge,
confident on their own ideas and thoughts and most important ly not
being fol lower of herd in order to provide a more accurate f indings.
The target audiences were ident if ied to be from three different groups
that are rural , semi-urban, and urban first t ime voters. Why this was
done because, researcher was able to understand other external factors
such as l ifestyle; education levels, surroundings, family and friends
would have influence judgments of the target audiences. In addit ion to
that , target audiences with more news and information options were
expected to react different ly to the questions raised as compared to the
other group.
1.9.5 DATA COLLECTION
The data was collected using both voice recorder and shorthand method.
A voice recorder was used in to record the interview process and collect
any missed responses from the participants that were impulsive or sudden
that may be used to ident ify their perception. The voice recorder was
placed in a surrepti t ious posit ion so as not to be full viewed by
participations as also to reduce self-consciousness that may arise from
being interviewed. This allowed the respondents to be more relaxed in
order to elic it more honest responses. The interviewer also used the
shorthand method by writ ing the physical reactions during the interview
process, which may also be used to ident ify or reveal their thought
processes.
1.9.6 DATA ANALYSIS
54
The transcripts of the interviews were analyzed for i ts content to obtain
the perception of the partic ipants towards poli t ical advert isements
prepared for them. The way the partic ipat ions reacted to pol it ical
advert isements, their understanding on the communication’s content,
their perceptions on the elements and tone of the advert isements were
ident if ied and analyzed. In order to reduce biasness in the interpretation
of the findings, another researcher was called to help.
1.10 RESEARCH SCOPE
From this research, I am targeting on fi rst t ime voters, between the ages
of 21 to 25 years old. They would be the main foci of this research
because this is their f irst t ime involvement in pol it ics and election. First
t ime voters are the easiest targets for poli t ical advertisements because
their pre-storage of information on polit ical scenario is st i l l low, thus
easily get swayed. Thus, with poli t ical campaigning, one can change
voters for individual who are not interested in advert ising into gett ing
aware about i t , and with prolong success, he or she could be loyal to
certain party. This loyalty would benefit parties because more l ikely the
changes can affect immediate families and friends.
I t is very important to understand how target audiences perceive poli t ical
campaigning and what will consti tute to the effect iveness. The
effectiveness should be crit ically analyzed through the content , s tyle ,
substances and appeal that advertisements from both part ies. Thus in this
heuristic focus group, voters l ikeabili ty and believabili ty of an
advert isement could be identify, and the factors which contribute to i t is
also made known.
Thus, quest ionnaires for focus group wil l be set in order to answer how
first t ime voters read and understand poli t ical advertisements, also if
they can comprehend any subtle messages that were passed on through
55
this advertisements. Together, the research would be able to understand
the appeals that come from advert isement . For example, from the counter
attack advertisements, voters might feels offended, and that distort their
preference on certain party, whereas for other voters, they find i t healthy
to have counter-attack as i t wil l bring the truth out.
1.11 RESEARCH IMPLICATION
One of the major contributions of my research is that i t helps me
understand the use of advert ising in a poli t ical campaign. I t a lso creates
an understanding on the power of advertising and polit ical campaigning,
which is an essential key player in the advertising field.
Polit ical advert ising are always associated with negat ivity, because
society’s perception of i t as manipulative. This study will contribute to
my major f ie ld of studies because the fundamental concept is s t i l l the
same, which is target audiences, branding, and brand identity, then to the
development of brand loyal ty.
However, the application is in the scope of pol it ical science studies
incorporated with advertising. Advertising has been a cornerstone for
any brand development but when i t is applied on another f ie ld, the
findings will breach to a complete understandings on the application of
advert ising. Without leaving the dark cloud of doubt , the research is
meant to disclose the means and ends of advertising in the context of
polit ical campaigning. Besides, both posit ive and negative
advert isements have been proven to play different roles in regards to
candidate evaluation and this directly implicates the relation to my major
that is advert ising.
1.12 OPERATION DEFINITION
56
a. Polit ical campaigning/ Advertising – Polit ical campaigning or
advert ising uses advertising as their communication tool to the masses
from In to a party, and electoral candidates. In addition, poli t ical
advert ising assist candidates to be better known, establishing
populari ty, connect with part icular demographics groups, at tract new
supporters, and stimulate voter’s part icipants.
b. First- t ime voters - Young people between the age of 21 to 25 years
old, who are reaching voting age before and therefore are facing their
f irst opportuni ty to vote.
c. Counter-attack advertising – A form of advertising, which can be run
in posit ive or negative advertisements. Issues, which were raised up
by the opposit ion, would be fired back by an advertisement from the
roll ing party, in order to f i l l in the gap in the minds of consumers.
This method of campaigning is the most used, yet the more yield
effectiveness to sponsors and voters.
d. Polit ical candidates – Candidate that is a chosen person or seen to be
sui table for a pol it ical posit ion ei ther in state or parliamentary level.
e. Subtle advert ising – Subtle advertising is not very informational,
however, there is an at tachments ei ther especial ly through
emotional ly. These kinds of advertisement are mend to capture the
heart of the voters and then send the impulse to the brain to act
accordingly. I t is very powerful, yet manipulative advertisements.
f . Voters choice – Voters choice is used in two contexts in this research,
which are voters choice of candidates, or party, and also voter’s
choice of advert isements. Selected advert isements of the pol it ical
parties in Malaysia are yet to be examined in order to understand the
voter’s choice.
57
CHAPTER 22.0 INTRODUCTION
In chapter 2, there are there results of fol lowing to methodology outline
above. The purpose of this chapter is to discuss the results and findings
based on analysis done on the data collected from part icipations. This
chapter speaks about demographics profi les of respondents and the data
collected from them by means of their responds and discussion during
focus group.
2.1 RESPONDENTS BACKGROUND
The researcher conducted three focus groups, with five participants per
each group. Each group is identif ied as rural , semi-urban, and urban,
because similar homogeneity and similar characterist ics will not give
much depth to the research. Instead, the outcome of this research would
weigh all the internal and external factors as well , such as surroundings,
family and friends, l ifestyle, technological advancement, choice of news
and information and many more.
However, one important characterist ic that the partic ipants must have is
they must be fi rst- t ime voters between the age of 21 to 23 years old. As
polit ical system is Malaysia are based on mult i-racial set t ings, thus, this
research have taken into considerat ion to provide an multi-racial focus
group sett ings, involving three main races such as Malay, Chinese and
Indian. Nevertheless, from gender perspect ives, there is less assert ion on
equal gender population in each focus group, because this would not
contribute to a different outcome that what have been hypothet ically
expected.
58
Table 2.1 Summary of demographic profile table
59
No. Age Sex Race Have you
voted
before?
What is your level of knowledge
1. Rural
Group
1. 23
2. 23
3. 23
4. 23
5. 25
1. Male
2. Female
3. Male
4. Male
5. Male
1. Malay
2. Malay
3. Malay
4. Malay
5. Malay
1. No
2. No
3. No
4. No
5. No
1. Low2. Average3. Average4. Low5. Low
2. Semi-
Urban
1. 23
2. 23
3. 24
4. 25
5. 21
1. Male
2. Male
3. Male
4. Male
5. Male
1. Malay
2. Malay
3. Malay
4. Malay
5. Indian
1. Yes
2. Yes
3. Yes
4. No
5. No
1. Average
2. Average
3. Low
4. Average
5. Slight ly higher than average.
3.
Urban
1. 21
2. 23
3. 25
4. 23
5. 23
1. Male
2. Female
3. Female
4. Male
5. Female
1. Malay
2.Others
3.Malay
4.Malay
5.Chinese
1. No
2. Yes
3. Yes
4. Yes
5. Yes
1. Average
2. Average
3. Average
4. Average
5. Average
2.2 RESEARCH FINDINGS
2.2.1 FIRST GROUP (Rural)
On the eve of the first scheduled meeting, a telephone contact was made
with each of the partic ipants, confirming the t ime and the place of the
session.
On the day of the focus group, the partic ipants were very enthusiast
about the topic. Part icipants were organized to sit in a circle. The
arrangement of the seats is important, promoting the whole group
participation, the face-to- face interaction, and good eye contact among
all the participants, with the same distances between everybody and all
participants in every person’s f ie ld of vision.
Partic ipants were requested to expand on their ideas and make other
comments that tr ied to explore the discussion and clarify their ideas.
Researcher briefed partic ipants on the topic, how the focus group would
be conducted in order to el iminate biasness, and other unnecessary
information that would jeopardies the study.
The focus group start with introduction of each of of them, full name,
any experience of voting, and what is their current level of knowledge on
polit ical scenario in Malaysia. I t is understood that a ll of them are in the
age of 23 years old, all of them have never voted before, and they
declared their level of knowledge are between low to average.
Ahead before progressing in the focus group, researcher has covered the
name of sponsors, symbols, and leaders images in all 21 print
advert isements. This is done in order to see whether the part icipants
could easily identify the sponsors of the advertisements.
60
All of them agreed that they can see identify the advert isements belongs
to which parties based on the color of the background, st ructure of
words, layout of the advertisements, manifestos and mascots.
Based on the first question’s answer, researcher asked part icipants
whether they understood fully the manifesto presented by the two
coal it ion parties. Part icipants confirmed that they understood the
manifestos on the surface of the i t , but unable to understands fully
because sometimes i t is very confusing, overlapping between one
another, and it is too long. However, they recognized that Pakatan
Rakyat’s manifestos are based on current issues of middle-income group,
whereas Barisan Nasional manifesto are focus on the well being of the
country, funds, and realist ic future project ion.
When asked on is opposit ion’s manifesto is based on populist ideas, four
of them answered no, whereas one answered yes. They mentioned that
Pakatan Rakyat is a polit ical party that hears public’s voice.
It should not be referred, as populist idea because they were not given
chance to execute their manifestos to execute their manifestos. But when
asked on Barisan Nasional manifestos, participants can only mentioned
BRIM RM 500, and RM 250 fund.
Then when researcher asked on about poli t ical advertisements enhance
engagement on polit ics, part ies and candidates, four of f ive said yes. One
remaining candidate was very skeptical on the extensive use of
advert ising through the pol it ical campaigning period, as those money
could have use to be invested for rural development .
61
However when quest ioned as were poli t ical advertisements was able to
persuade young voters. Four of the participants answered yes, but only to
a certain degree because they perceive advert isements to be a medium to
deliver information, build connect ion with potential voters, and sti l l
weak in persuade audience’s mind. Whereas only one participants
disagree because she said “after abundance of brand advert isements
exposed to her dai ly, I now became selective in medium she is expose to.
In fact, during the period of part ies campaigning, I purposely avoided all
tradi tional media, and only held to social media”.
Next question would be what are the best print advertisements from 21
materials prepared to them. During this question, researcher witness
participants was unable to decide on the best advertisements according to
their own preferences, then, when asked why, they revealed that they do
not l ike any of i t . A question were asked back to researcher, as, what
would define best advert isements, can a unique advert isement with no
guaranteed effect iveness be consider the ‘best’ . Then four partic ipants
agreed to point out Barisan Nasional advert isement with the headline of,
PAS does not need to wait for 2/3 majori ty in parliament to implement
PAS Hudud . When researcher asked why did they conclude that
advert isement to be the best, they mentioned that the advert isement was
unique, different, but the concept and issues mentioned will not be able
to moves voters to vote for the party. Reason mentioned was that, the
issues mentioned were on rel igion policy, and there is no significant
need to t ie in poli t ics and religion together. Another one participant was
pointing to Barisan Nasional’s advert isements with headlines of Progress
and Sustainable Development. The reason behind why he choose this
advert isement is because i t is s traightforward, bel ievable, able to
connect to the mind, have emotionally-attachment of being public’s
leader for 50 over years.
62
But when asked on which of the communicat ion materials from both
sides of the parties are believable, trustworthy and credible . There are
reluctant to answer, only provided facial expression and body language
of disl iking. One of the participants mentioned none, and the rest
unanimously agreed with him.
Then one of the part icipants also adds on that most layout of Pakatan
Rakyat are more at tractive with their s tyle, content , colours, designs, and
word used. Whereas Barisan Nasional advertisements look professional,
fashionable, and it appears to be targeting more to middle upper class.
Afterwards, researcher asked if party’s leader image on advertisements
would add value to the advertisement, and will voter be more
comfortable seeing the picture of their leader? Participants all
unanimously disagree on the placement of leader’s image on
advert isements because, both party’s top leaders have be surrounded by
bad publicity, uninterest ing personal characterist ic, and bad reputat ion
on their records. “Leader’s image will destroy the credibi l i ty of the
party, and thus will confuse voters even more on which party to vote,
nevertheless, in worst s i tuation, there wil l be higher increase numbers of
fence-si t ters among first- t ime voters” said one of the participant.
However, an interesting opinion was that, they do not mind pictures of
candidates contesting for seats because people need to know of whom
they are choosing, and pictures enhance the candidate’s characterist ics.
For the following quest ion, researcher asked does significant exposure of
advert isements can motivates voters to know more about poli t ics and
even encourage them for action? Participants says that based on the
material of the advert isement provided for their view, advertisement
which motivates them to vote and encourage for action would be Pakatan
Rakyat advertisements. I t is oriented behind issues that give opportunity
63
for viewers to have deeper thoughts. Those advertisements were able to
say less, but st ing viewer’s mind and affect them emotionally by
projecting what viewers would want to hear. Even so, one of the
participants agreed that advertising have the power of subconsciously
relay i ts messages, thus, those polit ical advertisements do no go off, but
i t is s tored in the mind of voters until day of election and beyond.
When asked on any negat ive and unethical advertisements from materials
presented to them, participants agreed that most of the advertisements
are unethical and negative because the elements portrayed based on
attack, counter orienting on issues such as rel igion and culture. Even, i t
may be provocative, but i t does not necessary appeals to the target
audiences.
Then what is the part that makes i t unethical and negat ives, partic ipants
l is ted out the concept, framing of other party, attack. To these
participants, these shows indirect ly display party’s desperate measures to
win General Election 13.
Researcher raised a quest ions of do voters prefer own information-
seeking process or they do not mind be influences with advertisements,
participants said advert isements is essent ials, because advert isements
usually tells information which may or may not cross voters mind, and
after seeing an advert isements, part icipants usual ly do they own
information-seeking process in order to justify and substant iate what
they have read on before. Whereas 2 out of 3 participants was unable to
answer the questions, because advertisements have always been essential ,
and believing that what is printed in t radit ional medium is t rue, they
believe the content of the advertisements, but they are doubtful of
advert isements in social media.
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Polit ical part ies have included entertainment, l ike songs and videos, as
well as having brand endorsements to enhance the image of certain party.
Through this focus group, i t reveal surprising answer that partic ipants
are not att racted to this move, because the elements of entertainment are
unnecessary for such a serious event . In addition to that, celebrity’s
reputation may hurt the current image of the party. One of the partic ipant
voiced out that the use of Sit i NurHaliza as to transfer her celebrity’s
fame to Barisan Nasional will not significantly help increase voter’s
preference to the party. However, they suggested that “maybe launched
of new patriotic songs, or videos on what have been achieved by the
current government, l ike Petronas Twin Tower, images of Mahathir
Mohamed and his policies, will t remendously help achieve higher number
of voters to the incumbent party”.
Researcher then asked a hypothet ical question on if election were about
to start , can you make up your mind on who to vote, or you are st i l l
undecided? Relatively two of them said, they sti l l will not vote because
they do not t rust the current rul ing party as well as opposi tion, while the
others would vote for parties who are speaking directly to the, which is
to the opposi tion.
Despite such answer, researcher st i l l wants to investigate on the best-
preferred elements of poli t ical advertisements, and part icipants were
given options between racial s tabil i ty, nat ional growth and development,
manifestos, candidate’s characterist ics, or issues. Majori ty of the
participants choose national growth and developments, issues, and racial
stabil i ty then only manifesto or candidate’s preferences.
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The last question would be what would be the best tone and mood of
polit ical advert isements, between straightforward, at tack and counter
attack, subt le and subliminal, or entertainment . All of the then answered
straightforward, and subtle and subliminal.
2.2.2 SECOND GROUP (Semi-Urban)
For the second focus group, researcher gathered people from her
university, based on their polit ical engagement during the last elect ion,
through her observation of their Facebook status. Selected participations
have tremendous interest in polit ics, and they do not mind to voice out
their thoughts, in fact they posses next generat ion’s leaders
characterist ics.
Focus group started at scheduled t ime, and part icipants was keen on
spending their t ime to clearly discuss the topic. Researcher started the
discussion by introducing the topic of the research, and briefed them on
procedure of the do and don’ts while answering questions. Part icipants
were instructed to introduce their name, age, have they voted, and what
is their level of understanding on polit ics. Participants are between the
age of 23 to 25 years old, with only 3 have voted, and they declared to
have average level of knowledge.
The first question raised was whether participants can sti l l ident ify the
advert isements even though the party’s name, and symbol were
disclosed. The answer was clearly mentioned as yes, by looking at the
colour, word used, medium of advert isements published, and content.
Researcher proceeded by asking can advert isement enhance their level of
knowledge, most of the part icipants said yes, but even so, they wil l s t i l l
analyses and study the advertisements, however, i t will enhance further
based on the medium of advertisements such as newspapers, television
and radio.
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Then again, part icipants agreed that print advertisements have the power
to be the easiest medium to speak to fence si t ter , party hopper, and first-
t ime voters. But one of the partic ipant disagree because he says that
advert isements are meant to be misleading and biased, because i t is part
of polit ical s trategy to convert voters.
When asked on the best advert isements, part icipants was engaging to one
another in choosing personally best preferred advertisement. Before
selecting the advert isements, part icipants was exchange notes that
Barisan Nasional advert isement shows future national’s project ion in
terms of development and progress, whereas Pakatan Rakyat
advert isements are provocat ive, a ttacking the current government , and
thus both part ies reflect on what the party stands for.
Based on personal preferred print ad, part icipants says,
1) “Best advertisement would be Barisan Nasional with headlines of DAP
for PAS, PAS Hudud will follow . Why this appeal most to me is because
this advertisement makes me want to study opposit ions manifesto,
analyze issues mentioned (Hudud), and meanwhile also weigh Pakatan
Rakyat’s manifestos”.
2) Another chosen advert isement was from Pakatan Rakyat with the
headline of The Kindergarten Assistance Scheme , and the reason being
is , “when I come across this advert isement, i t motivates me to know
more on manifesto of both parties, and how many of the promises have
been fulfi l led. In order to make my choice for which party to choose, I
would refer back to the ‘track record’ of both parties”.
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3) “My preferred advert isement would be Barisan Nasional
advert isements under the headline of Our 5 Years Promises to You ,
because being one of the Felda student in Limkokwing University, I
witness a lot of the past promises have been fulfi l led, and this
advert isement show even higher number of funds provided equally to all
public . Since most of the promises have been delivered, i t is believable,
and trustable”.
4) “Among al l the other advertisement , I prefer advertisement that have
no attacking elements, s traightforward and direct . Thus the
advert isement I choose is Barisan Nasional’s with headline of Peace,
Stabil i ty and Unity . It is because the advertisement conveys the current
government has been successful keeping peace, comfort , and growing
development . There is a lso other messages passed through the ad, with
the image of people in the back, the placement of Ipad, image of Najib
Razak, as t rying to communicate that people’s l ifestyle have increased
significantly under the current government, people are happy. The
message is also neutral , believable and trustable”.
5) “I would choose Barisan Nasional advertisement with wri t ten headline
of Who Says DAP is Good. This is because, this advert isement speaks
clearly, communicate effect ively to me, as the content are conversation
between two young voters on whom to choose, and why choose the
current government . I t appeals emotional ly and mental ly for me”.
As an addition note, of the participants explained that successful and
effective advert isements would have two elements that are informative,
yet emotional at tachments to i t .
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In terms of entertainment, part icipants are aware of the party’s init iative
to include elements of entertainment in their campaign. One of the
participant said “Although it is practice elsewhere, and it work for their
countries, i t does not necessary work in Malaysia”. Another part icipant
disagreed by saying celebri t ies works really well in Malaysia because
entertainment and celebrit ies is an instant attention-grabber, and
celebrit ies fame could be easily t ransferred to certain party they are
endorsing. Whereas the other two participant mentioned that celebri t ies
endorsement in Malaysia were are celebri t ies that aged, have no market
in industry, thus, perceived as opt ing themselves to rebuild their
reputation using polit ical s tage.
Next question was does significant exposure to advertisement actual ly
enhance polit ical engagement and candidate . All of the partic ipant have
different scope for this answer. One of the participant said “It does not
enhance my thoughts on polit ics, but on candidates perhaps. However,
the use of attack and counter attack is really disturbing”. While another
participants mentioned that i t did adds to his pol it ical knowledge, but
seeing Pakatan Rakyat advertisements everyday could be disastrous.
Partic ipant went on saying, “Pakatan Rakyat advertisement used soft
appeal to t r igger emotion and encourage rebell ious feel ing, and
especially as young voters, I see my friends behaving rebel lious to
current government”.
Then other part icipant pointed that “repeated advertisements of certain
parties may enhance my knowledge but however, i t also reflects that the
party is so desperate in wooing their voters, i t shows weakness, but too
many exposure of advertisements could be very annoying”.
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While another participant simply said advert isement enhance his mind to
think further on why certain issues were pointed, why part ies counter-
attack in such way. “Thus, i t definitely make me more mature in my
thinking, and more wise in choosing”.
Researcher proceeds with the next question of does image of party leader
ads value to advert isements. All of them unanimously said yes, because
they said i t is not about the party, i t is about whom leading and
governing the party. Some people are loyal voters of certain party
because they are at tached and trust the party’s leaders. They also
mentioned why there is a need for poli t ical candidate to have social
networks, and most of the t ime, the candidate page is more famous than
the party’s social network page.
When ask is participants have seen any unethical and negative
advert isements from the materials prepared. They jointly said a lot of
them, even offensive content, and use of certain word that is improper.
I ts shows the mentali ty and att i tudes of the party i tself , then i t reflects to
the party’s supporters for support ing such move.
But then again, one of the partic ipants argued that what have happen to
Malaysian advertising regulation as i t has seen to be loosen in aspect of
polit ical advert isements. I t is said so because parties are disclosing other
party’s name, candidates, symbols to be object of r idiculed. On an
interesting note, participant also witnesses the loss of feminism culture
in Malaysia, and we are opting to be copying masculine culture, which
would defini tely be unsuitable to be practice in Malaysia.
Then, proceeding to next quest ions would participants prefer their own
information seeking process, or they do not mind being influence by
polit ical advert isements.
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Participants cheerfully admitted that advertisement is essent ial because
advert isements serve as the easiest medium to compare between the two
parties, and their manifestos. Advertisements also a great vehicle to
communicate and promote party and candidate, so, made i t easy for
voters to choose. However, in order to decide, voters usually do their
own information seeking process. An additional key was pointed by one
of the partic ipant, that as much print advertisements and other traditional
medium are important, i t is vi tal for parties to shift their campaign to
social media because of huge number of voters can be tapped, more
influential , and they could upload advert isements without cost .
When asked on any elements of at tack and counter attack in the materials
presented, researcher saw frustrat ion and sighs in part icipation’s facial
expression. One of the partic ipant said that this advertising element were
done in United States, and it works well for their society. “America even
200 years of history of elections, parties campaigning, and electoral
candidates, thus bringing the same concept to Malaysia will not work.
Malaysia have gain independence in just 56 years, and we have multi -
racial sett ings, thus issues to sti r up racial conflagration would harm the
country’s stabi li ty and harmony”.
However, part icipants was sure that i t is not the issues that makes i t
unethical or negative, but i t is the entire concept of attack and counter
attack should not be implemented in Malaysia.
Then, researcher asked whether there is any advertisements that is very
credible, unbiased, and truthful. The answer was very skeptical , because
all the participations said advertisements should not be trusted fully, as
i t contain biasness, therefore i t should be analyzed and studied before
believing i t .
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Another part icipation added that for urban voters, they are well
educated, and they have other source of news rather than traditional
medium, therefore advertisements cannot have 100% level of
effectiveness in target ing voters.
If election was about to start , three out of f ive partic ipant mentioned that
they would have make up their mind on whom to choose based on the
communication materials shown. Whereas, another 2 participants said
they can’t because they need to do more thorough study on both parties
stand.
Researcher than asked whether they witness any subtle message, or
subl iminal message in al l the communicat ion materials . Only one of the
participants could answer this quest ion, and he pointed the Stabili ty,
Progress, and Unity advertisement by Barisan Nasional , because i t could
deliver the unspoken message of the success and social development
under the ruling of Barisan Nasional. While the rest was unable to
understand what is subt le messages, but even upon explainat ion, they
said, most of the advert isements are very direct .
Then, researcher showed two advert isements from both parties that used
manifesto as content to communicate . Researcher asked if they were able
to understand fully manifestos shown, and their answer was “ I t is hard
to understand Pakatan Rakyat’s manifestos because they use big words,
confusing, manipulative and uncomprehend-able”, but then Barisan
Nasional’s manifesto are more on government’s funds such as BRIM,
PRIMA.
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Researcher asked participations to identify any provocat ive
advert isements. They could and they pointed Pakatan Rakyat
advert isement with body copy of “Orang Polit ik macam Saya Kadang
Kadang Buleh Jadi Sangat Bodoh” (Polit icians l ike me sometimes can
be stupid) posted in their Facebook page.
The advertisement shows image of former Prime Minister, Mahathir
Mohamed. They said i t is provocative because the use of stupid, and the
image of Mahathir Mohamed is very hurtful to the society. Whereas,
another provocative advertisement is from Barisan Nasional headline of
Malaysian Business Owners, Think Twice before Voting for the
Opposit ion . The advertisement featured graphics to i l lustrate decrease in
Penang’s GDP, Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), and Jobs Loss. This
advert isement is seen provocat ive because i t is another attack
advert isement that is unnecessary, and downgrading.
Partic ipants then questioned on did they skip advertisement they came
across, or they choose to read i t . Surprisingly, three of the part icipants
do not skip the advert isements, while only two zapped it . When asked
why they prefer reading advertisements and pay attention to i t ,
participants said they could get readily easy information.
Then when asked what would be their preferred elements in pol it ical
advert isements, and they were given choice between racial s tabili ty,
candidates characterist ics, issues, national progress and developments,
and manifestos. The most preferred in ranking are racial s tabil i ty, issues,
national progress and development, candidate characterist ics and then
manifestos.
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The last question is what should be tone and mood for pol it ical
advert isements, and the opt ions are at tack and counter attack,
st raightforward, subtle and subliminal , and entertainment. The ranking of
choice are entertainment, subt le and subliminal, s traightforward and
least l iked was at tack and counter attack.
2.2.3 THIRD GROUP (Urban)
For the interview session of urban group, the participants were chosen
carefully to represent the major cit ies, and urban market center. For
instance, three of the participants are representative from Kuala Lumpur
Bermuda tr iangle, as they are from Subang Jaya, Hartamas, and another
from Kuala Lumpur city center, Jalan Ipoh. While partic ipant were from
Penang, and Puchong. These participants showed interest in the topic
right from the beginning, but they were not allowed to speak about
polit ics before the focus group as i t might contribute to biasness among
participants.
Interview started at planned time, and researcher started with
introduction of the topic, and the rules in answering the questions, and
clearly briefed part icipants to not mention the name of their preference
parties.
At f irst al l the advertisements were tapped so i t do not reveal the
sponsors. Then the fi rst quest ion was asked whether part icipant could
ident ify which advertisement i t is from, without looking at the sponsor.
All the participants were able to answer clearly saying the colour,
messages, sarcasm of the ads content, party’s representat ive (celebri ty
and party member). However, there are number of opposi tion’s
advert isements which is confusing because they not put their logo,
merely mascot , then quoted words from Barisan Nasional’s party
member, also, displayed logo of Barisan Nasional.
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The second quest ion was could advertisement enhance their knowledge
and engagement on polit ics. One of the part icipants said, yes i t could
because, most of the advertisements used simple English words, thus i t is
align with first- t ime voter’s education level. For another part icipant, i t
could because i t serves as the best medium to retrieve information,
compare between the agenda of ruling party and the opposition. Even so,
i t is effect ive only at the certain level. While the other three partic ipants
were merely agreeing that i t could enhance knowledge and keep first
t ime voter in pace of pol it ical scenario in Malaysia without need to look
for long art icles to know what’s happening.
Then, researchers proceed with asking participant to select their most
preferred advertisements. Their answers are:
1) “I choose Barisan Nasional advert isements with particular headlines
reads Malaysian Business Owners, Think Twice before Voting for the
Opposit ion . I l iked i t because i t give me an instant knowledge not empty
pile of words, i t is very comprehensive because the fonts are engaging,
and there is a different font for sub-headlines, headlines, copy and such.
Nevertheless, the advertisement shows sources, t rustable f igures.
Unfortunately i t may not be applicable to everyone because i t focuses for
voters in Penang, but i t s t i l l come about as great comparison upon
unreliable content of Pakatan Rakyat advertisements”,
2) Partic ipant chose Barisan Nasional advert isement under the headlines
of Strong Economic Growth for Malaysia. It is because is display
reliable facts , and they could substantiate the claims with sources. As a
voter, when he looked at i t , he sees the advertisement as bel ievable and
trustworthy, and for him it is impossible for the facts were manipulated
according to part ies agenda.
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From the opposit ion advertisements, participant chose Towards New
Malaysia ad because the images is very catchy, engaging, yet the
graphics is really simple. The use of fewer words, and more pictures or
graphics attracted me more.
3) The most appealing advertisements would be Malaysia Then, Now and
Forever and I choose Malaysia. I t is because of the colour scheme, the
message, and the use of Jalur Gemilang as background draws the l ining
of comfort and familiarity in my mind. ‘Since I have grow up enjoying
my life under the ruling government of Barisan Nasional , and seeing my
family and friends supporting this party, I without doubt are more
att racted to their message than the opposi tion. But if I were to sti l l
choose I would select the Pakatan Rakyat’s advert isement under the the
headline of The Kindergarten Assistance Scheme because i t shows at
least one of the manifesto from past promises were fulfi l led, and makes
me aware to compare between which of their manifesto is actual ly
real ist ic against the ‘gimmick’.
4) “My favourite advert isement reads copy of ‘ Revoke Ambiga
Citizenship’ (quoted words). ‘This advertisement is from Pakatan
Rakyat , however, the message is real ly clear that the government is
afraid of youngster’s r ising power as youth are gett ing more sustainable,
engaging, and always looking for extra information. Although the way I
interpreted the messages maybe different from other people, but this
advert isement have encourage my mind to delve deeper in an
advert isement , and I was given to power to speculate and form any
conclusion. Whereas from the rul ing government, I prefer the PAS Does
not need to wait for 2/3 majori ty in parliament to implement PAS
Hudud advert isement .
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It is because this advertisement clearly showcased issues arise when PAS
suggested the implementation of hudud, but public witness the interneal
rejection of the policy even in Pakatan Rakyat party, and in order to take
the scenario into their own advantage, Barisan Nasional has cleverly
used this issue to capture voters”.
5) The next part icipant chose Knows where your vote is really Goes,
Vote Wisely, Do not make wrong Choice, Vote for DAP is A vote for
PAS, Think Carefully . This is because, participant declared that as he
begin to get matured, he need advertisement that have indirect messages,
and challenge my mind to evaluate facts, messages, before making
decision on which party to choose.
Nevertheless, when asked on does significant exposure to advertisement
encourage you to vote, most part icipants agree because they st i l l have
weak pre-exist ing storage of information about both part ies. Thus, in
order to extent their knowledge, they would search for information in
order to compare and contrast on party’s stance and their respective
achievements. Another part icipant added that f i rst t ime voters are no
longer ignorant on what is going on in pol it ical scene, thus they choose
to know. Whereas, only one part icipant disagree saying, advertisement
will not affect f irst t ime voters with strong poli t ical knowledge as they
see advert isement as another medium to disseminate propaganda.
During the reviewing communicat ion materials before proceeding with
the focus group, most of the part icipants are aware on the use of
celebrity endorsement by part ies. From their facial expression and body
language, some are moved and drawn by celebrit ies, whereas for others,
i t is not necessary.
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When researcher asked them, one of the part icipant’s feedback was
“celebrit ies are icon, not idol thus if party used the best label for the
party, a ligned, connected to party’s phi losophy then i t will work really
well , or e lse i t would backfired on them. The use of celebrity’s
endorsement could only work 50% at tract voters, but I don’t see as
negat ive for more celebrit ies to contribute their part in social’s
community responsibi l i ty.
Another part icipant supported the first participant by saying; “It is quite
creative and innovative strategy of poli t ical part ies in attracting voters
in their at tempt to connect with young voters. However, he mentioned
that most l ikely the Malay community are able to relate to local art is t
than any other races”. Then, another participant voiced out that, “Malays
usually looked at celebrit ies as point of aspiration, and because l ifestyle
of urban people and celebri t ies are not wide apart from theirs , thus they
are more easily influence by celebri ty endorsement”. The last partic ipant
sees part ies including celebri t ies as good init iat ive of showing how much
party are will ing to do in order to gain young voter’s at tention, and to be
seen as relevant with the ‘young cul ture’.
Then researcher quest ioned if image of party leader would add value to
advert isements. Some of the partic ipant agreed while others disagreed.
This is because they said “i t does add value by gives a sense of comfort
on whom leading the party”. The previous comments was supported by
two other partic ipants who believed that for most people who related to
visual, i t may add value, and in addit ion to that Malaysia’s election as
based on individual popularity of candidates. For example this t ime
around in GE13, few names leaders names for example Mahathir
Mohamed, Khairy Jamaluddin, Rafizi , Nurul Izzah, Muhyiddin Yassin
and Hishamuddin have been a household name, and more often, i t
overshadowed the parties popularity.
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Whereas the other part icipant mentioned in GE 13, there is more picture
of young candidates especially for seats because the party wants to
inform public, and also encourage the image of relevance, young, fresh,
capable in the mind of consumer. But showing the image of top party
leader wil l not cater effectively to niche target audience for GE 13
(young voters) , and i t is only necessary to communicate who is in the
running to be next Prime Minister.
Then, researcher asked part icipant’s opinion on any unethical and
negat ive ads seen from the communication materials prepared. Two of
the partic ipant declared they didn’t see such advertisements, although
some of the advertisements are provocat ive, but i t leads to action, and
make people think careful ly, thus there is no issue of unethical
advert isements. Then one of the partic ipants said when I see
advert isements from Pakatan Rakyat, I saw grammatical error, and that is
very unethical as showing the party is very careless in what they have
printed.
In another instance, Pakatan Rakyat have a series of advert isement which
use quoted words from respectable leaders of Barisan Nasional, but the
only took few words which leave the statement hanging, without the
actually reveal ing what do the words actual ly meant. This advertisement
is subjected to slander actually said the participant. Then for Barisan
Nasional’s advertisements most of the advertisements shows the party to
be insensit ive on racial issues, general public wil l not welcome any
racial and religion connotation”. Then other participant mentioned the
“most unethical advertisement among all would be PAS Does not need to
wait for 2/3 majority in parl iament to implement PAS Hudud where we
see rel igion policy were used to downsize and attack another party.
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Even so, I do not mind seeing the advertisement because i t tr iggers my
mind and it s t icks in my mind”. While the other partic ipant was really
angry and disturbed by the Will DAP really help Non Muslim
advert isement because “it really attack directly to the opposit ion’s
polit ical s tance, as well as spark the fear among Chinese and Indian
especially, as suggesting that PAS would eradicate non-Muslim’s culture
and tradit ion”. Then the last part icipant spoke on the slogan and
headlines from Malaysian Business Owners to Think Twice before
Voting for Opposi tion, because the actual scenario in Penang suggests a
different nevertheless posit ive outcome, whereas this advertisement is
suggest ing that Penang is get t ing poorer and weaker in their industry.
But then as a voter, I believe in what I see from Penang ci ty’s
development than this advertisement.
From this focus group, i t is understood that part icipants are persuaded by
advert isements they saw up to certain stage, because they would continue
doing their own information seeking process to support what have they
gain from advert isements. Most of them prefer unfil tered news, where
they obtain data gathering from secondary medium mostly the Internet .
Whereas only on of them mentioned that they usually share with family
and friends new data obtain and counter checked with one another. When
asked if they would skip advert isements o they choose to read them, only
three of them choose to read advertisements, whereas the other two
applied 2-second rule glancing at the ad, and if they cant f ind anything
interesting, they would skip the advertisement.
I t is also interesting to note that when participant was asked on their
opinion of attack and counter attack advertisement, and if they can
identify the issues. Their responses were that al l the advert isements they
seen are based on this e lement, and they are also aware that General
Election 13 is the most violent , vocal and complex in the history of
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electoral democrat ic in Malaysia. Issues presented such as racial ,
religion, and culture connotat ion is very disturbing, and it would lead to
disharmony of the general public. Four out of f ive participants could
easily identify the at tack and counter at tack and these participants
clearly stated they hated the ent ire concept. While, only one part icipant
said he would not mind with this concept of advertisements, as i t wil l
break us from being in the ‘safe paradox’, thus inevitably help us to
grow further from ‘third world ci t izen mentali ty’.
In terms of believable advertisements, all of the partic ipants voted for
series of Barisan Nasional’s advertisements, but they clearly pointed that
in order to trust the credibi l i ty of the news, i t is st i l l questionable. Why
it is being said as so is because the present of proper sources, f igure,
percentages, are seen to be realist ic for layman at one glance of i t . One
of the advertisements pointed that agreed by others is the Strong
Economic Growth of Malaysia advert isement by Barisan Nasional .
Then again, researcher asked a hypothetical question as to if the election
is yet about to start , can they make up their mind on whom to vote for,
three of them said yes, while the rest two would was not able to make up
their mind. The part icipants who said yes, also voluntarily said, the
friends and family have asserted certain power which will influence their
choice, while for those who could not decide yet said that they need
more information rather than advertisement presented in front of them.
Afterward, researcher asked partic ipant to identify any subtle and
subliminal messages that they came across from any other
advert isements. Part icipants l isted
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1) Towards New Malaysia by Pakatan Rakyat has a strong implied
message where the image of leaf, bal lot paper, police man could rely
many messages that is easy to comprehend, and straightforward. Whereas
from Barisan Nasional, advertisements, one in specific that have strong
subtle message would be Malaysian Business owners Think Twice
before Voting for Opposi tion. I t is because the graphics explained all the
possible content, and i t is a success because the graphic is the focal
point in the advert isement, and subconsciously i t at tracted readers to
read them.
2) The next ad that was ident if ied to have strong subtle messages is DAP
Ubah’s will Turn Johor into another Kelantan advertisement by Barisan
Nasional as part icipant explained, that despite the full content, this
advert isement’s goal was to evoke emotions, most part icularly fears
among the Chinese and Indian community.
3) Whereas the other ad was with the content of Unclean Electoral Roll
Might be a Matter of Perception (quoted words) because people wil l
have different perception and understanding when they come across this
advert isement . The advertisement is so neutral that i t depends on whom
reading it that i t will be subjected to negative or posi t ive messages.
Whereas the other two participants were not aware of the term subtle and
subliminal messages, even upon explaining, they fai led to identify any
advert isements as such elements.
On the issues of using manifesto as content in the advert isement , most of
the participants admitted that they could not fully understand the
meaning, memorize, and often they lose interest in seeing the long l ist .
Only one from the part icipant was able to understand ful l manifesto of
both sides, and she said the manifesto are using clashing between one
82
another. While Pakatan Rakyat’s populist manifesto are based on young
people’s issues such as petrol price, s tudy loan, unity and such. While
other participants mentioned manifesto advert isement unappealing and
unattract ive to their point of view. To add on, some of the participant
also pointed that the manifesto ad from Pakatan Rakyat is very confusing
as i t uses big words, not simplistic , and manipulat ive.
Then when asked to comment on any provocative words, statements they
came across during the reviewing the advertisements from both side of
the party. They were shocked based on their own findings, almost most
of the advertisement is provocative, but they did not see i t as negative,
because only with such elements, i t can capture their eyes, init iate them
to think further and thus motivate action as f irst t ime voters, even so
unethical and negat ivity issues must kept minimal. They also understood
that without provocative, the turnover voters for this election would be
small ; therefore Malaysia would have failed to pract ice a democracy
electoral system.
Among best issues voted by part icipations of urban voters are national
growth and developments, racial s tabil i ty, manifestos (3 r d) , issues (3 r d) ,
and then only candidate characterist ics.
Whereas best tone and manner for pol it ical advertisements would be
according to rank are subtle and subliminal, s traightforward,
entertainment, and then attack and counter attack.
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2.3 HYPOTHETICALS FINDINGS
The table below provides a summary of the acceptance and rejection
of the hypothesis of the test above.
Table 2.2 Hypotheses from the Findings
Hypothesis Rural Group Semi Urban
Group
Urban Group
H1 : Negative advert ising and
counter-attack advertisements
att ract youth engagement and
interest .
Rejected Rejected Rejected
H2 : Effectiveness of
advertising depends on the
voter’s pre-existing
knowledge of polit ical
scenario. So much so, that
selectivity in believing
content of advertisements
comes from the elements of
the advertisements such as
icon, symbols, party logo,
and such.
Accepted Rejected Rejected
H3 : Young voters were
negligence towards
advert isements that use
manifestos are campaign
material .
Accepted Accepted Accepted
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H4 : The uses of image of top
leader’s parties do not
necessarily add value to the
advert isements for young
voters.
Accepted Partially Partially
H5 : The use of entertainment
and celebrity endorsement are
great ly and well accepted by
young voters
Rejected Accepted Accepted
2.3.1 ATTACK AND COUNTER ATTACK ADVERTISEMENTS
The type of advertisement concept worked real ly well in United States,
because their nation is very skeptical and cynical about motives and
behaviors of candidate. Researcher was assuming that the same concept
would have worked well in Malaysia due to young voters have low pre-
existing storage of information, thus provocat ive advertisements with
negat ive attack and counter attack would easi ly persuade them change
their peripheral route. Peripheral route is to provoke them to vote using
emotions such as fear rather than rational thinking.
However, from this focus group outcome from three different groups,
which are the rural , semi-urban and urban, i t reveals that, none of them
prefer attack and counter attack concept . Rural group have been very
skeptical and cynical about pol it ic scenario and development in
Malaysia , thus aided with negat ive advertisements pointed by them
which is the Vote for PAS, is a Vote for DAP, have significant ly push
them to dislike poli t ics even further.
85
This have explained why the have not voted for the past election, and
majority of them have not voted for General Election 2013. For the semi-
urban group, they have showed the remorse hatred to this kind of
concept, because although i t may worked in del ivering the message and
evoke fear, but they failed to show credibil i ty of pol it ical advert ising.
Partic ipants of this group was surprised on how party used direct ‘mud-
sl inging’ messages to one another, and not only that the use of party
parties logo, candidate image, name is perceived to be very disturbing.
Semi-urban part icipant was questioning on what has happen to the
advert ising code of conduct, has i t been loosen for polit ical
advert isement , or has been loosen for brand advert isement too.
On another interesting note, partic ipant of this group also mentioned
Malaysia is a feminist country, thus we never encourage direct at tack,
and we are concern about ‘face value’, but with attack and counter attack
advert isement , i t show efforts to destroyed of our culture. Apart from
these two groups, even the urban young voters have raised their concern
on the ethical aspect of a ttack and counter attack concept of
campaigning, because using racial , and religion connotation as part of
issues should be avoided entirely. Although one of the part icipant
cleverly pointed this kind of advertisements is effective in breaking the
‘safe thinking paradox and the ‘third world ci t izen mentali ty’, he was
then discouraged by other participants.
Overall , this hypothesis is rejected, because young voters do not
appreciate the concept of negative attack and counter attack polit ical
advert isements.
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2.3.2 EFFECTIVENESS OF POLITICAL ADVERTISEMENTS
DEPENDS ON PRE-EXISTING INFORMATION AND SELECTIVITY
IN BELIEVING IN THEM PARTY THEY CAME FROM
This was partially true for rural because they showed sarcasm and
despairing comments also gestures when viewing advert isements from
parties. I t is because they believe polit ics to be a ‘dirty’ and tarnished
profession, and escalading from that , they also viewed leader of certain
party to be corrupted and manipulative. Thus, when they are giving
comments of personally preferred advertisement , researcher captured
their biasness towards certain party based on their pre-existed storage of
information. Although some of the advertisement message’s claim from
one of the coali t ion party was substantiated with figures, sources and
numbers, part icipants from rural group st i l l choose not bel ieve in i t .
While in semi-urban and urban group, participat ions have proved the are
not bias in analyzing advertisement’s content based on the pre-existing
storage of information or not inclined to bel ieve only on advert isement
their preference party produce. Although the claimed to be fi rst t ime
voters, they enjoy reading advertisement, rarely skip them, and they see
figures, numbers and sources to be a good content of advertisement. With
such elements, they pointed party can heighten or increase i ts party’s
credibil i ty, and image.
The hypothesis for area of subject was rejected for semi-urban and urban
groups but accepted for rural group.
87
2.3.3 MANIFESTO AS CONTENT OF ADVERTISEMENTS
The subject of polit ical advertisement using manifesto as part of their
content or message have received interesting input from all three groups.
Partic ipants in general do not understand the manifestos of both coalit ion
parties. Even so, partic ipants from all groups acknowledged that
opposi tion manifestos are a populist manifesto because they used issues,
which are related very much to middle working class and youth. Issues
mentioned were petrol price, abolishment of study loan, racial uni ty, and
more. However, when asked on Barisan Nasional’s manifestos, almost al l
of the partic ipant could only remember the fund allocation such as BRIM
and PRIMA. They rejected the use of manifesto as content of
advert isement , because i t only confuse readers, too crowded with words
and often too compact, most of the t ime the choice of words is too
difficult to comprehend, and the l is t is too long. In term of attention
span spent by readers on manifesto’s advertisement, part icipant declared
i t is no longer than 5 seconds, because after the third l ine of manifesto
they have lost interested or bore. Researcher conclude that as much as
young voters from all groups appreciate ideas for national progress and
development , but they are unable to comprehend manifestos ent irely and
thus i t resul ted to their negl igence. The hypothesis of using manifesto
for polit ical content creates negligence among young voters. I t is proven
accepted in rural , semi-urban and urban groups.
2.3.4 TOP LEADER’S IMAGE IN POLITICAL ADVERTISEMENTS
For this subject , the outcome of the focus group revealed surprising
findings that , young voters from rural group do not welcome the use of
top leaders of parties to be included in advert isement because for them,
the bad publicity circling around the party’s leader and their bad
reputation of their ‘record card’ would shun negat ivity to the party.
Their were aware of issues towards both part ies, and mentioned cynically
and jokingly ‘gay vs murderer’ .
88
Rural group’s part icipant however wish for pictures of young candidates
or candidates contesting for seats in states level to be advertised with
their image because public need to know and recognize who is
represent ing their area. But for the semi-urban and urban group,
participant anticipate the use of party leader’s image because in
Malaysia the votes goes not ent irely because of party, but whom
governing the party, or representatives of the party. People have certain
emotional at tachment; they are loyal to candidates, which makes them
loyal to certain pol it ical party. On an interesting note, the urban group
spoken on candidates that become ‘star’ and earned to be the household
name for example, Khairy Jamaluddin, Muhyiddin Yassin, Rafizi Ismail ,
and many others. However, young voters with weak pre-existing storage
of information about pol it ics does not look upon image of top leader as
inspiring and engaging, but they more concern on the issues brought and
how could i t be resolve. Thus, the use of party leaders depends on the
medium of the advertisement , and content. As mentioned by the rural
group participants, apart from the image of the top leader, the images of
young contested candidates would be able to translate young, fresh, and
capable look to the party especially to young voters.
Thus in matter of issues advertisement and image advertisement , there is
a move towards the issues advert isements most ly.
As mentioned above, the hypothesis of using leader’s image not
necessarily adds value is accepted in rural groups, but partia lly accepted
in semi-urban and urban group.
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2.3.5 ENTERTAINMENT AND CELEBRITY ENDORSEMENT FOR
POLITICAL CAMPAIGNING
For 13 t h Malaysian election, both coalit ion parties, Barisan Nasional and
Pakatan Rakyat was using entertainment (songs, and music videos) as
well as celebri ty to endorse their parties, however, s ince i t was first ly
implemented in Malaysia, researcher have included this topic to ask
during the focus group discussion. The outcome was that the rural
participants do not see the relat ion of entertainment to be applied to
polit ical campaigning, as they are seeing polit ics as very serious and
thus adding elements of entertainment to distract voter are seen to be
agenda of camouflaging issues by parties. For semi-urban group,
celebrit ies are an instant a ttention-grabber and celebrity’s fame could be
borrowed and converted to pol it ical parties especial ly since GE 13 is
very cri t ical . I t is seen as a creative approach, but i t could be cri t ical as
the use of celebrit ies must be relevant to the market and niche of target
audiences. For the urban group, the use of celebrit ies and twist of
entertainment in polit ical campaign is well accepted because celebri t ies
are national icon not idol, thus while they contribute to social’s
community responsibi l i ty, they can persuade their fans into believing
what they are. While other participants enchanted by the use of
celebrit ies because i t was able to bring polit ical parties to be closer to
young voters and support their ‘young cul ture’. While i t was pointed by
one of the part icipant of urban group that, Malays looks up to celebri t ies
as their aspirational icon, thus the use of celebrit ies makes i t more
appealing to young Malay voters.
Therefore, this hypothesis is rejected for the rural participants, but
accepted in semi-urban and urban groups.
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2.4 OTHER FINDINGS
Researcher expanded the area of research in order to delve into the mind
of f irst t ime voters, to understand how much do polit ical advert isement
st i l l hold i ts relevance in attracting young voters. In addit ion to
understand and investigate also what would be their best-preferred
advert isements as to why.
The findings are documented in section of other f indings, as this are the
related information provided by partic ipants and also findings through
researcher’s observation.
2.4.1. IDENTIFICATION OF ADVERTISEMENT WITHOUT
LOOKING AT SPONSORS
It comes to surprise to researcher that part icipation across the groups
could easily identify the advertisements without looking at the sponsors
by looking at the colour, choice of words, layout & style, manifesto,
mascots, party representatives. This means that young voters are very
well adverse on the knowledge on poli t ics, and polit ical part ies in
Malaysia . The level of awareness of pol it ics could be observe from this
topic that all f irst t ime voters have been educated from young and
researcher believe this awareness comes from parents and friends,
observation and media.
But then, when researcher asked their opinion on their level of
knowledge on polit ics, almost a ll said average. This is because they
perceive poli t ics to be sti l l far from their reach as they are sti l l newly
engaged in this social responsibil i ty (vote).
91
2.4.2 POLITICAL ADVERTISEMENT ENHANCE ENGAGEMENT
All part icipants from three groups, which are rural , semi-urban and
urban, answered yes, because they unanimously pointed that poli t ical
advert ising and campaigning is very important and essent ial to del iver i ts
communication, to promote candidates, and to inform voters of issues.
Similarly, effectiveness of advertisements was seen to differ across the
group. Some of rural group participants mentioned that advert ising was
not able to persuade voters 100% because they would opt to do
information seeking process after the read on issues presented in
polit ical advertisements. But most of them were very cynical in believing
the content of advertisements from certain party, because they have pre-
existing storage of information.
Whereas for the semi-urban and urban they pointed themselves not bias,
because the information the achieved through advert isement would be
turn into research, and then with the findings they came across would be
shared with family and friends. However, semi urban group despite the
effectiveness of advertisement in persuading young voters, i t has
actually set the easiest means to compare issues, compare and weigh
manifestos from both side of the poli t ical party.
Thus, i t a lso explained another question by research on whether young
voters skip advertisement or choose to read them. From the rural group
the answers are that they choose to skip advertisements, but they are sti l l
aware of what’s going on and retrieve information through social media
and word-of-mouth. Whereas for semi-urban and urban group, most
participants do not skip advert isement, they choose to read, or even
glance through on the content of the advertisement. The urban group
mentioned that advertisement’s content provides instant information, and
easiest medium to choose which part ies is more credible, trustworthy and
believable than the others.
92
2.4.3 BEST PREFERRED ADVERTISEMENTS AND WHY
Table 2.3 Best Preferred Advertisements Across Group and Why
Urban
Development
Category Group
Rural Semi Urban Urban
Advertisements
chose and
reasons.
1. PAS Do not
Need to Wait for
2/3 Majority in
Parliament to
Implement Hudud.
(Barisan Nasional
ad)
The issue pointed
is very unique,
creative and
strategized to win
the non-Muslim
and moderate
Muslims.
2. Progress and
Sustainable
Development
(Barisan Nasional
ad)because i t is
st raightforward,
believable, also
there is emotional
attachment from
readers of being
1. DAP for PAS,
PAS Hudud will
Follow (Barisan
Nasional ad).
Its makes me as
voters to study
opposi tion’s and
ruling party’s
manifesto, weigh
them before
making decision on
whom to vote.
2. Kindergarten
Assistance Scheme
(Pakatan Rakyat
ad). I t motivates
me to analyze
theirs past
manifesto and how
many have been
fulfi l led.
3. Our 5 Years of
1. Malaysian
Business Owners
Think Twice
before Voting for
Opposit ion
(Barisan Nasional
ad). I t is because i t
is very engaging,
comprehensive
believable because
the use of f igures,
percentages and
sources.
2. Strong
Economic Growth
for Malaysia
(Barisan Nasional
ad). I t provide
facts, c laims that
was substantiate
with sources.
3. Towards the
93
under the ruling
party governance
for 57 years old.
3. Towards New
Malaysia (Pakatan
Rakyat ad) because
they have good
design, layout and
style, and the
advert isement is
very engaging.
Promise to You
(Barisan Nasional
ad). I t shows
tremendous effort
to help public . As
most of the
promises have been
fulfi l led, the
advert isement is
believeable and
trustable.
4. Peace, Stabili ty
and Unity (Barisan
Nasional ad). It is
because i t shows
the success of
ruling party to
keep peace, give
comforts and grow
development in
Malaysia .
5. Who says DAP
Is Good (Barisan
Nasional ad)
It directly to me by
having the
conversat ional
style between two
young voters.
New Malaysia
(Barisan Nasional
ad), because the
image is very
engaging,
st raightforward,
yet simple.
4. Malaysia Then,
Now, and Forever
(Barisan Nasional
ad) because the
images gave me a
sense of comfort
by looking at the
colour sheme,
image of Jalur
Gemilang, and i t
gives to me the
sense of pride and
trust to the current
government, same
goes to I choose
Malaysia ad by
Barisan Nasional .
4. Revoke Ambiga
Citizenship
(Pakatan Rakyat
ad) because the
advert isement is
subject ive and i t
94
gave me
opportunity to
speculate any
conclusion ei ther
posi t ive or
negat ive based on
my own perception.
5. PAS Do not
Need to Wait for
2/3 Majority in
Parliament to
Implement Hudud.
(Barisan Nasional
ad)
The issue pointed
in to be very clear,
and al l the
information
provided was able
to move voters into
delving into deep
thoughts before
proceeding with
act ion.
95
Based on this answer, researcher has discovered that although the rural
area has been cynical about pol it ical advertising and polit ics in general,
their preferred advertisement is Barisan Nasional ads. They mentioned
Barisan Nasional advert isement to be creative and unique, however,
theirs opinion for Pakatan Rakyat’s advertisement is that most of those
advert isements is more engaging and promote deep thinking. More rural
participants they are at tracted to layout, design, colour combination of
the opposition party than Barisan Nasional , because i t seems that the
party have put effort in designing communicat ion materials to straightly
talk to young voters unl ike Barisan Nasional’s .
Whereas for semi-urban group, they are very careful with their
judgments as they would see neutral ly both side of the party, and their
seems to believe advert isements after the have omitted research on issues
presented. Some of the partic ipants in this group also have a strong
emotional and physiological attachments of being govern by the rul ing
party for 57 years so, they are more att racted to advertisement that is
promoting peace, stabil i ty, progress, pride and developments which was
achieved by Barisan Nasional. Not only that, they enjoy getting both side
of an issues which will aid them to decide on their own which party is
more t rustable and believable.
The findings for urban group is most interesting because researcher f ind
out the advert isements they are most ly at tracted are those that is with
thorough percentages, f igures, numbers, sources. This kind of
advert isement is appreciated very much by the urban group because they
feel they can trust , bel ieve and they also see the credibil i ty of the party
through their communication materials for printing facts rather than
slanderous words or claims. One of partic ipants l iked Pakatan Rakyat ad
with the headline of Towards New Malaysia because i t is very simple,
engaging, lesser words but more apparent meaning, and it has no at tack
96
or counter attack elements. In urban group, there is also participant who
are drawn to Barisan Nasional advertisement because the have emotional
and physiological attachement to the party as being ‘product’ of Barisan
Nasional ruling. Researcher could conclude that partic ipants or urban
group prefer substant iate claims like figures, sources and numbers, then
advert isement with good argument on issues, also advertisement with a
sense of comfort , pride and other posit ive emotional attachment.
But for the whole scenario of preferred advertisements, researcher saw a
similar advertisement which worked across to rural and urban group
which is PAS Do not Need to Wait for 2/3 Majority in Parliament to
Implement Hudud. (Barisan Nasional ad). Whereas for semi-urban
group, i t is almost the similar ad with different headlines reading , DAP
for PAS, PAS Hudud will Follow (Barisan Nasional ad).
But the sentiment that works well by using emotional a ttachment to be
look upon by voters are Barisan Nasional advert isement with headlines
of Progress and Sustainable Development, Peace, Stabili ty and Unity,
and Malaysia Then, Now, and Forever. Partic ipants across the group
was affirming that this advert isement have provided them with a sense of
comfort , pride, openness bel ievabili ty, and likeabili ty as i t is very
straightforward, yet subtle, no provocat ion, and bridge the party’s
message directly to the mind of consumer.
97
2.4.4 SUBTLE AND SUBLIMINAL MESSAGES
When researcher asked participants to identify any subtle and subliminal
messages that appeared from the communication materials shown to
them. The rural group unable to understand the meaning of subtle and
subliminal, and even upon explanat ion, they failed to identify any. In
semi-urban group, the same scenario of unable to understand and identify
subtle message happens, but only one participant was able to answer
from his observat ion in Barisan Nasional’s advert isement under the
headline of Stabili ty, Progress and Unity. The unspoken messages shown
in the advert isement such as happy faces, multi -racial public shouldering
one another, posit ioning technology such as Ipad as evident of savvy
generations, clearly showing social development under Barisan
Nasional’s governance.
In urban group, they are aware of the subtle message that was injected in
most of the advert isements. Those advertisements are Towards New
Malaysia (Pakatan Rakyat) , Malaysian Business Owners Think Twice
before Voting for Opposit ion (Barisan Nasional) , DAP Will Turn Johor
into Another Kelantan (Barisan Nasional) , and Unclean Electoral Roll
Might be Matter of Percepetion (Pakatan Rakyat) . I t is said that most of
the advertisement in subconsciously infusing fear, and subject ive claims.
98
2.4.5 BEST ISSUES FOR POLITICAL ADVERTISEMENTS
Researcher has gained inside on what would be the best e lements in
polit ical advert isement. Participants were given choices between national
growth development & progress, racial s tabili ty, manifesto, and
candidate characterist ics.
Their preferences are as below; i t is posit ion in rank orders according to
most preferred to least preferred.
Table 2.4 Best Issues for Polit ical Advert isements based on Findings
Urban
Development
Category Groups
Rural Semi-Urban Urban
Elements of ad
(rank)
1. National
growth &
developments
2. Issues
3. Racial s tabi li ty
4. Manifesto
5. Candidate‘s
characterist ics
1. Racial s tabi li ty
2. Issues
3. National
growth &
developments
4. Manifesto
5. Candidate’s
characterist ics
1. National
growth &
development
2. Racial s tabi li ty
3. Manifesto /
Issues (equal)
4. Candidate’s
characterist ics
Based on this table, research could clearly see national growth &
developments, issues and racial s tabili ty to be the top three, whereas
manifesto, candidate’s characterist ics are posit ioned lease l iked and
preferred.
99
2.4.6 BEST TONE AND MANNER FOR POLITICAL
ADVERTISEMENT
Researcher also asked on which would be the best tone and mood for polit ical advert isement in order o engage and appeals most to young voters. Their opinions are documented in table form in order to make it easy to compare.
Choices are between subtle & subliminal , s traightforward, a ttack & counter attack, and entertainment.
The outcome was ranked based on best l iked, and least preferred. Refer to table below:
Table 2.5 Best Tone and Manner for Polit ical Advertisement Based on Findings
Urban
Development
Category
Groups
Rural Semi-Urban Urban
Tone and
manner of ads
(rank)
1. Straightforward
2. Subtle/
Subliminal
3. Entertainment
4. Attack & Counter
Attack
1. Entertainment
2. Subtle/
Subliminal
3.Straighforward
4. Attack &
Counter Attack
1. Subtle &
subliminal
2.Straightforward
3. Entertainment
4. Attack &
Counter Attack
Based on this table, researcher could conclude that part icipants across
the groups most l iked subtle & subliminal , st raightforward and
entertainment, but all of them agreed to disl ike and loathe at tack and
counter attack advertisements from both parties.
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2.5 CONCLUSION
The purpose of this study is to identify fi rst-voters views on polit ical
advert isements. Therefore a focus group was conducted to gather data
that wil l serves to elic it information and insights in response to careful ly
designed quest ions. Questionnaire for the focus group was designed to be
able to identify first- t ime voter’s opinions, observations, perceptions,
att i tudes, and suggestions. The researcher was able to determine the
first- t ime voters level of acceptance on aesthetics of pol it ical
advert isements (elements, factors, content, and messages) which will
make the pol it ical advert isement to be more l ikeable, t rustable and
effective in delivering their messages.
Before going into the findings outcome, the background of the
respondent is a lso important to be highlighted. A total 15 part icipants
joined in the research; they are broken into 3 groups, where they are
grouped in categories of urban development. Thus the researcher have
three group under the category of rural , semi-urban, and urban, and this
is done because researcher realized that each groups will have different
level of education, l ifestyle, att i tudes, and environment. These external
factors would contribute to why findings of certain group are inclined to
certain way, whereas the other groups are as what been hypothetical
expected.
The partic ipants from all three groups have high awareness on the
polit ical scenario and candidates in Malaysia. Although rural f i rst- t ime
voters are more cynical, and choose not to believe in content of
advert isement , they are sti l l at t racted to issues based advert isement and
advert isement wil l involve emotional at tachments. But for the semi-rural
and urban participants, the findings are almost similar as researcher
could conclude that these groups are not easily manipulated or persuaded
101
by advert isements because they prefer to have information seeking
process r ight after the study an advert isements. One of the part icipants
from urban group has confessed that he would seek his family and
friends opinion on issues that arise in polit ics. In addit ion to that, most
of the partic ipants from semi-urban and urban group choose not to skip
advert isement , but read them instead. They are attracted to figure,
percentages, numbers, and sources that would make the content of
advert isement believable and credible up to certain stage. This would
also explain why turn over of f i rst- t ime voters are higher in semi-urban
and urban group, than in in rural group.
Based on use of attack and counter attack, i t is very clear that all three
groups have rejected the idea of such advert isements, because the direct
use of other party’s logo, name, candidate images, is very disturbing, and
they quest ion the integri ty and credibi l i ty of polit ical parties to comes
up with such concept . The advertising code of conduct for pol it ical
question was also raised to be loosening for poli t ical advertisement .
Researcher then found that the polit ical advert ising in Malaysia is not
self-regulated by Malaysian Advertising Accredi ted Agency (4A’S),
merely depends on the good will of pol it ical parties, as mentioned by
Johnny Mun the President of Malaysian Advertising Accredited Agency
(The Star, May 2013). In addit ion to that, research was able to conclude
on why attack and counter attack advertisement do not work well in
Malaysia , is because, Malaysia hold to feminism culture, we have
concern about ‘face value’, and thus do not encourage direct, and
downgrading another party. In addition, the issues were also bought up
to be negative because i t focused on racial , religion and cul ture
connation.
102
Although through the findings, a ll the groups did somehow liked Barisan
Nasional’s advert isement condemning opponent leader, by using Hudud
issue, and also inject fear mongering tone and voice, i t is preferred
because i t seems to be creative, and unique. In terms relation between
negat ive advert isement that voter hate would contribute to higher
effectiveness, memorable and promote act ion, i t is s t i l l not answered
though the findings.
Based on the use of celebrit ies, the rural group reluctant with the idea of
using entertainment and celebri t ies endorsement , because they seems to
feel disconnected. They also perceive polit ics to be a serious
professions, thus, entertainment would not be best idea to engage with
first- t ime voters. Instead, they want to see pol it ical parties that would
best be able to represent the people. When researcher asked on which
would be the best elements of pol it ical advert isement, their answer is
national growth and developments, because they are concern on their
well being, rather than racial unity, or issues.
Rural group are att racted to Pakatan Rakyat’s manifesto advert isements
because i t speaks to them, and they know that a certain party is there to
f ight for them, a better term would be Pakatan Rakyat understand ‘youth
agenda’ in their manifesto. Rural group is also selective in believing
advert isement from Barisan Nasional because their pre-exist ing storage
of information has l imited them from digesting information only certain
information for certain party. Therefore, they see advert isements from
Pakatan Rakyat to be more appeal ing, the structure, s tyle, pat terns, and
choice of words are in-line with fi rst- t ime voter’s taste, educat ion
background, and support ‘youth culture’.
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For semi-urban and urban groups, there welcome the idea of poli t ical
campaigning with twist of entertainment and endorsing by celebri t ies.
For them, celebrit ies are icon not idol ; they are an instant attention
grabber especially for those with weak pre-exist ing storage of
information, or for party hopper and fence sit ter among first- t ime voters.
Even so, both groups expressed their concern that wrong choice of
celebrit ies would also harm the party as negat ive reputation of
celebrit ies would be channeled direct ly to the party he or she supports
to. Researcher could only evaluate the findings of the rural , semi urban
and urban group into forming understanding that the rural groups do not
prefer celebri ty endorsement because they could not relate the l ifestyle
of the celebri t ies to their own, whereas semi-urban and urban can
somehow match the l ifestyle and social class of celebri t ies. With the
level of disparaging among rural part icipants, celebrit ies would only
make polit ics even distance from their grasp.
Then, when discussing about the image of polit ical leader to be part of
advert isement , and thus i t add values to f irst- t ime voters. The findings
was surprising that i t hypothesis was rejected in rural group, but
partially accepted among semi-urban and urban groups. The rural
participants dislike the idea of having top leaders image in
advert isements because they are skeptical on leader’s bad reputat ion that
would shun negativity to the respective polit ical party, thus for them it is
better not have top leader’s images, but the use of young candidates, or
candidates contesting for seats would be good. For the urban and semi-
urban group, they have the same outcome, as these group enjoy seeing
the image of top leader because i ts gives the sense of who is governing
the party, and that would add more impact as supporter. In addit ion, for
both group, the admitted that popularity of candidates exceed the party,
as some of the candidates earned households name such as Khairy
Jamaluddin, Muhyiddin Yassin, Rafizi Ismail and others.
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This hypothesis was partia lly accepted for both part ies because they
suggested the use of young candidate’s images would also be good as i t
could would attract certain niche market, which are fi rst- t ime voters.
This is because young voters would affi l ia te themselves to the party
better if they could relate to themselves with candidates of same age
level.
105
CHAPTER 33.0 INTRODUCTION
In this chapter, the findings of this research will analyze. The findings
mention in the previous chapter will be examined and l inked to this
research’s hypothetical statements and see whether the research
objectives and research goals has been fulfi l led or not .
The research objectives stated in Chapter 1 are as below:
1. To expand the understanding of polit ical advertising of f i rst- t ime
voters, their level awareness, perceived rate of effectiveness based
on specific urban development categories.
2. To expand and investigate the factors and elements of the poli t ical
advert isements, which are able to successfully, engage and connect
with first- t ime voters.
3. To understand how could successful pol it ical advertisements could
be generated based on each urban development categories (rural ,
semi-urban, and urban) preferences.
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The research objectives and li terature review gave the research
foundation to make hypothet ical statements on this topic . These
hypothet icals are the basis for the research quest ionnaires of which
results the results were preciously presented in the previous chapter. The
research on the field of pol it ical advertisements towards first t ime voters
has five hypothetical statements, which are as l is ted below:
H1: Negative advert ising and counter-at tack advertisements at tract
youth engagement and interest .
H2: Effectiveness of advertising depends on the voter’s pre-exist ing
knowledge of pol it ical scenario. So much so, that selectivity in
believing content of advert isements comes from the elements of
the advertisements such as icon, symbols, party logo, and such.
H3: Young voters were negligence towards advert isements that use
manifestos are campaign material .
H4: The uses of image of top leader’s parties do not necessarily add
value to the advertisements towards young voters.
H5: The use of entertainment and celebrity endorsement are greatly
and well accepted by young voters
Other than the research objectives and hypothetical statements, the
research goal will be discussed in this chapter. The research goals are
1. To understand the effectiveness of different advertising content
from both parties and how are first t ime voters perceive them.
2. To assess f i rst t ime voters responses to exposure of poli t ical
campaigning, as to know whether those advertisements persuade
them.
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3. To review and generate understanding of their preferred
advert isements content , elements, and style that sui ts f irst- t ime
voters and hence drew the most l ikeabil i ty and believabil i ty.
Other matters that will be conversed in this chapter are the research
l imitations and also problem encounter by the research in doing this
research. Obstacles are inevitable when carrying out research is not
different. These barriers are explained so that further researchers that
want to study on this matter wil l have a clear idea on what could hinder
them from obtaining maximum results .
Lastly, the researcher will give recommendation for future research on
this topic of poli t ical advertising. Nevertheless, there might be other
areas of this topic can be studied on and give better insight on this topic .
Therefore, the recommendation for future research can add knowledge
that this research has discovered.
3.1 RESEARCH AND IMPLICATION
In this sect ion, the hypothetical statements are research objectives will
be l inked to the research findings and analyzed by the researcher. This is
done to see if the level of accuracy of each hypothet ical statements and
if this research fulfi l led i ts objectives.
3.1.1 RESEARCH OBJECTIVES 1 & 2 :
To expand the understanding of poli t ical advertising of f i rst- t ime voters,
their level awareness, perceived rate of effectiveness based on specific
urban development categories. The highlight of this research is to
determine the at t i tude held by the first- t ime voters towards poli t ical
advert isements, and the relevance of advert isements in persuading fi rst-
t ime voters.
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Based on part icipants feedback though the focus group gathered, shows
that most of them have a high level of information on polit ics, and
parties polit ical advert isements.
The research through the questionnaires and findings by the research
show that f irst- t ime voters are aware of polit ical advert isements even for
those who declared themselves to have low and average polit ical
knowledge. When asked how could they be well informed, they said
during the GE 13 campaigning period, there are many print
advert isements, a lso advert isements in social media. No matter how they
tr ied to avoid advertisement , or skipped them, they can never ful ly
escaped. For rural group, advert isements have been perceived negat ivity
as coherent with cynical perception about advertising. But for semi-
urban and urban groups, advertisement is an essent ial elements in
delivering information, promoting polit ical part ies, persuade, increase
supporters, and build loyalty among supporters. They do not see
advert isement as irrelevant, but instead as essent ial medium for parties
to engage with fi rst- t ime voters. But across al l group, one common
denominator is they are not easily influence by advert isements, instead,
advert isements is ful ly effective in persuading them if they messages
passed through are accurate, rel iable. They usual ly do their own
information seeking process after seeing an advertisement, and
researcher assumed this is because the level of educat ion is increasing,
thus first- t ime voters are no longer gullible and susceptible to any news
passed to them.
This prove that polit ical parties must project a different st rategy is
designing their content of advertisements. The more credible the
advert isements are, the more appealing, interest ing and trust ing i t will
be. For example, elements such as f igures, numbers, sources, graphics to
simplify issues, and others are very much welcome.
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In addit ion to that, young voters from this focus group affirmed that
they are poli t ically engaged, and they prefer information that t r iggers
them to think, add values to the current information they have, and they
enjoy having the l iberat ion to choose which their preferences party. As
mentioned by US Census Bureau, Millennial Generation that are born
between 1977 ti l l 1997 (RocktheVote, 2008) are poli t ically engaged,
tech-savvy, and have diverse generation. Thus, in United States, United
Kingdom, India, Pakistan, South Africa and other part of the world, f i rst-
t ime voters and young voters are playing a deciding role in close
election.
The other issues that contribute to persuade first- t ime voters are the
issues that were used as the content of the advertisements. From the
participants of focus group, we understood that they are att racted to
issues that are very close to their daily l ife , and involved directly to
them. For example, rural and semi-urban agreed that opposit ion
manifesto focused more on such issues such as petrol prices, abolishment
of study loan, tol l , and others. But other issues that might interest them
are national growth & development, racial s tabili ty, and issues.
But another issue that was not researched in this research study is that, is
the medium of the pol it ical advertising. For semi-urban and urban group,
tradi tional medium of advertisement are more credible and rel iable than
social media. But there is also a need to make the polit ical campaigning
flexible to the social medium, to be viewed in web platform and also
mobile platform such as IOS and Android. This is because young voters
are very technological savvy, thus there is a need to cater to this need as
well . For rural groups, they are very cynical on any content of
advert isements; however, the best way to tackle this group is to amplify
campaign in both offl ine and online medium.
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3.1.2 RESEARCH OBJECTIVE 3 : To expand and investigate the
factors and elements of the polit ical advert isements, which are able to
successfully, engage and connect with first- t ime voters.
They are many factors and elements of polit ical advert isements that make
its successfully engage and connect with first- t ime voters or to simply
neglect them. Based on the research through the quest ionnaire probed to
participants, they were asked on the at tract iveness, best preferred
elements, best-preferred tone and manner, the use of entertainment and
celebrity endorsements, the image of top party leaders in advertisements.
The researcher realize that the preferred best advert isement from all the
communication materials are based on two main things which are the
content message of the advert isement, or the alleged emotional and
psychological at tachments from the advertisements. Content of
advert isement , which is very rational , focused on issues of national
development and progress, able to substantiate claims, are appreciated.
In addit ion to that, provocative advert isements with negat ive contents or
directly denigrate opponents are did not significant ly affect their desire
to vote, and this resul ts is similar to as proposed by Rahn and Hirshorn
(1999). In addit ion to that the use of attack and counter attack as part of
the strategy in poli t ical advert ising are rejected across all the urban
development categories groups because i t seems to be too brutal and
direct, thus i t is not coherent with Malaysian feminist culture. Audiences
have not even experiencing any direct at tacking brand or product
advert isements in Malaysia , thus the implementation of such strategy
will not worked.
This also explains why participants of all groups prefer the use of subtle
and subliminal , st raightforward and entertainment as the tone and manner
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for pol it ical advert isements as opposed to attack and counter attack.
However, researcher also realize that subtle messages which could
tr igger emotional attachments is essent ial too to instant ly grab attent ion
and also to make the advertisement to stay longer in the mind of
consumer thus influencing their decision making on whom to vote.
Based on the best elements of content, as mentioned first- t ime voters
chosen nat ional growth & developments, racial stabil i ty and issues to be
most preferred. This have shown a great deal of t ruthful information to
be passed to first t ime voters, they no longer att racted the ‘feeling good’
advert isement , but would prefer content that can tr igger them to think,
evaluate and gives them freedom to choose which party they prefer most.
Even so, too abundant of information would also bore them, thus
interesting graphics, design and layout play a vital role as well .
In the course of conducting this research, there are several things that
have managed to be accomplished. The research discovered that f irst-
t ime voters exposed to manifesto as content of poli t ical advert isements
from both parties are rejected, even so both advert isements have
different ‘ look’ but they are perceived to be too cluttered with words,
compacted, not easily comprehendible , confusing, using big words to
deliver messages, and sometimes overlapping between one another. In
terms of memorable manifestos, Pakatan Rakyat won more votes rather
than Barisan Nasional, because young voters can only remember BRIM
funds as for manifesto from Barisan Nasional,
The attr ibutes of using entertainment and celebrity endorsement were
unpopular among rural partic ipants, but widely accepted in semi-urban
and urban group. These groups also mentioned the crit ical scrutinize
before appointing any celebrity to endorse their party, because only right
celebrity, with right reputat ion would work for the right t ime, or else i t
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would be disastrous. Celebrit ies and entertainment was seen as an instant
attention-grabber, and celebri ty populari ty could easily be transferred to
party poli t ics. Whereas the urban group mentioned it is a very creative
and innovative effort to bring youth closer to poli t ic ians, simultaneously
bridge the gap between poli t ic ians to i ts supporters.
The research also managed to find out that even though the
advert isement use top leader images to attract attention, build loyalty,
and communicate strongly about the party’s message, i t may not be
accepted readily by all the groups. For example, the rural group rejected
the use of top leaders image, maybe cause the negativity about leaders
‘report card’ and reputation be influence the party i tself . Rural
participants judged al l materials associated with poli t ical advertisements
with their pre-existing storage of information, and researcher also find
out all the part icipants seems to have the same pre-set information about
ruling party, and their candidates. Thus, researcher deduced that there is
lack of information and campaigning to be targeting only for the rural
participants. Rural f irst t ime voters also seems to be easily influenced by
majority voice, and they are at tracted to the designs of advertisements
than the content.
A different f indings from semi-urban and urban suggesting that they
l iked to see the picture of top leader because i t gives them the sense of
whose governing the party, and what most l ikely be the direction of the
party in their issues solving method. Both groups pointed to research that
polit ical parties populari ty depends on the candidates because some
names became instant hit and household name such Khairy Jamaluddin,
Rafizi Ismail , Muhyiddin Yassin, and others. Thus, they are suggesting
that i t is very important top leaders, candidate’s images in most of the
communication materials because i t would serves as reminder to
supporters, and builds loyal supporters. The urban partic ipants see an
113
evolut ion of in using candidate’s images because i t depends on the niche
market i t is target ing. Thus if the communication materials is targeting
the youth, then young candidates image in advertisements would be more
relevant, fresh, and seen capable to voters.
3.2 ACHIEVING RESEARCH GOAL
The primary goal of this research is to obtain a better understanding of
the consumer towards the weight loss advertisement . According to the
research findings, f irst t ime voters will be easily attracted to
advert isements which was able to fulfi l l the factors and elements of good
advert isements based on ‘young’ preferences.
In the course of conducting this research several concepts and elements
which was planned to achieve through conducting the focus group. The
findings was meant to discovers:
1. To understand the effectiveness of different advertising content
from both parties and how are first t ime voters perceive them.
2. To assess f i rst t ime voters responses to exposure of poli t ical
campaigning, as to know whether those advertisements persuade
them.
3. To review and generate understanding of their preferred
advert isements content , elements, and style that sui ts f irst- t ime
voters and hence drew the most l ikeabil i ty and believabil i ty.
Based on the following statement, researcher was able to f ind the goals
of this research through the process of conducting the study. Researcher
114
designed the question for the focus group to be able to answer all the
research object ives, and also to test the hypothesis projected. The
questionnaire is planned to probe better understanding from the
participants, must be able to engage, gauge, and have pose fol low up
questions. In addition to that researcher also took notice of the non-
verbal gestures of the partic ipants.
In addit ion to that, the l i terature review, and past researcher, which is
directly or indirect ly related to this study, is use, to cite and relate to
this researching study. The past research will also provide conceptual
framework of what would be the expected outcome for certain issues.
Even so, researcher was please to understand that some of the findings
contradict the previous research because the country i t research on, the
polit ical scenario, social development and other external factors differs.
The use of qualitative method of gathering data , which is the focus group
discussion, have helped achieve almost a ll the research quest ion. This is
the best method in studying this topic, because the participants were
given opportuni ty to voice out their own interpretation, and
understanding about the communication material prepared for them.
In addition to that , in order to organize and tabulate the findings,
researcher has tr ied to eliminate or reduce biasness of the researcher into
the focus group or even when analyzing data. But doing so, researcher
invited another researcher to help her to gather information during al l
the focus groups discussions also to interpret the findings.
Thus, with al l the mentioned ways of collecting data , cit ing past research
and analyzing i t have established pertaining goals to the psyche of this
community.
115
3.3 LIMITATION OF RESEARCH/ PROBLEM IN
RESEARCH
As this research adopted a qual ita tive approach to an aspect of human
nature. I t was not without l imitat ions. Although certain l imitat ion may
be ancillary to the research effort , such as lack of manpower and t ime
resources, the l imitat ions discussed here, in particular during the data
collect ion process are significant enough to alter the results obtained in
the research. During the course of the research, corrective efforts were
taken to reduce the possibil i ty of inaccuracies in the resul ts as an effect
of l imitations.
One of the main l imitations was the t ime when the focus group was
conducted because i t started after the General Election 13 is over, thus,
there might be a small percentage of l imitation of how participations
answered the quest ions because the outcome of elect ion is out.
Another l imitat ion would be the language limitat ion where some
respondents from the rural group, and few from the semi-urban group
was not able was not proficient in conversat ional English. The l imitation
are seen in the conversational f low and participants to clearly expressed
what they really perceive and think, instead they choose words that is
short and vague like for example, yes, instead of l ike, maybe, or no
instead of dislike or the term, ‘something l ike that’ or usage of inexact
synonymous words to explain certain concepts or thoughts that the
respondents difficult to explain.
Partic ipant might also have att i tudes to perceive the interviewer as a
f igure of authority and became hesitations in providing responds out of
fear of disapproval. In order to reduce this l imitation, the moderator
during the discussion constantly provide partic ipant with assurance that
116
there is no correct or wrong answers and that the respondents were not
tested for anything.
A few l imitat ions also arose during the discussion process. Those
weakness were characterist ics of group interview that a llowed the natural
f low of conversat ion as ident if ied in Fern and Ruby (2010), in particular
where the partic ipants were from young age group. Similar si tuat ion
arose in thesis research as the si tuat ion described by Raby (2010).
“The dynamics of the groups in general involved young people who knew
each other and consequently they sometimes had very exci ted exchanges.
Interrupt ions, crosstalk, loose conversational style , slang are all
potent ial ly l inked to such dynamics. In such groups, partic ipants would
be more l ikely to develop side conversations, creat ing a f lurry of cross-
talk that was impossible to t ranscribe”(p.10).
Part of the research finding was a collection of partic ipant’s responses to
their perception of various pol it ical communicat ion materials . The
l imitation here was that the perceptions of the participants were
interpreted from their responses and to a certain extent , body language,
whilst the participants may be affected by factors that was not revealed
in during the interview such as family, and peer influences, or past
experiences.
In the discussion of focus group, researcher took the role as moderator
as, researcher need to promote debate, perhaps by asking open questions.
She may also need to chal lenge part icipants, especial ly to draw out
people’s differences, and tease out a diverse range of meanings on the
topic under discussion. Sometimes researcher need moderator to probe
for details, or move things forward when the conversation is drif t ing or
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has reached a minor conclusion. Therefore, researcher opt herself to be
the moderator i tself . This would somehow pose a sl ight l imitat ion to the
findings. In order to minimize the l imitat ion, researcher has invited
another researcher to help her with the interpretat ion of the findings.
3.4 FUTURE RESEARCH AND RECOMMENDATION
The findings of this research showed that the elements and factors of
polit ical advert isements to be successful in engaging fi rst- t ime voters.
The study’s l imitation presents an opportuni ty to future research. Further
research can be carried out upon canti lever structures and continuous
structure. The study can be expanded to include qual ita tive data. This
can be done by invit ing targeted group of voters to at tend an interview
sessions with researcher.
A better alternative methodology is by making it a mixed methodology
approach to a combinat ion of qual itat ive and quanti tative research, with
the emphasis heavily on qual ita tive such as web and email survey,
telephone survey by using ei ther open-ended or close-ended
questionnaires. By applying the quantitative methods in the future
research methods will be able to el iminate subjectivi ty judgments via
statical ly evidence to support the statement (Matveev, 2006).
According to Wilcox and Cameron (2006), focus group is a good
alternat ive to individual interviews. This just if ies the application of the
methodology of focus group as a subst i tut ions of the in-depth interview
used in this study, I t is an informal research procedure that develops
quali tat ive information rather than hard data.
118
The next recommendation that could be done to add more knowledge of
voters towards poli t ical advertisements is to look other specific urban
development categories groups to be more specific rather than the vague
separat ion based on the place they belong and live.
Then, the other recommendation would be adding the fi rst- t ime voters
from East Malaysia, because this study was only studying the Peninsular
of Malaysia’s f i rst- t ime voters.
This research is only invest igat ing on print advertisement of both
parties, but there are other materials such as television advert isements or
video advert isements, and radio or audio advertisements. These would
provide a better insight on matter of pol it ical campaigning on different
medium and how it could co-operate together.
Another area of study would be how much is the negat ive attack and
counter at tacking is effective in delivering information. The l inkage
between more memory spans, higher t ime spent looking at the ad, and
persuasion is a t ie, which has not yet been explained in this study.
Although from these findings, voters might seem to disl ike this type of
advert isements, but how long will i t take to bui ld effectiveness of such
ads content.
3.5 CONCLUSION
This study revealed that best preferred print polit ical advertisement is
increasing notice as essent ial in delivering news, information, debating
issues, promoting candidates, building loyal supporters, also to enhance
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party’s image. Concisely, the first t ime voters of today are revolving,
and their numbers will be seen to be increasing for 5 years t ime. There
are studies saying young voters, and fi rst t ime voters are the most
difficult to persuade because they are very cynical and skeptical than
voter of 30 years old, Delli Carpini (2000).
“But, they are more cynical than the older population, less interested in
public affairs , less l ikely to register or to vote, and significantly less
knowledgeable about polit ics. Several surveys found that this lack of
information about candidates, par-t ies, t he government, and the act of
voting is the number one cause of pol it ical apa-thy” (Declare Yourself ,
2003; National Association of Secretaries of State [NASS],1999).
Young voters are increasingly becoming well educated with education
level are higher than high school to university graduates, and they also
become technological savvy, and in addit ion to that, they have become a
world-class social news readers. This also means that they are becoming
global societ ies do not only they watch national newscast, but they also
watch internat ional news. I t is because things that happens on other side
of the world matters and play a part in their l ives as well . With the flow
of parallel tendencies of global ization, i t soon becomes procured an
extremely significant posit ion to offer international news for
international audiences. Then why must they be cynical , and avoid social
responsibil i ty in vot ing for their own country sake?
The answer is the way polit icians approach, att ract and persuade young
voters have done no significant changes in order for them to feel
empowered as a cit izen. As an advertising student , advert isements play a
vital role in changing this si tuation towards betterment of the society and
polit ical scenario. Without this research in particular, ruling party and
opposi tion party will no be able to understand that young voters do not
120
appreciate negative at tack and counter at tack as much as other young
voters from masculine countries would prefer. Our youth voters sees
advert ising as an essent ial medium, despite having other alternative
medium for news because they admit ted that advertisements provide
them easiest means to get ever-ready information, and issues could be
easily compare with the opponents.
But in delivery persuasion messages, young voters have unanimously
agreed that advertising would not be able to persuade them 100% on the
primary stage, because information-seeking process would start
afterwards in order for voters to be able to judge the information
provided.
If advert isements could generally engage, communicate but not persuade,
then there is lack of understanding on the style, trend, development of
the pol it ical advertisements to sui t young voters. There are many
elements, s tyle, tone and manners that a young voters are expecting from
polit ical part ies in del ivering their messages, and without improving all
these accordingly, young voters will only grew more apart , and bridge a
wider gap between poli t ics and themselves.
Although there is a different answer from all the urban development
groups, which was researched on in this study, there is a common
denominator that could be achieved among al l the findings. For instant,
on a general scale, young voters are at tracted to see a print poli t ical
advert isements based on the design, then, content, then only content of
messages, and in addition, majority of the partic ipants do not cloud their
judgments on believing an advertisement based on the pre-existing
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information storage, but careful ly analyze issues and study them before
accepting or rejecting certain information passed on through
advert isements.
Thus, this scenario gives a lot of opportunity to poli t ical parties in
att ract ing young voters, because they sti l l gives ‘chances’. Despite the
layout and style , the content of advertisements also need to be t ruthful,
tr igger their mind to delve deeper in an issues, credible with figures,
sources, percentages, and references, and also focus on issues related to
their l ife , national development & progress, and racial uni ty.
The use of att r ibutes such as top leader’s images, celebrity and
entertainment has serve a different resul ts among all the groups, i t is
because the above mentioned elements such as design, layouts style,
message of the content and references are not achieved, and therefore
these att r ibutes are no longer significant. The theory of Ivenger and
McGrady, 2007 as table below, in proposing a stage and function of a
polit ical advertisement is no applicable in Malaysia but need to be
revamp in order to sui t Malaysian context of social , polit ical and multi-
racial sett ings.
Time in Campaign
Kind of Advertisement
Function
Early Name Identif ication Ads
Identi ty
Later Arguments Ads Ideology
Later Sti l l Attack Ads Insul t
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(Negative Ads)
End of Campaign
Posi tive Visionary Ads
Image
As a research to this topic , researcher was able to deduce three important
aspects to polit ical advert isement’s style, elements and tone and manner.
Young voters l ike more graphics and images, s implified words, and
colourful advert isements. They prefer neutral topics such as nat ional
growth & development, racial uni ty, and issues and solution to avoid and
help plague issues in Malaysia such as corruption, cronyism, and others.
Young voters should not be looked down, because they are gett ing more
adverse in their pol it ical information and they are well informed on
global issues, thus, when they are targeted to certain advert isements, i t
must be able to convey truthful, intell igent arguments, and rational
issues.
Therefore i t is easy to conclude that they would prefer soft sell
advert isements rather than hard sell because they do not l ike to be force
to commit act ion, but prefer to judge the content of the message at their
preferred t ime, and space.
In addition to that , they l ike to make their own judgments on which
information to believe on, and which parties to choose from, thus they do
not l ike ‘authority’ or fear mongering advert isements, even attack and
counter attack advertisements, because they perceived i t to be too direct
and uncultured. In terms of tone and manner, young voters prefers subtle
and subliminal, st raightforward with twist of entertainment and celebrity
endorsement.
123
Manifesto advert isement was not desired by participants of all categories
from the research because i t seems to be too complicated, overlapping
one another, and not easily comprehendible. Therefore, when asked if
they could recalled any manifesto from both part ies, most of them could
recall Pakatan Rakyat’s manifesto rather than Barisan Nasional . This is
however not because of the advertisements, but because the content of
the manifesto are more related ‘youth agenda’.
While upon achieving all the above in an advert isement, then only
att r ibutes l ike image of top leaders would be significant to create
l ikeabil i ty and trust-abil i ty towards the part ies instead.
Not only that, online and offline advertisements, as well as other medium
advert isement must be coherent with one another. There must be a
connectivi ty and consistency in del ivery information through
advert isements, or e lse i t could eradicate the credibil i ty of the parties. In
addit ion, the online advertisement through social media is seen to be a
good platform to target niche market such as f i rst- t ime voters, because
they spent more t ime online, rather than engaging in traditional medium.
As a conclusion, when designing a print poli t ical advert isement , there
are a few factors and elements that advertisers and poli t ical parties must
bear in mind as how these factors that are presented in this research will
largely affect the effect iveness of their polit ical advert isement.
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APPENDIX
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