1

Sergei Serebriany (Moscow)

Russian

In this paper the reception of Tagore and his works only in the Russian speaking world will be considered, which only partially overlaps with the political entity “Russia”. In 1913, when Tagore was awarded the Nobel prize, “Russia” meant the Russian Empire, which included, among other territories, a large part of today's Poland and the whole of today's Finland. From 1922 up to 1991 “Russia” was a shorthand name for the Soviet Union (the USSR) which reunited, after the civil war of 1918–1920, most of the territories and peoples of the former empire. But the restored empire disintegrated for the second time in 1991, so that now “Russia” means the Russian Federation, still a multiethnic state with Russians constituting about 80% of its population. The reception of the Bengali poet in Poland's and Finland's cultures,1 in the cultures of the successor states of the Soviet Union, as well as in the non-Russian cultures of today's Russian Federation must be treated elsewhere.

In the twentieth century, especially after the revolution of 1917, the Russian speaking world was divided between the Soviet Russia and Russian diaspora, which spread all over the world. The number of people who chose (and in many cases had) to leave Russia after 1917 is not known exactly. They were millions, and many (if not the majority) of them were from the most educated strata of Russian society. As will be shown in this essay, the reception of Tagore's works in the Russian diaspora has been an important part of his reception in the Russian speaking world as a whole.

The theme of this study is still largely unexplored. There are several papers in Russian (published between 1961 and 1986) and even one book in English by the Soviet scholar A. P. Gnatyuk-Danil'chuk that deal with this theme.2 All these writings, however, are now dated. Moreover, they were written under the Soviet ideological censorship, which to a considerable degree was a kind of self-censorship by the authors themselves, a result of the notorious double-think. Quite often, the Soviet scholars, who wrote about Tagore, knew the truth (even if not the whole truth), but dared not put it down on paper. Besides, much remained really unknown and will remain unknown before scholars can look into archives, personal as well as state (and, especially, secret police) archives, in Russia, India and probably elsewhere.

The story of Tagore's reception in Russia, and in the Russian speaking world as a whole, is of course closely linked to the political and cultural history of the country in the twentieth century and at the beginning of the twenty-first century. This history itself has not been properly studied so far and remains a matter of heated controversies in today's Russia, which controversies are certainly not purely academic, but related to current politics in the country. Any study of Tagore's reception in Russia cannot possibly avoid a number of very controversial issues. For a scholar, it is rather an advantage, because this makes 1 The first translation of Tagore's Gitanjali (from English) into Finnish, by the poet Eino Leino (1878–1926), was published in Tampere, Finland, in 1917, when Finland was still part of the Russian Empire. But this translation should be considered in another part of this book.2 Gnatyuk-Danil'chuk, Tagore, India.

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the study exciting, a real research work with unpredictable results. Moreover, the story of Tagore's reception in Russia, as well as the story of Tagore's perceptions of Russia may serve as a quite revealing comment on the country's history during the last hundred years. These stories, if truthfully told, may destroy some myths about (Soviet) Russia, as well as some myths about Tagore.

How India was perceived in Russia before Tagore became known

In various political discourses we may often hear that the relations (allegedly cordial) between the two countries are “many centuries old”. But old as those relations might be, they have been, through centuries, rather meagre. It is only since the nineteenth century that meaningful contacts between the Russian and Indian cultural worlds started growing substantially. In Russian folklore, in old legends, there was, of course, an image of “rich India”, of a blessed land situated somewhere near the Paradise, but the study of real India, as part of “Oriental studies” in general, was introduced to Russia only after the so called “reforms” of Peter I, together with many other West European ideas and practices. Before that, though Russia had been always nearer to the exotics of “the Orient” than the rest of Europe, Russians had not developed their own tradition of taking interest in other cultures. What was known about India, for instance, was known only through Greek (Byzantine) sources. And for long this knowledge must have been rather inadequate.

In the late 1460s a Russian merchant Afanasy Nikitin got to India, stayed there about three years, and wrote a kind of travelogue known as A Journey Beyond Three Seas.3 But this travelogue was not widely (if at all) known before it was discovered and published at the beginning of the 19th century.

Peter I (1672–1725) tried more than once to send envoys to India, both by land and by sea, but none of the envoys could reach the destination (and mostly they were rather uncertain about their itinerary).

Another lonely and peaceful Russian adventurer did reach India in 1785. He was Gerasim Stepanovich Lebedev (ca 1749–1817), an amateur musician. He defected from a Russian diplomatic mission in Vienna and for several years travelled through Europe on his own. In 1785 he went to India, first to Madras, then to Calcutta. All in all Lebedev stayed in India for twelve years (1785–1797). In Calcutta he gave musical performances and learned Bengali, Hindustani, as well as, to an extent, Sanskrit. In today’s Bengal Lebedev is remembered and revered as the founder of the first Bengali theatre (in Calcutta).4 By 1801 Lebedev returned to Russia (via South Africa and London). But at home there was practically no demand for his first-hand knowledge. His Indian trip has hardly produced any effect on Russian culture.

Indian studies did slowly developed in Russia during the nineteenth century, but they were mostly Sanskrit studies pursued by Germans (locally born or imported).5 One of the most important nineteenth century Sanskrit scholars in 3 See see Richard H. Major, ed. "The Travels of Athanasius Nikitin," tr. Mikhail M. Wielhorsky.

In India in the Fifteenth Century. Hakluyt Society, ser. 1. volume 22. (London: Hakluyt Society, 1857).

4 There are several papers about Lebedev in Russian, but the only monograph about him has been written in Bengali, by the Bangladeshi poet Hayat Mamud, who lived and worked in Moscow in the 1970s: Hāyāt Māmūd, Gerāsim Stepānabhic Liyebedeph.

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Russia and in Europe at large was Otto (in Russia: Otton Nikolayevich) Böhtlingk (1815–1904), a German born in Saint Petersburg (his ancestors had come to Russia during the reign of Peter I). He is probably best remembered as the main compiler of the famous Saint Petersburg Sanskrit-German Dictionary. In 1923 the Russian Academy of Sciences sent to Tagore, at his request, a copy of this dictionary for the Visva-Bharati university.6

It is only since the second half of the nineteenth century, when the Russian empire expanded towards Central Asia and came closer to the British dominions in India, that Indian studies in Russia came to be more in demand. Ivan Pavlovich Minayev (1840–1890) is sometimes called the founder of Russian Indology. He was also the first Russian Indologist to travel in India. His scholarly interests were many, but the main one was in Buddhism, which may be explained by the tradition of Buddhist studies in Russia and by the fact that the (sic!) Russian empire had some Buddhist population. He studied Chinese, Sanskrit, and, especially, Pali. It seems that only by the end of his life he recognised the importance of modern Indian languages. Minayev visited India three times: in 1874–75, in 1879–1880, and in 1885–86.7 The first visit was sponsored by Saint Petersburg University, the other two by the War Ministry. In the two latter cases Minayev was commissioned by the military to inquire about attitudes of Indians towards Russia and about their probable reactions to war between the two empires. The military establishment in Russia considered quite seriously the possibility of an expedition to India. However, to the disappointment of the military leadership in Saint Petersburg, Minayev in his balanced report wrote that, even though he met a lot of sympathy for Russia and Russians, it would be wrong to think that Indians would welcome a Russian invasion.

While in India on the third visit, Minayev attended the founding session of the Indian National Congress in Bombay and met some of the Congress leaders. He also visited Calcutta several times and met Bankimchandra Chatterji (1838–1894), the famous Bengali writer, who presented to the Russian scholar some of his books. While in Calcutta, Minayev could have heard about the Tagore family of Jorashanko and even about the young Rabindranath. But there are no traces of such knowledge in Minayev's papers and he evidently did not take much interest in modern Indian literatures. Nevertheless, notwithstanding his bitter remarks about “Bengali baboos” in his diaries, he understood the importance of Calcutta for the growth of modern Indian culture. In his report about his third visit to India Minayev wrote: “Calcutta with its baboos is going to have the same significance for India as Paris for France”.

Two pupils of Minayev became the key figures in the Russian Indological studies of the first half of the twentieth century. They were Sergey Fyodorovich Oldenburg (1863–1934) and Fyodor Ippolitovich Shcherbatskoy8 (alias Stcherbatsky, 1866–1942). Both belonged to the generation of Rabindranath Tagore.

Sergei Oldenburg was not only a scholar, one of the major specialists in Buddhism, but also a kind of political figure. He worked as the permanent Secretary, actually the manager-in-chief of the Russian Academy of Sciences, from 1904 up to 1929. After the Bolshevik takeover Oldenburg managed to keep the Academy of Sciences as a semi-autonomous body until 1929. Oldenburg

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knew many languages, though hardly read Bengali. No doubt, he read most, if not all, works of Tagore translated into English (and probably into Russian as well). There was at least one personal link between Oldenburg and Tagore: the French Orientalist Silvain Lévi (1863–1935). Oldenburg was his close friend since the 1890s while Tagore came in touch with Lévi in the 1920s. Oldenburg has never been to India. He might have met Tagore in Europe in the 1920s, but most probably he did not. In the 1920s Tagore missed several opportunities to visit Russia before Stalin's “third revolution”. Had Tagore come before 1929, he would have met Oldenburg in Russia and enjoyed his hospitality there. When Tagore actually came to Moscow in 1930, it was too late.

Fyodor Stcherbatsky is probably the Russian Indologist best known outside Russia. He was a great scholar of Buddhist thought, and his major works have been written and published in English.9 In 1910 Stcherbatsky undertook his only trip to India. In the autumn of that year he stayed for some time in Calcutta, working with the British scholar Denison Ross (1871–1940) on the translation of Vasubandhu's Abhidharmakosha. He might even have met Tagore in Calcutta, but he took no interest in modern Indian languages and literatures. It was only in the 1920s, in Europe, that Stcherbatsky met Tagore. The Russian scholar even entertained the idea of going to teach at Visva-Bharati, like Silvain Lévi and Moriz Winternitz (1863–1937), but it has never been realised.

In the nineteenth century there was one more missed opportunity to establish close relations between the Tagore family and Russia. Nishikanta Chattopadhyaya (1852–1910), a relative-in-law of Tagore (Nishikanta's daughter was married to Rabindranath's nephew), in 1878 came to Saint Petersburg hoping to teach at Saint Petersburg University.10 He stayed in Russia for about two years, till 1880. Once he visited Moscow and was shown the Moscow Kremlin by the writer Ivan Turgenev (1818–1883). But for some unknown reason Nishikanta left Russia for Switzerland. His doctoral dissertation produced in Zürich on Bengali folk dramas11 was the first doctoral thesis submitted by an Indian in Europe and his book Indische Essays was probably the first book written by an Indian in German.12

Now I must briefly describe the place occupied by India in modern Russian literature before 1913. India was certainly known to Russian writers and poets. Thus, the poet Ivan Dmitriyev (1760–1837) in his ode “To Volga” (1794) exclaimed: “You are more illustrious than the Ganges!”. In the middle of the nineteenth century, at the peak of the Russian imperial might, the India and the river Ganges signified the extent of Russian aspirations, as the great lyrical and philosophical poet Fyodor Tyutchev (1803–1873) puts it in one of his political verses entitled Russian Geography (c 1849),

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From the Volga to the Euphrates, from the Ganges to the Danube...This is the Russian empire... and it will never pass away.

(Translated by the author of the paper)

As early as 1787 a Russian translation of the Bhagavadgita was published, and scenes from Kalidasa's Shakuntala came out in Russian in 1792. But in nineteenth century classical Russian literature, roughly from Alexander Pushkin (1799–1837) to Anton Chekhov (1860–1904), India occupied a modest place. Educated Russians looked, in general, more to the West than to the East. Thus, Pushkin in his works, both poetry and prose, very rarely refers to India, though in his personal library there was a French translation of Kalidasa's “Shakuntala”, and he even mentioned the “Ramayana” once in a private letter.13 Unlike Goethe and German romanticists, Pushkin and other master-minds of nineteenth century Russian literature evidently were not too much interested in Indian culture.

It is only by the end of the century that some Russian writers and poets became curious about India and Indian culture. The most famous example is, of course, Lev Tolstoy (1828–1910). By the end of his long life he took some interest both in Indian cultural heritage and the life of contemporary India. Thus he learned about Ramakrishna14 and read some writings of Vivekananda.15 It is widely known that not long before his death Tolstoy corresponded with M.K. Gandhi. It is less known that since the 1880s Tolstoy corresponded with about twenty Indians, some of them Bengalis. For instance, in 1907–1908 he corresponded for a while with Abdullah al-Mamun al-Suhrawardy (1870–1935). The last years of Tolstoy's life are meticulously documented, but the name of Tagore is not found in these records.

We may safely assume that before 1913 the name of Rabindranath Tagore was hardly known to anybody in Russia. (Besides, hardly anybody in pre-revolutionary Russia knew Bengali.)

Initial Tagore translations

When the Bengali poet was awarded the Nobel prize at the end of 1913, the situation changed radically and Tagore almost immediately became popular. Translations of his works from English appeared one after another within a very short span of time. The story of those early translations deserves to be studied and described in many details. Here I can only highlight some episodes.

We have detailed and fairly reliable bibliographical lists of all publications related to Tagore which appeared in Russian (as well in other languages of the former Soviet Union) from the very beginning (that is from 1913) up to 1975. In 1961, during the centennial celebrations, a big book was published from Moscow, in Russian, titled “Rabindranath Tagore. To the hundredth anniversary of his birth. 1861–1961”.16 The last five pages of the book contain a bibliographical list compiled by L. A. Strizhevskaya under the title: Translations of Rabindranath Tagore's works into the languages of the peoples of Russia and the Soviet Union. Books.17 The 1961 list was later amplified in two very informative books, both titled Bibliography of India. The first one gives very detailed information about publications on India in Russian and other languages of the former Soviet Union from the beginning of the eighteenth century up to

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1967.18 The second, much slimmer book continues the story up to 1975.19 These bibliographical guides contain information not only on books, but also on journal publications, articles, reviews etc. Information about books by and about Tagore published in Russian up to 1998 may be obtained through the electronic catalogue at the site of the Russian National Library in Saint Petersburg.20

Information about more recent publications in Russian, as well as about published musical scores of the music composed by Russian composers for songs of Tagore, are available through the electronic catalogue at the site of the Russian State Library (the former Lenin Library) in Moscow.21

One of the first, if not the very first to translate Tagore's works into Russian (from English) was the London correspondent of the Moscow newspaper Russkiye vedomosti (Russian Gazette) Isaak Shklovsky (1865–1935), a Russian-Jewish journalist and ethnographer (who used the pen-name Dioneo). 22 In fact, according to the Bibliography of India, I. Shklovsky got a review of Tagore's Gitanjali published in the 6 July issue of the Russkiye vedomosti,23 that is much before the announcement of the Nobel Prize award. By the end of 1913 the same I. Shklovsky published in Moscow his translations of some poems from the Gitanjali and of the short story Vicharak (The Judge).24

It is popularly believed that Tagore received the Nobel prize for his English Gitanjali. However, in the Presentation Speech (on 10 December, 1913) the Chairman of the Nobel Committee of the Swedish Academy, the Swedish historian Harald Hjärne discussed five (!) books of Tagore in English translations, three books of poems: Gitanjali: Song Offerings (1912), The Gardener, Lyrics of Love and Life (1913) and The Crescent Moon (1913); a book of short stories entitled Glimpses of Bengal Life (1913); and a book of lectures: Sādhanā: The Realisation of Life (1913).25

All five of these books were translated into Russian (some of them more than once) between 1913 and 1915. It was Gitanjali that attracted the biggest number of translators. In 1913–1915 not less than six different Russian renderings of this book were published. In 1914–1915 three different translations of The Gardener came out.

The first translation into Russian of the complete Gitanjali appeared as early as October and November of 1913, in the monthly journal Severnye zapiski (Northern Notes), in Saint Petersburg.26 The translator was Liubov' Borisovna Khavkina (1871–1949).27 Later she became known as one of the most authoritative specialists in library science in Russia.28 L.Khavkina was a polyglot and translated from six languages. But her fine translation of the Gitanjali was never republished, probably because it was eclipsed by other translations, done and/or edited by outstanding men of letters.

Jurgis Baltrušaitis (1873–1944), the well known Russian-Lithuanian symbolist poet (who first made a name for himself with his poetry in Russian and later wrote also in Lithuanian),29 first got several poems from the Gitanjali published in his Russian translations in the 1913 November issue, of the Saint Petersburg monthly Zavety (Behests).30 In 1914 one and the same Russian translation of the complete Gitanjali was published twice: by two different Moscow publishers, as the first volumes of two (different) announced “Collected Works” of Tagore. In both cases the subtitle said: “Translation from English, edited by Jurgis Baltrušaitis”.31 This translation was later republished at least twice: in 1915 and

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in 1916.Even more successful was the Russian version associated with another

famous literary figure, Nikolay Pusheshnikov (1882–1939), an established translator of European masterpieces. Besides, he was a nephew of Ivan Bunin (1870–1953), who in 1933 would become the first Russian Nobel laureate in literature.32 Bunin himself edited his nephew's translation of the Gitanjali. The first edition appeared in 1914 and the fourth in 1918, all in Moscow.33 One more edition came out in 1919, in Odessa (probably either under the French occupation of the city or under the “White” rule).34 And it was this translation that was again republished in Moscow in 1925 (with the name of its editor Bunin dropped)35 and in the Soviet “Collected Works” of Tagore in the 1950s and (partly) in the 1960s (see below).36

At least two more translations of the Gitanjali are worth recalling: one by S. V. Tatarinova, published in 1914, in Petrograd, by the Russian theosophists,37

and, the last to appear, in 1919, by Ivan Sabashnikov, obviously a member of the famous family of publishers.38

The Gardener, also translated by N. Pusheshnikov and edited by Ivan Bunin, came out first in 1913 (then again in 1918) 39 and was republished in 192540 and in the 1950s and 1960s. In 1913–1917 at least three more Russian versions of The Gardener appeared, two of them as volumes of two different Collected Works of Tagore.41 In 1919 the translation of Ivan Sabashnikov was published42

and in 1923 “selected poems” from The Gardener in the translation by Matilda Ber came out in Khar'kov.43The Crescent Moon also appeared in more than one Russian versions before 1917.44 The Glimpses of Bengal Life was translated into Russian and published from Moscow, in 1915, as volume 7 of one of the Collected Works of Tagore. 45 The Sādhanā, in two different translations, was included into the two Collected Works (both volumes came out in 1914).46

As has been mentioned, two Collected Works of Tagore were published from Moscow before 1917. One of them was in six volumes47 and the other in nine.48

The first one even started a second edition in 1916, but the project was stopped, evidently, by the events of 1917. These Collected Works included some pieces of Tagore not mentioned in the Presentation Speech. Thus one of the volumes published in 1915, contained Tagore's drama The King49 translated (with a particularly insightful preface) by Zinaida Vengerova (1867–1941), an outstanding woman of letters and a member of a large and famous literary family.50 Two other plays, Chitra and The Post Office, were also translated for those Collected Works (each twice), 51 as well as The One Hundred Poems of Kabir.52

The writer Konstantin Paustovsky (1892–1968) wrote later, in his memoirs. about those pre-revolutionary years: “Rabindranath Tagore dominated our minds“.53 But this “we” must be taken cautiously. The educated society in Russia was quite differentiated in those days. Tagore was enthusiastically welcomed by some people and completely ignored by others. Thus, I have tried to find out what were the reactions to Tagore's writings of the two outstanding poets: Alexander Blok (1880–1921) and Osip Mandelshtam (1891–1938). Neither of the two poets have ever mentioned Tagore in their writings (including private letters).54 A systematic survey of responses—or their lack—from leading Russian artists and intellectuals is still a work to be done and can reveal important

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shades of reception.

Tagore during the first decade of the Soviet Union

1917 was a decisive and tragic watershed in the history of our country. In February/March the monarchy collapsed under the weight of its own vices and popular discontent. Hopes were high for a democratic development of the former Russian empire. But the combined strain of the war and the revolution proved to be destructive. In October/November 1917 the Bolsheviks, a small party of bigoted extremists, staged a coup d'état, a kind of counter-revolution, which brought the country back to its archaic authoritarian traditions. The Bolsheviks projected themselves as “Marxists” and harbingers of progress and social equity, and probably some of them sincerely believed in their ideology. But the results of their takeover, in the long run, have been disastrous for Russia and most of other parts of the former empire. The Bolsheviks undertook their “revolution” under the premise that it would be but a spark to ignite what they called the “world revolution”, as, according to the Marxist orthodoxy, Russia in 1917 was not at all ripe for a “socialist revolution”. Vladimir Lenin till his death in 1924 seems to have believed that the “world revolution” was round the corner. It was only in 1925 that the Bolsheviks officially acknowledged that it was not the case. Stalin put forward the slogan of “Socialism in one country” which was absurd from the viewpoint of orthodox Marxists, but sounded very pragmatic. Stalin's formula, in a way, was similar to the “National Socialism” of Hitler. By the end of the 1920s Stalin became almost an undisputed ruler of the country and launched his so called “Third revolution” to build the “Socialism in one country”. This excursus in history will help to understand the history of Tagore's reception in Russia and the Soviet Union after 1917.

During the 1920s many cultural processes which began before 1917 continued one way or another. Thus, in the decade 1917–1927 the popularity of Tagore with the Russian reading public did not diminish, but probably even increased. Up to the late 1920s many other works of the poet, in Russian translations, appeared both in the Soviet Union and in the émigré publishing houses in Western Europe. Some works were again translated more than once. For instance, the novel The Home and the World came out in the early 1920s at least in three translations (all from English), one of them (first in time) published from Berlin.55 In the reviews of the translations Russian critics noted the similarity between the Indian events and personalities (of the Swadeshi movement) described in the novel and the events and personalities of Russian literature and Russian revolutions. In fact, now it may be argued that not long before writing the The Home and the World Tagore could read the English translation of the novel by Dostoevsky “The Possessed” (alias “The Devils) and that novel might have been reflected in a way in Tagore's work.56

In the 1920s the grip of the official ideology was not yet as tight as it became later. For some time a kind of pluralism lingered. Some critics of the Communist type denounced Tagore as “mystic” and “idealist”, but this did not prevent publishers (some of them still private or “cooperative” in those years) from publishing his works, as it did not prevent many readers from enjoying his

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poetry and prose. Thus, my grandfather's younger brother (born in 1900) told me that while wooing his future wife (it must have been in the 1920s) he recited to her poems from the Gitanjali.

In the 1920s a high number of new Tagore translations (mostly from English) were published. It was often the case that no sooner has an English book by Tagore appeared than it was translated into Russian.

Thus, The Home and the World was published from London in 1919, and the three Russian translations came out in 1920 and 1923 (see above).The Wreck (1921) came out in a Russian translation in 1923,57Gora, published in London in 1924, came out in two different Russian translations in that very year58 and one of the translations was republished in 1926.59

The novella Chaturanga was published in English translation under the title Broken Ties in the book Broken Ties and Other Srories (1925) and in 1925 it appeared in three different Russian translations.60

In the twenties two more books of Tagore's dramas came out,61 in which Sacrifice (Visarjan) and Sanyasi (Prakritir pratishodh) were translated for the first time while The King for the third.

The "epigrams" of the Stray Birds (1916) were translated twice; 62

Nationalism (1917) also twice (first in Berlin,63 then in Moscow;64) as was My Reminiscences (1917) (both in Russia65).Personality (1917) and the Glimpses of Bengal (1921) were translated once each. 66

Tagore's short stories were also popular either published independently or in collections. An excellent book of stories edited by M. I. Tubiansky (with his commentaries) and published in 1925 is especially worth mentioning.67 This series of Tagore translations came to an end for many years in 1929 with a Russian version of the Kabuliwallah.68.

No original book on Tagore was produced at that stage, though a number of engaging papers and prefaces to translations did come out. Evidently to fill the lacuna, in 1924 a German book about Tagore was published in an “abridged” translation.

As has already been said, before the 1920s all the translations went back to English, since nobody knew Bengali and the knowledge of English among Russian intellectuals was widespread enough to avoid translating from versions in other European languages.

The first to translate Tagore's works directly from Bengali was Mikhail Izrailevich Tubiansky (1893–1937), a student of Fyodor Shcherbatsky. After translating a poem in prose69 he published prose versions of several poems from the Bengali Gitanjali.70 He was, however, much more successful as a translator of Tagore's prose works. In 1926 he came out with a translation of several short stories71 and in 1927 with that of My Reminiscences.72 The latter translation was republished in the 1960s and has remained the standard one till today.

Besides his translations from Bengali, Tubiansky, together with the philosopher I.Kolubovsky, brilliantly rendered into Russian Tagore's Nationalism, which was published in 1922 and since then never republished.73 Tubiansky also wrote a number of prefaces to Tagore's works translated by other hands, and those texts have retained much of their value till the present day. In 1927 Tubiansky went to Mongolia to study Buddhism, came back in the mid-1930s to a different country and was executed in 1937 under Stalin's terror.

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The publication of Tagore's works in Russian was at its height in 1927, but practically stopped by 1929, the year of the “Great Breakthrough”, when Stalin started in earnest his “Third Revolution”. Till 1955 practically no more works by Tagore were published in the USSR.

From available documents it seems that there was no explicit ban on Tagore's works between 1929 and 1955. His books were not withdrawn from public libraries or annihilated one way or another (unlike books of “enemies” like Lev Trotsky or Nikolai Bukharin). Further research might uncover more definite information on this question. It is well known that the “Communist” bosses of Russia very often did not register important decisions on paper, probably because they themselves were aware of the dubious (not to say criminal) character of those decisions.

Attitudes to Tagore during the 1920s were perhaps even more varied than in the 1910s. There were, as I have already said, “Marxist” authors who castigated Tagore as “reactionary” and “idealist” (in the Soviet discourse it was a term of abuse). There was also the academic appreciation of Tagore's work, represented by Sergei Oldenburg, Mikhail Tubiansky and other scholars. There was, of course, the “silent” appreciation of common readers who readily bought books with translations of Tagore's work. Some people, again, might ignore and neglect Tagore completely, like Osip Mandelshtam, mentioned above. Some people, taking interest in Tagore as a writer and cultural figure, assumed an ironic attitude towards him. Thus, the distinguished ethnographer (anthropologist) Vladimir Bogoraz (1865 – 1936, the pen name N.A. Tan)74, who once met Tagore in Europe in the 1920s, wrote several papers about the poet (including prefaces to and reviews of translations of his works). These texts are well-informed and well-meaning, but Tan-Bogoraz seems to have treated Tagore somewhat like an object of ethnographic research. And there were other critics like this. For instance, in 1923, in the 5th issue of the journal “Russia” (it was a very non-conformist journal, soon closed by the authorities), a review of Creative Unity was published, titled “The Naive Philosophy of RT” (signed “V. Yarlsberg”, most probably a pen name). For many people in Russia, who had lived through revolutions, the world war and the civil war with all their horrors, writings of Tagore might indeed have looked naïve. And this impression might have been confirmed when Tagore came to Russia in person. As a Russian proverb says, “Enough simplicity in every wise man” (“На всякого мудреца довольно простоты”).

It would be unfair to pass in silence the contacts between Tagore and the Russian emigré painter Nicholas (Nikolai) Roerich (1874-1947). They first met in 1920 in London and kept in touch in later years. From time to time Roerich wrote some high-flown words, in his usual semi-prophetical style, about Tagore. The poet's friendship (if it was really this) with the painter-cum-preacher-cum-adventurist may be taken as one more evidence of the poet's naivete. But Roerich is such a controversial (and, in my opinion, sinister) figure, that I would abstain for the time being from any other comments on him and his contacts with Tagore.

One interesting topic is the perception of Tagore by V.I. Lenin. We can have some idea about this from a very detailed catalogue of Lenin's personal library which he collected in his office in the Kremlin after moving there in the spring of

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1918.75 In this library there were five books by Tagore, all in Russian translations: “Personality”,76 two (!) different translations of “Nationalism”,77

“The Home and the World” (a translation published in Berlin!),78 and an anthology published in Russia in 1923.79 In the catalogue of Lenin's library all his notes on the pages of books are meticulously registered, but no notes are reported in the books by Tagore. It is not even certain that Lenin actually read those five books. If he did, we do not know what he thought. But further research may yield some information on this matter.

Visit to the Soviet Union

During the 1920s Tagore was more than once invited to visit the Soviet Union, but for one reason or another he repeatedly failed to come before 1930. Some diplomatic reasons (usually of health) were offered again and again, but the real reasons of his unwillingness or inability to accept pre-1930 invitations are still to be ascertained.80

It is unfortunate that Tagore did not come to Russia before the “Great Breakthrough”. In 1926 he was very much awaited. The popular magazine Ogonyok published his photo with a caption that the poet was coming to Moscow. In the same issue of the magazine a short note by Sergei Oldenburg read:

Around us in the world happens something which is incomparable in its influence on human life: the fragmented, split, disjoined world moves by slow but sure steps towards interconnection and integration... And one of the most remarkable representatives of this great all-human movement is the Indian poet, the Bengali, Rabindranath Tagore.81

When he finally came to Moscow in September of 1930, it was too late. The acme of his popularity had been passed. The political atmosphere in the country was terse. The regime was obviously suspicious of the Indian guest, and the reception was rather restrained. The whole story of the visit has not yet been told and probably will be told only when the archives of the Soviet secret police are open to historians.

We have a literary testimony which shows how some (if not many) people in Moscow perceived Tagore's visit. In the famous novel by Ilya Ilf and Yevgeniy Petrov The Little Golden Calf (1931) Tagore is portrayed as a funny pseudo-philosopher who was completely irrelevant to the real life in Russia.82 The central character of the novel, a swindler by name Ostap Bender, acquires one million roubles, but does not know what to do with this money. At this point he learns that “a famous Indian poet and philosopher” stays at the same hotel. 83 So Ostap decides to go and ask the guest about “the meaning of life”. He has to talk to the Indian guest at the presence of an “interpreter” who is evidently a man from the secret police. The guest (whose appearance is described in such a way that there is no doubt that he is Tagore himself) delivers to Ostap a long sermon about the advantages of education, especially in the USSR (he spoke in English for the first hour, in Bengali for the second) and even sings a “Young Pioneer song”. When in the end Ostap insists on his question about the meaning of life,

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the guest tells through the interpreter that “he himself came to your great country to discover the meaning of life”. Ostap runs away disappointed.84 Of course, this scene, as the novel as a whole, requires a careful hermeneutic analysis. Thus, it is possible that “the Indian guest” only pretended to be dull because he had realised that he too was being watched by the secret police agent.

We have, of course, another important testimony of Tagore's visit to Moscow, written by himself, the book Rasiyar chithi (Letters from Russia). Today, with all our knowledge, incomplete as it is, of our Soviet past, Tagore's Letters from Russia make a difficult reading. It is somewhat awkward to realise that Tagore knew rather little about the history of Russia and very often misunderstood what he saw in Moscow. Nevertheless, the same book shows that Tagore was not at all the kind of irrelevant funny old man described in The Little Golden Calf.

The story of Tagore's Letters from Russia is revealing. He got published his Rasiyar chithi in Bengali soon after his return to India. But an English translation came out only in 1960, by the hundredth birth anniversary of the author.85 Some passages of the original (all in all about four pages of the Bengali text) have been omitted in the translation, and it is not always clear whether the reasons for particular omissions were stylistic or political. The first Russian translation made from the Bengali appeared only four years earlier, in 1956, the year of the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.86 The Russian rendering was abridged on obviously ideological grounds.87 Thus, letter №13 (the unlucky number!) was omitted, evidently because it contained the following passage:

Nevertheless, I do not believe that they have been able to draw the proper line of demarcation between the individual and society. In that respect they are not unlike the fascists. For this reason they are loth to admit any limit to the suppression of the individual in the name of collectivity. They forget that by enfeebling the individual, the collective being cannot be strengthened. If the individual is in shackles, society cannot be free. They have here the dictatorship of the strong man. The rule of the many by one may produce good results for a time, but not for ever. It is impossible to have a succession of competent leaders. 88

The “Conclusion” to the “Letters” has never been published in Russian either. I suppose the most criminal passage was this:

It is not improbable that in this age Bolshevism is the treatment, but medical treatment cannot be permanent; indeed the day on which the doctor's regime comes to an end must be hailed as the red-letter day for the patient.89

Needless to say, the “Communist” rulers of the country could not possibly tolerate such suggestions, because they thought they would rule for ever.

On 25 September Tagore gave an interview to a reporter from the governmental newspaper called “Izvestiya” (News). Among other things he said:

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There must be disagreement where minds are allowed to be free. It would not only be an uninteresting but a sterile world of mechanical regularity if all of our opinions were forcibly made alike. If you have a mission which includes all humanity, you must, for the sake of that living humanity, acknowledge the existence of differences of opinion. Opinions are constantly changed and rechanged only through the free circulation of intellectual forces and moral persuasion. Violence begets violence and blind stupidity. Freedom of mind is needed for the reception of truth; terror hopelessly kills it.90

By 1930 the terror now associated with the name of Stalin had not yet deployed its killing capacity at its fullest, but such words, as Tagore dared to tell to his Moscow hosts, was already considered a subversive heresy. The farewell interview was published in Russian, by the same newspaper Izvestiya, only in 1988, under Gorbachev, at the initiative of the author of this paper.

On January 15, 1931, The New York Times published a letter signed by three Russian emigrés: Ivan Ostromislensky (1880–1939), the chemist,91 Sergei Rachmaninoff (1873–1943), the composer, and Ilya Tolstoy (1866–1933), the writer, a son of Lev Tolstoy. The letter was titled “Tagore on Russia” and contained bitter remarks on an interview given by Tagore on his arrival to the USA,

Tagore... is considered among the great living man of our age. His voice is heard and listened to all over the world.

By eulogizing the dubious pedagogical achievements of the Soviets, and carefully omitting every reference to the indescribable torture to which the Soviets have been subjecting the Russian people for a period of over thirteen years, he has created a false impression that no outrages actually exist under the blessings of the Soviet regime...

At no time, and in no country, has there ever existed a government responsible for so many cruelties, wholesale murders and common law crimes in general as these perpetrated by the Bolsheviki.

Is it really possible that, with all his love for humanity wisdom and philosophy, he could not find words of sympathy and pity for the Russian nation?

By his evasive attitude toward the Communist grave-diggers of Russia, by the quasi-cordial stand which he has taken toward them, he has lent strong and unjust support to a group of professional murderers. By concealing from the world the truth about Russia he has inflicted, perhaps unwittingly, great harm upon the whole population of Russia, and possibly the world at large.92

This letter never seems to have been republished in Russia, though now its utterances would be accepted as true by most Russians.93

After 1955

After the Stalinist neglect, when Khrushchev “rehabilitated” India in the mid-1950s, attention was again focussed on Tagore in Russia. From 1955 onwards

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new translations started to appear. The 1961 jubilee was celebrated officially on a large scale. “Friendship” with India (the notorious “Hindi–Rusi-bhai-bhai-ism”) was taken very seriously by Khrushchev in his efforts to overplay the USA. Two more “Collected Works” (8 volumes in 1955–1957 and 12 volumes in 1961–1965)94 were published, rather in a hurry, especially the first series of eight volumes: the first volume was brought out to greet Jawaharlal Nehru at his first visit to the Soviet Union.

The volumes of the Collected Works contained several pre-1917 translations (e.g. the translation of the Gitanjali by Pusheshnikov) and some translations done in the 1920s (e.g. the translation of the My Reminiscences by Tubiansky). A number of novels, dramas, short stories, and essays were translated anew or for the first time straight from Bengali. By that time a number of people were able to translate prose from Bengali. In the 1940s and early 1940s Bengali (along with some other modern Indian languages) was taught at several places in Moscow and St. Petersburg. The objective of the establishment was to get Bengali knowing diplomats, military interpreters and functionaries for various propaganda and intelligence agencies. But, as a by-product, the country gained some scholars and translators. Here are the most important Russian scholars of Bengali who have been active since the late 1950s.

Vera Novikova (1918–1972) taught Bengali at the Leningrad (now Saint Petersburg) University, and wrote a book in Russian on Bankimchandra Chatterji. She translated and edited several prose works by Tagore and was awarded Tagore Prize from India in 1971. The leading Russian scholar of the Bengali language, the linguist Yevgenia Bykova (b. 1918), edited many translations of Tagore's works. Alexandre Gnatyuk-Danil'chuk (1923–2008), who most of his life taught Bengali at various institutions of our Foreign Office, was the major Soviet Tagore specialist. He translated a number of short stories and together with V. Novikova, Y. Bykova and B. Karpushkin was one of the editors of the twelve-volume Collected Works.

Boris Karpushkin (1925–1987), a linguist with a fine literary taste, translated from Bangla as well as from Oriya and contributed a lot to Tagore translations into Russian.

Yelena Brosalina (Smirnova) (b. 1931) teaches Bangla at the Saint Petersburg University and along with her research on Tagore's dramas she translated several novels as well as short stories.

Inessa Tovstykh (b. 1932), an expert on old Bengali literature, in particular on mangal-kavyas, also translated several Tagore novels (some of them together with her friend Y. Brosalina).

As for translating the poetry of Tagore, the procedure widely used for translating non-Russian Soviet poets into Russian was also applied to the Tagore translations: a person who knew Bengali (mostly one of the above-mentioned scholars) would prepare a literal translation of a poem, which would be passed on to a “professional” poet who was supposed to transform this “raw stuff” into a finished poetical “product”. More than twenty poets were commissioned to translate Tagore's poems this way because the work was “planned” to be done quickly. Among these poets were some of the greatest figures of twentieth-century Russian poetry, such as Anna Akhmatova (1889–1966), Boris Pasternak

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(1890–1960), Maria Petrovykh (1908–1979), David Samoilov (1920–1990). For many Russian poets in those times translation was the main source of income. The invitation of the best poets to the Tagore project indicates, no doubt, that the establishment attached great importance to that project.

Boris Pasternak contributed several translations to the eight-volume Colllected Works (by the time the twelve-volume set was under way Pasternak died), which appeared in 1957, before the scandal around his novel Doctor Zhivago. Pasternak had been commissioned for this work because he was deservedly considered one of the leading Russian poets of that time. But Pasternak entrusted some of the translations to Olga Ivinskaya (1912–1995), who is (rightly) considered the prototype of Lara in the novel Doctor Zhivago. In fact, it was Pasternak who had taught Ivinskaya the art of translating poetry, which later became one of her means of living. In Ivinskaya's memoirs there are two-three pages on which she tells the story of her apprenticeship, which included translating Tagore's poems under the tutorship of Pasternak.95

However, Ivinskaya's translations were left out from the twelve-volume Collected Works (1961–1965) since after Pasternak's death she was again imprisoned.

Anna Akhmatova also translated more than twenty poems for the Collected Works. Translations for her were certainly a source of income, because her own poems were not published for many years and she was permanently short of money. Now Lydia Chukovskaya's formidable three-volume book, Zapiski ob Anne Akhmatovoy (Notes about Anna Akhmatova)96, provides an interesting, if slightly ambiguous, eye-witness account about how Akhmatova and Pasternak worked at their Tagore translations. The book is a kind of diary, in which Lydia Chukovskaya (1907–1996), a remarkable woman of letters in her own right, recorded her meetings and talks with Akhmatova from 1938 up to 1966 (with some gaps). The notes about Akhmatova's and Pasternak's work on Tagore are found in volumes 2 and 3.97

In the entry of 5 August 1956, Chukovskaya wrote:

[Akhmatova] read aloud to me a draft of her translation of a poem by Tagore Happiness. – “What do you think? Shall I go on or shall I give it up. The poems are very dull” [– said Akhmatova] – “Give it up!” – said I, recalling that some money were to come for [the translation of a play by Victor] Hugo [Marion Delorme]. 98

In the entry of 5 January 1964 we read:

She became silent and half-lied down upon a bed... – “Heart-aches?” – “No, it is Tagore. He gives me head-ache. After an hour of translating my head starts to break”. – I thought how good it were, if a big sum of money were given to her, so that she would not have to do translations any longer.99

And here is a passage from the entry dated 20 May 1964:

Anna Andreyevna once again complained against the editor who hurried her up with the translations of Tagore's poems. And at this moment I heard from

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her for the first time a favourable opinion about this poet: “He is good. I did not like him because he was terribly disfigured in translations”. 100

In the book of Chukovskaya we find also one note about Pasternak's attitude towards Tagore's poems. In the entry of 22 April 1958 she recorded a meeting with Pasternak at her father's house. Pasternak was talking:

He talked about art (I came by the very end of the topic), about Rabindranath Tagore (apparently, scolding him)...101

In a commentary to this note, Chukovskaya writes:

Or, on the contrary, Boris Pasternak praised Tagore – I did not understand exactly. There could be both... Pasternak's attitude towards Tagore went through changes, it was different at different times...102

Not too many translations of Tagore, published in the bulky volumes of the Collected Works, became really successful Russian poems. Russian readers still have to rely on the opinions of others who tell them that Tagore is a great poet. I suppose we may draw a morale: great poetry (including poetic translations) may hardly be created on order.

In the centenary year 1961 a big book, already mentioned, was published from Moscow under the title “Rabindranath Tagore. To the hundredth anniversary of his birth. 1861–1961”.103 In fact, it remains the biggest book about Tagore published in Russian so far (363 pages of something like octavo size). It was a collection of seventeen papers by Soviet and foreign authors. The list of six Indian authors looks impressive: Suniti Kumar Chatterji (1890–1977, “Reminiscences about RT”); Prasanta Chandra Mahalanobis (1893–1972, “RT and Contemporary India”; Gopal Haldar (1902–1994, “RT's Influence on Life and Literature of Contemporary India”); Sh. Ghosh (most probably Shantidev Ghosh, 1910–1999, “RT and Indian Music”); Bishnu Dey (1909–1982, “RT, a painter”). The Czech scholar Dušan Zbavitel (1925–2012) contributed a paper on Tagore and the Swadeshi movement. The Romanian philologist Vlad Bănăţeanu (1900–1963) contributed a paper on social and political views of Tagore as reflected in his creative writings.

Yevgeni Chelyshev (b. 1921), who for many years was a kind of Indologist-in-chief in the Soviet Union, wrote an introduction to the book. The first paragraphs of this introduction are very typical for the style (bombastic, evasive and cliché-ridden) of Soviet writings about Tagore during Khrushchev's Thaw and later:

In May of 1961 all progressive mankind celebrates the 100th anniversary of the great son of the Indian people, Rabindranath Tagore.

In the whole of millennia-long history of India we will hardly find another person whose activity as a writer and enlightener would be as grand and multi-faceted.

The creative work of Tagore has played a huge role in the uplift of social

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consciousness, in strengthening the unity of the Indian people in their struggle for freedom, in the development and enrichment of culture and art of India.

Soviet people, feeling a deep sympathy for the struggle of the peoples of the world against colonialism and reaction, highly appreciate the enormous contribution made by Tagore to the struggle for national independence of his motherland and the progressive role of his activity in uplifting the culture of the Indian people, in the building of new India. In his speech at the 6th Congress of the Communist Party of India, M.A. Suslov, the head of the delegation of the CPSU, called Tagore a tireless fighter for a better future of his people and one of the greatest thinkers of mankind104

The papers of other Soviet contributors were on the whole more factual than the Introduction, but in them, too, the personality and work of Tagore were often forced to conform to the Procrustean bed of what now may be called “Soviet discourse”. Thus, Alexei Litman (1923–1992) in his paper “The Philosophical Views of RT” diagnosed those views as “contradictory and inconsistent” and found that poet “on the whole stands on the positions of objective idealism”.105 Leonid Gamayunov (1922–1969) in his paper “RT about the Soviet Union” retells all the praises for the Soviet system contained in Tagore's Letters from Russia, but does not quote any critical line and only remarks that “the great writer and poet of India” pronounced “a few mistaken judgements” and that his views on “class struggle” and “the dictatorship of proletariat” were “contradictory, inconsistent”.106 Vera Novikova, mentioned above, contributed a paper on “RT in Russian and Soviet criticism and translations”, probably the very first paper on this theme. On the whole this is a solid work of research, except that the history of Tagore's perception in Russia and then in the Soviet Union is presented as an almost uninterrupted progress. A. Gnatyuk-Danil'chuk (also mentioned above) in his paper “The Literary Work of RT” (the largest paper in the book) gives a concise description of Tagore's oeuvres. Again, it is the outcome of a very painstaking research work, but the result is marred by the necessity to conform to the “Soviet discourse”. Thus, the author somewhat condescendingly remarks that “Tagore the artist-realist often got the upper hand over Tagore the philosopher whose horizon was class limited”.107 Writing about Tagore's Letters from Russia, the scholar presents them as an unconditioned praise of the Soviet system.108 This paper was evidently a shorter version of Gnatyuk-Danil'chuk's long preface to the first volume of Tagore's Collected Works, as well as of his monograph “Rabindranath Tagore”.109 Both books were published in 1961.

The foreign, especially Indian contributions to the 1961 collection of papers made it a bit more informative, but even Indian authors had been either censored or made to conform to the editorial rules. Thus, in the paper of P. Mahalanobis (in my opinion, the most interesting in the book) we read: “I will not describe in detail the Letters from Russia, because they have been translated into Russian”.110 Gopal Haldar writes rather at length about the Letters and even quotes the Conclusion, but does not say a word about Tagore's critical remarks there.111 Now, I suppose, it might be called “political correctness”.

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All these writings are typical products of Khrushchev's Thaw, which claimed to be the revelation of the whole truth, but was in fact a timid and half-hearted permission of half-truths, half-lies. According to a contemporary joke, “formerly we were told that two and two is fifteen, now we are allowed to think that two and two is ten or probably even nine”.

Rabindranath's presence in Russian (and Soviet) music would deserve a separate paper. The catalogue of musical scores at the Russian State Library has a surprisingly high number of musical compositions created for Tagore's poems (mostly in Russian translations) by Russian (and non-Russian Soviet) composers. These pieces must have had limited circulation and the author of these lines has never heard any of them performed.

Tagore's concluding poem in the novel Shesher kavita (The Last Poem) in a Russian translation by Adelina Adalis (1900–1969) was put to music by Alexei Rybnikov (b. 1945) in the film Vam i ne snilos (You Wouldn't Even Dream It, 1980).112

Tagore even became a hero of popular jokes among Russians, along with Lenin and Brezhnev. One joke played out Tagore's name through the names of three popular, cheap Soviet wines in the 1970s and early 1980s: “Rubin. Granat. Kagor (Cahor)”.

From the eighties to the present

Beside the four volumes of Collected Works (1981–1982)113 five one-volume selections of Tagore appeared from Moscow between 1972 and 1989. 114 None of them contained new translations.

The first book in this series was part of the ambitious 200-volume Library of World Literature published between 1967 and 1977.115 Tagore was allotted a whole volume along with other classics of “world literature” according to the late Soviet viewpoint (from Homer to Mikhail Sholokhov, who was given, like Fyodor Dostoevsky, even two volumes. “Bourgeois” authors like Marcel Proust and James Joyce were not admitted to that pantheon). The Tagore volume in the series contained a selection of poems and short stories, and the novel Gora.

The book published in 1989 was meant for young readers. Books about Tagore were also produced in Russian during the later Soviet

period. Twenty years after the 1961 publications of a jubilee collection of papers (partly by foreign authors)116 and a monograph by Gnatyuk-Danilchuk.117 the Latvian scholar Viktors Ivbulis produced a study in Russian.118 He wisely limited his approach with purely literary matters and analysed Tagore's oeuvres in terms of the Soviet Literaturwissenschaft: realism, romanticism, symbolism etc. This book belongs as much to the Russian, as to the Latvian reception of Tagore.

In 1983 an “abridged” translation of Krishna Kripalani's biography of Tagore was published.119 It is remarkable that foreign biographies of Tagore were abridged both in the 1920s120 and in the 1980s.

In 1986, by the very end of the epoch, two books (prepared to commemorate

116 Рабиндранат Тагор: к столетию со дня рождения.117 Гнатюк-Данильчук. Рабиндранат Тагор.118 Ивбулис. Литературно-художественное творчество Рабиндраната Тагора.

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the 125th anniversary of Tagore's birth) concluded the series: a collection of papers by Soviet scholars (much smaller in size than the 1961 book),121 and a book in English by A.P. Gnatyuk-Danilchuk.122 Rather close to us as all these books still are in time, they are by now far away in terms of language and approaches. If the books of 1961 admitted that “two and two is ten and probably even nine”, the books of 1986 (it was the timid beginning of Gorbachev's “perestroika”) were courageous enough to say that “two and two may be only as much as six”. The 125th anniversary of Tagore was celebrated in the Soviet Union rather in a low key. People at the top were busy with other matters. Relations with India was not the first priority

In 1988 a representative selection from the Gita-bitan saw the light of the day. 123 This was a kind of “swan song” of Boris Karpushkin who had done many word by word translations for the “Collected Works” and for this Gita-bitan volume. A high number of poetic translations were produced by outstanding poets for this edition. But after 1988 no new translations of Tagore appeared in Russian . In fact, the last quarter of a century only saw the republishing of a few earlier books.

Thus, in 1999 one more volume of Tagore's selected works came out, in the series Nobel Laureates sponsored by the UNESCO.124 In 2005 an anthology of Tagore's writings on education was published.125 Also in 2005 a commercial publishing company published paperback editions of The Wreck, Binodini (Chokher bali) and of some short stories. The publishers, however, renamed the books to make them more attractive to common readers. So one book was titled A Daughter of the Ganges (The Wreck),126 another one In the Captivity of Passion (= Chokher bali),127 and yet another one A Game of Passion (= Chokher bali + some short stories).128 Chokher bali was published as a whole in both books.

After a long interval, in 2011 and 2012, apparently inspired by the 150 th

anniversary of Tagore, some books were published (ever from Moscow).Thus, a collection of Tagore's poems saw the light of the day in 2011

compiled by the poet and translator Mikhail Sinel'nikov (b. 1946).129 Evidently, the compiler wanted to put together the best translations: by Akhmatova, Pasternak, Petrovykh, Samoilov and other masters of the art to which Sinel'nikov added a poetical (if a bit misinformed) introduction in prose.

In 2011 and 2012, for the first time after 1917, the translation of the Sadhana was republished; this time in a popular series titled Esoteric wisdom.130

In 2012 the novels The Wreck and Chokher bali, came out in one volume together with some poems from the Bengali Gitanjali through a commercial publishing company.131

129 Ветер ли старое имя развеял … Составитель и автор предисловия М. Синельников. (Москва: Эксмо, 2011). The title of the book is a line from the Russian translation by Adelina Adalis of the poem from Shesher kavita (The Last Poem) put to music by Alexei Rybnilov. The line corresponds to the two lines of the original: rather chanchal veg hāwāy urāy / āmār purāno nām.). Almost simultaneously there came out a slightly abridged version of the same collection: Ты погляди без отчаянья... Составитель и автор предисловия М. Синельников. (Москва: Эксмо, 2011). The title of this book comes from the same translation, but it does not have a counterpart in the original.130 Садхана. Творчество жизни. (Москва: Амрита-Русь, 2011) (→2012).131 Рабиндранат Тагор. Это не сон! [романы, стихотворения]. (Москва: Эксмо, 2012). The title of the book, "It is not a dream", is, again, a quotation from the same poem from the Shesher

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The only new and original post-Soviet contribution to Tagore studies is the study of the songs (both the lyrics and the music) of the Bengali Gitanjali by Tatyana Morozova, a scholar of Rabindra-sangit.132

Symbolically, it was in 1991, only a few months before the collapse of the Soviet system, that a monument of Tagore was inaugurated in Moscow. This event coincided with the visit of the Indian prime-minister V. P. Singh as well as with the 50th anniversary of the poet's death and the 130th anniversary of his birth.

As new books by and about Tagore are rare and far between (and they are

kavita “tobu se to svapna nay”.5 For more details see my paper: “The Generation 'Waves' in Russian Sanskrit Studies” in: History of Indological Studies, edited by Klaus Karttunen. Papers of the 12th World Sanskrit Conference, vol. 11.2. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 2013 (in press).6 Рабиндранат Тагор: к столетию со дня рождения.., 335.7 The diaries of Minayev written during the last visit have been published in Russian and the Russian edition translated into English: Minayeff, Travels and Diaries. However, as my colleague Alexei Vigasin has recently shown, the published version was rather severely censored. The following paragraphs about Minayev are based on Vigasin's book in Russian: Вигасин, Изучение Индии в России8 In Russian this aristocratic family name sounds actually “Shcherbatskóy” (with the stress on the last syllable). In Tolstoy’s “Anna Karenina” we meet prince Shcherbatskoy and his family.9 Stcherbatsky, The Central Conception; Stcherbatsky, The Conception of Buddhist Nirvāna; Stcherbatsky, Buddhist Logic. Vols. I-II. All the three books of this “grantha-trayam” were more than once reprinted in America and in India.10 I base my account of Nishikanta mainly on Vigasin's book (see above). Vigasin has relied on a Bengali source: Short Life of Dr. Nishi Kanta Chattopadhyaya.11 An English version of the dissertation has been published by Trübner in London in 1882. A more recent edition is Chattopadhyaya, The yātrās.12 Chattopadhyaya, Indische Essays.13 Stacy, India in Russian Literature, 47–48.14 Serebriany, “Leo Tolstoy Reads Shri Ramakrishna”.15 Gnatyuk-Danil'chuk, Tolstoy and Vivekananda.16 Рабиндранат Тагор: к столетию со дня рождения..17 This bibliographical list was also published as a separate booklet: Рабиндранат Тагор: био-библиографический указатель. 18 Библиография Индии, (1976).19 Библиография Индии. (1982). 20 http://www.nlr.ru:8101/e-case3/sc2.php/web_gak/lc/97207/121 http://www.rsl.ru/ru/s97/s339/22 He was an uncle of a much more famous Viktor Shklovsky (1893–1984), one of the founders of the Russian “Formalist” school. Isaak Shklovsky, after about six years of banishment to Yakutia, moved to London in 1896 and lived there till the end of his life.23 Bibliography of India (1976), 469.24 [Twenty one poems from the Gitanjali and the story Vicharak. Translated by Dioneo] Слово, сборник 1 (1913): 127–149. 25 http://nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/literature/laureates/1913/press.html This important speech by the Swedish historian has not even been mentioned (let alone quoted) in the standard biographies of Tagore. The speech dispels some popular myths about the motives and reasons of awarding the Nobel prize to the poet. Now an English translation of the speech is available on the internet as well as on paper in Frenz, Nobel Lectures. 26 Гитанджали (Песенные жертвоприношения). Перевод и предисловие Л.Б. Хавкиной Северные записки, 1913: Октябрь, 87–101; Ноябрь, 100 – 120. The translation was obviously done (and even partly published) before the announcement of the Nobel Prize award.

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easily lost in the ocean of books now overflowing us in Russia) and as Tagore is no longer on any political agenda, younger generations in Russia have a very vague (if any) idea about the person and the author by name Tagore. Some years ago I had a class at my university, the Russian State University for the Humanities, one of the top institutions of higher education in the humanities in this country. My class were third year students who specialised in Western European languages and literatures. Just by chance I asked them what they knew about Rabindranath Tagore. To my surprise I found that no one of the students had even heard the name of Tagore. So, out of print – out of mind.

Sometime in the 2000s Vladimir Putin, who was then the President of the

27 Known also as L. B. Khavkina-Hamburger. “Khavkina”. 28 Richardson, “The origin of Soviet education for librarianship”.29 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jurgis_Baltrušaitis30 Bibliography of India (1976), 439.31 Жертвопесни (Гитанджали). Перевод с английского под редакцией Ю. Балтрушайтиса. [Предисловие В.Б. Йейтса]. (Москва: Современные проблемы, 1914) and Гитанджали. Жертвопесни. Перевод с английского под редакцией Ю. Балтрушайтиса. [Предисловие В.Б. Йейтса]. (Москва: В. Португалов, 1914).32 Unlike Ivan Bunin, Nikolay Pusheshnikov did not emigrate after 1917 and died in Moscow in 1939.33 Гитанджали: Жертвенные песнопения. Перевод [и предисловие] Н.А. Пушешникова. Под редакцией И.А. Бунина. (Москва: Книгоиздательство писателей в Москве, 1914). Its second, third and fourth editions by the same publishers came out in 1914, 1916, 1918 respectively).34 Гитанджали: Жертвенные песнопения. Перевод [и предисловие] Н.А. Пушешникова. Под редакцией И.А. Бунина (Южная универсальная библиотека. Под ред. Семена Юшкевича. №6). (Одесса: Южная универсальная библиотека, 1919) (in the pre-revolutionary orthography – http://www.nlr.ru:8101/e-case3/sc2.php/web_gak/lc/97207/53 ). From mid-December 1918 up to April of 1919 Odessa was under French control. Then, till the end of August, Bolsheviks were in power. From the end of August till February 1920 the Volunteer Army under the command of the general Anton Denikin held the city. Ivan Bunin came to Odessa in the summer of 1918 and emigrated from there to France in February 1920. The publishing house “Southern Universal Library” was founded in Odessa in 1918 by the Russian-Jewish writer Semyon Yushkevich (1868–1927). He emigrated in 1920 and died in Paris. (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Semyon_Yushkevich).35 Цветы моего сада. – Садовник. – Гитанджали. Перевод с английского Н.А. Пушешникова. (Москва: Новая жизнь, 1925).36 Now this translation is available in the Internet: http://bookz.ru/authors/rabindranat-tagor/98948a4aeefb0350.html37 "Gitanjali: Песни, приносимые в дар." Перeвод С. [В.] Татариновой. Вестник Теософии (1914), (№1, pp. 71 – 82; №2, pp. 42 – 50; №3, pp. 40 -53; there was also a separate print of the translation as a whole – см. Библиография Индии, 1976, №8644)38 Садовник. – Гитанджали. Полный перевод в стихах с присоединением избранных стихотворений из других книг Тагора. Перевод И. Сабашникова. (Москва: Сабашниковы, 1919). On the Sabashnikov publishers see http://encyclopedia2.thefreedictionary.com/Sabashnikov39 Садовник. Перевод Н.А. Пушешникова. Под редакцией И.А. Бунина. (Москва: Книгоиздательство писателей в Москве, [1914]) (→1918).40 Цветы моего сада. – Садовник. – Гитанджали. Перевод с английского Н.А. Пушешникова. (Москва: Новая жизнь, 1925).41 (1) Садовник: Лирика любви и жизни. Перeвод [и предисловие] В. Г. Тардова. (Москва: В. Португалов, 1914). (2) I. Лирика любви и жизни. (Садовник); II. Читра. Перевод [и предисловие] В. Спасской. (Москва: Современные проблемы, 1915). (3) Садовник. Перевод

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Russian Federation, had to pronounce on a certain ceremonial occasion the name of Tagore. His speech was broadcast over TV. Paper in hand, Putin struggled for some time with the name “Rabindranath”, but in the end failed to pronounce it articulately enough. It was especially telling, as Putin articulates even difficult Russian words usually very well (unlike most of his predecessors who were notorious for their funny pronunciations). That mishap demonstrated once again that the name of Rabindranath Tagore had practically disappeared from the mental horizon of most Russians.

In 2011 the 150th birth anniversary of Tagore was practically neglected by the establishment of post-Soviet Russia. Whatever functions took place in Moscow, were organised or sponsored either by the Embassy of India or by

E. И. Саишниковой. (Москва: Универсальная библиотека, 1917).42 Садовник. – Гитанджали. Полный перевод в стихах с присоединением избранных стихотворений из других книг Тагора. Перевод И. Сабашникова. (Москва: Сабашниковы, 1919).43 Садовник. Избранные стихи. Перевод с английского М[атильды] Бер. (Харьков: Госиздат Украины, 1923).44 (1) Лунный серп. Поэмы о детстве. Перевод М. Ликиардопуло. (Москва: В. Португалов, 1914); (2) Возрождающаяся луна (Лунный серп). Перевод с английского Б. Васина. (Москва: Современные проблемы, 1916)45 Из жизни Бенгалии. Рассказы. Переводы А.И. и А.Ф. Слудских. (Москва: В. Португалов, 1915) (= Collected Works №1, Vol. 7).46 (1) Творчество жизни (Садхана). Перевод с английского А.Ф. Гретман и В.С. Лемпицкой. Предисловие П. И. Тимофеевского и Р. Тагора. (Москва: Современные проблемы, 1914). (2) Садхана. Постижение жизни. Восемь лекций. Перевод В. Погосского. (Москва: Валентин П. Португалов, 1914).47 Between 1914 and 1916 from the publishing house "Sovremennye problemy” (Contemporary problems) (= Collected Works №2). It was republished in 1917 and 1925.48 Between 1914 and 1915 from the publishing house "Valentin Portugalov” (= Collected Works №1).49 (1) Царь тёмного покоя. Мистическая драма. Перевод с англиского А. Журина, Б. Лепковского и М. Родон. (Москва: Валентин П. Португалов, 1915) (= Collected Works №1, Vol.6); (2) Король тёмного покоя. Почтовая контора. Перевод с английского З. Венгеровой и В. Спасской. Предисловие З. Венгеровой. (Москва: Современные проблемы, 1915).50 Zinaida Vengerova (1867–1941) lived in Berlin since 1921, but in 1937 moved to the USA. She was a sister of the distinguished historian of literature Semyon Vengerov (1855–1920, cf. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Semyon_Vengerov) and of the pianist Isabelle Vengerova (1977–1956, cf. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Isabelle_Vengerova). In 1919 the translation of „The King“ by Z.Vengerova was published again in Odessa, in the same series as the 1919 Odessa edition of the Gitanjali: Король тёмного покоя. Пьеса. Перевод с английского З. Венгеровой. Одесса: “Южная универсальная библиотека”, 1919 (in the pre-revolutionary orthography).51 (1) Читра: Драматическая поэма. Перевод М. Подгоричани. (Москва: Португалов, 1915) (→1915) (= Collected Works №1, Vol. 4). (2) Почта. Пьеса. Перевод с английского М. Родон. Предисловие В. Б. Йейтса. (Москва: Португалов, 1915) (= Collected Works №1, Vol. 5). (3) I. Лирика любви и жизни. (Садовник); II. Читра. Перевод [и предисловие] В. Спасской. (Москва: Современные проблемы, 1915). (4) Король тёмного покоя. Почтовая контора. Перевод с английского З. Венгеровой и В. Спасской. Предисловие З. Венгеровой. (Москва: Современные проблемы, 1915).52 Поэмы Кабира. Перевел с английского Б. Васин. (Москва: Современные проблемы, 1916).53 Паустовский К. Повесть о жизни (The Story of [my] life). In: Паустовский К. Собрание сочинений. Т. 3. (Москва: Гослитиздат, 1958) (Collected Works. Vol. 3. Moscow: Goslitizdat, 1958), 325.54 I thank my Moscow colleagues Yevgenia Ivanova and Yuri Freidin for the information about,

respectively, Blok and Mandelshtam.

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Indians who live in Moscow.In 1961 Yevgeni Chelyshev wrote: “In spite of the fact that Tagore's name

became known in our country almost fifty years ago and during this half a century a lot has been done to make his work popular here, Soviet readers up to now do not have such a book about Tagore in which his many-sided activity would be presented fully and deeply enough and an objective scientific appraisal of his huge contribution to the treasury of world culture would be given”.133

Another fifty years have passed, and we can repeat this lamentation (mutatis mutandis). In the 1960s and 1970s there were scholars in Russia who could probably undertake the work, but there was not enough freedom (including the

55 (1) Дом и мир: роман. Пер. с англ. З. Журавской. (Берлин: Эфрон, [1920]). (2) Дом и мир: роман. Пер. с англ. А.М. Карнауховой. (Петроград: Мысль, 1923) (→Ленинград: “Мысль”, 1925). (3) Дом и мир: роман. Пер. с англ. С.А. Фдрианова. (Петроград: Петроград, 1923).56 Serebriany, "Tagore's reception in Russia"and . Сараскина, Серебряный, "Ф.М. Достоевский и Р.   Тагор". 57 (1) Крушение. Роман. Перевод с английского С. А. Адрианова. (Петроград–Москва: Петроград, 1923) (→Ленинград – Москва: Петроград, 1924). (2) Крушение. Роман. Перевод с английского С. А. Адрианова. Под редакцией и с введением М. И. Тубянского (Ленинград: Мысль, 1925.). Sergei Alexandrovich Adrianov (1871–1942) before 1917 was a noted literary critic and historian of literature but after 1917 he evidently preferred to keep a low profile and switched over to translations. (See http://az.lib.ru/a/adrianow_s_a/text_0010.shtml)58 (1) Гора. Роман. Перевод с английского Э.К. Пименовой. (Ленинград–Москва: Книга, 1924). (2) Гора. Роман. Перевод с английского П.А. Воинова. (Ленинград–Москва: Петроград, 1924).59 Гора. Роман. Перевод с английского П. А. Воинова. Под редакцией, с введением и примечаниями М.И. Тубянского. (Ленинград: Мысль, 1926).60 (1) В четыре голоса. Перевод с английского Ю.Н. Деми. Предисловие Р. Роллана. (Ленинград: Сеятель, 1925). (2) В четыре голоса. Перевод с английского Е. Руссат. Предисловие Р. Роллана. (Ленинград–Москва: Пучина, 1925). (3) В четыре голоса. Перевод Е.С. Хохловой. Под редакцией В.А. Азова. Со статьей Р. Роллана. (Ленинград: Госиздат, 1925). The translators probably looked into the French translation as well, which also came out in 1925 and was titled A quatre voix.61 (1) Жертвоприношение. – Отшельник. Перевод С. А. Адрианова. Под редакцией и со вступительной статьей В. Г. Тана-Богораза. (Петроград: Мысль, 1922). (2) Король темного покоя [и другие пьесы]. Перевод с английского С. А. Адрианова и Г. П. Федотова. Под общей редакцией, с введением и примечаниями М. И. Тубянского. (Ленинград: Мысль, 1927). 63 Национализм. Пер. с англ. А. Шклявер; под ред. М. Н. Шварца. (Берлин: Эфрон, [1921]). 64 Национализм. Перевод И.Я. Колубовского и М. И. Тубянского. Предисловие И. Я. Колубовского. (Москва: Academia, 1922). The book has a particularly insightful preface by I. Ya. Kolubovsky, about whom no information is available. He might have been a son of Yakov Nikolayevich Kolubovsky (1863 - ?), an historian of philosophy in Russia. (Cf. http://www.runivers.ru/philosophy/lib/authors/author64119/)62 (1) Фрагменты. Перевод с английского И. Я. Колубовского и М. И. Тубянского. (Петроград: Стожары, 1923). (2) Залетные птицы. Перевод с английского Т. Л.Щепкиной-Куперник. (Ленинград–Москва: Петроград”, 1924.65 (1) Моя жизнь. Перевод с английского А.А. Гизетти. (Ленинград–Москва: Петроград”, 1924. (2) Воспоминания. Перевод с английского с предисловием и примечаниями М. И. Тубянского. (Москва–Ленинград: Госиздат, 1924). Alexander Alexeyevich Gizetti (1888–1938?) was a remarkable person. His ancestor, a merchant of Venetian origin, came to Russia from Germany in the early 19th century; the merchant's nine children and their descendants later distinguished themselves in various spheres of activity. For instance, the late Patriarch of the Russian Orthodox Church Alexy II (né Alexey Ridiger, 1929–2008) also belonged to this family. Alexander Gizetti was a scholar, journalist, and translator. As a member of the Socialist-

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inner freedom of the mind) to do it properly. Now we have enough freedom, but do not have enough scholars.

Be as it may, the poet and his works have to be introduced anew to most readers in this country. But in Russia today the number of people knowing Bengali is rather limited. So probably we will have first to educate a new generation of connoisseurs and translators for Bengali and its literature. It is difficult to say which parts and aspects of Tagore's work and personality may appeal most to younger generations in Russia. The author of this paper, together with a colleague, an expert in Bengali, is going to bring out a new Russian translation of Ghare-baire. The problems portrayed in this novel (revolutionary violence versus non-violent action; patriotism, deśa-bhakti, versus

revolutionary party he was imprisoned several times both before and after 1917, last time in 1935. The date and circumstances of his death are not exactly known, but most probably he died in prison. About M. I. Tubiansky see below.66 (1) Личное. Перевод и предисловие И.Я. Колубовского. (Москва: Госиздат, 1922). (2) Бенгалия. Избранные отрывки из писем. 1885–1895. Перевод с английского О. П. Червонского. (Москва–Ленинград: Госиздат, 1927).67 Голодные камни [и другие рассказы]. Перевод с английского С. А. Адрианова. Под редакцией и с примечаниями М. И. Тубянского. (Ленинград: Мысль, 1925).68 “Человек из Кабула. Рассказ”. Перевод Е. Вейсбрут. Красная панорама. (1929/14), 10–12.69 “Маленькая поэма в прозе”. Перевод с бенгальского М. Тубянского. Восток. Книга 1, (1922), 55–56. I have not yet been able to identify the Bengali original.70 “Из «Гитанджали»”. Предисловие, примечания и перевод с бенгальского М. Тубянского. Восток, Книга 5. (1925), 47–57.71 Свет и тени. Рассказы. Перевод М. И. Тубянского (с бенгальского), Г. П. Федотова и Е. Р. Руссат (с английского). Под общей редакцией и с примечаниями М. И. Тубянского. (Ленинград: Мысль, 1926).72 Воспоминания. Перевод с бенгальского М.И. Тубянского с введением и примечаниями. (Ленинград: Мысль, 1927).73 Национализм. Перевод И.Я. Колубовского и М.И. Тубянского. Предисловие И.Я. Колубовского. (Москва: Academia, 1922). 74 Cf. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vladimir_Bogoraz75 Библиотека В. И. Ленина в Кремле. Каталог. М.: Издательство Всесоюзной книжной палаты, 1961. 76 That is Личное. Перевод и предисловие И.Я. Колубовского. (Москва: Госиздат, 1922)

(№1281 in the catalogue).77 That is Национализм. Перевод И.Я. Колубовского и М.И. Тубянского. Предисловие

И.Я. Колубовского. (Москва: Academia, 1922) (№1282) and Национализм. Пер. с англ. А. Шклявер; под ред. М. Н. Шварца. (Берлин: Эфрон, [1921]) (№1283).

78 Дом и мир: роман. Пер. с англ. З. Журавской. (Берлин: Эфрон, [1920]) (№6448). 79 Тагор Р. Пьесы и стихотворения в прозе. Пер. под редакцией С. Вольского и К. Чуковского. (Москва – Петроград: Государственное издательство, 1923) (№6449).80 In 1926, for example, it was a combination of poor health and less attractive fees for his lectures that withheld the poet from visiting Poland and then travelling on to Russia. Tagore's secretary, P. C. Mahalanobis discussed the possible options in his letter to Rathindranath sent from Berlin on 1 October.. See Bangha, Hungry Tiger, 128-129.81 С. Ф. Ольденбург. “Рабиндранат Тагор” Огонек (1926/51), [195]).82 A recent English translation of the novel is Ilf and Petrov. The Little Golden Calf. See also http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Little_Golden_Calf83 Ilf and Petrov, The Little Golden Calf, 387 (the whole chapter of the novel is titled “The Indian Guest”).84 Ilf and Petrov, The Little Golden Calf, 391.85 Tagore, Letters from Russia.86 Письма о России. Перевод с бенгальского М. Кафитиной (Москва: Гослитиздат, 1956).

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cosmopolitanism, viśva-bhakti or mānava-bhakti; the use of religion in politics; the value of love and mutual trust in marriage; etc.) are topical for today's Russia (as, for that matter, for the rest of the world). Tagore's essays on various subjects (which remain to a large extent not translated into Russian) may also find a receptive readership in Russia. But Tagore was, first and foremost, a poet. And I hope that a poet may be born in Russia who will translate Tagore's poetry into the Russian language in such a way that Russians will accept those translations as their own great poetry.

Bibliography

87 A comparison of the cuts in the two translations, that is a comparative study of censorships, is a task that remains to be done.88 Tagore, Letters from Russia, 92.89 Tagore, Letters from Russia, 122.90 Tagore, Letters from Russia, 215–216.91 Cf. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ivan_Ostromislensky92 http://select.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=9E05E2DA173FE637A25756C1A9679C946094D6CF&n=Top%2fReference%2fTimes%20Topics%2fSubjects%2fC%2fCulture Cf. also Bertenson et al., Sergei Rachmaninoff, 272.93 I thank Dr. Amrit Sen (Visva-Bharati) for drawing my attention to this letter in 2011.94 (1) Сочинения в восьми томах. Переводы с бенгальского под редакцией В. Новиковой. Вступительная статья А. Гнатюка-Данильчука. (Москва: Государственное издательство художественной литературы, 1955–1957). (2) Собрание сочинений в двенадцати томах. Под редакцией Е. Быковой, А. Гнатюка-Данильчука, В. Новиковой. (Москва: Государственное издательство художественной литературы, 1961–1965).95 Ивинская, В плену времени (1991), 24–25. Ivinskaya's memoirs were first published in Paris (Fayard, 1978); then in Vilnius (1991) and only then in Moscow (Libris, 1992). The latter edition is now available in the Internet:http://www.sakharov-center.ru/asfcd/auth/auth_booka14f.html?id=84901&aid=170) It has also been translated into English immediately after its first appearance: Ivinskaya , A Captive of Time . 96 Чуковская, Записки I-III.97 It seems that only the first out of its three volumes has so far been translated into English: Chukovskaya, The Akhmatova Journals I.98 Чуковская, Записки II., 221.99 Чуковская, Записки III., 135.100 Чуковская, Записки III., 216.101 Чуковская, Записки II., 307.102 Чуковская, Записки II., 709.103 Рабиндранат Тагор: к столетию со дня рождения..104 Ibidem, 5.105 Ibidem, 11.106 Ibidem, 326.107 Ibidem, 162.108 Ibidem, 182.109 Гнатюк-Данильчук. Рабиндранат Тагор.112 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alexey_Rybnikov About the film see http://ru.wikipedia.org/wiki/Вам_и_не_снилось_(фильм) . The song is available on the Internet: http://dl.dropbox.com/u/79279702/Общее/А.%20Рыбников%20-%20Последняя%20Поэма%20(Из%20к_ф%20'Вам%20и%20не%20снилось').mp3113 Собрание сочинений в четырех томах. Переводы с бенгальского (Москва: Государственное издательство художественной литературы, 1981–1982). The preface was written by the historian Erik Komarov (b. 1927) who studied Bengali in the late 1940s. The same author wrote prefaces for several later editions of Tagore's works, permitting himself, with time passing, more and more freedom of expression.110 Рабиндранат Тагор: к столетию со дня рождения..., 63.

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Sergei Bertenson, Jay Leyda and Sophie Satina, Sergei Rachmaninoff: A Lifetime in Music, Indiana University Press, 2001. (First edn New York: New York University Press, 1956). Accessed December 16, 2012. http://books.google.co.uk/books/about/Sergei_Rachmaninoff.html?id=KM-dgfOaIIkC&redir_esc=y.

Nisikanta Chattopadhyaya, Indische Essays (Zürich: Rudolphi & Klemm, 1883).Nisikanta Chattopadhyaya, The yātrās: or, the popular dramas of Bengal

(Calcutta: Granthan, 1976) (1st edn London: Trübner, 1882)Chukovskaya, L. The Akhmatova Journals: 1938-1941. Vol 1. (Evanston:

Northwestern University Press, 2002).Horst Frenz, ed., Nobel Lectures, Literature 1901-1967 (Amsterdam: Elsevier

Publishing Company, 1969).Aleksandr P. Gnatyuk-Danil'chuk, Tagore, India and [the] Soviet Union. A Dream

Fulfilled (Calcutta: Firma KLM, 1986).

111 Ibidem, 82-83.114 (1) Избранное. Стихи и пьесы. Предисловие Э. Комарова. (Москва: Художественная литература, 1972). (2) Стихотворения. Рассказы. Гора. (Библиотека всемирной литературы в 200 томах. Серия 3: Литература XX века; т. 184). (Москва: Художественная литература, 1973). (3) Избранное: Стихи. Рассказы. Последняя поэма: Роман. Перевод с бенгальского. Послесловие Э. Комарова. (Москва: Художественная литература, 1987). (4) Избранное: Поэзия, проза, публицистика. Перевод с бенгальского. Составление и комментарии. Н. М. Карпович, И. Д. Серебрякова. Вступительная статья И. Д. Серебрякова. (Москва: Просвещение, 1987). (5) Золотая ладья. Избранные произведения. Перевод с бенгальского. Для среднего и старшего возраста. Составитель, автор предисловия и примечаний Ю. Маслов. (Москва: Детская литература, 1989).115 http://ru.wikipedia.org/wiki/Библиотека_всемирной_литературы119 Крипалани. Рабиндранат Тагор.120 See above note 68.121 Рабиндранат Tагор: жизнь и творчество. This book contained ten papers by nine authors (two of them from Latvia: Viktor Ivbulis and R.Putniņa). The book was edited by Ye.Chelychev and opened with a paper («Tagore in Russia and the USSR») by A.Gnatyuk-Danil'chuk.122 Gnatyuk-Danil'chuk. Tagore, India and the Soviet Union, 1986.123 Сад песен: Гитобитан. Перевод с бенгальского. Составление, подстрочные переводы, примечания Б. Карпушкина. Художник Г. Поплавский. (Москва: Художественная литература, 1988).124 Избранные произведения. Перевод с бенгальского. Составитель О. Жданко. (Москва: Панорама, 1999) (Библиотека “Лауреаты Нобелевской премии”. Издание под эгидой ЮНЕСКО).125 Тагор (Антология гуманной педагогики).126 Дочь Ганга: [роман]. Перевод с бенгальского Е. Смирновой, И. Товстых. (Москва: АСТ-Пресс Книга, 2005). “A Daughter of the Ganges” (“Дочь Ганга”) was also the name of a film produced in Tashkent (at the film studio “Usbek-film”) in 1961, a screen version of Tagore's novel “The Wreck”. The film was rather naïve. Characters greeted each other in Hindi (“Namaste!”), and at one point one of the characters read a letter written in Hindi.127 В плену страсти: [роман]. Перевод с бенгальского Е. Смирновой, И. Товстых. (Москва: АСТ-Пресс Книга, 2005).128 Игра страсти: [роман, рассказы]. Перевод с бенгальского Е. Смирновой, И. Товстых, А. Гнатюка-Данильчука. (Москва: АСТ-Пресс Книга, 2005).132 Рабиндранат Тагор. Гитанджали: музыкальные поэмы. Составитель Т. Е. Морозова. (Москва: Восточная литература, 2011. For this book Irina Prokofyeva has done new translations of the Bengali poems from the Gitanjali. In 1993 Tatyana Morozova published a study devoted to Rabindra-sangit as a whole: Морозова, Т.Е. Рабиндрошонгит: музыка Рабиндраната Тагора. (Москва: Российский институт искусствознания, 1993).

27

Alexander P. Gnatyuk-Danil'chuk, Tolstoy and Vivekananda (Calcutta: The Ramakrishna Mission, 1986).

Hāyāt Māmūd, Gerāsim Stepānabhic Liyebedeph (Dhaka: Bangla Academy, 1985).

Ilya Ilf, Evgeni Petrov. The Little Golden Calf, trans. Anne O. Fisher (Montpelier, VT: Russian Life Books, 2009)

Ivan P. Minayeff, Travels and Diaries of India and Burma (Calcutta: Calcutta Eastern Trading Company, 1960)

Ivinskaya O. A Captive of Time. My Years with Pasternak. Translated by Max Hayward. London: Harvill Press, 1978.Sergei Serebriany, “The Generation 'Waves' in Russian Sanskrit Studies (in the

19th–20th centuries)” .John V. Richardson Jr., “The origin of Soviet education for librarianship: the role

of Nadezhda Konstantinovna Krupskaya, Lyubov' Borisovna Khavkina-Hamburger, and Genrietta K. Abele-Derman,” Journal of Education for Library and Information Science, 41/2 (2000), 106-128. (http://www.worldcat.org/title/origin-of-soviet-education-for-librarianship-the-role-of-nadezhda-konstantinovna-krupskaya-lyubov-borisovna-khavkina-hamburger-and-genrietta-k-abele-derman/oclc/223980904&referer=brief_results)

Sergei Serebriany, “Leo Tolstoy Reads Shri Ramakrishna” in ed. Marietta Stepanyants, Russia Looks at India. A Spectrum of Philosophical Views (New Delhi: Indian Council of Philosophical Research and D. K. Printworld. Publishers of Indian Traditions, 2010), 325–351.

Robert H. Stacy, India in Russian Literature (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1985)Serebriany, Sergei, 'Tagore's reception in Russia: what can we learn from the

Rezeptionsgeschichte? ', in Rabindranath Tagore's Writings and Art beyond Bengal eds. Imre Bangha and Malashri Lal (New Delhi: ICCR, forthcoming)

Th[eodor] Stcherbatsky, The Central Conception of Buddhism and the Meaning of the Word “Dharma” (London: Royal Asiatic Society, 1923).

Th[eodor] Stcherbatsky, The Conception of Buddhist Nirvāna (Leningrad: Publication Office of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR, 1927).

Th[eodor] Stcherbatsky, Buddhist Logic. Vols. 1-2 (Bibliotheca Buddhica XXVI) (Leningrad: Academy of Sciences of USSR Press, 1930-32).

Rabindranath Tagore, Letters from Russia, trans. Sasadhar Sinha (Calcutta: Visva-Bharati, 1960).

Publications in Russian

Библиография Индии. Дореволюционная и советская литература на русском языке и [других] языках народов СССР, оригинальная и переводная [до 1967 г.] (Москва: Наука, 1976) = Bibliography of India. Pre-revolutionary and Soviet literature in Russian and in [other] languages of the USSR, original and translated [up to 1967] (Moscow: The Publishing House “Nauka”, 1976).

Библиография Индии. 1968—1975.Советская и переводная литература (Москва: Наука, 1982) = Bibliography of India. 1968–1975. Soviet and

133Рабиндранат Тагор: к столетию со дня рождения, 9.

28

translated literature. Moscow: The Publishing House “Nauka”, 1982.Алексей Вигасин. Изучение Индии в России: очерки и материалы. (Москва:

Степаненко, 2008) = Alexei A. Vigasin. Study of India in Russia: essays and materials (Moscow: Stepanenko, 2008).

А. П. Гнатюк-Данильчук. Рабиндранат Тагор: критико-биографический очерк (Москва: Гослитиздат, 1961) = Alexander P. Gnatyuk-Danil'chuk. Rabindranath Tagore: a critical and biographical essay (Moscow: Goslitizdat {i.e. Государственное литературное издательство = State Publishing House for Literature}, 1961). .

Виктор Я. Ивбулис. Литературно-художественное творчество Рабиндраната Тагора: Проблема метода (Рига: Зинатне, 1981).= Viktor Ya. Ivbulis. The Literary Work of Rabindranath Tagore: The Problem of Method. Riga: Zinatne, 1981.

О.В. Ивинская, В плену времени. Годы с Борисом Пастернаком. Воспоминания. (Вильнюс: Изд-во Союза писателей Литвы, 1991) (Olga V. Ivinskaya. In the captivity of time. Years with Boris Pasternak. Recollections. Vilnius: The Publishing House of the Writers' Union of Lithuania, 1991).

Кришна Крипалани. Рабиндранат Тагор. Сокращенный перевод с английского; [Послесловие И. Д. Серебрякова] (Москва: Молодая Гвардия, 1983). =an abridged translation of the book: Krishna Kripalani. Rabindranath Tagore.

Т.Е. Морозова, Рабиндрошонгит: музыка Рабиндраната Тагора, (Москва: Российский институт искусствознания, 1993). = Tatyana Ye. Morozova. Rabindrasangit: The Music of Rabindranath Tagore. Moscow: State Institute of Art Studies, 1993.

С. Ф. Ольденбург. “Рабиндранат Тагор” Огонек (1926/51), [195]). = Sergei F. Ol'denburg. “Rabindranath Tagore” Ogonyok {A Small Fire} (1926/51).

К. Паустовский, "Повесть о жизни" (The Story of [my] life), in Паустовский Собрание сочинений. Т. 3. (Москва: Гослитиздат, 1958) (Konstantin Paustovsky. Collected Works. Vol. 3. Moscow: Goslitizdat, 1958).

Сараскина Л.И., Серебряный С.Д. "Ф.М. Достоевский и Р. Тагор (Историческая типология, литературные влияния)" (Liudmila I. Saraskina, Sergei D. Serebriany. F.M. Dostoevsky and R. Tagore [Historical typology, literary influencies]), Восток – Запад. Исследования. Переводы. Публикации. (Москва: Наука,1985), 129–169 (East – West. Research. Translations. Publications. edited by M.L. Gasparov et al. , 129–169, Moscow: Nauka, 1985.

Рабиндранат Тагор: к столетию со дня рождения. 1861-1961. Сборник статей / Ответственные редакторы Н.М.Гольдберг, Ш.Чаттерджи, Е. П. Челышев (Москва: Издательство восточной литературы, 1961). = Rabindranath Tagore: To the 100th Birth Anniversary. 1861 – 1961. A collection of papers. Edited by N.M. Goldberg, S.K. Chatterji, Ye.P. Chelyshev (Moscow: The Publishing House of Oriental Literature, 1961).

Рабиндранат Тагор: био-библиографический указатель / Составитель и автор вступительной статьи Л. А. Стрижевская (Москва: Издательство Всесоюзной книжной палаты, 1961) = Rabindranath Tagore: a bio-bibliographical guide / Compiled and with an introduction by L.A. Strizhevskaya (Moscow: The Publishing House of the All-Union Book

29

Chamber, 1961).Рабиндранат Tагор: жизнь и творчество. [Сборник статей]. [Отв. ред.

Е.П. Челышев, Н.Д. Гаврюшина]. (Москва: Наука, 1986). = Rabindranath Tagore: Life and Work [a collection of papers. / Edited by Ye.P. Chelyshev, N.D. Gavryushina (Moscow: Nauka, 1986).

Рабиндранат Тагор. Гитанджали: музыкальные поэмы. Составитель Т. Е. Морозова. (Москва: Восточная литература, 2011) = Rabindranath Tagore. Gitanjali: Musical Poems. Compiled by T.Ye. Morozova (Moscow: Oriental Literature, 2011).

Чуковская Л. Записки об Анне Ахматовой, тт. 1-3. (Москва: Согласие, 1997) (Lidiya Cukovskaya. Notes about Anna Akhmatova. Vols. 1 – 3. Moscow: Soglasie, 1997).

Эмиль Энгельгардт. Рабиндранат Тагор как человек, поэт и мыслитель. Сокращенный перевод с немецкого А. С. Полоцкой. Под редакцией А. Г. Горнфельда (Ленинград: Сеятель, 1924). = Emil Engelhardt. Rabindranath Tagore as a Person, Poet, and thinker. An abridged translation from German by A.S.Polotskaya. Edited by A.G.Gornfel'd (Leningrad: Seyatel', 1924).134

Works of Tagore in Russian

[Twenty one poems from the Gitanjali and the story Vicharak. Translated by Dioneo] Слово, сборник 1 (1913): 127–149.Бенгалия. Избранные отрывки из писем. 1885–1895. Перевод с английского

О. П. Червонского. (Москва–Ленинград: Госиздат, 1927).В плену страсти: [роман]. Перевод с бенгальского Е. Смирновой, И. Товстых. (Москва: АСТ-Пресс Книга, 2005).В четыре голоса. Перевод с английского Ю.Н. Деми. Предисловие Р. Роллана. (Ленинград: Сеятель, 1925).В четыре голоса. Перевод с английского Е. Руссат. Предисловие Р. Роллана. (Ленинград–Москва: Пучина, 1925).В четыре голоса. Перевод Е.С. Хохловой. Под редакцией В.А. Азова. Со статьей Р. Роллана. (Ленинград: Госиздат, 1925).Рабиндранат Тагор. Ветер ли старое имя развеял … Составитель и автор предисловия М. Синельников. (Москва: Эксмо, 2011).Возрождающаяся луна (Лунный серп). Перевод с английского Б. Васина. (Москва: Современные проблемы, 1916) (= Collected Works №2, Vol. 5) (→1925)135.Воспоминания. Перевод с английского с предисловием и примечаниями М.

И. Тубянского. (Москва–Ленинград: Госиздат, 1924).Воспоминания. Перевод с бенгальского М.И. Тубянского с введением и

примечаниями. (Ленинград: Мысль, 1927). Гитанджали. Жертвопесни. Перевод с английского под редакцией

Ю. Балтрушайтиса. [Предисловие В.Б. Йейтса]. (Москва: В. Португалов, 1914). (= Collected Works №1, Vol. 1) (→1915).

134 The German original: Engelhardt, Emil. Rabindranath Tagore als Mensch, Dichter und Denker: eine Lebensdarstellung mit einer Auswahl aus den Dichtungen und Bekenntnissen Tagores als Einfu ̈hrung in sein Werk. Berlin: Furche-Verlag, 1922.

135 Years introduced by → refer to the years of subsequent editions.

30

Гитанджали: Жертвенные песнопения. Перевод [и предисловие] Н.А. Пушешникова. Под редакцией И.А. Бунина. (Москва: Книгоиздательство писателей в Москве, 1914).

Гитанджали: Жертвенные песнопения. Перевод [и предисловие] Н.А. Пушешникова. Под редакцией И.А. Бунина (Южная универсальная библиотека. Под ред. Семена Юшкевича. №6). (Одесса: Южная универсальная библиотека, 1919)

Гитанджали (Песенные жертвоприношения). Перевод и предисловие Л.Б. Хавкиной Северные записки, (1913): Октябрь, 87–101; Ноябрь, 100 – 120.

"Gitanjali: Песни, приносимые в дар." Перeвод С. [В.] Татариновой. Вестник Теософии (1914), (№1, pp. 71 – 82; №2, pp. 42 – 50; №3, pp. 40 -53. There was also a separate print of the translation as a whole – см. Библиография Индии, 1976, №8644)

Голодные камни [и другие рассказы]. Перевод с английского С. А. Адрианова. Под редакцией и с примечаниями М. И. Тубянского. (Ленинград: Мысль, 1925).

Гора. Роман. Перевод с английского Э. К. Пименовой. (Ленинград–Москва: Книга, 1924).

Гора. Роман. Перевод с английского П. А. Воинова. (Ленинград–Москва: Петроград, 1924).

Гора. Роман. Перевод с английского П. А. Воинова. Под редакцией, с введением и примечаниями М. И. Тубянского. (Ленинград: Мысль, 1926).

Дом и мир: роман. Пер. с англ. З. Журавской. (Берлин: Эфрон, [1920]). Дом и мир: роман. Пер. с англ. А.М. Карнауховой. (Петроград: Мысль, 1923)

(→Ленинград: “Мысль”, 1925).Дом и мир: роман. Пер. с англ. С.А. Фдрианова. (Петроград: Петроград,

1923).Дочь Ганга: [роман]. Перевод с бенгальского Е. Смирновой, И. Товстых.

(Москва: АСТ-Пресс Книга, 2005).Жертвопесни (Гитанджали). Перевод с английского под редакцией

Ю. Балтрушайтиса. [Предисловие В.Б. Йейтса]. (Москва: Современные проблемы, 1914). (= Collected Works № 2, Vol. 1) (→1916)

Жертвоприношение. – Отшельник. Перевод С. А. Адрианова. Под редакцией и со вступительной статьей В. Г. Тана-Богораза. (Петроград: Мысль, 1922).

Золотая ладья. Избранные произведения. Перевод с бенгальского. Для среднего и старшего возраста. Составитель, автор предисловия и примечаний Ю. Маслов. (Москва: Детская литература, 1989).

Игра страсти: [роман, рассказы]. Перевод с бенгальского Е. Смирновой, И. Товстых, А. Гнатюка-Данильчука. (Москва: АСТ-Пресс Книга, 2005).

“Из «Гитанджали»”. Предисловие, примечания и перевод с бенгальского М. Тубянского. Восток, Книга 5. (1925), 47–57.

Из жизни Бенгалии. Рассказы. Переводы А.И. и А.Ф. Слудских. (Москва: В. Португалов, 1915) (= Collected Works №1, Vol. 7).

Избранное. Стихи и пьесы. Предисловие Э. Комарова. (Москва: Художественная литература, 1972).

Избранное: Стихи. Рассказы. Последняя поэма: Роман. Перевод с

31

бенгальского. Послесловие Э. Комарова. (Москва: Художественная литература, 1987).

Избранное: Поэзия, проза, публицистика. Перевод с бенгальского. Составление и комментарии. Н. М. Карпович, И. Д. Серебрякова. Вступительная статья И. Д. Серебрякова. (Москва: Просвещение, 1987).

Избранные произведения. Перевод с бенгальского. Составитель О. Жданко. (Москва: Панорама, 1999) (Библиотека “Лауреаты Нобелевской премии”. Издание под эгидой ЮНЕСКО).

Король тёмного покоя. Почтовая контора. Перевод с английского З. Венгеровой и В. Спасской. Предисловие З. Венгеровой. (Москва: Современные проблемы, 1915) (= Collected Works №2, Vol. 4).

Король тёмного покоя. Пьеса. Перевод с английского З. Венгеровой. (Одесса: Южная универсальная библиотека, 1919).

Король тёмного покоя. Почтовая контора. Перевод с английского З. Венгеровой и В. Спасской. Предисловие З. Венгеровой. (Москва: Современные проблемы, 1915) (= Collected Works №2, Vol. 4).

Король темного покоя [и другие пьесы]. Перевод с английского С. А. Адрианова и Г. П. Федотова. Под общей редакцией, с введением и примечаниями М. И. Тубянского. (Ленинград: Мысль, 1927).

Крушение. Роман. Перевод с английского С. А. Адрианова. (Петроград – Москва: Петроград, 1923) (→Ленинград – Москва: Петроград, 1924).

Крушение. Роман. Перевод с английского С. А. Адрианова. Под редакцией и с введением М. И. Тубянского (Ленинград: Мысль, 1925.)

I. Лирика любви и жизни. (Садовник); II. Читра. Перевод [и предисловие] В. Спасской. (Москва: Современные проблемы, 1915) (= Collected Works №2, Vol. 3) (→1916, 1925).

Личное. Перевод и предисловие И. Я. Колубовского. (Москва: Госиздат, 1922).

Лунный серп. Поэмы о детстве. Перевод М. Ликиардопуло. (Москва: В. Португалов, 1914) (= Collected Works №1, Vol. 3) (→1915).

“Маленькая поэма в прозе”. Перевод с бенгальского М. Тубянского. Восток, Книга 1, (1922), 55–56.

Моя жизнь. Перевод с английского А.А. Гизетти. (Ленинград–Москва: Петроград”, 1924.

Национализм. Пер. с англ. А. Шклявер; под ред. М. Н. Шварца. (Берлин: Эфрон, [1921]).

Национализм. Перевод И. Я. Колубовского и М. И. Тубянского. Предисловие И. Я. Колубовского. (Москва: Academia, 1922).

Национализм. Перевод И.Я. Колубовского и М.И. Тубянского. Предисловие И.Я. Колубовского. (Москва: Academia, 1922).

Письма о России. Перевод с бенгальского М. Кафитиной (Москва: Гослитиздат, 1956).

Почта. Пьеса. Перевод с английского М. Родон. Предисловие В. Б. Йейтса. (Москва: Португалов, 1915) (= Collected Works №1, Vol. 5).

Поэмы Кабира. Перевел с английского Б. Васин. (Москва: Современные проблемы, 1916) (= Collected Works №2, Vol. 6).

Пьесы и стихотворения в прозе. Пер. под редакцией С. Вольского и К. Чуковского. (Москва – Петроград: Государственное издательство, 1923)

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(№6449).Сад песен: Гитобитан. Перевод с бенгальского. Составление, подстрочные

переводы, примечания Б. Карпушкина. Художник Г. Поплавский. (Москва: Художественная литература, 1988).

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