Visi Ppi-India 2006

8/6/2019 Visi Ppi-India 2006

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VISIJurnal

No. 1 Vol. VIII. Edisi 2006-2007

Diterbitkan oleh/Published by:

Dewan Pimpinan

Perhimpunan Pelajar Indonesia -India

Indonesian Student Association - India

2006-2007

A Billingual StudentJounal


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Dewan RedaksiPenanggung Jawab: Ketua PPI -I ndiaPemimpin Redaksi : Lukman Nul HakimTata Letak : Ery SatriaDistributor : Khairrurazi, Jusman Marga

Penerbit:Perhimpunan Pelajar I ndonesia (PPI ) I ndiaPeriode 2006-200 7

Alamat Redaksi/Sekretariat:123-Humayunpur Safdarjung Enclave,New Delhi 110029www.ppi- india.com


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PengantarForeword

Thanks God, that VISI of 2006 edition can reachyour hand. It has been a bit difficult because of the hecticstudy schedule of our contributors and VISI team, espe-cially during the just passed Ramadhan month in whichthe agenda book of our friends has been full with plenty ofactivities in Indonesian Embassy.

The main purpose of the existence of VISI is to de-velop and optimize the potentials of each and every Indo-nesian students studying in India. The educational back-ground of contributors varied from Political science, Law,English Literature, Islamic Studies, Psychology, Etc, andthose variations give rich perspectives.

Readers are firstly welcomed by the article ofAhmad Qisai, a doctor in political science whose articleregularly shown up in The Jakarta Post, and ended by beau-tiful poems from Aila, a student of Indian Dance.

On the production of VISI, we (VISI team) believe

in two principles, namely : We do our best to give you thebest VISI Journal, but we also believe that Nothing is per-fect. So, critics and inputs from you are welcomed.

Have a nice day to you, and please enjoy our VISI.

Lukman Nul Hakim


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Daftar IsiContent

Affirmation of Diversity through Political ContractAhm ad Qisai ............................................................................. 3

Universalisme DemokrasiA Fatih Syuhud ....................................................................... 10

Menanti Political Will Pemerintah dI Sektor PendidikanPan Mohamad Faiz ................................................................. 14

Complex Marginalization Experienced by A Dutchs Mistress:An Analisys ofNyai During The Dutch Colonialization Toward Indonesiain E. Breton De NijsFaded Port raitUsma Nur Di an Rosyidah ........................................................ 22

Eksploitasi Pembantu Rumah Tangga Anak di Indonesia: Tradisi vs. HAMEry Sat ri a Pamungkas ............................................................ 34

Womens Reproductive Rights in the Islamic JurisprudenceDew ant i Lakhsm i Sar i ............................................................. 42

Belajar di Perguruan Tinggi India

Zamhasari Jamil ...................................................................... 50

Linguistic and Communicative CompetenceRini Ekayat i ............................................................................. 65

Self Talk : Applied PsychologyLukman Nul Hak im .................................................................. 72

Tips: Cara Membuat Website PribadiA Fatih Syuhud ....................................................................... 74

Fiction: Balada Cinta Tak TerungkapYuni ta Ram adhana ................................................................. 78

Poems by Put r i Aila I dr is ......................................................... 86


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Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679) argued in his famousbookLeviathan that all humans are driven by two andonly two impulses: fear of death and desire for power. Ifleft unchecked, human beings would act on these impulsesand live violent, brutish, inhumane, and solitary lives.

Living in a society, which is diverse, complex andmulti faceted is quite tricky and complicated at a time.

Every member in the society must understand the natureof diversity and heterogeneity in it. Mutual respect andtolerance are the keys of successful co-existence in suchdiversity. The absence of these features would only lead tochaos and anarchy. Violence and anger would dominatethe nature of relation among its members. Various bloodyconflicts throughout human history are clear examples ofthis phenomenon. The tendency of each and every mem-

ber in the society to resort to certain forceful method ofpersonal assertion to achieve his/her intention only ag-gravates the matter. And to use the words of ThomasHobbes, this situation is known as the state of nature

which is brutish, solitary, violent and anarchist.

Af firmation of Diversity

through Political Contract

Ti sBy:Ahmad Qisai

P l u r a l is m e p o l i ti k m e r u p a k a n t ip e p e m e r in t a h a n p a r t i s ip a t o r i

d i m a n a p o l i t ik n e g a r a t e r s e b u t d i d e f in i s i k a n b e r d a s a r k a n

k e b u t u h a n d a n k e i n g i n a n b a n y a k o r a n g . P l u r a l i s m e p o l i ti k

a d a l a h p e m e r i n t a h a n d a r i r a k y a t , o l e h r a k y a t d a n u n t u k

r a k y a t . D a l a m l in g k u n g a n p o l i t ik y a n g p l u r a l t id a k a d a

m a y o r i ta s a t a u m i n o r it a s , d a n i d e d a s a r p e m e r in t a h d a p a td i l i h a t d a r i id e - i d e i n d i v id u d a n g r u p u n t u k m e m a s t ik a n

b a h w a s e m u a k e b u t u h a n d a n k e i n g i n a n d a r i m a s y a r a k a t

t e r p e n u h i .


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To avoid this unfortunate situation, according toHobbes, all members in the society must collectively par-ticipate in the social contract that will guarantee the secu-rity and community. Hobbes did not care what form thissingle rule might take, whether a monarch or a dictator,as long as the society is kept together. This Hobbesian so-cial contract could not be revised and if people attempt toregain some measure of sovereignty or power that has beenlost in the contract, society will fall into violent chaos.

Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712-1778), however,

radically revised Hobbes social contract. He proposed thatthe people agreed to cede authority to some group in orderto gain the benefits of community and safety. If those inpower refused to guarantee community and safety, thegoverned were free to disobey and establish a new politicalcontract. While Hobbes believed in absolute rule, Rousseau

believed that absolute rule was a perversion of the originalintent of the primordial social contract. In his two famous

works, The Social Contractand theDiscourse on Inequal-ity, Rousseau argued that modern human society is builton an imperfect social contract, because it fosters inequal-ity and servitude. Thus there is a great need for a rebuild-

ing of the social contract from the ground up in order toensure equality and freedom.

To ensure this equality and freedom, all membersin the society must accept the fact that human being isdifferent in nature and diversity is natural. Acceptance ofthis kind of political contract that observes equality andfreedom of individuals is in line with the concept of politi-cal pluralism in which diversity of human nature is cel-ebrated as an utmost consequence of humanity. Politicalpluralism is the manifestation of the concept of unity indiversity. The aim of political pluralism is being ultimatein diversity.

Unfortunately, not all members in the society fully


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Edisi 2006-2007accept this fact and chose to stay away from it. At a time,they have their own concept and wish to implement it be-lieving that their concept is more superior to the one agreedupon by the general populace. As a result clash of interest

becomes unavoidable, a return to a Hobbesian state ofnature. A lot of contemporary history of human relation,especially in a diverse, complex and multi faceted society,reflects this situation.

Lets take a brief look at the history of violence inIndia to reflect this phenomenon.

India is a diverse, complex and multi faceted coun-try. But it is very unfortunate that from the very first dayof Indian independent in August 1947, violence betweendifferent communities is not an uncommon phenomenon.The bloody Partition of British India into India and Paki-stan in 1947 saw millions of innocent people killed merci-lessly. The rejection of the concept of an independent In-dia as the home for all Indians regardless of their creed,color, sex, caste or any other distinctive social affiliationand the assertion that India or Hindustan is the promisedland for certain group of people belonging to certain creedand race group led to this tragedy. It is very unfortunate

that such a Mahabharat should have taken place in hu-man history just to satisfy the greed and lust of certainpersonalities.

Fast forward, this bloody tragedy in the 1947 wasrepeated in a secular, democratic and independent Indiameant for all Indians regardless of their creed, color, sex,caste or any other distinctive social affiliation. There were

bloody clashes in the early 1990s and early 2000. The mainreason is the same: India is meant for a certain group ofpeople belonging to certain creed and race group. Peopleoutside of this group must go, expelled or be punished ifthey insist on staying and living in India. Once again, the

victims in these clashes were innocent lives, trapped be-


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tween the conflicting factions.This tragic cycle of humanitarian tragedy, however,

does not belong to India alone. Diverse, complex and multifaceted societies around the globe experience this tragedyat one point of their national history. It is not uncommonin these kinds of societies to have clashes of interest in-

volving different groups in their societies. Indonesia, Ma-laysia, Thailand, Sri Lanka, Pakistan, just to name a few,have had their own version of communal tragedy at onepoint of their national history. This phenomenon is unfor-

tunate but it really has occurred, not once but repeatedly.One thing should be noted here, however, that eventhough there was some kind of cycle of humanitarian trag-edy in the form of communal conflict and clash of interestin these societies, they remain united as an entity. The di-

versity in these societies does not somehow hinder theirdesire to remain united. They are united in diversity.

However, I have a little doubt that this myth ofunity in diversity will remain forever. The fact that thereis now a continuing pressure from certain groups in thesesocieties to abhor diversity and to enforce uniformity isquite an irony. The fundamentalist groups in the majority

community in these diverse societies seem to prefer theidea of uniformity instead of unity in diversity. And if theysucceed in their propaganda of uniformity, it would a tragicend for the idea of political pluralism, the idea of unity indiversity.

How do we preserve this idea of unity in diversityamidst the increasing pressures of those groups who ad-

vocate uniformity? Isnt there any method or concept thatmight be used to save innocent lives from this situation?

In the beginning of this article, I quoted ThomasHobbes description of the state of nature: brutish, soli-tary, violent and anarchist. Driven by fear and lust ofpower, it is natural for any human being to satisfy his/her


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Edisi 2006-2007personal desire regardless of any objection and contradic-tory reaction from others.

The ambitious, egoistic desire of human being re-flect those groups of people who advocate uniformityamidst diversity and the rejection and objection of othersperfectly describe the natural diversity of human beings.They have diverse interests yet they feel vulnerable at atime. This clash of interests can be described as the state ofnature, which is unfortunate but not unavoidable. It can

be prevented through a social contract, which will guar-

antee the freedom, equality, security as well as the com-munity of the members in the contract.According to Rousseaus concept of social contract,

the participants are allowed to enjoy security and com-munity without losing his/her liberty and individuality.The contract is not an absolute contract as the one pro-posed by Thomas Hobbes. Rousseaus concept of socialcontract is more flexible in nature and it can be revisedfrom time to time. The contract also ensures equality andfreedom of the participants while at the same time theparticipants enjoy security and community. This kind ofsocial contract, I assume, will guarantee the diversity of a

pluralistic society. The contract acts as a platform for po-litical pluralism to achieve unity in diversity. Rousseaussocial contract allows the participants to define the shared

values that will preserve the diversity of its participantswhile at the same time they can enjoy the benefit of pro-tection from the contract.

But what are these shared values in this contractanyway? How do these men come to an agreement of theseshared values when they are egoistic and greedy?

The shared values vary from one community to theother. But I believe that all of us agree that there is onecommon universal value that is acceptable, regardless ofour creed, sex, race, caste or any other distinctive social


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VISIaffiliation. Moreover, even though men are egoistic andgreedy in nature, but they also have that natural instinctas a social being in which the rational thought works tothe service of their fellow beings. So it is not an improb-ability for them to actually act and think rationally for the

benefit of his/her fellow beings and sacrifice their personalgreed.

Lets take for an example democracy as one socialvalue that we all share. Broadly speaking, in democracy,all members have interests that are affected by collectivedecisions. Everyone is capable of reaching a view about

what the best of least bad decision would be, both for them-selves and for the association or society as a whole. The

best decisions over the long run will be ones where all suchviews have been publicly aired and debated. And wheredebate and discussion fail to produce a single agreed out-come, decisions should be taken by a vote of all participat-ing members. Finally, the principle of one person, one vote,one value reflects a wider conception that all persons areof equal worth.

If we can agree that democracy is the minimal com-mon shared value, we can create a common platform forthe political contract to accommodate the diversity in thesociety with the help of other factors like secularism, so-cial justice as well as humanitarianism. This common plat-form will act as the middle path or the core value of inter-action between individuals that will accommodate the di-

versity of interests in the society. It will balance the pullsand pressures from the diverse elements in the society. Itis on the basis of such common platform that regardlessof countless conflicts, a communally divided country likeIndia is capable to stay united. The social contract signed

by the Indian people in the form of its national Constitu-tion has acted as the catalyst in preserving the unity of

Indias diverse society. Moreover, this agreement has per-mitted the resolution of conflicts more peacefully.


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Edisi 2006-2007In conclusion, human being is diverse in nature.

They are also greedy, egoistic and always ambitious toachieve his/her goals regardless of rejection or objectionfrom others. Driven by two impulses of fear of death anddesire for power, human beings can sometimes act as de-structive force when he/she must live in a society. Theclash of interest between individuals in such a society leadsinto what we can describe as the Hobbesian state of na-ture: brutish, solitary, violent, and anarchist.

To avoid being in this kind of state of nature in per-petuity, human beings must realize that they have to ac-cept their natural diversity. They must also formulate somekind of shared values that will act as a common platformof interaction between individuals that will accommodatethe diversity of interest. They must formulate some kindof a social contract, a Rousseauan concept of social con-tract, in which they will be guaranteed safety, security andcommunity without losing their liberty and equality. Thiskind of contract will preserve political pluralism in whichthere is an affirmation of diversity in the interests and be-liefs of the citizenry.

Political pluralism is a participatory type of govern-

ment in which the politics of the country are defined bythe needs and wants of many. Political pluralism is a gov-ernment of the people, by the people, and for the people.In a politically pluralistic society there is no majority orminority and the basic ideas of government are seenthrough the ideas of individuals and groups to ensure thatall the needs and wants of society are taken care of. Thusin a politically pluralistic society tolerance and mutual re-spect for divergent thinking tends to develop easily as a

way to accommodate the differences in aspiration. Theexperience of the Indian people who live under such typeof contract is worth noted as a reflection of this affirma-tion of diversity.


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Universalisme Demokrasi

Oleh: A Fatih Syuhud

Natan Sharansky, disiden terkenal Yahudi Sovietyang dibebaskan setelah hukuman penjara sembilantahun, terkadang dianggap sebagai inspirasi untukkebijakan perubahan rezim neo-konsevatif. Khususmengenai pandangannya pada rasionalisasi neo-imperialisme terbaru dalam mencegah terjadinya prinsip

kedaulatan nasional dengan atau tanpa intervensibersenjata, dan tentang keefektivan aktual dalammenghasilkan perdamaian yang stabil.

Argumen Sharansky, seperti tersebut dalambukunya The Case for Democracy: The Power of Free-dom to Overcome Tyranny and Terror (dengan RonDermer, Public Affairs, New York 2004) adalah berdasar-kan pada keyakinan bahwa apa pun rezim atau budaya,seluruh umat manusia pada dasarnya mencintaikebebasan, dan akan memilihnya apabila diberi kesem-patan, sebagaimana yang terjadi pada Eropa Timur pada1989. Dia juga berpendapat bahwa disiden di era moralhitam putih Uni Soviet membutuhkan kekuatan batinuntuk melawan kejahatan.

Dalam membagi bangsa-bangsa ke dalam masya-rakat yang bebas dan masyarakat yang takut (fear soci-ety), dia menggambarkan pemerintahan pada kelompokkedua sebagai merampas kebebasan, hak milik, budayadan sejarah rakyatnya. Ketika teror internal tidak lagi ada,pemerintah semacam itu akan menciptakan lawaneksternal, baik riil atau hanya persepsi, guna memeliharadukungan populer. Dalam menghadapi ancamaneksternal, rakyat akan secara sukarela tunduk pada segala

bentuk deprivasi dan ongkos yang mesti diemban: negarasebebas Amerika sekalipun telah mentoleransi perampasan


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Edisi 2006-2007hak kebebasan sipil pasca-11/9.

Mekanisme demokrasi menciptakan pemimpinyang bertanggung jawab yang tidak dapat terpilih kembaliapabila mereka mengadopsi kebijakan agresif tanpadukungan dari publik. Dengan demikian, demokrasi lebihenggan melakukan perang sekalipun apabila kepentingannasionalnya sendiri memaksa melakukannya. Sharanskymenyimpulkan bahwa karena sistem demokrasi bertindaksebagai rem pada individu agresif, maka hanya demokrasi

yang dapat menjadi basis menuju perdamaian murni

dalam bentuk apa pun.Tesisnya ini didukung oleh kajian empiris yangmenunjukkan bahwa masyarakat demokratis tidak akan

berperang satu sama lain. Semuanya tergantung padabagaimana demokrasi itu didefinisikan, dan denganmerasuknya demokrasi ke dalam berbagai budaya yang

berbeda, banyak hal yang perlu direkonsiliasikan.Ada dua hal berbeda yang cukup penting antara

agenda Sharansky dan agenda yang dianut AS di Irak.Untuk melunakkan negara yang berpotensi ancaman,dia mendukung sanksi dan tekanan diplomatik yangdikaitkan dengan HAM, bukan intervensi militer langsung.

Kedua, dia tidak sepakat dengan pengadaan pemilu dinegara yang baru dibebaskan. Sebaliknya, dia lebihmemilih periode interim selama tiga sampai empat tahununtuk membangun institusi sipil, membangun sistemkebebasan baru. Karena tesisnya ini berkaitan denganmasyarakat yang telah terbebas, maka teori ini tentunyatidak berlaku untuk kasus Irak saat ini.

Berbeda dengan kalangan realis, Sharanskymenekankan perlunya moralitas dalam hubunganinternasional. Akan tetapi pemahamannya atas moralitas

berbeda dengan kalangan liberal Amerika dan Eropa yangkritiknya atas Reagan dan Bush dia anggap sebagaipembasmian moral, yang berdasar pada kurangnya


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analisis atas karakter sebenarnya dari totalitarianisme.Kebebasan bukanlah ketakutan, tapi tatanan.

Kebebasan harus dijaga dari pembusukan kebebasanmutlak dan kekacauan. Sebagaimana tatanan dari sikapopresif dan kejam. Akan tetapi kebutuhan sosial atastatanan sama validnya dengan butuhnya individual ataskebebasan.

Kondisi tak stabil dapat membuka jalan ketertibanmelalui rezim totalitarian, otoritarian, atau despot. Hal inipada gilirannya akan mengecewakan dan mengaktifkan

kemauan untuk bebas. Oleh karena itu, diperlukankemampuan untuk menjaga keseimbangan antarakebebasan dan ketertiban, khusus untuk dunia ketiga, bagipembangunan ekonomi.

Sharansky membuat dikotomi terlalu tajam antarademokrasi dan tirani, karena sejumlah rezim non-demokratik ada juga yang menghormati HAM.

Bangsa Tibet pada prakemerdekaan 1949, sebagaicontoh, tidak dapat memenuhi separuh dari empat pointes kebebasan Sharansky. Pertama, rakyat tidak dapat

berbicara terus terang apabila itu bertujuan untukmengeritik Dalai Lama. Kedua, mereka tidak dapat

mempublikasikan (menyiarkan) opini yg menentang.Tetapi mereka, ini yang ketiga, bebas mengamalkanagama dan kepercayaan. Keempat, bebas mempelajarisejarah dan budaya mereka.

Begitu juga, Menteri Senior Singapura Lee KuanYew yang dikritik tajam karena mengekang kebebasanberpolitik, tapi berhasil gemilang dalam mengantarpenduduk negara-kota itu menjadi terdidik, terintegrasi,makmur dan tenang.

Memang, humanisme modern dengan fondasiHAM mendapat tempat ekspresi terbaiknya pada sistemdemokrasi. Akan tetapi paradigma HAM seperti yangterdapat dalam Universal Declaration itu sendiri agak


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Edisi 2006-2007kontroversial mengingat konsepsi dasarnya diambil darinilai-nilai Yudeo-Kristen, yang dipandang oleh sebagiankalangan sebagai berbau kental nuansa kultur dan sosial

barat dan karena itu bukan murni bernilai universal.Kehendak untuk tidak ditindas dan dikekang, keinginanuntuk bebas dari rasa takut, jelas bernilai universal. Tetapikebebasan dalam sistem demokrasi termasuk di dalamnyabebas untuk tak jarang bertentangan dengan budayalokal, dan dapat dianggap sebagai ancaman pada kulturdan tatanan sosial yang ada.

Dengan demikian, proyek demokratisasi tam-paknya menjadi tantangan pada esensi pluralisme umatmanusia, kecuali apabila dibuat pemisahan jelas antarapolitik dan kultur, yang cukup problematik. Dalam duniakontemporer, demokrasi sedang mendapat tempat sebagai

bentuk pemerintahan ideal. Apabila ia terbukti fleksibeluntuk beradaptasi, dan kultur setempat dapat menerimaseparonya saja, maksa aplikasinya dapat terus meningkat.

Apabila lebih banyak lagi negara yang terdemo-kratisasi tanpa serangan pada kedaulatan mereka, tidakseperti dalam kasus Irak, maka skenario terciptanyakesepakatan internasional semakin dimungkinkan. Ini

bukan jaminan 100 persen menuju perdamaian, tetapi jelasdapat mengurangi potensi konflik.***

T u l i s a n i n i p e r n a h d i m u a t p a d a K o r a n S u a r a K a r y a e d i s i S e l a s a , 1 1 A p r i l

2 0 0 6 L i n k : h t t p : / / w w w . s u a r a k a r y a - o n l i n e . c o m / n e w s . h t m l ? i d = 1 4 0 7 2 0


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MENANTI POLITICAL WILL PEMERINTAHDI SEKTOR PENDIDIKAN

Oleh: Pan Mohamad Faiz1

I m u s t s a y t h a t i l l i t e r a c y a n d p o v e r t y a r e t h e b i g g e s t

c r i m e s o n e a r th . A n d t h e i r e r a d i c a t io n i s t h e m o s t c h a l -

l e n g i n g t a s k . T o d a y w h a t w e n e e d i s p o l i ti c a l w i l l . T h e

j u d i c i a r y s u p p o s e d t o b e c a n a w a k e a n d s t r e n g t h e n t h i s

p o l it ic a l w i l l b y d i r e c t in g t h e e x e c u t i v e t o f u l f i ll t h e c o n s t i -

t u t io n a l o b l i g a t io n . I t is i n c u m b e n t o n t h e s t a t e a n d i t m u s tb e u r g e d t o d o i t. N o t h in g i s m o r e n e c e s s a r y f o r s e l f - e s -

t e e m t h a n a n e d u c a t e d n a t i o n . I f w e a r e s t r o n g i n w i l l , i t i s

n o t t o o l a t e to s e e k a n e w e r w o r ld .

Mengatakan bahwa agenda kebangsaan terakbarterletak pada pendidikan, bukanlah sesuatu yang tanpaalasan atau mengada-ada, melainkan didasarkan padafakta bahwa seluruh sektor kehidupan bangsa merupakanconcern sumber daya manusia (human resource) yangdihasilkan dari outputdunia pendidikan. Oleh karenanya,semenjak negara Indonesian berdiri, founding fathers

bangsa ini sudah menanamkan semangat dan tekad untukmemperjuangkan keadilan bagi seluruh warga negara,termasuk di dalamnya untuk memperoleh hak pendidikan

yang layak dan mumpuni. Cita-cita luhur tersebutkemudian dituangkan ke dalam rumusan mukaddimahUUD 1945 sebagai salah satu tujuan didirikannya NegaraKesatuan Republik Indonesia (het doel van de staat), yaituuntuk mencerdaskan kehidupan bangsa.

Kondisi Pendidikan Indonesia

Krisis multidimensional yang melanda Indonesia

telah membuka mata kita terhadap mutu Sumber DayaManusia (SDM) Indonesia, dan secara tidak langsung juga


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Edisi 2006-2007merujuk pada mutu pendidikan yang menghasilkan SDMitu sendiri. Meskipun sudah merdeka lebih dari setengahabad, akan tetapi mutu pendidikan Indonesia dapatdikatakan masih sangat rendah dan memprihatinkan.

Berdasarkan laporan yang dikeluarkan oleh UNDPpada Human Development Report 2005, ternyata Indo-nesia menduduki peringkat 110 dari 177 negara di dunia.Bahkan yang lebih mencemaskan, peringkat tersebut

justru sebenarnya semakin menurun dari tahun-tahunsebelumnya, di mana pada tahun 1997 HDI Indonesia

berada pada peringkat 99, lalu menjadi peringkat 102 padatahun 2002, dan kemudian merosot kembali menjadiperingkat 111 pada tahun 2004.

Begitu pula dari berbagai data perbandingan antarnegara dalam hal anggaran pendidikan yang diterbitkanoleh UNESCO dan Bank Dunia dalam The World Bank(2004): Education in Indonesia, Indonesia adalah negara

yang terendah dalam hal pembiayaan pendidikan. Padatahun 1992, menurut UNESCO, pada saat PemerintahIndia menanggung pembiayaan pendidikan 89% darikeperluan, Indonesia hanya menyediakan 62,8% darikeperluan dana bagi penyelenggaraan pendidikan

nasionalnya.

Investasi Bangsa Jangka Panjang

Pendidikan merupakan kebutuhan sepanjanghayat. Setiap manusia membutuhkan pendidikan, sampaikapan pun dan di mana pun ia berada. Pendidikan sangatpenting artinya, sebab tanpa pendidikan manusia akansulit berkembang dan bahkan akan terbelakang.

Profesor Toshiko Kinosita, Guru Besar UniversitasWaseda Jepang, mengemukakan bahwa sumber dayamanusia Indonesia masihlah sangat lemah untukmendukung perkembangan industri dan ekonomi.Penyebab dasarnya karena pemerintah Indonesia selama


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ini tidak pernah menempatkan pendidikan sebagai prioritasterpenting. Bagi para penganut teori human capital,sebagaimana dideskripsikan oleh Walter W. McMahon danTerry G. Geske dalam bukunya yang berjudul Financing

Education: Overcoming Inefficiency and Inequity,bahwa nilai penting pendidikan adalah suatu investasisumber daya manusia yang dengan sendirinya akanmemberi manfaat moneter ataupun non-moneter. Olehkarena itu, penting sekali sebagai negara berkembangseperti Indonesia untuk menentukan metode yang terbaik

bagi dunia pendidikannya, yaitu dengan jalan invest inman not in building, sebagaimana telah dibuktikanhasilnya oleh negara Jepang, India, Korea Selatan, Tai-

wan, ataupun Malaysia sekalipun dalam dua dekadebelakangan ini.

Anggaran Pend id ikan Dalam Bingk ai Kons tit us i

Satu dari sekian masalah utama namun klasik yangselalu membelit sistem pendidikan di Indonesia adalahrendahnya anggaran pendidikan yang disediakan olehnegara dan hal tersebut diyakini sebagian kalangan sebagaiakar utama buruknya pendidikan nasional. Alokasi dana

yang rendah untuk pendidikan, di mana penganggaranselalu dialokasikan dibawah 10% dari APBN, dinilaisebagai cermin tidak adanya political will pemerintahterhadap dunia pendidikan. Padahal dalam Pasal 31 ayat(4) UUD 1945, secara jelas pemerintah mempunyai suatukewajiban konstitusi (constitutional obligation) untukmemprioritaskan anggaran pendidikan sekurang-kurangnya 20% dari APBN dan APBD guna memenuhikebutuhan penyelenggaraan pendidikan nasional.Demikian pula ditegaskan kembali dalam UU organiknya

yaitu UU No. 20 Tahun 2003 tentang SISDIKNAS bahwadana pendidikan selain gaji pendidik dan biaya pendidikankedinasan harus dialokasikan minimal 20% dari APBNpada sektor pendidikan dan minimal 20% dari APBD.


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Edisi 2006-2007Masyarakat yang skeptis memandang nasib

pendidikan saat ini sebenarnya telah berupaya menembustembok kemandegan penganggaran bagi pendidikan yangtidak sejalan dengan amanah Pasal 31 UUD 1945. Hal itumereka tempuh dengan upaya melakukan proses judicialreview sebanyak dua kali kepada Mahkamah Konstitusi,

yaitu terhadap UU APBN 2005 dan UU APBN 2006.Terjadinya permohonanJudicial Review atas pemenuhanhak-hak asasi manusia yang bersifat fundamental tersebutharuslah kita katakan sebagai pertanda bahwa telah terjadi

suatu permasalahan yang sangat krusial, bahkan MarkElliot dalam bukunya The Constitutional Foundationsmemaknai judicial review sebagai tindakan warga negaradalam mencari keadilan yang hakiki yang tidak bolehdianggap sepele oleh siapa pun.

Alhasil, pendapat MK terhadap kebijakan peme-rintah yang hanya mengalokasikan anggaran pendidikandalam APBN sebesar 8,1 % pada tahun 2005 dan 9,1 %pada tahun 2006 dianggap bertentangan dengan UUD1945 (inkonstitusional) karena tidak sesuai dengan amanatPasal 31 ayat (4) UUD 1945. Ketentuan tersebut dikuatkanlewat putusannya No. 012/PUU-III/2005 bertanggal 5

Oktober 2005 dan No. 026/PUU-III/2005 bertanggal 22Maret 2006 yang pada intinya menyatakan bahwakeberadaan Pasal 31 UUD 1945 mempunyai sifat imperatif(dwingend recht) yang tidak dapat dielakkan selama masihtercantum dalam UUD 1945.

Begitu pula dalam Putusannya Nomor 011/PUU-III/2005, Mahkamah menegaskan bahwa pada haki-katnya pelaksanaan Konstitusi tidak boleh ditunda-tunda.Itu pula sebabnya, MK menyatakan Penjelasan Pasal 49ayat (1) Undang-Undang Sistem Pendidikan Nasional

yang membuat norma baru dengan menyatakan bahwapemenuhan anggaran pendidikan dapat dilakukan secara

bertahap tidak mempunyai kekuatan hukum mengikat.


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Jikapun pemerintah diperbolehkan, quot non, melakukanpemenuhan anggaran pendidikan secara bertahap,faktanya pun sudah melenceng jauh dari skenario progresifpemenuhan anggaran pendidikan yang disepakati bersamaoleh DPR dan Pemerintah pada tanggal 4 Juli 2005 yanglalu. Padahal, skenario itu hanya menetapkan kenaikan

bertahap 2,7 persen per tahun hingga 2009, dengan rinciankenaikan 6,6% (2004), 9,29% (2005), 12,01% (2006),14,68% (2007), 17,40% (2008), dan 20,10% (2009).

Terkait dengan alokasi anggaran pendidikan padatahun 2007, Menteri Keuangan mengatakan bahwaPemerintah hanya akan menaikkan anggaran pendidikanmaksimal menjadi 10 persen dari APBN. Hal itupunditegaskan kembali oleh Presiden SBY dalam pidatonya

beberapa waktu lalu dihadapan anggota DPR dan DPDbahwa pada tahun 2007 nanti sektor pendidikan hanyaakan mendapatkan alokasi sebesar 10,3 persen dari total

belanja pemerintah pusat. Rencana kebijakan tersebutdiambil dengan berlindung pada salah satu argumentasiutama bahwa pemerintah sudah mendasarkan komitmenuntuk tidak menaikkan tarif dasar listrik (TDL) untukperiode 2006 sehingga anggaran pendidikan tidak dapat

seluruhnya dipenuhi. Menjadi pertanyaan kita bersama,hanya inikah alternatif solusi yang ditawarkan olehPemerintah guna mengatasi krisis pendidikan nasional?

Rencana menaikkan alokasi anggaran pendidikansekedarnya guna menghindar vonis mati dari Mah-kamah Konstitusi telah mencerminkan bahwa Pemerintahtidak cukup serius dalam melaksanakan amanat UUD1945 dan harus dipandang tidak sesuai dengan semangatUUD 1945 (the spirit of constitution). Dengan kata lain,penulis sangat yakin jika komitmen pemerintah terhadapdunia pendidikan tidak kunjung berubah, maka masihakan terjadi pelanggaran konstitusi secara berjamaahpada tahun-tahun anggaran mendatang dan bisa


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Edisi 2006-2007dipastikan akan kembali terjadi krisis konstitusi yang

berakibat pada turunnya kepercayaan masyarakat ,khususnya kalangan terpelajar dan akademisi, terhadaplegitimasi Pemerintah saat ini.

Political Will

David N. Plank dan William Lowe Boyd (1994)dalam Antipolitics, Education, and Institutional Choise:The Flight From Democracy mengatakan bahwasanyaantara pemerintah yang demokratis, politik pendidikan,pilihan institusi, serta antipolitik berkorelasi dengantercapainya tujuan pendidikan yang selaras dengankepentingan publik. Melalui analisis tersebut, kita bisa

belajar bahwa dalam masyarakat modern, sebenarnyainstitusi pendidikan diharapkan menyelaraskan dengantujuan dan kepentingan publik lewat tangan para pakarpendidikan. Namun realitanya berbicara lain, justru yangsering terjadi adalah konflik berkepanjangan karenakepentingan politiklah yang dominan bermain. Adakahsesuatu yang disembunyikan dalam hal ini? Patut rasanya

jika kita meresapi dalam-dalam makna dari pendapatHenry Peter yang mengatakan,Good education will makes

people easy to lead, but difficult to drive; easy to govern,but impossible to enslave.

Perjalanan bangsa Indonesia setelah reformasi,bahkan jauh sebelumnya, tidak pernah terasa memilikiarah yang jelas. Para ahli mengeluh bahwa pendidikandan kebudayaan tidak pernah menjadi panglima di negeriini, sementara negara-negara berkembang lainnya melesatmaju karena pendidikan diberikan tempat yang teramatpenting di negara-negara tersebut. Pembangunanpendidikan Indonesia yang sungguh-sungguh dan

berkelanjutan tidak bisa harus dimulai dari sebuah visi dankomitmen yang bulat yang bisa dijadikan pedoman olehperancang pembangunan dan masyarakat luas.


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Oleh karena itu, issue mengenai anggaranpendidikan merupakan salah satu elemen penting untukmeningkatkan kualitas pendidikan nasional. Namun,masih ada di antara kita yang kesadarannya untukmemenuhi tuntutan yuridis formal terbentur oleh

berbagai dalih dan menomorduakan anggaran pendidikan.Di samping itu, konsistensi tinggi dari seluruh jajaran

birokrat yang terlibat dalam jalur pendidikan, khususnyapada manajerial Departemen Pendidikan Nasional, akandapat menyelamatkan keuangan negara. Sehingga tidakakan lagi terjadi sisa anggaran yang mencapai ratusanmiliar rupiah, inefisiensi dalam penggunaan dana, sertakorupsi dan kolusi yang total mencapai triliunan rupiahsebagaimana laporan hasil audit yang dilakukan BPKsetiap tahunnya.

Post ScriptumDari deskripsi di atas, kinerja pendidikan nasional

Indonesia memang buruk dan memprihatinkan. Salahsatu sumber utama penyebab itu semua dikarenakankurangnya political will dari para pemimpin bangsa ini.Sektor pendidikan di Indonesia sudah sangat tertinggal,

sehingga sudah waktunya pendidikan harus menjadiprioritas utama pembangunan.

Mengingat akar masalahnya bukan sekedar padaalokasi anggaran pendidikan, maka seruan untukmelakukan perbaikan bukan hanya menyangkut soalterpenuhinya alokasi dana 20 persen dari APBN/APBD,tetapi yang tidak kalah penting adalah membangunkesadaran, komitmen, dan kemauan bersama dalammemajukan pendidikan Indonesia. Besarnya perananPendidikan bagi kemajuan suatu bangsa, maka bagai-manapun juga disadari atau pun tidak hanya melaluipintu atau saluran pendidikanlah bangsa kita diharapkandapat bangkit dari keterpurukan krisis multidimensional,


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Edisi 2006-2007dan kemudian menata ulang (redesaigning) rancang-

bangun kehidupan berbangsa, membangun karakterbangsa (character building) atas dasar kearifan danidentitas tradisi lokal dan melanjutkan estafet pem-

bangunan bangsa (nation building), terlebih di eraglobalisasi yang menunjukkan semakin ketatnya kompetisinegara-negara di seluruh dunia.

Agar di masa depan kinerja pendidikan nasionaldapat diperbaiki maka amat diperlukan sebuah komitmen.Para pemimpin negara, siapa pun orangnya, harusmemiliki sense of education yang memadai dengankomitmen tinggi memajukan pendidikan Indonesia.

Endnotes1 P e n u l i s a d a la h W a k i l K e t u a U m u m D e w a n P i m p i n a n P e r h i m p u n a n P e l a j a r

I n d o n e s ia ( D P P P I I n d ia ) , M a h a s i s w a P r o g r a m M a s te r o f C o m p a r a t iv e L a w p a d a

F a c u l ty o f L a w , U n i v e r s i ty o f D e l h i d a n P r o g r a m M a s t e r o f P o l i t ic a l S c i e n c e p a d a

I G N O U , N e w D e l h i . ( L a w B l o g a t h t tp : / / f a i z l a w j o u r n a l . b lo g s p o t . c o m ) .

Let me not pray to be sheltered from dangers, but to be fearless infacing them. Let me not beg for the stilling of my pain, but for the

heart to conquer it.

Rabindranath Tagore

It was character that got us out of bed, commitment that moved us

into action, and discipline that enabled us to follow through.

Zig Ziglar


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The interrelation among patriarchy, colonialism,and capitalism construction are the main ideological, po-litical, and economic structures which often result in

women marginalization. In the marginalization, the threeare imposed through representing subjectively the stereo-types of the differences of race, social class, gender, andreligion.

This writing is intended to scrutinize complexmarginalization of a Dutchs mistress or Nyaiduring theDutch colonization toward Indonesia. Having identity asa woman, as a Javanese/Sundanese, as a native, and as amistress of a Dutch or Eurasian (European-Asian) mas-ter, a Nyai experiences complex marginalization both from

F e n o m e n a p a n g g i l a n N y a i ( M i s t r e s s ) s e b a g a i a k i b a tk e b i j a k a n p e m e r i n t a h B e l a n d a t e l a h m e n i n g g a l k a n

p e n g a l a m a n a m b i v a l e n p a d a w a n i t a I n d o n e s i a y a n g

m e m i li k i s t a tu s t e r s e b u t . B e n t u k a m b i v a l e n s i d a p a t d i l ih a t

b a h w a p a d a s a t u s i s i , s t a tu s s e b a g a i m i s t r e s s m e m b u a t

m e r e k a m e m p u n y a i a k s e s k e k e h i d u p a n d a n k e b d a y a a n

e r o p a , d a n b e b a s d a r i k e m i s k i n a n . D i s is i l a i n s t a t u s te r s e b u t

m e m b a t m e r e k a t e r m a r j i n a l k a n . U n t u k m e r e k a , m e n j a d i

m i s t r e s s a d a l a h s e m a c a m p e n g a l a m a n y a n g m e m b e r ik a n

k e n i k m a t a n s e k a l i g u s p e n d e r i t a a n .

COMPLEX MARGINALIZATION EXPERIENCED

BY A DUTCHS MISTRESS:An Analisys ofNyai During

The Dutch Colonialization Toward Indonesiain E. Breton De Nijs Faded Portrait

Oleh:Usma Nur Dian Rosyidah


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Edisi 2006-2007her native society (the Javanese/Sundanese) and the for-eign society (the European/Eurasian).

The effort to free from the marginalization is re-stricted by the awareness of womans identity construc-tion under patriarchy, colonialism, and capitalism. Therestriction to speak up against the complex marginalizationleads the Nyai to keep silence and experiences themarginalization consequently and passively.

1. Introduction

Besides economic benefit as the main purpose ofWestern/European imperialism and colonization, there arealso political and cultural motives behind it, namely rep-resenting and proclaiming the identity of Western/Euro-pean as the leader and the best among other cultures allover the world. Having placed itself as the center, West-ern/European power and domination is practiced bymarginalizing non-Western/European. Said argues thisnotion as he states:

A t t h e m a r g in o f W e s t e r n s o c i e t y , a l l t h e n o n - E u r o p e a n

r e g i o n s , w h o s e i n h a b i ta n t s , s o c i e t i e s , h i s t o r ie s , a n d b e i n g s

r e p r e s e n t e d a n o n - E u r o p e a n e s s e n c e , w e r e m a d e s u b s e r -v i e n t to E u r o p e , w h i c h i n t u r n d e m o n s t r a b ly c o n t in u e d t o

c o n t r o l w h a t w a s n o t E u r o p e , a n d r e p r e s e n t e d t h e n o n -

E u r o p e a n i n s u c h a w a y a s t o s u s t a in c o n t ro l . ( 1 0 6 )

In promoting its right to dominate and civilize theEastern or non-European, the Western /European imposesthe notion of difference in identity between the two. Inthis matter, race, gender, nationality, class, sexuality, andreligion are multiple sources of identity used by the West-ern to sustain its control over the Eastern.

In colonial discourse, difference is apparatus ofpower will which turn on the recognition and disavowal


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of racial/ cultural/ historical differences. It seeks authori-zation for its strategies by production of knowledge of colo-nizer and colonized which are stereotypical but antitheti-cally evaluated (Bahabha: 70). Thus, the producing ofother in which leads to the contrast of Western-East-ern, self-other, colonizer-colonized, master-servant, andsuch- is done by the process of ambivalence through im-posing stereotype of the binary oppositions mentionedabove.

Stereotype as mode of ambivalence should shift

from the ready recognition of images as positive or nega-tive to its process of subjectification. In the process ofsubjectification, the colonizer imposes the bad or negativestereotypes the colonized has in order to justify their colo-nization over the colonized. Here, stereotype as the colo-nized is perceived as something that they deserve to have.On the other hand, the colonizer promotes that they haveright of domination realizing their racial and cultural iden-tities. The positions to dominate and to be dominated areimposed by the colonizer and then self-imposed by the colo-nized. Thus, the process of subjectification is possible to bepracticed by engaging its affectivity: by proposing posi-

tions of power and resistance as well as domination anddependence that construct the identification of both thecolonizer and the colonized.

2. The Phenomena of Dutchs Mistress

The Dutch colonization toward Indonesia had in-fluenced many aspects of both the colonizers and thecolonizeds life. Besides economic and politics, one aspectinfluenced by the colonization is personal relationship be-tween the Dutch and the Natives. In this case, the per-sonal relationship between the Dutch and the Native could

be seen in the phenomena of the Dutch men who had ex-tramarital sexual relationship with the Native women. The


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Edisi 2006-2007relationship resulted in the birth of many children who

were mix-blooded of Dutch-Indies parents.During its colonization, according to Jong (11), the

Dutch divided its colonial society into three groups: Euro-peans (with the Dutch as the majority) who constituted asthe upper class, Foreign-Orientals (Arabs, Malaysians,Chinese, British-Indies, and the like) who were in themiddle class, and Natives (Indonesians) as the lowest one.More or less, the policy resulted in the increasing numberof mistress orNyai,who were native women who became

sexual partners of the Dutch and or the middle class groupmen.As has been described by Jong (11), until 1870 there

were never more than a few thousand Europeans, chieflymen, in the Dutch East-Indies (Indonesia). Many of them,primarily the soldiers, took native wives or sexual part-ners and had children of mixed descent. In 1892, the off-spring of European fathers and Indonesian mothers weregranted European nationality on condition that they wererecognized by the fathers. The terms and conditions to berecognized as a Dutch or as a European included convert-ing to Christian both for the mothers as well as the chil-

dren and or having European upbringing for the children.Since then, hierarchy was kept strictly among the

groups. The Dutchs intention to sustain its colonizationwas carried up by presenting the differences of identityamong its colonial society. As the Dutch constituted as

White (European), its supremacy then caused negativestereotype of Color/Black (non-European). Representingidentities of non-European as poor, uncivilized, dirty, andsuch led the object to be discriminated and marginalized.Thus, through its mode of representation, both the Dutchand its lower classes kept stereotype they had strongly toposition themselves in their appropriate place.

Related withNyaior the Dutchs mistress phenom-


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ena, such kind of Europeans view to dominate the non-European and its attempts to have control of identity of itscolonized led to the marginalization of the Nyaior mis-tress. Having status as a Nyai or a mistress meant thatshe had more than one identity: a woman, a low class, anative, and a colonized. Thus, she experienced gender, class,and racial marginalization. Her complex marginalization

became worst since it was practiced both by the Dutchand the Native.

3. Societies Which Marginalized Nyai or MistressHaving status as a Nyaiplaced a mistress in a ste-reotyped position. Both societies she had contacts withconsider the status negative because of the identity resultedfrom it. As a mistress, she was a native woman whoseplace was under European/Eurasian; she was also aJavanese/Sundanese woman whose position was underthe Javanese/Sundanese man. The Dutch and the Eur-asian preferred to marginalize her because of her race. Onthe other side, living in Javanese/Sundanese society, shefound that her position in the society was subordinate to aman.

First of all, from the Dutch, a mistress mar-ginalization had its root from the division of the Dutchscolonial society into three classes and the recognition ofmix-blooded children and the mothers to be European. Inpractice, in fact, it was not as easy as what had been regu-lated under the Dutch government policy. Realizing thedifferent origin and identity, the pure Dutch or Europeanavoided the Eurasian to constitute him/herself belongingto European. The pure European kept the identity stronglyand put the identity of non-European different from his orhers.

The difference as not pure European and the avoid-ance of the pure European to accept the Eurasian in prac-


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Edisi 2006-2007tice had caused the Eurasian identity became alienated.For Eurasian, it was a difficult position and condition fornot being accepted as European. On the other hand, infact, the position was not such threatening as there wasstill racial or ethnic group which position was lower thanEurasian: the Native. This difference in identity enabledthem to constitute their position higher than the Native.

In the novel, the Nyai or mistress character ismarginalized by both the patriarch and the matriarch, whoare Eurasian. The patriarch, Alex, is the master as well as

the sexual partner of the mistress character, Titi. AlthoughAlex finds himself outcaste as half European, beingmarginalized by his European society, and keeps native

way of life, it does not mean that he cannot release all ofEurasian identity and thus change it into native. Still, herepresents his identity higher than native and practicesmarginalization, too.

From the matter of different cultural identity andstereotypes, the marginalization practiced by Alex is notmerely because Alex prefers keeping his superiority as hav-ing a half European bloodline and culture. It is a matter ofrepresentation and imposing identity with all the stereo-

types and its internalization hold by Alex and his nativesurroundings. The internalization and self-impose of thenative can be seen in the way they address Alex as Tuan

Kandjeng, which indirectly places Alex as a master be-cause he is considered as a European by the native. Whilefor Alex, his marginalization practice can be seen that hehas native people as his servants and a native woman, Titi,as hisNyai. To Titi, he considers her as his sexual partneronly. Thus, Titis position in the relationship is just a ser-

vant.The matriarch, Sophie, in fact she is Alex sister who

positions herself as the dominant in the family. While Alexcan conform the native culture and practice it, Sophie avoid


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not practicing any native culture but she finds herself prac-tice it. In fact, she is very familiar with and does thingsrelated to dukun, slendang, selametan, Tuan Allah, hadji,kampong, and so on. So, denying her hybrid identity, in

which she holds European culture but at the same timealso practices the native culture, she cannot release her-self from not imposing the negative stereotypes the nativehas. She practices the marginalization to Titi, Alex-Titischildren, and even Alex.

Realizing Titis status as a Nyai and Titis origin,she places Titi much more inferior than she is. To Titischildren who are under her upbringing, it is very oftenthat the matter of their native manner and physical ap-pearances leads her into stereotyping them as lazy andindolent. Since she considers that the children learn lazi-ness and indolence in the kampong which means whenthey were under Titis upbringing in the previous-, indi-rectly, it is also the stereotype of the childrens mother,Titi. So, as Eurasian, Sophie marginalizes Titi because ofTitis identities both as a native and as a mother.

Secondly, Titi receives marginalization from herJavanese/Sundanese society. Besides its position as the

lowest group in the social hierarchy created by the Dutch,internally, the Javanese/Sundanese also has their ownstratification and hierarchy within its society. In general,The Javanese/Sundanese society is divided into two: therich who constitutes as the upper and the poor as the lower.

In gender relationship within its members, there isalso a division between men and women. The position ofmen is higher than women. Very often, the men are con-sidered as having more power and high social status than

woman. The patriarchal ideology is kept strongly. The so-ciety places men as the leaders of the women. So, in theJavanese/Sundanese social hierarchy, the order is the richor priyayiand the men placed as the first class and the


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Edisi 2006-2007poor or wong cilik and the women constitute the secondclass.

Besides social stratification and hierarchy, theJavanese/Sundanese also practices feudal system in itseconomic life which based on plantation. In fact, it wasalso practiced by the Dutch. Under this system, the landsare owned by the rich. The poor only cultivate or lease theland from the rich with a high tax. Because of it, the land-lords would remain rich and the landless would suffer inpoverty.

Related to the mistress character in the novel, al-though there is no explanation about Titis family back-ground, it can be analyzed that it seems that she comesfrom a poor family. In order to fulfill the family needs, shehas to follow what the patriarch her father- order to herto receive status as a mistress although the status was per-ceived negatively by the Javanese /Sundanese society asits extramarital sexual relationship occurred considered as

breaking the Javanese/Sundanese values, norms, moral-ity, and religion.

4. Complex Marginalization Experienced by A

MistressAt least, there are four marginalization experienced

by the mistress character in the novel: racial, gender, so-cial class, and religion. Thats why the marginalization isconsidered complex.

In colonization, racial difference is maintained as asymbol of social status between the colonizer and the colo-nized. It is applied through the arrangement of Black,Brown/Color, and White as lower, middle and upper class.Race also implies culture which is asserted in term of su-perior-inferior. The colonizer often stereotype race withcertain pattern of behavior to justify the colonial socialhierarchy.


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Having racial identity as Black in the Dutch colo-nial society, The Dutch stereotype the Nyai identity asprimitive, uncivilized, lazy, dirty, and such. Because of that,the Dutch has a justification to modernize and civilize her.In the novel, it can be seen from Sophies intention andthe way she raises Titis children under European upbring-ing in order to get legal status as European. The notions inthe novel obviously show how the natives physical ap-pearances, attitude, and manner are considered black,inferior, uncivilized so that it is needed to make white,

superior, and civilized. However, as the children get blackskin from the mother, it is also marginalization of Titi ra-cially.

Second, Titis identity as a Javanese/Sundanesewoman causes her to be marginalized by Alex, Sophie, andher native society. Her gender, as a woman, is representedas the second sex under patriarchal system practiced bythe colonizer and the colonized. Under Javanese/Sundanese culture, patriarchal system hinders the chancefor a woman to express herself in an active way. Patriar-chal system constructs and represent woman as docile andpassive.

For the colonizer, patriarchal system is not alone inconstructing women as the second sex. It is interrelated

with capitalism and imperialism. The three are useful togain power over the colonized female sexuality. It is prac-ticed by constructing womans sexuality into three ways:first, by giving the native woman image of exotic oriental

woman as sensuous, seductive, full of Eastern promises;second, on the contrary, by characterizing the native

woman as ugly, smelly, dirty, and such; third, by portray-ing the native woman as licentious and immoral.

In the novel, the first construction finds its notionin master-servant relationship between Alex and Titi. As

Alex mistress, she has to serve Alex in the day as home


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Edisi 2006-2007maid while in the night she has to be Alex sexual partnerto fulfill Alex sexual desire. Besides that, as Alex finds him-self inferior to the European women, he prefers to haveTiti as his partner because he realizes Titis natural char-acters as a Javanese/Sundanese woman who will give hima total service and will never protest her subordinate posi-tion. Most of all, it has something to do with Titis domes-tic role as a woman. On the other hand, the second con-struction can be proven from Sophies hatred of real na-tive upbringing of Titis children. Since previously they wereunder Titis, Sophie always considers Titis children as uglyand smelly. While still under Titis upbringing, Sophiesconsideration that Titi never teaches them not to stay na-ked in front of others and to feel ashamed if they do suchimmoral habit thus can be seen that indirectly, the colo-nizer associates it to the natives licentious. In addition,the Javanese/Sundanese considers that being a mistressas licentious and an immoral status of a woman.

Third, a mistress is marginalized because of her so-cial class. As her position in the society is as the lowest, Titimust provide herself to give full service, positions herselfas the subordinate and servant, and never opposes against

the position.At last, a mistress is marginalized because of her

religion. In this matter, both societies cannot accept her.Her native society doubts her faith. As most of Javanese/Sundanese is Muslim, her betrayal to be the Dutchs mis-tress who is Christian and that the relationship is extra-marital, she is considered doing adultery and thus she is asinner. On the other hand, the colonizer cannot accept her,too. For the colonizer, a mistress is let in such illegal sexualrelationship because she does not change her faith intoChristian.


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5. Conclusion

The widespread ofNyaiphenomena as the impactof the Dutch government policy had caused the ambiva-lence of (post)colonial experience of the native woman whohad the status. The ambivalence can be seen that in oneside, status as mistresses made they had possibilities toaccess the European life and culture and free them frompoverty. On the other side, the status led them into beingmarginalized. For them, being a mistress is a kind of fetishexperience, which both give them pleasure as well as pain.

Most of the mistresses remain silence then becamethe realistic attitude since the status places them nowhere.Patriarchy, imperialism, and capitalism will not listen to

what women speak up. The native society patriarchal andfeudalism systems forbid them to do any protest. As thelowest social class of social hierarchy and as the victimsof the systems, they could not fight against the systems.Their voice also will not be listened by the colonizer be-cause of their otherness.

Notes:

Nyai: native/colonized women who have pre-marital or

extra-marital sexual relationship with the colonizer men;native/colonized women who became home maid as well

as bed mate of colonizer men.

Complex marginalization: condition of racial, gender,

social class, religion and such marginalization of native

women in their position both as colonized women and

as women which is done by both the colonizer and their

native society as well.

Difference : a notion of the outsider or the other

which is produced through binary opposition in the

construction of identity.


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Edisi 2006-2007 Stereotype: a false interpretation of a given reality;

oversimplified, rigid, and generalized belief about group

or people in which all individuals from the group are

labeled with the perceived characteristics of the group.

References:

B h a b h a , H o m i K . T h e L o c a t i o n o f C u l t u r e . L o n d o n :R o u t l e d g e , 1 9 9 4 .

B u d i a n t a , M e l a n i . S a s t r a d a n I d e o l o g i G e n d e r . H o r i s o nA p r . 1 9 9 8 : 6 - 1 3 .

d e J o n g , L . . T h e C o l l a p s e o f C o l o n i a l S o c i e ty . L e i d e n :K I T L V P r e s s , 2 0 0 2 .

d e N i js , E . B r e t o n . F a d e d P o r tr a it s : A N o v e l o f t h e I n d ie s .S i n g a p o r e : p e r i p l u s , 19 9 9 .

H a l l , S t u a r t . C u l t u r a l I d e n t i t y a n d D i a s p o r a . I d e n t ity a n dD i f f e r e n c e . E d . K a t h r i n W o o d w a r d . L o n d o n : S a g eP u b l i c a t i o n s , 1 9 9 9 .

H e l w i g , T i n n e k e . A d j u s t m e n t a n d D i s c o n t e n t : R e p r e s e n -t a ti o n o f W o m e n i n t h e D u t c h E a s t I n d i e s. O n t a r i o :

N e t h e r l a n d i c P r e s s , 1 9 9 4 .N i e w e n h u y s , R o b . M ir r o r o f th e In d ie s : A H is to r y o f D u tc h

C o l o n i a l L i t e r a t u r e . H K : P e r ip l u s , 1 9 9 9 .

S a i d , E d w a r d W . . C u l t u r e a n d I m p e r i a l i s m . N e w Y o r k :V i n t a g e B o o k s , 1 9 9 3 .

S u s e n o , F r a n s M a g n i s . E tik a J a w a : S e b u a h A n a lis a F a ls a fit e n ta n g K e b i ja k s a n a a n H i d u p J a w a . J a k a r t a : P T .G r a m e d i a P u s t a k a U t a m a , 1 9 9 6 .


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Eksploitasi Pembantu Rumah Tangga Anak

di Indonesia:Tradisi vs. HAM

Oleh: Ery Satr ia Pamungkas

T h e C R C r e g i m e p r o h i b i ts a l l k i n d o f c h i l d e x p l o i ta t io n s ,

a n d t h a t w a s a l s o i n c lu d e s C h i l d D o m e s t ic W o r k e r s , b u t

a t t h e s a m e t i m e i t w a s a c o m m o n t h in g t o r e c r u i t t h e m i n

I n d o n e s i a . I n d o n e s i a n g o v e r n m e n t w e r e s t i l l fa r f ro m r e -

a l i z i n g t h e d a n g e r t h a t t h r e a t e n t h e f u t u r e o f t h e s e c h i l -

d r e n i n t h e i r m a s t e r s h o u s e h o l d e n v i r o n m e n t . T h e p h e -

n o m e n o n o f C h i l d D o m e s t i c W o r k e r s i n I n d o n e s i a h a s

e m b a r a s s in g l y d e v e l o p e d i n t o a n i m m e n s e n u m b e r o f c h i l d

e x p l o i t a t io n s a n d a b u s e s . B e s i d e e c o n o m i c p r e s s u r e s , i t

a p p e a r s t h a t t r a d i ti o n i s a l s o o n e s i g n i f ic a n t f a c t o r t h a t i g -

n i t e t h i s s i tu a t io n .

Bukanlah sesuatu yang baru apabila kita men-dengar berita mengenai kekerasan dan perlakuan buruk

yang diterima oleh Tenaga Kerja Indonesia (TKI) di negara

lain, terutama bagi mereka yang bekerja sebagaiPembantu Rumah Tangga (Domestic Workers Selan-

jutnya ditulis sebagai PRT). Situasi ini telah terjadi selamaberpuluh-puluh tahun, menghasilkan paradigma yangberkembang di masyarakat termasuk masyarakatinternasional bahwa bangsa indonesia memangsesungguhnya masyarakat kelas pembantu yangmemang ada untuk dilecehkan dan diperlakukanselayaknya budak. Kepasrahan pemerintah menghadapipemerintahan negara konsumen dalam mengatasikasus-kasus kekerasan ini semakin memperparahkeadaan. Bagi bangsa Indonesia yang hanya dapat

menyaksikan dari jauh apa yang terjadi pada akhirnyahanya dapat membuat kesimpulan bahwa para TKI


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Edisi 2006-2007tersebut memang sedang sial, dan kemudian balikmenganggap bangsa negara penerima TKI tersebutmemang memiliki karakter barbaric dan semena-mena.

Akan tetapi benarkah demikian? Bagaimana denganperlakuan terhadap para PRT di tanah air mereka sendiri?Ricuh-ricuh masalah PRT yang bekerja di luar negerikadang-kadang sering membuat kita terlupa akanpermasalahan yang lebih serius terjadi di dalam negeri:PRT di bawah umur.

Pembantu Rumah Tangga adalah orang-orang

yang bekerja pada suatu majikan dan umumnya tinggaldi kediaman majikan tersebut untuk mengerjakanpekerjaan rumah tangga, seperti memasak, mencuci,membersihkan rumah dan lain-lain untuk mendapatkanupah secukupnya. Pembantu rumah tangga yangtermasuk golongan di bawah umur sudah menjadimasalah dari awal. Istilah PRT di bawah umur pun sudahsemestinya menjadi istilah ilegal dan merupakan suatusebutan yang tidak relevan untuk disandang siapapun.Perlu dipahami bahwa permasalahan PRT di bawah umurmenyangkut dua permasalahan serius di mata inter-nasional, yaitu masalah perlindungan hak anak sekaligus

masalah perlindungan buruh, sehingga sudah sepantas-nya pemerintah mulai menganggap serius permasalahanini. Kenyataannya Indonesia tetap menjadi salah satunegara yang dijadikan contoh referensi pelanggaran HAMinternasional tersebut disamping negara-negara berkem-

bang lainnya seperti India, Maroko, El Salvador, Guate-mala dan lain-lain.Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan

bahwa sebagian besar PRT di kota-kota besar di Indone-sia didominasi oleh pekerja anak dan sebagian besar dariitu merupakan anak perempuan. Mereka terjebak dalamsituasi eksploitatif dan cenderung rentan terhadappelecehan HAM. Masalah yang mereka hadapi antara lain:penundaan pembayaran upah, upah yang sangat rendah,


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jam kerja yang hampir 24 jam non-stop, penyekapan,penyiksaan, kekerasan fisik, pelecehan seksual hinggapemerkosaan.1

Aspek Perlindungan Anak

Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) atauKonvensi Hak Anak menentukan bahwa yang dimaksudsebagai anak adalah mereka yang berusia di bawah 18tahun, kecuali apabila hukum menentukan batas usia laindi bawah 18 tahun. Batas usia ini kemudian dipakai dalam

Undang-undang Perlindungan Anak Indonesia, UU No.23 Tahun 2002. Walaupun demikian perlu diketahui In-donesia pada awalnya meratifikasi CRC hanya dengansebuah Keppres, yaitu Keppres No.36 Tahun 1990, yang

berarti Konvensi tersebut tidak wajib secara formaldijadikan referensi pembentukan Undang-undang.Untungnya UU Perlindungan Anak yang baru disahkantahun 2002 kemudian masih tetap memiliki relevansidengan ketentuan-ketentuan CRC. UU ini menentukan

bahwa pemerintah wajib melindungi anak dari segalabentuk eksploitasi dan lingkungan yang membahayakankeselamatan dan menghambat perkembangan anak. Akan

tetapi pada kenyataannya PRT di Indonesia tetapdidominasi oleh golongan usia di bawah 18 tahun tersebut.Kondisi di mana seorang PRT seringkali harus tinggal

bersama tuannya dan berdomisili di lingkungan rumahpihak yang memperkerjakannya menyebabkan merekamenjadi kaum yang sulit terdeteksi kondisinya. Kondisitertutup ini juga menjadi penghambat serius pemerintahdalam melakukan monitor. Hal ini tentu saja dapatdiperparah dengan pemalsuan Sertifikat Kelahiran, dimana seorang anak dapat tiba-tiba menjadi dewasahanya dengan pembuatan Sertifikat Kelahiran as-pal

berkat pendataan kelahiran yang buruk di daerah-daerahterpencil Indonesia. Dengan kata lain tidak mungkin


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Edisi 2006-2007melaksanakan perlindungan apabila masalah-masalahmendasar seperti registrasi kelahiran dan pembuatansertifikat kelahiran belum diatasi.

Faktor lain yang menjadi pendorong perekrutananak-anak sebagai PRT tentu saja didominasi oleh faktorekonomi. Kondisi perekonomian indonesia yang tidakstabil, dan perkembangan yang tidak seimbang dan meratamengakibatkan terjadinya suatu proses common yang kitasebut urbanisasi. Dalam hal ini masyarakat di pedesaan

yang tergiur akan kehidupan perkotaan dengan perpu-taran uang-nya kemudian berduyun-duyun pindah kekota besar, termasuk di dalamnya adalah para anak-anakdi bawah umur terutama perempuan - yang umumnyamenganggap tidak ada pekerjaan lain yang dapat merekalakukan selain menjadi PRT. Keinginan untuk menda-patkan pekerjaan yang lebih layak terhambat oleh tingkatpendidikan dan kepercayaan diri yang rendah, sehinggamereka seringkali terpaksa mengambil langkah tersebut.

Pekerja anak lebih dikehendaki karena dianggaplebih murah, lebih loyal dibanding mereka yang sudahdewasa dan juga dianggap tidak menuntut banyak apabilahak-haknya dilanggar. Kondisi geografis Indonesia yang

luas dan berbentuk kepulauan juga menjadi masalahtersendiri bagi anak-anak yang bekerja terpisah dari kotaorangtuanya, karena pergi dari majikan dan pulang kerumah akan mustahil tanpa berbekal uang yang cukup.Selain itu pekerja yang lebih dewasa lebih memilih untukmengambil jalan menjadi tenaga kerja yang dikirim keluar negeri karena telah memenuhi syarat usia. Bisa jadianak-anak yang kini menjadi PRT hanya berniatmenjadikan pekerjaan mereka sekarang sebagai traininggroundsebelum mereka benar-benar terjun menjadi TKIke luar negeri ketika telah berusia 18 tahun.


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Aspek Perlindungan Tenagaker ja

Undang-undang Ketenagakerjaan Indonesiamelarang semua pihak memperkerjakan anak.Akan tetapipasal 69 UU tersebut memberikan pengecualian kepada

bagi anak yang berumur antara 13 (tiga belas) tahunsampai dengan 15 (lima belas) tahun untuk melakukanpekerjaan ringan sepanjang tidak mengganggu perkem-

bangan dan kesehatan fisik, mental, dan sosial. Pekerjaan-nya dibatasi hanya sebanyak 3 jam perhari, dan jugadisyaratkan untuk tidak mengganngu waktu sekolah.Pengecualian juga diberikan untuk anak yang inginmelakukan pekerjaan yang berkaitan dengan kurikulumsekolahnya dan pekerjaan yang bertujuan mengem-

bangkan bakat dan minat anak, tentu sa ja denganberbagai persyaratan. UU ini juga mengatur mengenaiJenis-Jenis Pekerjaan Terburuk untuk Anak yangmerupakan adopsi dari Konvensi ILO No. 182 mengenaiPelarangan dan Tindakan Segera Penghapusan Bentuk-

bentuk Pekerjaan Terburuk untuk Anak (ILO ConventionNo. 182 Concerning The Prohibition and Immediate Ac-tion for The Elimination of The Worst Forms of Child

Labour). Pekerjaan yang dimaksud adalah Jenis-jenis

pekerjaan yang membahayakan kesehatan, keselamatan,atau moral anak.

Secara umum kondisi pekerjaan PRT sangatmemprihatinkan. Karena semua pekerja rumah tangga,

baik dewasa maupun anak-anak, tidak dicakup dalamundang-undang ketenagakerjaan Indonesia dan tidakmemperoleh perlindungan minimum sepeti yang diberikankepada pekerja Indonesia lain yang bekerja di sektor for-mal. Pengecualian ini sama artinya dengan memberikan

wewenang tanpa batas kepada para majikan dalammemperlakukan para PRT tersebut.

Walaupun demikian sudah seharusnya para anakdi bawah usia 18 tahun dilarang bekerja sebagai PRT,


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Edisi 2006-2007karena apabila kita meninjau KEP-235/MEN/2003 Tahun2003 tentang Jenis-Jenis Pekerjaan Yang MembahayakanKesehatan, Keselamatan atau Moral Anak, pada kenya-taannya PRT bisa dikategorikan sebagai salah satu jenispekerjaan semacam itu. Dapat dibayangkan hal-hal apasaja yang dapat terjadi kepada PRT di bawah umur yangharus tinggal selama 24 jam di tempat tinggal majikannya,tanpa kontrak kerja yang jelas, dan tertutup dari dunialuar. Kondisi kerja seperti ini sudah terbukti sangat

berbahaya bagi perkembangan anak, bahkan dapat

menghilangkan independensi anak sehingga nasib anakitu secara keseluruhan akan berada di tangan majikan.Sebenarnya sudah cukup banyak produk hukum

internasional mengenai perlindungan PRT yang diratifi-kasi oleh Indonesia. Bahkan peraturan-peraturan lebihterperinci telah diatur dalam peraturan-peraturan lokaldi masing-masing daerah di indonesia. Di Jakarta, sebuahperaturan lokal yang mengatur pekerja rumah tanggatelah ada sejak 1993. Peraturan Provinsi Jakarta No. 6/1993 menyatakan bahwa pekerja rumah tangga berhakmendapatan cuti tahunan, pembayaran gaji secarateratur, pakaian, makanan, istirahat, dan tempat tinggal.

Anak-anak di atas usia lima belas tahun diperbolehkanbekerja, tetapi hanya dengan ijin tertulis dari orangtuamereka. Akan tetapi kurangnya sosialisasi berdampak jugadalam penerapan dan pelaksanaannya, sehingga sedikitsekali majikan atau agen yang mengetahui keberadaanperaturan ini.

Berawal dari Tradisi

Faktor lainnya yang mendorong penggunaan anak-anak sebagai PRT ternyata juga berasal dari tradisi. Di

beberapa bagian Indonesia, sudah menjadi hal yangumum bahwa apabila ada anak di desa yang miskin danterbelakang yang ingin pindah ke kota besar untuk


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mendapatkan penghidupan yang lebih baik, maka ia dapattinggal di rumah salah satu kerabatnya yang lebih mapandengan membantu pekerjaan rumah tangga. Sebagai balas

jasanya, anak tersebut mendapatkan tempat tinggal danmakan dari sang kerabat, dan apabila beruntung diberikesempatan untuk sekolah. Di sebagian masyarakat Jawahal ini dikenal dengan nama tradisi ngenger.

Suatu tradisi semacam itu kemudian menimbulkanpaham bahwa seorang anak yang menumpang tinggal dirumah kerabatnya untuk membantu pekerjaan rumah

tangga dikategorikan sebagai pengabdi dan berada di sanauntuk mengabdi dan tidak dapat dikategorikan sebagaipekerja. Status ini menyebabkan timbulnya pendapatumum bahwa mereka tidak pantas meminta upah dariapa yang mereka kerjakan, dan sudah semestinya

berterima kasih karena te lah diselamatkan darikemiskinan. Hal ini semakin rumit, karena menyebabkanhubungan anak-anak dengan majikannya bukanlahhubungan kontrak kerja antara pekerja dan majikan, akantetapi semata-mata hanya hubungan keluarga. Walaupundemikian anak yang mengerjakan pekerjaan rumah tanggadi rumah kerabatnya tanpa mendapat upah dan hak-hak

pekerja lainnya bukan berarti aman dari eksploitasi danpelecehan, terutama bagi anak perempuan. Jenispekerjaan mereka seperti memasak, mencuci baju danmembersihkan rumah secara tradisional disebut sebagaipekerjaan ringan yang sudah selayaknya dikerjakanseorang perempuan sehari-hari tanpa harus memintaupah. Tradisi ini juga menghasilkan paham bahwa paraPRT diistilahkan sebagai pembantu bukan pekerja yang

berakibat di dalam masyarakat mereka dipisahkan darikategori tersebut.

Kesimpulan

Faktor tekanan ekonomi dan faktor tradisi


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Edisi 2006-2007merupakan penghambat terbesar bagi perlindungan PRTanak di Indonesia, lebih jauh lagi bagi perlindungan hakanak sesuai rezim internasional yang semestinya dibangunoleh adanya Konvensi Hak Anak. Legalisasi UU Perlin-dungan Anak yang terlambat, dan adanya celah besar didalam UU Ketenagakerjaan menyangkut PRT sertapenegakan hukumnya yang setengah hati menunjukkan

bahwa pemerintah Indonesia sesungguhnya belum pekadalam menghadapi masalah anak, terlebih lagi masalahperburuhan. Masalah PRT di bawah umur akan terus

menghantui Indonesia apabila pemerintah tidak mulaiberanjak dari kemapanannya dan membuka mata lebar-lebar terhadap dua faktor penting tersebut.

Revisi demi revisi peraturan-peraturan yang adatidak akan cukup apabila pemerintah menolak untukmengakui kenyataan dan mulai bekerja bersama-samamasayarakat dan NGO serta unsur-unsur lain untuk

bersosialisasi dan menanamkan kesadaran mengenai tepatatau tidaknya nilai-nilai yang kini ada di masyarakat. Disatu sisi memang ada masyarakat Indonesia yang masihmemegang tradisi yang bersifat eksploitatif dan feodaldalam hal ketenagakerjaan dan hak anak, akan tetapi perlu

diingat bahwa masyarakat internasional juga tidak akantinggal diam melihat kenyataan yang terjadi terhadap hakanak di Indonesia. Pemerintah harus mulai bergerak cepatmengejar ketertinggalan yang terjadi dan beranjak keluardari golongan bangsa tradisional yang menelantarkan hakasasi manusia.

Endnotes1 P e n e l i t i a n o l e h H u m a n R i g h t W a t c h m e n e m u k a n k a s u s - k a s u s P R T d i

b a w a h u m u r d i b e b e r a p a N e g a r a b e r k e m b a n g . L a p o r a n - l a p o r a n p e n e l i t ia n t e r s e b u t

d a p a t d i a k s e s d i w w w . h r w .o r g .


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Womens Reproductive Rights in theIslamic Jurisprudence

By:Dewant i Lakhsmi Sari

M e l a h i r k a n m e r u p a k a n s a l a h s a t u p e n y e b a b k e m a t i a n

n o m o r s a t u b a g i w a n i t a , d a n d a l a m k a s u s i n i in d o n e s i a

m e n e m p a t i p e r in g k a t t e r t i n g g i , y a i t u n o m o r s a t u d i a n t a r a

n e g a r a - n e g a r a d i A s i a T e n g g a r a , d a n n o m o r e m p a t d i A s i a

P a s i f ik . P e n u l is m e n c o b a m e l ih a t h a k m e n o l a k b a g i w a n i ta

u n t u k m e l a h i rk a n d a r i s u d u t p e n d a n g h u k u m i s l a m .

Islam exists to protect and free women from a lifeof torture. The Koran gives both females and males thesame rights.

Since the beginning, the Koran has had the inten-tion of treating parents well, especially our mothers. Theadded emphasis of respect towards our mothers is a resultof their experience of pregnancy and childbirth. This is simi-lar to that mentioned in the Koran:

And we have enjoined on man (to be good) to hisparents: in travail upon travail did his mother bear him,and in years twain was his weaning: (hear the command),Show gratitude to Me and to thy parents: to Me is (thyfinal) goal (Luqman, 31:14).

The verse above is associated with the reproductivehealth of women, which also forms a part of womensrights. As we all know womens rights are a part of humanrights. From here, we can see the importance in the needfor discussion within the wider community of the prob-lems associated with reproductive health and womens re-production rights. Discussing issues like these, also means

working on humanitarian problems. What is ironic, is, that

there are many cases where women have not received thesame rights, or, are able to carry out the same behaviors,


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Edisi 2006-2007as those enjoyed by men. Women tend to still be pushedaside and considered second-class citizens to men. But, atthe same time, they must carry out duties and supporttheir households (husband and children). This fact can be

witnessed everywhere, especially in villages and kampungs(traditional Indonesian village/quarter). Social events andactivities are also evidence to the large number of cruellytreated women in Indonesia.

Violence against women continues to this day andis carried out everywhere, in a variety of ways including

physical, mental and sexual violence. Situations of violencelike these increase the seriousness and endanger the re-productive functions and bodies of females. An interna-tional report states that every year more than 500,000

women die as a result of pregnancy or childbirth, and70,000 women die as a result of abortion or miscarriage.Seven million babies die every year, as a result of the mother

being physically unable, or, as a result of a shortage inobstetric check ups (see Womens rights, A guide to UNConventions Concerning Womens Rights, from theOrganisation Jurnal Perempuan, 2001).

This data explains how very brittle the susceptibil-

ity of womens reproductive health is, and is thus closelyintertwined with the reproductive rights of women. Thecore of all female problems is the struggle for womensrights, which, at present is unequal. On a social level, theposition of women is generally not considered to be useful,

while characteristics such as power and strength tend tobe equated with males (patriarchic).

Now to look at the association between the repro-ductive rights of women and Islam, the author will try toexplain the view of the holy Koran. This will be done meth-odologically with the use of fiqh, using the comparison ofinterpretations by Islamic Ulama and kaidah ushul fiqh,in an attempt to consider the problems associated with fe-


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male reproduction.

The right to enjoy a sexual relationship

Human beings, aside from being intelligent crea-tures, are also sexual creatures. Sexual activity is a natu-ral instinct of every human being. Within the teachings ofIslam, all instincts of mankind are valued and respected.Sexual instinct should thus be channeled and not curbed.The curbing of ones instincts will increase negative effects,not only concerning a persons body, but also ones mind

and soul.Marriage usually includes a sexual relationship. Thedefinition of marriage varies in accordance with trends andthe respective couples view on it. Some people say thatmarriage is the unification of a male and female and vali-dated by the law. In fiqh, the majority of fiqh experts de-fine marriage as a males right over the females body forsexual enjoyment. Although the language can vary, thereis an agreement among the majority of Ulama that thecovenant of marriage gives ownership to the male to ob-tain enjoyment from the body of his wife. This is becausethere is a general agreement that the male is the owner of

sexual happiness .Islam exists to protect and free women from a life

of torture. The Koran gives both females and males thesame rights. Women have the right to treat men with noth-ing but goodness. We can thus use this view as a startingpoint, to formulate marriage as a legal promise, that gives

both males and females equal sexual rights.

The right to reject sexual relations

Based on equality and justice for both men andwomen, the problem of a sexual relationship can occurwhen the husband refuses to serve the sexual needs of hiswife. Ibnu Abbas has said


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Edisi 2006-2007 I like to dress up for my wife just as she likes to

dress up for me.This expression has the meaning that a husband

and wife need to respectively give and receive, in a peace-ful and loving atmosphere.

The right to reject pregnancy

Pregnancy on the one hand can form happiness forthe wife, but on the other hand, it may also be somethingthat has not been wished for. Aside from whether a preg-

nancy has been wished for or not, the Koran says thatwomen who are pregnant are always in a condition ofweakness. The level of weakness becomes greater at thetime of childbirth. Professor Ida bagus Gde Manuaba, as-serts that women experience many problems that can dis-rupt their health during pregnancy, among them are,morning sickness, leg cramps, varicose veins, fainting, andleg swelling .

It must be understood that childbirth forms a verycritical point in a womans life. Risks of fatality exist andcan be caused by a variety of factors. The risks womenundergo during pregnancy and childbirth, can only be felt

by women themselves, as is only women who possess thesereproductive organs. The two risks most commonly heardof are bleeding and miscarriage. How wise the prophet was

when he said: there are seven possibilities to achieve mar-tyrdom aside from dying in a war, these include, peoplethat die as a result of poisoning, those that drown in wa-ter, those that fall ill with a virus, those that have leprosy,those that are burnt in a fire, those that are buried by scaf-folding and those that die in childbirth (hadith narrated

by Abu Dawud, an-Nasai, Ibn Majah and Ibn Hibban, seeal-Mundziri, at-Targhib wa at-Tarhib min al-Hadits asy-Syarif, II/335).

The prophet thus gives women who die in child-birth a guarantee into heaven. Their position in the face of


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God, is the same as that of soldiers in fields of war, fight-ing against their enemies. The prophets statement men-tioned above is no different from the high value placedupon women who die as a result of childbirth. But, be-cause many people still see dying a martyr as gaining agreat amount of merit and the guarantee into heaven,those who are pregnant tend not to feel like they mustgive wholehearted care to their pregnancy. This is clearlya foolish idea. Results of expert research show that theposition and reproductive health of women during preg-

nancy is very complicated and thus childbirth is a primarykiller of all fertile women. The situation of maternal mor-tality places Indonesia as the highest ranking countryamong countries of Southeast Asia, and fourth highest inthe Asia Pacific.

The increase in this problem means we need adeeper knowledge and a greater balance between men and

women, so that women are able to reject pregnancy.Whats more, women also have the right to make the de-cision of how many children they wish to have. No personcan deny that inside the stomach of a pregnant woman is

where a child grows and develops and while males do play

a role in the fertilization process, it is the female who mustexperience the problems associated with childbirth. Thereis a controversy concerning who has the right over thechild. The majority of Fiqh experts believe that childrenare the responsibility of both the father and the mother; asa child is the product of both parents. Because of this, todecide when to have children and how many children tohave should become the right of the wife, but must be dis-cussed by both parents. From here, we see the possibilityto increase the decision-making capacity for wives andmothers, meaning their susceptibility to illness or mater-nal mortality at the time of pregnancy or childbirth, can

be reduced.


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Edisi 2006-2007The prevention of a woman becoming pregnant can

be carried out in a number of ways and by use of a num-ber of instruments, regulated by the family planning pro-gram. This can be by way of periodic prohibition or withother forms of contraception. With regards to the use ofcontraception, the wife has the right to decide what formof contraception she will use, in accordance with her healthcondition. It is thus logical that she also has the right toobtain information and an honest explanation from medi-cal experts concerning her condition and choice of contra-

ception. When she does not have any knowledge concern-ing contraception devices the doctor has an obligation.

The Right To Abortion

The use of contraception and other methods to pre-vent pregnancy, cannot guarantee a woman that she willnot fall pregnant. The choice for life (to become pregnant)or not, lays in the hands of God. An unwanted pregnancy(due to a variety of factors) can happen and these dayshappens on a regular basis. In regards to this situationthen, can a woman cause a disruption/miscarriage to herpregnancy?

As a principle, Islam prohibits in all forms, the actof damaging, injuring or killing other human beings. TheProphet has said:

Do not cause damage (endanger) upon ones selfor others.

In a verse of the Koran a similar statement ahs alsobeen made. Yet, still in our lives we are faced with difficultchoices. The issue of abortion is indeed one of these diffi-cult choices. To abort a fetus in the womb can mean kill-ing a living spirit, but to neglect the continuation of lifeinside ones uterus for whatever reason, can result in suf-fering or worse, still death to the mother.

In regards to this problem, fiqh offers a number of


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choices. Firstly Fiqh Ulama agree that abortion cannot takeplace after the fetus is 120 days (4 months). A fetus that is120 days old, in their view, is already a full human being.Many views concerning abortion of the fetus (before 120days) do not consider this abortion but murder. While onthe contrary, Islamic experts hold a very pluralistic viewconcerning abortion, befo

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Visi Ppi-India 2006