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Video Kinship: A Review ofA Arcas dos Zoe andEu Ja Fui Seu Irmao
Faye Ginsburg
Director, Center for Media, Culture, and HistoryDepartment of Anthropology, New York University
New York, N.Y. 10003
for
Cadernos de Antropologia e Imagem
A Arcas dos Zoe,(1993, 22 minutes, in Tupi with English subtitles)
Directors: Vincent Carelli and Dominique Gallois; Camera: Vincent Carelli and Kasiripina
Sound and Translation: Dominique Gallois; Editor: Tutu Nunes; Post: Cleiton Capellossi
Awards: Sol de Ouro (First Prize, 9 th Rio-Cine Festival, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, 1993JVC Presidents Award, 16 th Tokyo Video Festival, Japan, 1993
Prix du Court Metrage, Cinema du Reel, 1994
Eu Ja Fui Seu Irmao (1993, 32 minutes, Portuguese with English subtitles)
Director and Camera: Vincent Carelli; Sound: Cleito Capellossi, Pedro Correia
Editor: Tutu Nunes; Consulting Anthropologist: Gilberto Azanha
Awards: Best Video (Publics Award), Sao Luis Trophy (Critics Award), Jangada Trophy
(International Catholic Film Organization), 17th Guarnice de Cine Video, Maranhao, Brazil. 1994
Video works cited here are available from:Centro de Trabalho Indigenista, Rua Fidalga, 548 #13, Sao Paulo 05432-000, Brazil
Tel: 011-55-61-813-3459; FAX: 011-55-61-813-0747
or:
Video Databank, 37 S. Wabash, Chicago Illinois, USA, 312-899-5172
I never imagined that there could exist, even today, a village celebrating as my ancestors .
did. (Translated comments of Kokrenum, Gaviao Chief, on viewing tapes of a Kraho
ceremony in 1991. Quoted in Carelii 1995: 5)
Now well go see our images together. In the past, we Indians didnt know about this. ..Inthe white mans language, its called television. And in our language? I dont know. (From
Arcas dos Zoe, 1993)
Its Indian with Indian. Weve just become friends. But from here on, the tape theyre
making, theyre going to take it for them to watch, and theyll send a copy for us to
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watch. A road has been opened between us. (FromEu ja fui seu Irmao, 1993)
A Arcas dos Zoe andEu Ja Fui Seu Irmao are two remarkable videos that invite us to
rethink the possibilities of small media in the late 20th century as technologies that facilitate
kinship, cultural self-consciousness, and political awareness, inverting what people presume the
usual causal relationship is between media and alienation.. Directed and photographed byVincent Carelli , both tapes are part of the Video nas Aldeias (Video in the Villages) project he
has been directing in association with the Centro de Trabalho Indigenista (CTI)1 , an advocacy
group working since 1979 with and for Brazils indigenous people, located in Sao Paolo. Of the
13 or more video works produced by the project to date, they are among the most interesting
because they dramatize so clearly how new cultural , social, and political relations are being
constituted among indigenous people of the Amazon and beyond, and how technologies such as
video are a productive part of that process. By any cultural standard, the pieces are beautifully
shot and edited and communicate a rich sense of long-term trust and collaboration between Carelli
and the subjects of the tapes (Waiapi, Zoe, Kraho, and Gaviao/Parakateje peoples) who as we
see in the tapes are also making their own video documentation of the same events forthemselves.
In its current popular usage, the word media evokes large multinational conglomerates,
the commodification of daily life in late capitalist culture, and the increasing globalization of
images and information, so that cultures and people appear ever more deracinated and
disconnected. Yet, in its original English language meaning, media is defined as an intervening
substance through which a force acts or an effect is produced; it is something that mediates,
acting between parties to effect an understanding, compromise, or reconciliation. These notions
of media and mediation are whatA Arcas dos Zoe and Eu ja Fui Seu Irmao indeed all the
video works of the Video in the Villages project represent. They fall somewhere between
indigenous media made by and for aboriginal communities, and ethnographic film which hastraditionally been framed by categories of anthropological interest. Instead, these videos
chronicle for outsiders (as well as insiders) the social processes generated by the catalytic effect
the presence of video has had, within a context of political and cultural advocacy.2 As Pat
Aufderheide explains in her article on the work of Vincent Carelli and CTI,
Video in the Villages responds to the expressed needs of Indian groups, within the context
of the organizations focus on Indian rights. It is not a film production unit; in fact the
bulk of the work is in facilitating Indians video use. Indians produce videos that they
conceive jointly with the organization , and they dictate the thematic and compositional
choices. VIV also circulates tapes, arranges exchanges between different groups and
organizes meetings between groups that have met already by video. It helps buildarchives and videotheques, and replaces moldy or damaged tapes. Its choices for video
work are driven by ways in which video can foment the larger project of cultural integrity
and reconstruction..
. ..These videos have an activist, political rationale, and a didactic documentary format.
They are intended to explain to as-large-as-possible, often non-Indian audiences why
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video is a useful tool for Indian cultural survival. (1995: 84)
As Carelli has made clear in his work, Video in the Villages has developed two different
dimensions of using video. He (and others such as American anthropologist Terry Turner with
whom Carelli has worked on The Kayapo Video Project) have been providing video equipment
and training for members of indigenous communities interested in using video for their ownpurposes (Turner 1992; Feitosa 1991, 1993) Additionally, Carelli makes tapes about the process
of introducing video and its effects, both for these communities but also for outsiders who help
fund the projects that have been so crucial to helping sustain the possibility of advocacy
internal and external for Brazils indigenous people who have suffered a long history of
colonialism. The tapes that Carelli makes (as opposed to those made by and for indigenous
people themselves) are not only of great interest for native people concerned with recording and
reviving their ritual life and exchanging tapes with other groups; they also are often more
successful than written documents in garnering support from NGOs and other sources of
support of indigenous people. This is increasingly important as these groups face new threats to
their lives and territories. Most recently, as is evident in the discussions we hear in the tapes,they have felt the impact of incursion of gold miners and their pollution of water supplies, and
of ranchers and loggers who have been destroying their forest lands.
This kind of process, of course, is not simply a product of working with video but is part
of a broader process that is occurring with indigenous people throughout the Americas and even
across the globe, what some have called ethnogenesis (Whitten 1996). In a recent essay
introducing an edited collection on ethnogenesis in the Americas, John Hill describes this process
as:
not merely a label for the historical emergence of culturally distinct peoples but a concept
encompassing peoples simultaneously cultural and political struggles to create enduring
identities in general contexts of radical change and discontinuity...a creative adaptation toa general history of violent changes including demographic collapse, forced relocations,
and genocide imposed during the historical expansion of colonial and nation states in
the Americas.(Hill 1996: 1)
Or, put in terms of other theoretical debates, one might look at these projects as demonstrative of
ways in which they indigenize modernity (Sahlins 1993).
The works of Video in the Villages (VIV) are almost unique as documents about what
happens when video is put into the hands of indigenous communities and how it is embraced as a
technology of mediation. It is part of a particular moment when Amazonian people are becoming
newly self-conscious of themselves, of the fragility of their cultural practices under pressure of
contact and of the importance of making connections with other indigenous groups andestablishing ongoing contact with them as a way to strengthen their position locally and in
relation to the incursions of outsiders and government agents.
Rather than following ethnographic tropes, as if the tapes were providing transparent
visual descriptions about the Waiapi or the Zoe or the Kraho as static and frozen
cultures, these works both represent and are a crucial part of a social process, catalyzed and
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supported in part by sympathetic white activists from the CTI and elsewhere, along with the
interest of a number of dynamic indigenous Amazonian leaders and their communities who have
recognized the power that small media like video can offer to them on a number of levels.
Permanently breaking older paradigms of representation, the VIV tapes (along with those made
with and by other indigenous groups all over the globe) are part of a project of cultural activism,
in struggles that range from land rights to the protection of cultural property.Carelli began VIV as an experimental project with the Nambiquara in 1987, which
dramatically demonstrated its productive potential; as with other groups, one of the first and
primary interests they had in video is to use it to reflect on their own cultural practices (and their
potential loss) and to record them as a way to both revive and preserve these cultural practices
for future generations, much as early ethnographic filmmakers recorded aspects of ritual and
material culture as a project of salvage ethnography. In the case of the Nambiquara, seeing images
of themselves performing a girls puberty ritual (Festa da Moca, 1987, 18 min,) triggered a revival
of a nose-piercing ritual for male initiation (and other traditional practices) that had been waning
almost since contact (Carelli 1988, Auderhiede 1995: 85). A later tape, O Espirito da TV(1990,
18 min.) , resulted from collaboration with Waiapi -- and especially chief Wai Wai -- living in thestate of Amapa who have been very active in fighting both state and commercial threats to their
land and autonomy. Anthropologist Dominique Gallois, (who worked on this project) and
Carelli found that these people -- who had had negative experiences with outside filmmakers --
wanted very much to control their own image making, and to document the process of coming
into contact with other communities. The tape shows their reactions and reflections to seeing
images of themselves and others through the medium of video for the first time, and demonstrates
how video was quickly assimilated to a project of inter-tribal diplomacy.
Such efforts to link different Indian groups through video and the social relations being
produced by this process are the central subject, in different ways ofA Arcas dos Zoe andEu
Ja Fui Seu Irmao . In the case of the latter tape, Carelli explains:One of the most significant results of this project occurred when a group, having
discovered through video that it had many things in common with another, actually made
contact in real life. This was the case of the Parakateje (Gaviao) the Kraho and the Canela,
three groups that come from the same branch of the Timbira culture, speak the same
language, and have the same cultural base. However, their differences were also enormous,
resulting from their different historical experiences of contact.
The Gaviao, who live in the south of Para, were contacted less than 30years ago,
but have lost all of their elders and with them, a large part of the tribal memory. Their
younger people no longer speak their mother tongue. The Kraho and the Canela who live
in the states of Tocantins and Maranha, were contacted more than 300 years ago butcontinue to be more isolated. Unlike the Gaviao, they are extremely poor and practice an
intense ceremonial life. In this respect, the Kraho..represent for the Gavio what they
have lost. (Carelli 1995: 5)
The tape actually has its roots in 1991, when VIV recorded a Kraho ceremony at Tocantins
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and sent the tape to the Parakateje (Gaviao) of Para. The Gaviao chief, Kokrenum, was
impressed by what he saw, and in September 1992, with the assistance of the VIV project
(partially supported by the Rockefeller Foundation), he brought 50 young men by truck to
Tocantins to participate in a Kraho initiation ceremony at the invitation of their chief Diniz
Tebiet. The video record of the event -- which includes chanting and dancing, body painting,
and preparations for the arduous relay race in which huge logs are passed from youthful shoulderto shoulder as they run across the savanna -- was screened nightly in the Gaviao village after
they returned. The intensity of the experience helped galvanize a return visit following year,
when a contingent of Kraho came to visit the Gaviao during a corn harvest festival which also
includes the log relay race. This exchange, and its obvious impact on both groups, is the
substance ofEuja fui seu Irmao. As Chief Kokrenum explains:
Those young ones are always wanting to do what the whites do...
So I think we ought to take the youngsters to see the Krahos dances, how they do their
festivals. Because theyre keeping their ways. So thats why they took all the teenagers,
so they could see the Krahos activities for themselves. To see if the kids will believe
what I say, to come thinking like that again, right?...I thought they didnt speak Portuguese, but they speak really well, better than we do
here..They speak more correctly. But theyre always [also] using their language..Even the
little ones speak in their language.
This sense of cultural and historical difference between the groups is reflected in the
visual images of the tape, showing the propensity for western clothes among the Gaviao, for
example. It is also encoded in a charming and illuminating conversation between the two chiefs as
they comment on each others customs, (in what occasionally seems like an unwitting gentle
parody of the narrative style of ethnographic film.) In addition to their commentary, there are
many other dimensions of reflexivity throughout the piece. Indeed, the tape is reflexivelystructured around such meta-level observations and exchanges, as it elegantly cuts from scenes of
the ceremonies themselves with both hosts and guests, to scenes of Gaviao (and later Kraho)
watching the videos of the visits to the other villages on their home turf (via generators set up in
structures in the middle of the villages) and commenting on them. In yet another reflexive move,
we watch their own videotaping of the events, subtly clarifying how the tape we are seeing is
being produced about the event for cultural outsiders (as well as as insiders).
Potential audiences, broadly speaking, are also conceived across time. In the final scene
of the tape shot in the Gaviao village, the chiefs announce to the camera and those assembled:
Were doing this for our young ones, not for us. Thats why I want to know everyones
name. So we can visit each other, do things together. Thats right, were going to do that.And then slowly and systematically, in a moving and dramatic enactment of that desire to create
kinship across the divisions of history and space, one child after the next is brought forward and
their name enunciated and repeated for the sake of the other group: , This is Hok Hi, Hok Hi.
And so on.
Kokrenum continues:
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When these kids grow up, theyll think, Back then nobody knew anybody. We only
heard Krahos name and we only heard Paraketejes (Gaviaos) name. But we never met,
we never talked. But those two old me were smart and opened the way. You arrived in
my village and there wasnt time to get to know everybody and we had this gathering so
we could meet. At my next festival, Im going to present the rest because not everybody
came. I also want you to meet those who stayed behind. If your people go home andleave a seed to make people stronger, I think its good. I want to see my people grow. At
the next feast, Im going to get everybody together so well be one big family.
As Carelli points out, this tape is not only about the emerging social relations between these
groups, but is also a profile of Kokrenum, whose charisma, foresight, and political strategies
have been essential to the Waiapis survival ( CTI 1994).
In A Arcas dos Zoe , which was also motivated by the emerging relations among different
indigenous groups enhanced by video exchange, the Waiapi, who have a long history with whites,
began to communicate with the Zoe who were only contacted around 1989 in the north of Para.
(Both are part of the Tupi culture but speak divergent dialects, which began to be mutually
intelligible after speakers spend a few days together. ) For these groups, their desires to meeteach other encapsulated the histories of contact, loss, and nostalgia. According to Vincent Carelli:
One of the Waiapi expectations for this meeting was to re-encounter the way of
life, techniques, and decorations of their ancestors, which they wanted to film and rescue
for their own young people. On the other hand, the impetus for the meeting resulted
from the Zoe living through one of the most delicate moments in their history
confronting the risk of contagion, the fascination they felt toward white people, and so
on. The Waiapi, who had already lived through all of this, wanted to bring along and
comment on videos that show the white world that the more isolated group was just now
encountering.
For the Zoe, the most important result was to begin an unprecedented self-reflection process, and to discover that the world outside is more differentiated than they
imagined. Besides whites, there exist other Indians, others like us. (1995: 6)
As part of the ongoing work of Video in the Villages, Carelli and anthropologist Dominique
Gallois, who has worked with the Waiapi for many years, helped arrange and document the first
actual meeting of Wai Wai and several other Waiapi who flew in to meet with Zo e people who
they had first encountered on video. That meeting (and the perceptions of each group about each
other as they reflect on it) forms the narrative structure of A Arcas dos Zoe, with Chief Wai
Wai being the key interlocutor of the story and the apparent catalyst for the event.
The tapes opening images of the Kasarapina, a Waiapi cameraman shooting scenes ofZoe daily life are accompanied by Chief Wai Wais (subtitled translated) comments:
We knew these people from television images. And thats when I decided to visit their
village...Theyre different because they go naked...but the color of their skin is the same as
ours. Theres no problem. Thats really how they are. Around the men I felt no shame
but around the women, yes, because its different here. Because thats their custom and I
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got used to it.
The visual imagery is appropriately edenic to the commentary; Zoe women, naked except for
the monkeys perched on their shoulders, long lip plugs, and elaborate headresses of feathers that
resemble 18th century bonnets, and long tubular lip plugs, seem utterly un self conscious and
deeply curious about the clothing and tools of their Waiapi guests.
The tape then shifts scene to Wai Wai back at home, telling his own people about the tripas they watch the video of his journey. The commentary by Wai Wai repeatedly underscores
their sense of these people as like their ancestors. As we watch a woman pull a spider monkey
out of a pot and prepare to eat, he remarks:
They dont use dishes, only gourds, like our ancestors. Were the ones who changed after
meeting whites. Theyre identical to those from the time of the creator.
In an uncanny resemblance to early encounters with anthropologists, the tape chronicles the
material culture of the Zoe, from the making of arrows, to technologies of food preparation, to
the use of Brazil nut trees and bark, to magic for hunting tapirs, to the division of meat to the
community, to ritual initiation of young men who must hold their hands inside a pot filled with
biting ants. In a similar reprise of primal encounters, Zoe women check out the cloth used byWaiapi men for loincloths and ask them to be sure to bring some back.
Much as Wai Wai is moved by their knowledge of ancestral ways, he is also worried
about the innocence of the Zoe, and tries to warn them about the danger of goldminers, the ways
they can destroy the forest and pollute the rivers. As if to underscore the potential gravity of
contact with whites, his parting comment as he boards the airplane to return home is:
See you later. If I die from a white mans disease, I wont return. If I die, we wont see
each other again.
Conclusion
These tapes are significant on a number of levels. First, they are delightful to watch, notonly because of Carellis technical facility with video, but also because of his long knowledge of
and intimacy with the different groups and the conditions they face. The level of trust and
rapport in the tapes is palpable in multiple ways, from the gentle humor of many of the
interactions, to the ease with which quotidien scenes were shot, to the philosophical reflections
on their conditions that the circumstances of encounter provoked for each group. As such, we
get a remarkably intimate sense of daily life as well as the thoughts of indigenous intellectuals and
leaders trying to lead their people into a future with some sense of the integrity of their culture,
language and political autonomy. These are representations of the natives point of view
rarely achieved in ethnographic film.
At another level, these tapes are extraordinarily valuable historical documents regardingthe taking up of new technologies video in this case by people for whom they are novel,
and seeing how they use it to mediate their relations with the fellow Indians. Considering the
amount of ink spilled by western intellectuals over the presumed deleterious effects of cameras
on indigenous people (cf. Weiner et al, 1996), it is far more useful to recommend to such
doomsayers that they watch these tapes than to argue with them in the abstract. In both of
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these productions, the natives can tell and show you quite directly why these tools are
profoundly useful to them, and how they have been used in the service of strengthening cultural
traditions and in political organizing.
Finally,A Arcas dos Zoe andEu Ja Fui Seu Irmao are indicative of a key historical
moment in a process of ethnogenesis discussed earlier, and the formation of a pan-indigenous
national consciousness that is crucial to the future of these groups,3 as was clear in theinspiration for cultural revival demonstrated by the Gaviao and the Waiapi, and their concern to
protect the newly contacted Zoe from the tragedies they have encountered from contact with the
dominant culture. Such works provide a healthy counterpoint to the stereotypical images in the
press, cinema, and popular writing about Amazonian people, in their clear portrayal of
Amazonian people as self-conscious and active historical agents, able to use a range of
technologies to address not only many different audiences and but their own cultural concerns
and political futures.
Acknowledgments
Thanks to Patricia Monte Mor for her encouragement to write this review, and her patienceabout receiving it. Thanks also to the following people for their helpful conversations: Patricia
Aufderheide, Dominique Gallois, Terry Turner, and Virginia Valadao. Finally, I am grateful to
Vincent Carelli for his insights into this work, and the many conversations I have had with him
over the years regarding the broader project he is engaged in, at different film festivals and while
he was in residence at the Center for Media, Culture and History at New York University in
1995.
References Cited
Aufderheide, Patricia with Vincent Carelli
1995 The Video in the Villages Project: Videomaking With and by Brazilian Indians. In VisualAnthropology Review, Fall 1995, 11 (2) : 83 - 93
Carelli, Vincent
1995 Video in the Villages: Bringing the Indians Together with their Own Image. Transated and
introduced by Patricia Aufderheide. Unpublished interview. Archive of the Center for
media, Culture, and History, New York University.
Centro de Trabalho Inidigenista
1994 Video in the Viallages Distribution Catalogue
Feitosa, Monica
1991 The Others Vision: From the Ivory Tower to the Barricade. Visual Anthropology
Review
Volume 7 (2), Fall 1991: 48 - 49
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1993 Taking Aim, 41 min., color. A video by Monica Frota. Rua Vsconde de Ouro Preto
611/201, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil
Gallois, Dominique and Vincent Carelli
1995 Video in the Villages: The Waiapi Experience. In Advocacy and Indigenous Film-making
Intevention Nordic Papers in Critical Anthropology, No. 1: 23 - 38.
Hill, Jonathon
1996 Introduction: Ethnogenesis in the Americas, 1492 - 1992. In History, Power, and
Identity: Ethnogenesis in the Americas, 1492 - 1992, ed. Jonothan Hill, University of
Iowa Press.
Sahlins, Marshall
1993 Goodbye to Tristes Tropiques: Ethnography in the Context of Modern World History.
In Journal of Modern History 65 (1): 1 - 25
Turner, Terry
1992 Defiant Images. In Anthropology Today 8 (6): 5 - 16
Weiner, James
1996 Televisualist Anthropology. Cultural Anthropology, Spring 1996
Whitten, Norman
1996 Ethnogenesis. In Encyclopedia of Cultural Anthropology, ed. D. Levinson and M.
Ember. New York: Henry Holt
Endnotes
1. For an excellent overview of the whole project and its relation to the advocacy work of CTI, I
recommend Patricia Aufderheides article, The Video in the Villages Project: Videomaking With
and by Brazilian Indians, In Visual Anthropology Review, Fall 1995, 11 (2) : 83 - 93
2.As Vincent Carelli explains the distinction between the different uses of video:
..we make it clear that the video made by the Indians is almost exclusively for
internal consumption in the villages, and as such us distinct from the video in the
Villages series about the project..But the Indians are taking their first steps, and their
work, like any home video, cannot be judged according to aesthetic standards. It doesnt
matter whether the image shakes and the takes are very long. What is important is the
social and cultural dynamic associated with this image. (1995: 10)
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3. Vincent Carelli explains :
Of particular significance was the growth of a pan-indigenous national consciousness
rooted in the similar historical processes experienced by each group since contact and intheir common problems. (1995: 3)