The Mundane to the MemorialCirculating and Deliberating the Warin Iraq Through Vernacular Soldier-Produced VideosChristina M Smith amp Kelly M McDonald

The War in Iraq has been one of the most documented wars in history using

participatory media technologies This essay examines how YouTube videos produced and

consumed during the War in Iraq offer an alternative to the military-media control over

information and images both during and after the conflict Videos produced by soldiers

on the frontlines provide a unique case study for vernacular discourse as it circulates and

is re-mediated on the computer screens of multiple publics Therefore we describe the

most popular genre of combat music videos and perform a critical rhetorical analysis

that explores the problematic articulations inherent in the productions While the videos

perform an important role as vernacular argumentation they nevertheless contain

Orientalist and nationalist discourses These representations become more powerful

considering that audiences accord the videos a greater sense of authenticity and authority

derived from their vernacular status We also discuss how the circulation and

consumption of both vernacular soldier-produced videos and hybridized participatory

media products from the US military in the YouTube digital space problematizes

notions of vernacular and hegemonic Ultimately these combat videos complicate public

deliberation regarding the War in Iraq because of their ambiguous authorship

Keywords Soldier videos Vernacular discourse War in Iraq Deliberation YouTube

Introduction

During the War in Iraq YouTube has served as a cybersite of rhetorical import where

soldiers create and upload a digital record of their experiences in combat Journalists

Christina M Smith is an Assistant Professor at Ramapo College of New Jersey and Kelly M McDonald is an

Assistant Professor at Arizona State University They would like to thank Cheree Carlson and the anonymous

reviewers for their helpful feedback Correspondence to Christina M Smith Email csmith7ramapoedu

ISSN 1529-5036 (print)ISSN 1479-5809 (online) 2011 National Communication Association

DOI 101080152950362011589031

Critical Studies in Media Communication

Vol 28 No 4 October 2011 pp 292313

scholars and military personnel have referred to this phenomenon as the lsquolsquoYouTube

Warrsquorsquo which focuses attention upon the use of the medium by a variety of audiences

including soldiers government and military elites insurgents and civilians (Cohen

2010 Dauber 2009 McClam 2006 Meyersohn 2007) Soldier videos which serve as

a lsquolsquovirtual scrapbook of the warrsquorsquo range in topic and scope from instances of boredom

to memorializing fallen comrades to violent montages of combat operations (Sax

2006 p 42) Soldiers have always sent home materials from the battlefield during

past wars and lsquolsquodigital pictures and video are simply a new incarnation of that This is

how the new generation does thingsrsquorsquo (Geoffrey Wawro cited in Wyatt 2006)

However this current warfare imagery is now widely available for public consump-

tion on websites such as YouTube

This essay examines how YouTube videos produced and consumed during the War

in Iraq offer an alternative to the militarymedia control over information and

images Soldier-produced combat videos on YouTube constitute vernacular creations

because they are forms of everyday expression created by low-ranking frontline

troops1 Thus these videos serve as a case study for the investigation of vernacular

discourse as it circulates and is re-mediated on the computer screens of multiple

publics including friends and family members active duty and retired military

personnel journalistic organizations and engaged citizens By emphasizing the

fragmented polysemous and audience-centered texts we contend that user-

generated content produced with lighter and faster digital media tools and

disseminated on social networking sites such as YouTube are fundamentally altering

the public sense making of war Specifically the deployment of these digital tools by

soldiers serving in Iraq allows their vernacular content to function as deliberative

material thus challenging hegemonic control of the information and imagery

surrounding conflict

We argue that videos crafted and circulated by soldiers display Ono and Slooprsquos

(1995) vernacular cultural syncretism by both reinforcing and resisting dominant

ideologies surrounding the War in Iraq In this case the productions critique military

purpose and policy while using racist language to characterize the enemy and leaving

unaddressed the issue of US cultural imperialism Additionally we discuss the

circulation and consumption of both combat videos and the US military-produced

videos on the MNFIraq YouTube channel The MNFIraq videos resemble those

created by soldiers and therefore function as hybridized participatory media products

that permit a military power to pirate vernacular expression in the service of its

dominant discourse The existence of these two sets of texts in the same digital space

problematizes notions of vernacular and hegemonic as well as complicates public

deliberation over the War in Iraq because of the ambiguous authorship In previous

conflicts the militarymedia complex disseminated battlefield imagery through

control of journalistic access and censorship of content However the advent of

digital technology during the War in Iraq introduced a new method of public warfare

communication that allowed for rapid dissemination and re-mediation by both

dominant and subordinate groups We contend that when discussed within the

context of scholarly debates about the deliberative potential of the YouTube medium

The Mundane to the Memorial 293

scholars and military personnel have referred to this phenomenon as the lsquolsquoYouTube

Warrsquorsquo which focuses attention upon the use of the medium by a variety of audiences

including soldiers government and military elites insurgents and civilians (Cohen

2010 Dauber 2009 McClam 2006 Meyersohn 2007) Soldier videos which serve as

a lsquolsquovirtual scrapbook of the warrsquorsquo range in topic and scope from instances of boredom

to memorializing fallen comrades to violent montages of combat operations (Sax

2006 p 42) Soldiers have always sent home materials from the battlefield during

past wars and lsquolsquodigital pictures and video are simply a new incarnation of that This is

how the new generation does thingsrsquorsquo (Geoffrey Wawro cited in Wyatt 2006)

However this current warfare imagery is now widely available for public consump-

tion on websites such as YouTube

This essay examines how YouTube videos produced and consumed during the War

in Iraq offer an alternative to the militarymedia control over information and

images Soldier-produced combat videos on YouTube constitute vernacular creations

because they are forms of everyday expression created by low-ranking frontline

troops1 Thus these videos serve as a case study for the investigation of vernacular

discourse as it circulates and is re-mediated on the computer screens of multiple

publics including friends and family members active duty and retired military

personnel journalistic organizations and engaged citizens By emphasizing the

fragmented polysemous and audience-centered texts we contend that user-

generated content produced with lighter and faster digital media tools and

disseminated on social networking sites such as YouTube are fundamentally altering

the public sense making of war Specifically the deployment of these digital tools by

soldiers serving in Iraq allows their vernacular content to function as deliberative

material thus challenging hegemonic control of the information and imagery

surrounding conflict

We argue that videos crafted and circulated by soldiers display Ono and Slooprsquos

(1995) vernacular cultural syncretism by both reinforcing and resisting dominant

ideologies surrounding the War in Iraq In this case the productions critique military

purpose and policy while using racist language to characterize the enemy and leaving

unaddressed the issue of US cultural imperialism Additionally we discuss the

circulation and consumption of both combat videos and the US military-produced

videos on the MNFIraq YouTube channel The MNFIraq videos resemble those

created by soldiers and therefore function as hybridized participatory media products

that permit a military power to pirate vernacular expression in the service of its

dominant discourse The existence of these two sets of texts in the same digital space

problematizes notions of vernacular and hegemonic as well as complicates public

deliberation over the War in Iraq because of the ambiguous authorship In previous

conflicts the militarymedia complex disseminated battlefield imagery through

control of journalistic access and censorship of content However the advent of

digital technology during the War in Iraq introduced a new method of public warfare

communication that allowed for rapid dissemination and re-mediation by both

dominant and subordinate groups We contend that when discussed within the

context of scholarly debates about the deliberative potential of the YouTube medium

The Mundane to the Memorial 293

the soldier-produced combat videos serve as an example of the productive debate

occurring on the public screen2 (DeLuca and Peeples 2002)

Our analysis proceeds in the following manner To understand the combat videos

rhetorically we first describe our set of texts which includes the videos the

journalistic coverage of the videos and the accompanying viewer commentary By

considering the videos in concert with the social commentary in which they are

embedded it is possible to decipher the persuasive power of the texts Next we

discuss vernacular theory and perform a critical rhetorical analysis that explores how

the videos both perform an important role as vernacular argumentation and contain

problematic articulations of race gender and nationalism These representations

become more powerful when audiences accord the videos a greater sense of

authenticity and authority derived from their vernacular status Finally we conclude

by exploring the changing nature of vernacular communication in the digital age

including how the production and consumption of hybridized vernacular material

enables and constrains deliberation in the YouTube medium

Combat Soldier Videos

The phenomenon of soldier-produced videos has been widely documented in

journalistic literary and academic sources beginning with the emergence of videos in

2005 Rolling Stone journalists Evan Wright (2004) and David Sax (2006) offered in-

depth coverage of the technological abilities of contemporary soldiers and their

application in combat videos More recently an article in Newsweek discussed

lsquolsquocarnage videosrsquorsquo from the War in Iraq (Ramirez 2010) Academic studies of the

phenomenon have been largely descriptive such as Anden-Papadapoulos (2009) and

Christensenrsquos (2009) discussion of the videosrsquo imagery and music respectively

Scholars and journalists have also interrogated the reach and prominence of the

lsquolsquoYouTube Warrsquorsquo within the broader discourses of popular culture arguing that the

phenomenon highlights the growing conflation of war and entertainment (Everett-

Green 2006) They suggest that the glorification of violence in many videos

constitutes lsquolsquowar pornrsquorsquo and action-adventure cinema that must be viewed in the

larger context of lsquolsquoconfessionalrsquorsquo media (Cox 2006 Ramirez 2010 Terry 2007

Anden-Papadapolous 2009) In his book-turned-HBO series Generation Kill Evan

Wright (2004) contends that many soldiers were raised in an lsquolsquoultraviolent culturersquorsquo of

warfare films and video games Indeed many combat videos mirror their popular

culture counterparts including war films and video games (see Klien 2005 Hess

2008)

The popularity of the soldier-produced videos stems in large part from public

frustration with what is perceived as highly limited mainstream media coverage of

war and conflict In their coverage of Operation Iraqi Freedom US news media

tended to sanitize warfare by focusing on technology and ignoring civilian casualties

or images of dying (Kellner 2005 Matheson amp Allan 2009) Thus the images of

warrsquos brutal effects found in soldier videos can potentially confront US viewers with

the realities of warfare in ways that change their existing perceptions or opinions

294 CM Smith amp KM McDonald

Whereas the US media presented the early Iraq conflict as a media spectacle of

lsquolsquoshock and awersquorsquo lsquolsquothe [soldier] videos may yet become to the Iraq War what footage

on the evening news was to Vietnam a powerful way of bringing the war home These

dispatches donrsquot come from reporters they come from the soldiers of the MTV

generation whorsquove headed off to battle with digital toysrsquorsquo (Kellner 2005 Sax 2006)

News coverage of the soldier videos often addresses their function as alternatives to

mainstream media exclusivity and bias lsquolsquoMost of the videos are poorly lit and badly

composed And they convey the confusion of war far better than expensive

competent TVrsquorsquo (Poniewozik amp Tumulty 2006) In Iraq Uploaded an MTV special

on soldier-produced videos Sergeant Adam Lingo claimed that the videos give

audiences lsquolsquoa better picture of what itrsquos likersquorsquo Lingo contended that the mainstream

media tends to show a lsquolsquowatered down version of what war isrsquorsquo (cited in Kaufman

2006) These comments implicitly acknowledge the tendency toward narrow coverage

of war by the US press Additionally viewer commentary that accompanies the

videos suggests they possess an authority and authenticity lacking in mainstream

news coverage lsquolsquoYou wonrsquot see that on the evening news You are letting people see

what the soldiers see everydayrsquorsquo (monwoof11 lsquolsquoWar in Iraqrsquorsquo 2006) and lsquolsquothis is the

positive news that the NY Times and mainstream media wonrsquot show usrsquorsquo (Craig805

lsquolsquoKidnap Victim Rescuedrsquorsquo 2007) As popular military blogger Matthew Burden

pointed out new media products were the lsquolsquomost honest voice out of the war zonersquorsquo

(cited in Shachtman 2007) Burdenrsquos comment reflects the importance given to

lsquolsquoauthenticrsquorsquo soldier material On YouTube viewers expect the images and narratives

they access to mirror the lsquolsquoideology of authenticityrsquorsquo as the discovery of LonelyGirl15

highlighted (Burgess amp Green 2010) However the networked architecture of

YouTube often transitions between soldier-produced military-produced journalist-

produced and family-produced material seamlessly complicating notions of

vernacular and institutional

Vernacular Theory and Soldier Videos

In their theory of vernacular discourse Ono and Sloop (1995) call upon rhetoricians

to specify the cultural space being contextualized in the analysis of vernacular

discourse In this case the context of the Iraq War is relevant because viewers of the

soldier videos construct their understanding of the conflict via this emerging and

incredibly popular technology In part as a result of these films having been posted

on YouTube the space has emerged as a public site where a contest over definitions

of and arguments about the Iraq War take place Notably in the past official

definitions have tended to dominate but this new cybersite has permitted vernacular

challenges to the hegemonic narratives that shape public sense making Hence the

videos are a medium through which vernacular imagery and information about the

war is articulated contested and circulated

Ono and Sloop (1995) identify the two characteristics of vernacular discourse that

are readily applied to soldier videos First vernacular creations display lsquolsquocultural

syncretismrsquorsquo in that they simultaneously affirm and resist dominant ideologies and

The Mundane to the Memorial 295

are therefore not wholly counter-hegemonic (Ono amp Sloop 1995) In particular

culturally syncretic rhetoric lsquolsquoaffirms as it protestsrsquorsquo (p 22) This dialectic of

affirmation-protest is present in soldier videos The productions while lauded for

offering alternative material for public consumption play upon problematic

articulations of race and gender while simultaneously obscuring an in-depth critique

of US military and cultural imperialism Soldier-produced videos reinforce long-

standing notions of hegemonic masculinity heteronormativity and discourses of

control in US military culture (Enloe 2000 Herbert 1998) Trujillo (1991) outlines

the distinguishing features of hegemonic masculinity that are apparent in soldier-

produced videos including physical force and control Nearly every example in the

combat video genre contains imagery that represents forcewhether it is in the

display or use of weaponry the control over Iraqi insurgents or in recreational

fighting of soldiersthese videos reflect the hard-body iconography of the lsquolsquomuscular

and invincible malersquorsquo described by Jeffords (1994 p 25) Additionally soldier videos

visually demonstrate the success of troops on the battlefield In the night vision shots

that comprise a portion of many videos the viewer is witness to the targeting and

eventual elimination of the enemy

The videos also perpetuate dominant discourses of whiteness and Orientalism

Importantly for the soldier videos whiteness is often conceptualized as ambiguous

allowing whites to construct their identities in a number of ways (Nakayama amp

Krizek 1995) In the vernacular videos on YouTube (almost exclusively white)

soldiers appropriate the imagery music and other identity markers of an African-

American gang lifestyle and re-contextualize them in Iraq Nakayama and Krizek

(1995) also note that whiteness is a strategic rhetoric that serves to exert power by

tying whiteness to nationality This strategy re-centers whiteness by aligning it with

physical national borders and lsquolsquois an expression of power since it relegates those of

other racial groups to a marginal rolersquorsquo (p 638) In the soldier videos there is a clear

division between the US as represented by white soldiers and the Iraqi population

This construction of selfother and the concurrent employment of strategies that

create clear and un-obscured delineations are central to racism Such racism in

language and representation clearly illustrates the persistence of Orientalist discourses

across time as they have been developed to characterize Western conceptions of Arab

countries and citizens (Said 1978)

The second characteristic of vernacular discourse is that such creations embody

pastichethey are constructed out of a combination of popular culture fragments

often broken from the original context in order to make an argument (Ono amp Sloop

1995) Soldiers utilize both their own footage captured via tank-mounted or helmet-

mounted cameras in concert with appropriated government or mainstream news

imagery and copyrighted music to create their vernacular expressions One lsquolsquoresistant

discursive strategyrsquorsquo used by soldiers is lsquolsquotextual poachingrsquorsquo This involves the re-

posting and manipulation of mainstream media and other institutional material

(Ono amp Sloop 2002 p 114) Invoking Michel de Certeaursquos notion of poaching

Jenkins (2006) defines it as lsquolsquoa kind of cultural bricolage through which readers

fragment texts and reassemble the broken shards according to their own blueprint

296 CM Smith amp KM McDonald

salvaging bits and pieces of found material in making sense of their own social

experiencersquorsquo (pp 3940) This allows low-ranking soldiers to challenge the dominant

military andor mainstream media representation via appropriation and manipula-

tion Digital media has been closely linked with notions of the vernacular in

particular Burgessrsquo (2006) concept of lsquolsquovernacular creativityrsquorsquo Vernacular creativity is

defined as lsquolsquocreative practices that emerge from highly particular and non-elite social

contexts and communicative conventionsrsquorsquo (p 206) Furthermore vernacular

creativity is lsquolsquoa productive articulation of consumer practices and knowledges (of

say genre codes) with older popular traditions and communicative practicesrsquorsquo

(p 207) Such genre codes and communicative conventions are evident in soldier

creations

To address changes in rhetorical processes brought on by digital technology

Howard (2008a 2008b Howard (2010)) has conceptualized dialectical vernacular

theory which accounts for the growth in participatory media such as YouTube

Central to our analysis of soldier-produced videos is the increasing hybridity of both

vernacular and institutional discourses andor images that circulate through cyber-

space Howard (2008a) argues that participatory media forms should be viewed as

lsquolsquogenerating a vernacular web of communication performance that hybridizes the

institutional and non-institutionalrsquorsquo (p 491) This is the dialectical nature of the

vernacular in a new media landscapeit contains traces of both dominant and

marginalized discourses Discourses on the web emerge as vernacular while

simultaneously being constituted by institutional power Such is the case with

YouTube which is ultimately a lsquolsquohybridrsquorsquo of both user-generated content and

commercial culture (Lessig 2008) The medium circulates vernacular content such

as hilarious cat tricks and officially produced programming through a mechanism

owned operated and regulated by a multi-national multi-billion dollar corporation

Indeed the MNFIraq videos created and circulated by the US military closely

resemble those uploaded by soldiers thus hybridizing vernacular and institutional

combat imagery In his article about YouTube viewer responses to the Office of

National Drug Control Policy videos Hess (2009) describes the structural limitations

of the medium including its commercial nature and the control and censorship of

copyrighted content These limitations were evident in our analysis as well as soldier-

produced videos were often removed from the medium due to their use of

copyrighted music or journalistic content Moreover the resistive potential of soldier

videos is compromised in a medium where institutional and commercial forces can

circumvent andor control vernacular expression

In summary the vernacular creations of soldiers on YouTube highlight the creative

functions of everyday citizens competing with powerful institutions but they also

work to reinscribe longstanding discourses of masculinity and Orientalism More-

over the circulation of authentic soldier videos in digital proximity to similarly

marked productions created and circulated by the US military on the MNFIraq

channel reveal how institutional and governmental powers can co-opt the creativity

of citizens to advance institutional goals in an environment where free speech and

playful expression is highly valued (Smith 2009) As noted the soldier-produced

The Mundane to the Memorial 297

videos are celebrated online and in the mainstream media as an alternative to military

rhetoric suggesting they function successfully as a critique of military dominance and

hegemony While we believe this is partially the case the phenomenon of soldier

videos calls for a method that lsquolsquorecognizes the existence of powerful vested interestsrsquorsquo

and seeks to lsquolsquounmask and demystify discourses of powerrsquorsquo (Wander 1983 p 122

McKerrow 1999 p 441) Thus informed by critical rhetoric we now turn to our

analysis of the soldier-produced videos as a form of vernacular argumentation that

works to (partially) contest hegemonic constructions of the war

Combat Videos as Vernacular Visual Argumentation

To analyze the soldier videos rhetorically we viewed and categorized the videos first

by following links and descriptions offered in news reports about the phenomenon

For example the MTV special Iraq Uploaded had a corresponding website with

several soldier videos and the Military Channel featured a searchable database of

combat videos We would in turn examine the other productions created or linked

to by the author3 The soldier-produced videos became highly popular in 2005 and

the US military launched its own YouTube channel in 2007 thus the majority of our

sample was taken from this period We focused our attention on soldier-produced

videos containing pictures of combat operations weaponry destruction explosions

and death Although a large portion of this footage is of dramatic confrontation with

insurgents much of the soldier-captured video is of drivingshots from inside and

outside the Humvees that carry soldiers down potentially deadly Iraqi streets Many

troops fit their tanks and helmets with cameras to capture their unique point of view

perspective and then proceed to share those experiences with family and the public at

large making lsquolsquoevery grunt his own personal mass media conduitand sometimes

indeed a movie starrsquorsquo (Galupo 2006) In the following sections we outline the

generic characteristics of our set of texts and the visual arguments advanced in these

productions

Substantive and Stylistic Elements of Combat Videos

Christensen (2009) discusses how soldiers utilize music to make sense of their

experiences in combat In his documentary Soundtrack to War filmmaker George

Gittoes describes soldiers who create amateur music videos featuring rap andor

heavy metal music Gittoes details popular warfare songs such as lsquolsquoLet the Bodies Hit

the Floorrsquorsquo and lsquolsquoBombs Over Baghdadrsquorsquo that troops play while rolling down

dangerous Iraqi streets This genre of music is also used in many of the combat

videos we examined More broadly the media productions soldiers upload reflect

their media saturated lifestyle as the imagery of first-person shooter video games is

often replicated using helmet-mounted cameras In fact award winning soldier

blogger-turned-author Colby Buzzell describes how he lsquolsquosaw guys shooting their rifle

with one hand and clicking their digital camera with the otherrsquorsquo (cited in Berton

2007) An embedded journalist describes examples of this genre of videos

298 CM Smith amp KM McDonald

One video shows the view from the back of a truck containing several members of aplatoon whose vehicle then hits an IED and is turned on its side A few videosalso show American servicemen or private security guards firing at attackers andone shows an American rocket-propelled grenade hitting a building from whichinsurgents are firing (Wyatt 2006)

Perhaps the most prolific source of combat videos comes from lsquolsquoDeuce Fourrsquorsquo

members of the (now disbanded) 24th Infantry Division Stryker Brigade out of Fort

Lewis Washington The group was made famous by bloggerjournalist Michael Yon

who chronicled their intense battles in Mosul Iraq Indeed the unit received 157

Purple Hearts for their dangerous missions in the Iraqi city Adam Lingo a member

of Deuce Four was the subject of the aforementioned MTV News report Iraq

Uploaded and was responsible for disseminating numerous warfare videos on

YouTube and iFilm following his deployment to Mosul in 2004 and 2005 His

creations are indicative of the wider generic elements that compose combat videos in

particular the combination of on-the-scenes footage and heavy metal music

Lingorsquos videos include lsquolsquoSicknessrsquorsquo (Lingo 2006a) which opens with the crosshairs

of a gun on an explosion then cuts to a shot of the storming of a mosque and a raid

on an Iraqi home An extended shot focuses on a bloody decapitated head

completely separated from the body on the concrete The image is compelling in its

goriness as the blood-soaked head and shredded neck are framed in the center of the

screen With nothing but concrete underneath Lingo stays focused on the head for

an extended shot which forces the viewer to interact with the devastating results of

warfare The videorsquos unique soundtrack contrasts with the images as a song entitled

lsquolsquoDown with the Sicknessrsquorsquo by Richard Cheese might remind listeners of a Frank

Sinatra tune

Lingorsquos other creations are similar lsquolsquoBlack Bettyrsquorsquo (Lingo 2006b) the most popular

video opens with the Deuce Four logo and contains less graphic footage Instead it

shows a Humvee completing a jump in the desert and soldiers joking around The

requisite battlefield footage then follows including explosions and night vision

images As one views Lingorsquos various videos footage repeats One image of an Iraqi

strip mall being shot is present in at least four other productions Another video

lsquolsquoDirty Deedsrsquorsquo (Lingo 2006c) opens with the logo of Deuce Four and text of the

particular Operation in Mosul followed by images of explosions night raids footage

of driving and shooting the Iraqi strip mall The video ends with a montage of

breaking doors and storming an apartment where fearful Iraqis huddle in the dark

Lingorsquos video lsquolsquoCobrarsquorsquo (Lingo 2006d) is less combat-oriented and is instead

comprised of still footage of the troops eating recreating and posing set to

Creedence Clearwater Revivalrsquos lsquolsquoFortunate Sonrsquorsquo The video then transitions to

battlefield imagery of fires burning vehicles images of munitions and humvees

driving with music also changing to lsquolsquoRun Through the Junglersquorsquo

Similar videos include lsquolsquoApache engaging a VBIED we found and 2 IEDsrsquorsquo (2007)

which is a visual representation of detonating a VBIED (vehicle-born improvised

explosive device) Additionally a video called lsquolsquoThey call it Murda [sic] we call it

The Mundane to the Memorial 299

Survivalrsquorsquo (2006) shows further images of battle and contains very graphic imagery of

bleeding and charred bodies The video also shows an edited sequence of Iraqi

children flipping off the camera Yet another video entitled lsquolsquoHumvee Traffic Driving

in Baghdadrsquorsquo (2007) illustrates the precarious conditions involved in navigating

traffic-filled Iraqi streets in a Humvee The driver honks at cars and bumps those in

the way eventually moving into oncoming traffic to avoid slowing down

Substantively the vast majority of combat videos illustrate intense battlefield

interactions technologically advanced weaponry and masculine displays of prowess

as troops hold and discharge their guns Stylistically the often shaky unfocused and

grainy imagery plays upon cultural logics surrounding warfare photography and

videography (see Moeller 1989) The combat music videos mirror their more

professionally produced counterparts on MTV with camera shots edited in tandem

with rap or heavy metal music beats Combat videos could be said to be postmodern

representations insofar as they tend to lack narrative structure and instead contain

several images of battle with no coherent storyline

The initial approach of the Pentagon allowed video posting unless it leaked security

information or made a profit thus leading to a proliferation of soldier videos on the

YouTube site The Pentagon believed the videos could increase troop morale by

allowing soldiers to blow off steam and overcome boredom (Galupo 2006) Sergeant

Lingo supported this claim noting lsquolsquoin a way I guess itrsquos therapeuticrsquorsquo (cited in

Ugwu 2006) However in the summer of 2007 soon after the MNFIraq channel was

released for public consumption the military enacted a policy restricting soldier

access to social networking sites such as YouTube thus limiting the amount of

vernacular material circulating in cyberspace The policy lsquolsquocreated a blanket ban on

sites many troops use to share news photos video and audio with their family and

friendsrsquorsquo (Badkhen 2007) The military asserted two primary reasons for the

restriction lsquolsquoto enhance and increase network security and protect the use of the

bandwidthrsquorsquo (Pentagon spokesperson Colonel Gary Keck cited in lsquolsquoMilitary Pulls

Plugrsquorsquo 2007) Upon implementation of the restriction the posting of videos

decreased although many existing videos remain available for viewing These videos

constitute a vernacular form of discourse that is both resistant to and reinforcing of

dominant ideologies an effect that will now be explored

Visual Arguments Advanced in Combat Videos

Increasingly argumentative discourse has undergone a lsquolsquovisual turnrsquorsquo as visual

imagery has come to replace words in the contemporary political landscape (Bennett

2003 Entman 1991 Jamieson 1988) lsquolsquoSuch changes in even traditional political

rhetorics necessitate a different approach to public argumentone that can account

for the rhetorical dimensions and argumentative functions of imagesrsquorsquo (Delicath amp

DeLuca 2003 pp 319320) As noted by Cloud (2004) such lsquolsquoimagistic persuasionrsquorsquo

is not necessarily based on rationality or logic It can work by evoking a strong

emotional response in the viewer that functions to build either a positive or negative

reaction to the material presented DeLuca and Peeples (2002) argue that often the

300 CM Smith amp KM McDonald

visual representation of violent imagery can increase media coverage of and thus

public interest in an important political issue

The vernacular soldier videos on YouTube utilize visual images to construct and

disseminate arguments regarding the War in Iraq Blair (2006) suggests that

arguments can be expressed visually and proceeds to elaborate their rhetorical

properties lsquolsquovisual arguments constitute the species of visual persuasion in which the

visual elements overlie accentuate render vivid and immediate and otherwise

elevate in forcefulness a reason or set of reasons offered for modifying a belief rsquorsquo

(p 50) Similarly Birdsell and Groarke (1996) contend lsquolsquothe meaning of a visual

claim or argument obviously depends on a complex set of relationships between a

particular imagetext and a given set of interpretersrsquorsquo (p 5) They suggest that the

development of uniquely visual modes of argumentation must account for the

centrality of context in interpretation including political and social expectations and

events visual culture and accompanying verbal elements that all contribute to the

argumentrsquos persuasive power In this case the public must create an understanding of

disparate visual and argumentative fragments that call on them to supply meaning to

the claims The visual arguments in soldier-produced videos display a series of images

and then allow the viewer to interact with a diverse range of voices and opinions

reacting to the same images Thus the images provide a wealth of lsquolsquoinventional

resourcesrsquorsquo that circulate through the public sphere and on the public screen

(Finnegan amp Kang 2004 McGee 1990 DeLuca amp Peeples 2002)

As such the productions are enthymematic allowing the audience to fulfill the

interpretive role by adding the contextual and in the case of vernacular argumenta-

tion from soldiers propositional value to the persuasive images (Blair 2006) In the

case of the YouTube warfare videos the visual arguments must be analyzed and

understood in the context of multiple rhetorics of domination and freedom that are

simultaneously at work including pre-existing arguments for or against the War in

Iraq discourses surrounding 911 and the Global War on Terror Bush Administra-

tion and military rhetoric international discourses of US imperialism and as

discussed here visual and aural fragments from the battlefield As will be addressed

these arguments take on further authenticity when audiences consume anti-war

imagery produced by soldiers directly engaged in battle

For example the argumentative power of soldier-produced videos is illustrated

through soldiers Matt Wright Josh Dobbs and Casey Porter Wright and Dobbsrsquo

(2006) highly popular soldier video entitled lsquolsquoLazy Ramadirsquorsquo saw widespread

circulation and coverage in the mainstream media Although the video was covered

in the news primarily for its entertainment and novelty value it nevertheless contained

implicit critiques against morale and living conditions for troops in Iraq Additionally

Casey Porter was an aspiring filmmaker and member of Iraq Veterans Against the War

who uploaded numerous critiques of military policy and treatment of military

personnel As a stop-lossed soldier who became the inspiration for filmmaker

Kimberly Peircersquos movie Stop Loss Porter was highly critical of the militaryrsquos disregard

for the safety and wellbeing of military members Porter therefore took a camera with

him on his stop-loss deployment producing short films on stop-loss policy and the

The Mundane to the Memorial 301

disparity in resources between soldiers and private contractors (lsquolsquoThe Staging Gamersquorsquo

Porter 2007a) interviews with soldiers who directly question the legitimacy of the war

effort (lsquolsquoDeconstructedrsquorsquo Porter 2006a) the lack of proper supplies and ineffective

equipment and the misreporting of attacks (lsquolsquoAOArea of Operationsrsquorsquo Porter 2007b)

and the war profiteering of US corporations (lsquolsquoI Want My Moneyrsquorsquo Porter 2006b)

Thus warfare videos like those produced by soldiers such as Adam Lingo Wright and

Dobbs and Porter permit viewers to go beyond the officially sanctioned narratives

surrounding the war and obtain additional images that challenge privileged

constructions of the War in Iraq

Consumption and the Persuasive Power of Combat Videos

Despite the arguments advanced in the soldier videos they cannot be celebrated as

completely counter-hegemonic As noted by Holling (2006) lsquolsquowhen vernacular

communities seek to reject an existing social concordance and form spaces for

formulating their opposition their discourse mirrors the hegemonic characteristics of

the dominant discourse they are opposingrsquorsquo (p 202) Indeed this is the case with

vernacular soldier videos They can be characterized as lsquolsquodominant vernacular

discoursersquorsquo (Ono amp Sloop 1995) which lsquolsquotends to reify the grounds on which public

understandings are madersquorsquo (Ono ampSloop 2002 p 116) The soldier videos challenge

the tactics and strategies implemented during the War in Iraq (Porterrsquos videos) in

addition to confronting military policies about food recreation and communication

(Wright and Dobbsrsquo video) The productions critique the military in direct and

humorous ways that work to construct an air of counter-hegemony Crucially in the

absence of questions about US imperialism and nation building and the racism

fueling the war effort the videos simultaneously support the dominant ideology and

therefore should not be celebrated as entirely emancipatory

Moreover consumption of the videos on the part of audiences reveals the ways in

which the videos are deployed in support of the War in Iraq The videos although

produced outside of the military establishment still indirectly support the war effort

For example viewer commentary addresses notions of gender andor nation that

closely resemble the previously mentioned hegemonic masculinity and Orientalist

characterizations of the occupied Iraqi population Indeed these two rhetorical topoi

often intersected in online debate over the war effort suggesting that the problematic

articulations inherent in soldier videos are potentially being consumed in a dominant

manner Commentators who questioned the legitimacy of the war effort were labeled

lsquolsquopussiesrsquorsquo and lsquolsquogirlsrsquorsquo working to reify longstanding rhetorical constructions

surrounding masculinity and violence

Furthermore the presence of Orientalist discourses in the YouTube commentary of

viewers illustrates the persuasive impact of soldier videos Racist names are frequently

invoked when discussing the enemy such as lsquolsquoragheadrsquorsquo lsquolsquomahmoodsrsquorsquo lsquolsquosand niggersrsquorsquo

lsquolsquosand monkiesrsquorsquo lsquolsquoMuslim verminrsquorsquo lsquolsquosub-human savagesrsquorsquo lsquolsquohadjisrsquorsquo and lsquolsquodune

coonsrsquorsquo4 Viewers also tend to paint Iraqis as ungrateful andor uneducated blinded

by religious fanaticism and desperate to achieve martyrdom contending lsquolsquothe

302 CM Smith amp KM McDonald

WHOLE Iraqi culture is just fucked up so fucked that it couldnrsquot be unfucked and

just deserves to be destroyedrsquorsquo (hylianknight3 lsquolsquoBaghdad Firefightrsquorsquo 2007) These

assertions mirror the metaphors utilized by military personnel to characterize Iraq

and its residents Silliman (2008) outlines the lsquolsquoIndian Countryrsquorsquo metaphor used in

the theater of war which implements constructions of non-Christian savages who

undertake guerilla fighting lsquolsquoin both cases whether battling Indians in the 19th

century or Iraqis in the 21st century the US military discourse attempts to convey

civilizationrsquos battle against savageryrsquorsquo and endorses a lsquolsquonarrative of conquest and

nation-buildingrsquorsquo (p 24)

Finally the soldier-produced videos must be examined in the context of the digital

architecture in which they exist circulate and are consumed That is in the YouTube

space the vernacular soldier videos are accessed by viewers who are also exposed to

institutionally produced media Howard (2008a 2008b Howard (2010)) correctly

indicates that participatory media challenges the existing vernacularinstitutional

dichotomy In fact this is the case with YouTube where the soldier-produced

material circulates in digital proximity to official military-produced videos that

resemble the vernacular productions of soldiers As noted the Multi-National Forces

in Iraq launched their own channel on YouTube meant to counter the longstanding

effectiveness of the medium for both soldiers on the battlefield as well as terrorist

and insurgent groups The MNFIraq videos are filmed by videographers from the

American Forces Network and screened by the Combined Press Information Center

for profanity gore or derogatory content before being uploaded Since its launch the

channel has gained over 8900 subscribers and over 621000 channel views Individual

videos contained on the channel range in views from 7600 to over 4 million and

have content that varies from combat to humanitarian missions firefights with

insurgents to depictions of Iraqi boy scouts frontline images to aerial infrared

recordings The channelrsquos description contends that the videos would provide

audiences with a lsquolsquoboots on the ground perspectiversquorsquo from lsquolsquothose who are most closely

involvedrsquorsquo

The MNFIraq videos on YouTube invoke Howardrsquos (2008a) hybridized participa-

tory media productions because they are produced and disseminated by a dominant

military institution using hegemonic images and narratives yet are defined and

visually presented as vernacular by the creators Through rhetoric that criticized news

coverage as overly focused on lsquolsquothe car bomb of the dayrsquorsquo the military asserted its

vernacular authority as a source of counter-institutional images and information in

opposition to the mainstream media as hegemonic (Lt Colonel Christopher Garver

cited in Zavis 2007) As noted shortly after launching its site the military restricted

soldier access to social networking sites Makarechi (2007) points out that the

decision to ban soldier access to YouTube on the Iraq battlefield was lsquolsquobaffling because

it was publicized only days after the military launched its own YouTube channelrsquorsquo We

posit that this action was necessary for the military to limit and thus control the

range of vernacular voices competing for attention and legitimacy in the YouTube

digital space

The Mundane to the Memorial 303

The MNFIraq videos are an example of the danger inherent in hybridized

participatory media products since a military power has the ability to implement

notions of vernacularity in order to advance and legitimize its dominant discourse

Digital hybrids such as the MNFIraq videos are therefore infused with an authenticity

and authority pirated from the authored images and narratives of genuinely

vernacular soldier-produced creations Furthermore as Hess (2009) points out

the anonymity and linking features of the medium complicate concrete identification

of the authorship of videos on YouTube Audience members seeking genuinely

vernacular soldier-produced content could transition to the military-produced

videos with little notice of the change in content origin As a result the military

videos on the MNFIraq channel exist and collide with a vast amount of material in

this digital space

In the previous sections we have outlined the theoretical underpinning that

informs our analysis of soldier-produced videos Informed by critical rhetoric and

vernacular theory we explicated the press coverage and public opinion surrounding

the videosrsquo circulation and have also discussed the vernacular productions as visual

rhetoric focusing attention on their ability to advance enthymematic arguments We

argued that although the soldier videos serve a counter-hegemonic purpose their

representations and existence alongside institutional material such as the MNFIraq

videos also reinscribe hegemony and power Ultimately the simultaneous circulation

and consumption of journalistic content vernacular media products hybridized

participatory media products and wholly institutional media products in the

commercial space of YouTube complicates the audiencersquos ability to discern whether

material is authored by everyday soldiers retired military personnel military family

members or the military itself This digital architecture works to problematize the

notion of vernacular and institutional power Additionally public deliberation of war

and conflict is complex in the new mediascape Thus in the following section we

explore the possibilities for creation consumption and deliberation engendered and

constrained by the soldier-produced videos

Vernacular Deliberation on YouTube

Traditionally the militarymedia complex has obtained its power from the lack of

access permitted to ordinary citizens who could only acquire information about war

through media coverage (Stein 2004 Jeffords amp Rabinowitz 1994) Mainstream

media coverage of warfare has traditionally been the only means of accessing

information and imagery from the battlefield and has tended to disseminate the

views of military and political elites (Moeller 1989 Bennett 2003 Kellner 2005)

However the ascendancy and popularity of digital technology during the War in Iraq

has introduced a new method of public warfare communication Video dissemina-

tion sites permit both the producers and their engaged audiences to contest the

limited representations of mainstream media coverage and presidential administra-

tion or military rhetoric that seeks to privilege only particular perceptions of warfare

However the production and consumption of vernacular soldier-produced videos

304 CM Smith amp KM McDonald

must be understood in the wider context of participatory media and its impact on

deliberative practices

Scholars have approached the deliberative potential of internet spaces in terms of

fragmentation accessibility exclusivity filtering flaming and dissemination (Papa-

charissi 2002 Sunstein 2007 Hess 2009 DeLuca amp Peeples 2002) Certainly the

limitations of deliberation online have been well documented Some researchers

contend that online debates are largely irrational (Wilhelm 2000 Hageman 2002)

Moreover online deliberation has been critiqued for the presence of aggressive

personal attacks facilitated by a lack of identity and a lack of norms (see Albrecht

2006) Papacharissi (2002) acknowledges the possible increase of the quality and

quantity of deliberation via new media but asserts that it most often ends in

fragmentation and divisiveness Because many people lack access to this digital

forum exclusivity is a detrimental outcome Papacharissi notes lsquolsquothe fact that online

technologies are only accessible to and used by a small fraction of the population

contributes to an electronic public sphere that is exclusive and elitistrsquorsquo (p 14)

Additionally many scholars of online deliberation suggest that citizens form

lsquolsquodigital enclavesrsquorsquo with other like-minded publics perpetuating polarization over

complex issues and limiting exposure to alternative viewpoints (Sunstein 2001

Gronbeck 1995) Sunstein (2007) argues that the ability to lsquolsquofilterrsquorsquo material

according to onersquos interests ensures that those seeking information and imagery

can encounter only that which aligns with their individual preferences This is

troubling considering that lsquolsquounplanned unanticipated encounters are central to

democracy itself rsquorsquo (p 5) These unplanned encounters can foster collective

experience and work against extremism including that evidenced in the racist

depictions of occupied Iraqis Hess (2009) also questions the ability to undertake

deliberation on YouTube due to the humorous parody engaged in by viewers and

producers He suggests that this approach to argumentation undermines the

credibility of YouTubersrsquo speech as well as the medium for expression of that

speech

While these critiques offer solid evidence for the limitations of deliberation

through mediated sites such as YouTube following Dahlberg (2007a) and others

we contend that these critiques invoke an understanding of deliberation that

emphasizes reason and rationality in line with the traditional rational-critical

dialogue of the Habermasian public sphere Scholars have critiqued this narrow

view of deliberation for its focus on rational argument and consensus (see

DeLuca 1999 Fraser 1992 Finnegan amp Kang 2004 Phillips 1996) As

Cammaerts (2008) points out the fragmented multivocal and dissent-based

nature of online discourse is incompatible with the Habermasian public sphere

More problematically invocations of irrationality and divisiveness have the

potential to exclude marginalized groups and re-inscribe dominant power

relations

At the same time this view of deliberation does not address the technological

changes in current society Recognizing the changing nature of deliberation in a

mediated world scholars of rhetoric and the public sphere have begun exploring new

The Mundane to the Memorial 305

models of deliberation as they occur in the new media landscape (Cammaerts 2008

Dahlberg 2007b Hartley 1992 McDorman 2001) DeLuca and Peeplesrsquo (2002)

concept of the public screen is one model that allows for an expanded view of public

deliberation The public screen acknowledges that public debate increasingly takes

place via screens primarily those of the computer and television Yet as we have

asserted the concept of screens must be extended beyond television and computer

screens to include the screens of digital still and video cameras cell phones and video

dissemination playback windows (Smith amp McDonald in press) These new screens

are equally important to the contemporary circulation and consumption of

politically influential images Thus the YouTube digital space serves as a lsquolsquogeneral

interest intermediaryrsquorsquo in the sense that it offers diverse audiences material produced

and circulated by US soldiers serving in Iraq and Afghanistan (Sunstein 2007)

We contend that deliberation over the War in Iraq on YouTube is a complex

phenomenon As discussed some viewers of soldier-produced videos invoke

articulations of race gender and nationalism in their commentary that closely

align with the flaming and enclaving discussed by pessimistic scholars of internet

deliberation On the other hand other viewers actively engage in news

consumption and critique thereby undertaking deliberative behavior in their

interactions with fellow YouTubers Viewer commentary undertakes meaningful

discussion when posters challenge the overall legitimacy of the war effort YouTube

participants debate quite vociferously US engagement in the region stated

reasons for the War in Iraq connections between 911 and Saddam Hussein the

protection of US petroleum interests in the region and Iraqi support of the war

among civilians This commentary references ongoing issues discussed by

politicians media personalities soldiers and military strategists and reflects a

level of critical engagement with public affairs that indicates knowledge acquisition

and interpretation While some viewers argue against the war others maintain the

importance of fighting global terrorism5 Still other viewers are more conflicted

suggesting that they oppose the war but simultaneously support the troops Such

commentary tends to mirror the divergence of opinion across the US and

internationally Thus multiple publics utilize the emotionally charged visuals in

soldier-produced videos in multiple ways In most cases the videos function as a

starting point for debate over the meaning of US involvement in Iraq and

Afghanistan The range in comments when read in concert with the visual

representations of soldiers suggests a wholly dominant or counter-hegemonic view

of the vernacular videos overlooks the conflicting visual and textual rhetorics

contained within the productions

Hence these sites allow American soldiers in combat who have heretofore

lacked a voice uncontrolled by the military to shape influence and participate in

the public deliberation of the war New media sites which no longer privilege

rationality and instead accentuate images dissent and dissemination of multiple

viewpoints illustrates the contemporary technology-driven nature of warfare and

its deliberation on the playback windows of YouTube

306 CM Smith amp KM McDonald

Conclusion

We have argued that soldier-produced videos on YouTube constitute vernacular

expressions that engage in visual argumentation We have further argued that while

the videos are celebrated as counter-hegemonic the underlying military imperialism

of the US action in Iraq is never questioned Furthermore we have shown how the

soldier-producers tended to reinforce notions of hegemonic masculinity whiteness

and Orientalist conceptions of Middle Eastern peoples Considering the authenticity

ascribed to the vernacular creations by viewers and the articulations of patriotism and

valor accorded military personnel such representations become ideologically

problematic As a result the videos function to sediment dominant narratives

surrounding war and conflict We have also contended that the presence of the

vernacular soldier-produced videos in the same digital space as hybridized

participatory media products created by the US military illustrates the complexity

of YouTube as a space of vernacular communication

Tracing the articulations between the military military personnel the American

public and the visual representations in the videos reveals the ideological discourses

and images that lsquolsquoappear to link naturally certain things within a context and to

exclude othersrsquorsquo (Hall 1977 p 331) Building on Hallrsquos articulation theory Makus

(1990) contends that a critical rhetorical methodology reveals how lsquolsquoa collection of

connotations is invoked to define a situation overwhelming alternative constructions

and cementing the meaning of the term and the event the term may be definingrsquorsquo (p

504) In so doing it lsquolsquoconsiders who is and is not given public voice and what is not

saidrsquorsquo and lsquolsquothereby accounts for structural limitations on public discourse imbued

with factors of power and dominancersquorsquo (p 511) Our analysis reveals the ways in

which the discourses of immediacy authority and authenticity surrounding soldier-

produced videos link with longstanding discourses surrounding military personnel

and therefore function to promote US military power and silence dissent

That is the videos are accorded greater authoritative status due to their

production by members of the military thus following a growing cultural value

placed on the authenticity and authority accorded to personal experience

Matheson and Allan (2009) contend lsquolsquothe citizen the amateur the individual

the passionately partisan and the victim caught up in events all become categories

of value associated with claims to authenticity the authority of personal

experiencersquorsquo (p 107) Similarly Tolson (2010) contends that the YouTube space

blurs the boundaries between ordinary citizen and celebrity ultimately changing

constructions of expertise In fact the expression of personal experience in

YouTube videos especially that of military personnel is celebrated in online

commentary and in news accounts Yet Matheson and Allan (2009) warn that

personal experience is often de-contextualized and ambiguous This is especially

true with soldier videos which contain few descriptive visual or textual elements

and are often presented with little to no context for viewer consumption

(Terry 2007)

The Mundane to the Memorial 307

models of deliberation as they occur in the new media landscape (Cammaerts 2008

Dahlberg 2007b Hartley 1992 McDorman 2001) DeLuca and Peeplesrsquo (2002)

concept of the public screen is one model that allows for an expanded view of public

deliberation The public screen acknowledges that public debate increasingly takes

place via screens primarily those of the computer and television Yet as we have

asserted the concept of screens must be extended beyond television and computer

screens to include the screens of digital still and video cameras cell phones and video

dissemination playback windows (Smith amp McDonald in press) These new screens

are equally important to the contemporary circulation and consumption of

politically influential images Thus the YouTube digital space serves as a lsquolsquogeneral

interest intermediaryrsquorsquo in the sense that it offers diverse audiences material produced

and circulated by US soldiers serving in Iraq and Afghanistan (Sunstein 2007)

We contend that deliberation over the War in Iraq on YouTube is a complex

phenomenon As discussed some viewers of soldier-produced videos invoke

articulations of race gender and nationalism in their commentary that closely

align with the flaming and enclaving discussed by pessimistic scholars of internet

deliberation On the other hand other viewers actively engage in news

consumption and critique thereby undertaking deliberative behavior in their

interactions with fellow YouTubers Viewer commentary undertakes meaningful

discussion when posters challenge the overall legitimacy of the war effort YouTube

participants debate quite vociferously US engagement in the region stated

reasons for the War in Iraq connections between 911 and Saddam Hussein the

protection of US petroleum interests in the region and Iraqi support of the war

among civilians This commentary references ongoing issues discussed by

politicians media personalities soldiers and military strategists and reflects a

level of critical engagement with public affairs that indicates knowledge acquisition

and interpretation While some viewers argue against the war others maintain the

importance of fighting global terrorism5 Still other viewers are more conflicted

suggesting that they oppose the war but simultaneously support the troops Such

commentary tends to mirror the divergence of opinion across the US and

internationally Thus multiple publics utilize the emotionally charged visuals in

soldier-produced videos in multiple ways In most cases the videos function as a

starting point for debate over the meaning of US involvement in Iraq and

Afghanistan The range in comments when read in concert with the visual

representations of soldiers suggests a wholly dominant or counter-hegemonic view

of the vernacular videos overlooks the conflicting visual and textual rhetorics

contained within the productions

Hence these sites allow American soldiers in combat who have heretofore

lacked a voice uncontrolled by the military to shape influence and participate in

the public deliberation of the war New media sites which no longer privilege

rationality and instead accentuate images dissent and dissemination of multiple

viewpoints illustrates the contemporary technology-driven nature of warfare and

its deliberation on the playback windows of YouTube

306 CM Smith amp KM McDonald

Conclusion

We have argued that soldier-produced videos on YouTube constitute vernacular

expressions that engage in visual argumentation We have further argued that while

the videos are celebrated as counter-hegemonic the underlying military imperialism

of the US action in Iraq is never questioned Furthermore we have shown how the

soldier-producers tended to reinforce notions of hegemonic masculinity whiteness

and Orientalist conceptions of Middle Eastern peoples Considering the authenticity

ascribed to the vernacular creations by viewers and the articulations of patriotism and

valor accorded military personnel such representations become ideologically

problematic As a result the videos function to sediment dominant narratives

surrounding war and conflict We have also contended that the presence of the

vernacular soldier-produced videos in the same digital space as hybridized

participatory media products created by the US military illustrates the complexity

of YouTube as a space of vernacular communication

Tracing the articulations between the military military personnel the American

public and the visual representations in the videos reveals the ideological discourses

and images that lsquolsquoappear to link naturally certain things within a context and to

exclude othersrsquorsquo (Hall 1977 p 331) Building on Hallrsquos articulation theory Makus

(1990) contends that a critical rhetorical methodology reveals how lsquolsquoa collection of

connotations is invoked to define a situation overwhelming alternative constructions

and cementing the meaning of the term and the event the term may be definingrsquorsquo (p

504) In so doing it lsquolsquoconsiders who is and is not given public voice and what is not

saidrsquorsquo and lsquolsquothereby accounts for structural limitations on public discourse imbued

with factors of power and dominancersquorsquo (p 511) Our analysis reveals the ways in

which the discourses of immediacy authority and authenticity surrounding soldier-

produced videos link with longstanding discourses surrounding military personnel

and therefore function to promote US military power and silence dissent

That is the videos are accorded greater authoritative status due to their

production by members of the military thus following a growing cultural value

placed on the authenticity and authority accorded to personal experience

Matheson and Allan (2009) contend lsquolsquothe citizen the amateur the individual

the passionately partisan and the victim caught up in events all become categories

of value associated with claims to authenticity the authority of personal

experiencersquorsquo (p 107) Similarly Tolson (2010) contends that the YouTube space

blurs the boundaries between ordinary citizen and celebrity ultimately changing

constructions of expertise In fact the expression of personal experience in

YouTube videos especially that of military personnel is celebrated in online

commentary and in news accounts Yet Matheson and Allan (2009) warn that

personal experience is often de-contextualized and ambiguous This is especially

true with soldier videos which contain few descriptive visual or textual elements

and are often presented with little to no context for viewer consumption

(Terry 2007)

The Mundane to the Memorial 307

Conclusion

We have argued that soldier-produced videos on YouTube constitute vernacular

expressions that engage in visual argumentation We have further argued that while

the videos are celebrated as counter-hegemonic the underlying military imperialism

of the US action in Iraq is never questioned Furthermore we have shown how the

soldier-producers tended to reinforce notions of hegemonic masculinity whiteness

and Orientalist conceptions of Middle Eastern peoples Considering the authenticity

ascribed to the vernacular creations by viewers and the articulations of patriotism and

valor accorded military personnel such representations become ideologically

problematic As a result the videos function to sediment dominant narratives

surrounding war and conflict We have also contended that the presence of the

vernacular soldier-produced videos in the same digital space as hybridized

participatory media products created by the US military illustrates the complexity

of YouTube as a space of vernacular communication

Tracing the articulations between the military military personnel the American

public and the visual representations in the videos reveals the ideological discourses

and images that lsquolsquoappear to link naturally certain things within a context and to

exclude othersrsquorsquo (Hall 1977 p 331) Building on Hallrsquos articulation theory Makus

(1990) contends that a critical rhetorical methodology reveals how lsquolsquoa collection of

connotations is invoked to define a situation overwhelming alternative constructions

and cementing the meaning of the term and the event the term may be definingrsquorsquo (p

504) In so doing it lsquolsquoconsiders who is and is not given public voice and what is not

saidrsquorsquo and lsquolsquothereby accounts for structural limitations on public discourse imbued

with factors of power and dominancersquorsquo (p 511) Our analysis reveals the ways in

which the discourses of immediacy authority and authenticity surrounding soldier-

produced videos link with longstanding discourses surrounding military personnel

and therefore function to promote US military power and silence dissent

That is the videos are accorded greater authoritative status due to their

production by members of the military thus following a growing cultural value

placed on the authenticity and authority accorded to personal experience

Matheson and Allan (2009) contend lsquolsquothe citizen the amateur the individual

the passionately partisan and the victim caught up in events all become categories

of value associated with claims to authenticity the authority of personal

experiencersquorsquo (p 107) Similarly Tolson (2010) contends that the YouTube space

blurs the boundaries between ordinary citizen and celebrity ultimately changing

constructions of expertise In fact the expression of personal experience in

YouTube videos especially that of military personnel is celebrated in online

commentary and in news accounts Yet Matheson and Allan (2009) warn that

personal experience is often de-contextualized and ambiguous This is especially

true with soldier videos which contain few descriptive visual or textual elements

and are often presented with little to no context for viewer consumption

(Terry 2007)

The Mundane to the Memorial 307

Additionally the vernacular soldier videos are viewed as more authentic because

they are created and circulated by soldiers on the battlefield The videos invoke

longstanding public understandings of on-the-scenes journalistic coverage and

originate at the source thereby suggesting an authenticity that mainstream news

coverage does not possess Nevertheless as demonstrated the articulations of race

gender and nationalism evident in the videos become more problematic when

considered in concert with related articulations of sacrifice service and patriotism

that are culturally assigned to the soldier producers (see Stahl 2009) This is

increased when one considers that most viewers lack direct access to the

experiences depicted in the vernacular creations Therefore when the limited

representations within the videos are viewed through the lens of military service

and its corresponding authority the representations risk becoming sedimented and

endorse limited cultural understandings

Ultimately the most important aspect of these videos includes the new forms of

deliberation they allow among soldiers and the public The generative power of

war images has long been recognized (Sontag 1977 Skow amp Dionisopoulos

1997) Over the past century each war has been characterized by unique iconic

images shaped largely by the rhetorical and technical resources available Joe

Rosenthalrsquos famous shot of the flag-raising on Mt Suribachi during the battle for

Iwo Jima is one iconic image of World War II whereas the Kent State and

Napalm Girl images helped characterize the Vietnam War (see Hariman amp

Lucaites 2002 2001 2003 respectively) The warfare videos on YouTube are no

exception The videos permit viewers to go beyond the official narratives and

images surrounding the war and obtain material that potentially challenges

privileged constructions of the War in Iraq However one important distinction

must be made in discussing the soldier videos Unlike past iconic war-related

imagery such as Mt Suribachi and the Vietnam War which involve a material

existence manifested in film stock and negatives the circulation of soldier videos

is dynamic and ephemeral Soldier videos have only a digital existence which is

not static and is therefore open to manipulation appropriation or deletion The

exclusively digital existence of the videos provides further interpretive power for

producers and audiences

The soldier videos are not officially commissioned endorsed or built They are

produced by soldiers and responded to by citizens as vernacular expressions of

support or opposition Wersquove argued that while the videos should be celebrated

for their alternative imagery and narratives they nevertheless constitute dominant

vernacular discourse The videos signal widespread changes in the chronicling of

warfare Whereas in the past plane-and-bomb camera imagery gave citizens only

officially approved perspectives the growth of new media has opened up new

access points for alternative images and viewpoints Digital production tools

coupled with a user-friendly medium for dissemination provides material that is

raw and unfiltered by the Pentagon Yet it is also important to be attentive to the

ways in which seemingly democratizing technologies can potentially threaten

democratic ideals and representations

308 CM Smith amp KM McDonald

Notes

[1] Howard (2008a 2010) provides a thorough description of the two approaches to vernacular

communication as everyday discourse andor discourse that originates with marginalized

groups While military members may not be marginalized in the traditional sense low-

ranking frontline troops are stripped of their autonomy and subject to the orders and control

of their military superiors

[2] In their book-length exploration of YouTube Burgess and Green (2010) discuss the space as

a co-creative culture involving the participation of many individuals groups and market

forces including mainstream news organizations The soldier-produced videos demonstrate

these conflicting forces as longstanding media organizations struggle to capitalize on the

new opportunities afforded by the internet while simultaneously protecting their financial

interests

[3] Methodologically this was complicated as we were often forced to rely upon self-

identification of authorship when viewing non-MNFIraq productions The ambiguity of

authorship becomes a problem for claims of vernacularity Although we undertook steps to

ensure that the videos under investigation were soldier produced ultimately there is no

conclusive evidence that many of these vernacular texts are indeed created uploaded and

circulated by soldiers This has an impact on the utility of vernacular theory in our

investigation as vernacular must be defined as a style rather than being tied to a specific

producer

[4] These racist invocations are taken directly from viewer commentary from both soldier-

produced and military-produced videos

[5] Examples of this commentary include a poster that challenged the Bush Administrationrsquos

justification for war making noting lsquolsquothe war was lost the day it was started because it was

immoral illegal and counter-productive So enjoy your flag-draped delusionsrsquorsquo (blazak

lsquolsquoBattle on Haifa Streetrsquorsquo 2007) and another who supported the war effort lsquolsquotrust me no one

likes war But to think that we can always live in peace without ever having to fight for whatrsquos

right isnrsquot right either sometimes we have to fight back whether we like violence and war

or notrsquorsquo (IRFilmz2 lsquolsquoSicknessrsquorsquo 2006) Furthermore one viewer noted the important links

between 911 and other worldwide terrorist attacks lsquolsquothis damn war isnrsquot just Iraq and it isnrsquot

just Iraq and Iran This is a global war from Bali to Madrid to London and more We will be

in this for a long timersquorsquo (isartam lsquolsquoBattle on Haifa Streetrsquorsquo 2007)

References

Albrecht S (2006) Whose voice is heard in online deliberation A study of participation and

representation in political debates on the internet Information Communication amp Society 9

6282

Anden-Papadapoulos K (2009) US soldiers imaging the War in Iraq on YouTube Popular

Communication 7 1727

lsquolsquoApache engaging a VBIED we found and 2 IEDsrsquorsquo (2007) Uploaded by pv2castillo on March 8 to

httpwwwyoutubecomwatchvzdteGd3wc8A

Badkhen A (2007 May 15) Popular web sites now off limits to troops San Francisco Chronicle

p A1

lsquolsquoBaghdad Firefightrsquorsquo (2007) Uploaded by MNFIraq on March 20 to httpwwwyoutubecom

watchvSrstVB50d6Q

Bennett WL (2003) News The politics of illusion New York NY Pearson

Berton J (2007 May 19) Punk Soldier Blogger And now author A young veteran shares his war

stories San Francisco Chronicle p E1

The Mundane to the Memorial 309

Birdsell DS amp Groarke L (1996) Toward a theory of visual argument Argument amp Advocacy 33

110

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visual rhetorics (pp 4162) Mahwah NJ Lawrence Erlbaum

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Polity

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Culture and Critique 1 358377

Christensen C (2009) lsquolsquoHey Man Nice Shotrsquorsquo Setting the Iraq War to music on YouTube In P

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Cloud DL (2004) lsquolsquoTo veil the threat of terrorrsquorsquo Afghan women and the Bclash of civilizations

in the imagery of the US War on Terrorism Quarterly Journal of Speech 3 285306

Cohen N (2010 May 24) Through soldiersrsquo eyes The first YouTube war New York Times p B3

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nationarticle08599121650100html

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Dauber CE (2009) YouTube war Fighting in a world of cameras in every cell phone and

Photoshop on every computer Strategic Studies Institute document Retrieved from http

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Finnegan CA amp Kang J (2004) lsquolsquoSightingrsquorsquo the public Iconoclasm and public sphere theory

Quarterly Journal of Speech 90 377402

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the Internet The Public 9 6176

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3566

Hartley J (1992) The politics of pictures London Routledge

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of Honor Rising Sunrsquo Critical Studies in Media Communication 24 339356

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wwwyoutubecomwatchvYco1deXOzN8

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Bloomsbury

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due to copyright violation

Lingo A (2006b) lsquolsquoBlack Bettyrsquorsquo Uploaded by bvarlese on December 22 to httpwwwyoutube

comwatchvrmqd5pqE0Yk

Lingo A (2006c) lsquolsquoDirty Deedsrsquorsquo Uploaded by bvarlese on November 19 to httpwwwyoutube

comwatchv7Y4yFtsnXOQ

Lingo A (2006d) lsquolsquoCobrarsquorsquo Uploaded by bvarlese on December 8 to httpwwwyoutubecom

watchvchae76gJCro

Makarechi K (2007 May 25) Army says lsquodonrsquot tellrsquo by silencing bloggers with site bans Daily

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iarmysaysdonttellsilencingbloggerssitebansi

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The Mundane to the Memorial 311

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abcnewsgocom2020storyid2746937amppage1

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niPxMvAIB6o

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casey-j-porter-stop-lossed-vet-againsthtml

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caseyjporterpu1AeFs4R64ktE

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u21HEDHXD-bgTc

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American war New York NY Berkley Caliber

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youtubecomwatchv5k3L-_Snu7k

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The Mundane to the Memorial 313

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