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Minyo in Korea: Songs of the People and Songs for the PeopleAuthor(s): Keith HowardSource: Asian Music, Vol. 30, No. 2 (Spring - Summer, 1999), pp. 1-37Published by: University of Texas PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/834312 .Accessed: 03/01/2011 06:05

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Volume XXX, number 2 ASIAN MUSIC Spring/Summer 1999

Minyo in Korea: Songs of the People and Songs for the People

by Keith Howard

In Korea, the term minyo has commonly been used to signify folksongs during the 20th century. This paper considers the term, and attempts to reconstruct how the study of folksong has been approached by Korean scholars, journalists, and students, during the colonial period (1910-1945) and, post-1945, in the Republic of Korea (South Korea).

Folksong?

What constitutes a minyo depends on one's perspective: are minyo the local "songs of the people," sung for work, play, and death, the popular and populist "songs for the people" sung by professional and semi- professional singers, or both? The distinction between local and popular is critical to what follows, seen in the use of contrasting terms, t'osok minyo versus t'ongsok minyo, and ch6nt'ong minyo versus shin minyo, although the distinction has not always been made by Korean scholars. Few scholars agree on appropriate terminology. T'osok minyo uses Sino-Korean characters to indicate local repertories in the writings of some; the traditional use of these same characters would have lent a slightly derogatory air to the term. Ch6nt'ong minyo translates as "traditional folksongs" and uses a term for tradition common to Japan and China to indicate the same repertories; today, minjung, the populace or masses, has become an associated prefix in articles by those close to the student democracy movement of the 1970s and 1980s. In contrast, t'ongsok minyo indicates the popular and common, songs with widespread provenance. Shin minyo prescribes a specific genre of composed folksongs in a narrow sense, but has also been utilized in a broader way to indicate songs thought to have evolved over the last 100 years. The picture is, in reality, more complex still, for minyo tends to prescribe local songs to scholars and journalists, but tends to be associated by local singers with the popular.

Minyo is a loan term. It was first introduced to Japan by the novelist Mori Ogai (1862-1922) as a translation of the German Volkslied.2 Korea was a colony of Japan from 1910-1945. The Japanese Governor- General in Korea in 1913 ordered that research on "minyo" should be undertaken as a way of collecting information on the Korean people, but, nonetheless, the earliest use of the term in Korea that I have traced is in an article by Ko Wimin published in the journal Ch'unch'u 2/3 (Spring and Autumn) in 1916, "Chos6n minyo 2i pullyu (Classification of Korean Folksongs)."3 The term is also used in two accounts by Japanese

2 Asian Music: Spring/Summer 1999

ethnographers dated 1918 and 1924. Within a few years, the term began to be used in the writings of Korean scholars and journalists in, for example, Tonggwang (Eastern Light; February 1927, May 1928 and May 1932 issues), Tonga ilbo (East Asia Daily News; 30 April 1927), ChUsen/Chos6n4 (Korea; July 1929 [issue 141], September 1929 [143], May 1930 [151], June, August, September and October 1930 [152, 154, 155, 156], February 1932 [201] and September 1932 [208]), Chos6n ilbo (Korea Daily News; 1 January 1929 and 11 July 1930), and Shinhaing (New Spirit; July 1929 [1], July 1931 [5] and December 1931 [6]).5 An influential volume by Kim Soun appeared in 1933, Chos6n koj6n minyo chip (Collection of Korean Folksongs from Old Times), collecting articles he had published during the previous four years in the newspaper Maeil shinbo (Daily News).

Ch'oe Y6nghan, in the May 1932 edition of Tonggwang, explains:

Minyo come from the masses. They are songs passed down from the distant past, without known composers, and we do not know when they were created. To talk about their creation is very difficult...They are songs which we love deep down in our hearts; the reason we appreciate them is their deep roots (1985 [1932]: 80-1).6

Ch'oe is conversant with a definition once common abroad, and indeed he goes on to cite Cecil Sharpe, the English Folk Song Society, and Japanese studies (1985 [1932]: 85).7 However, Ch'oe makes little distinction between the local and the popular: the two songs he says pull at the heart- strings of all Koreans-Sushimga and Arirang (1985 [1932]: 82-3)-are close to the popular. Both, the former originally from the north-west and the latter now perhaps the most common of all Korean folksongs, were widely known in 1932. Similarly, Ko Wimin earlier gave a division into eight types of minyo: an initial list of 11 songs comprises seven local and four popular, and is separated from songs integral to folk games, from Arirang, and from other popular songs named with the -t'ary6ng suffix (1984 [1916]: 221-22). Just as striking, two short early missionary accounts by Homer H. Hulbert and James Scarth Gale consider only the popular (Hulbert 1896: 45-53; Gale 1898: 443).

Korean scholars retain Ch'oe's definition today, but only insofar as it designates the local:

Folksongs are songs of the people. They are not composed by particular individuals, but spring up from among the people and are orally transmitted. They have words fixed to tunes, but are free, because they are non-professional works, of complex rhythms, imageries, poetic diction, and

Howard: Minyo in Korea 3

so on... Folksongs are distinct from popular poems and drawing-room lyrics which, being composed by professional poets, are too complex and technically sophisticated for common people to sing (Ch6ng Chaeho 1982: 261-263).

When the term minyo is used, Koreans tend to think of songs that have been transmitted orally and sung by amateurs from generations long past (Kw6n Os6ng 1984: 12).

The first is by a folklorist, the second a musicologist. Han My6nghfii, a musicologist and journalist, makes the distinction between local and popular crystal clear:

Minyo describe the life of the masses, their hardships, loves. They describe our people. Minyo began to be sung from the very old days, and are specific to the locality in which they are found...they are part of our past, and they are appreciated because of their deep roots...

Each scholar has a different way to define minyo, listing them according to region, text, mode, singing style and so on. Another way to list them is as women's, men's, children's, and shaman's songs... [But] more important than any of these distinctions is that between t'ongsok minyo and t'osok minyo. T'ongsok minyo are those sung by professional musicians, those sung for the media and for recording. T'osok minyo are those sung by the common people, those who are not in any way specialist singers (1983: 63-64).

Amongst Korean scholars, and within the ascendant idea of minijung munhwa (culture of the people), "common people" by the 1980s referred to the masses, set against the elite ruling aristocracy, and routinely considered oppressed.8 Until the widespread industrialization of recent years, the "common people" were primarily farmers, hence the term nongyo (farming songs) has sometimes substituted for minyo. This is the emphasis of three articles in ChUsen/Chos6n, one by a Japanese journalist and two by Kim Chiy6n (1930 [editions 154, 155, 156]), Hahn (1978) similarly focuses on rice farming songs, and "nongyo" is retained for five volumes of songs transcribed by Yi Sora in the 1980s (Yi 1985, 1986, 1989, 1990, 1992). Amongst younger scholars, since Korea began to replace dictatorship with democracy, and in a faint echo of Marxist practice in North Korea, the common people have begun to be referred to as nodong (workers).9


Folksongs and Folklore

Folksong study developed largely within the academic discipline of folklore, and hence shared common motives and ideas. Initially, the connection with Japanese folklore was important: two of the five founders of the Korean Folklore Society (Chos6n minsok hakhoe) in 1932 were Japanese, and of the four scholars regarded as central to Korean folklore studies, three studied in Japan and the fourth was fluent in Japanese.'o Korean folklore study, as in Japan, has remained historical in orientation and nationalistic in outlook. But the relative paucity of documentation, a factor partially reflecting Confucian denigration of the local base culture, means that in most respects folklorists adopt what Richard Dorson terms a "historical-reconstructional" approach (1972, cited in Janelli 1986: 24-5). In the last few decades, indigenous foundations for Korean folklore have been promoted, reflexive of the bitter collective memory of the colonial period (for example, see In Kw6nhwan 1978: 43)." Folksong study has followed the same route. Im Tonggw6n's Han'guk minyo sa (History of Korean Folksongs; 1964) thus describes "minyo" as having Korean roots, a combination of two common Sino-Korean characters-min ("people") and yo ("song")-, and points to occasional references in the writings of literati prior to the 20th century.

Korean folklore, from its early days, sought symbols of identity. It emerged out of, and continues to make reference to, a movement tolerated under the Japanese Bunka seiji cultural policy that after the 1919 Declaration of Independence sought to promote the indigenous.12 Never unified, the movement was known by its detractors as the munhwa undong (culture movement; the ideology has been glossed by Michael Robinson as "cultural nationalism" [1979: 143; 1988: chapter 2]). Amongst those affiliated, Ch'oe Nams6n (1890-1957) and Yi NOnghwa (1868-1945) published widely on Korean myths, history and religion, Son Chint'ae (1900-?) considered history and oral literature, and Song S6kha (1904-1948) documented folk performance genres and material culture.'" Yi Kwangsu (1892-1950) was the ideologue. His Minjok kaejoron (Treatise on National Reconstruction), published in May 1922 in KaebyBk (Creation; 3/5: 18-72), argued for national development through the rebuilding and strengthening of Korean identity. "The essence of reconstruction is found in the national character and life. Its goals are rooted in moral and practical enlightenment" (Yi, cited in Robinson 1988: 69). He argued for the encouragement of culturalism (munhwa chuai)14 which, to me, explains why folksong accounts from the colonial period fail to distinguish local from popular. For, although Yi Kwangsu accepted that Korean culture had a prominent part to play, he believed it should not be restrained by the old. Documentation of the old needed to be combined with the creation of


something new. In the case of folksongs, folklorists would tackle the former, but lyricists, composers, and singers must work on the new.15

Folklorists had little knowledge of music, hence texts tended to be of prime concern; their concentration was increasingly on the local. In more recent times, Im Tonggw6n (b.1926) has continued in this vein. He has published seven volumes of texts (Han'guk minyo chip [Korean Folksong Collection]; 1961 onwards) and several sets of essays (in Japanese, ChUsen-e min yU; 1969; in Korean, Han'guk minyo yon'gu; 1974). This is his account:'

I was born in Ch'6kkok, about 10 km from Puy6 in South Ch'ungch'6ng Province, but went to elementary school in Japan, where my brother attended university. Back in Korea, a National University had been set up to collect and synthesize Korean history and literature.'7 My brother was a poet, and I wanted to become a novelist. I changed my mind when I realized that, because of all the conventions we had absorbed from Japan, I needed to study the background of Korean literature. One professor, Pang Ch6nghy6n, advised me there were more than enough budding novelists in Korea. So I entered university in 1948 to study folklore. I wanted to study minyo, but I don't have any musical ability-I am tone deaf (imch 'i)-so my approach had to be from folklore.

During the Japanese period, there had been a cultural reporter at the Maeil shinbo (Daily News), Kim Soun...who collected his research into a book, Chosdn koj6n minyo chip.'" The bigger newspapers of the period, the Tonga ilbo and Chos6n ilbo, had little interest in indigenous culture, so nobody really followed up on Kim's work,19 but by the 1940s Ko Ch6ngok had begun to lecture on folksong. He was a literature graduate, and so his approach was literature based.20

In my third year at university, the Korean War broke out. I was forced to go back to my home area, where I taught at Yesan Farming School. I wasn't a very dutiful teacher, because...I took my students around homes and drinking halls collecting song texts on cards. By the time the National University started up again...Ko had gone to North Korea, Kim was in Japan, and [the only other knowledgeable scholar] Yi Chaeuk, the director of the National Museum, had disappeared. [In their absence] I was asked to teach, and so began to use folklore rather than literature as the basis


for folksong research. I was recommended to a number of colleges, and I was soon giving lectures at three, Choongnam, the National University, and Sukmyung. At that time, musicologists studied only ritual and court music; nobody transcribed the music of folksongs.

There were no tape recorders. I went around the countryside with a notebook, writing everything down. I taught Tuesday through Thursday, and spent weekends on fieldwork. By 1960, I had about 8,000 cards of texts. I decided to classify them, but decided copying the Japanese method was not suitable in Korea where we had different social norms and customs. The categories needed to reflect Korea. I collected what I had in a volume, Han'guk minyo chip (Korean folksong collection; 1961). But by the time this was printed, my card collection had grown to 25,000. Since publications on folksongs were not commercial ventures, the government gave me a grant to publish five more volumes. I am now proof reading a seventh volume;2' finally, this contains the songs from Yesan that I collected with my students all those years ago. My students from that time are now in their fifties; some are lawyers and one is the chairman of a political party.

Im's first six volumes are arranged mainly by subject; the seventh is regional. Yim Suk-jay's [Im S6kchae] (b.1903) 12 volumes of folklore documentation contain many local folksong texts and are arranged by province.22 In 1995, with the help of the MBC radio producer Ch'oe Sangil and Yim's daughter Dawnhee Yim, 5 CDs of his field recordings of folksong were released.23 The recordings had been made in the 1960s and 1970s on reel tape, but an educational agenda was now added: the CDs aim to stimulate children to learn about Korea's recent past, hence are accompanied by transcriptions by the musicologist Yi Ch6ngnan (Ch'odfing hakkyo-e ponaegi wiw6nhoe, eds., 1995). Yi had already begun collaborating with Ch'oe on a massive local folksong collection, which by 1995 had produced 50 CDs of contemporary field recordings.24 Yim's CDs, which quickly attracted considerable critical acclaim,25 were intended as a supplement, to showcase versions collected before the onslaught of modernization infiltrated the countryside. His take on history mirrors the old definitions of folksong cited above and, further, assumes that the oldest extant version of a folksong will be the most authoritative.26

The vast volumes of oral literature produced by the Academy of Korean Studies (Han'guk ch8ngshin munhwa y8n'guw8n) under the title Han 'guk kubi munhak taegye (Korean Oral Literature Compendium; 1978- 81) offer myriad folksong texts. Each province is contained within one


volume and is in a number of parts; the collection runs to some 30 books.27 Each book contains folk tales and folksongs. Volume 6.1 (1980), for example, has 746 pages collected on Chindo, an island of South Chlla province located off the south-western tip of the peninsula. Fieldwork was accomplished in a single week (27 July - 3 August, 1979) by a single scholar, Chi Ch'unsang, then a Korean literature professor at Ch6nnam University in the provincial capital, Kwangju. In total, 261 pages are devoted to song texts. This is still a partial account. It considers only three of the six island districts. In one of these, Chisan, the focus is on one village, Inji, and two core singers, S81 Chaech' on (age given as 74; 1905- 1987) and Cho Kongnye (age given as 56; 1930-1997).2

'Popular' folksongs

Western music displaced traditional Korean music during the colonial period.29 Composers were conservative, and absorbed Westernized genres already developed in Japan, tongyo (children's songs, after Japanese shUka), yuhaengga (popular songs, after Japanese enka), and kagok (or yesul kagok, lyric songs with diatonic harmony and patriotic lyrics3-). However, the thrust of culturalism continued into the 1930s, requiring more than adaptation of these foreign genres. Japanese record companies, which had set up in Korea in the late 1920s, began to release SPs of folksongs. These, documented and listed in the annual journal Han'guk timbanhak (Studies of Korean music recordings; 1991 onwards), reveal three distinct aspects to these SPs: the preferred singers were popular artists active on Seoul's stages; the term minyo was used for popular folksongs and also for segments of the professional operatic genre p'ansori (epic storytelling through song) and its new staged equivalent, ch'anggaik; some songs are labeled as t'aryong or shin minyo.

In place of the folkloristic concentration on the local, here the emphasis is on the popular, what Han My6nghfii defines as t'ongsok minyo. The SPs mainly feature two vocal styles, both of which had become pan-regional. One uses the strong emotion and characteristic modal features of south-western Chlla province folksongs. This reflects the vocal style of p'ansori and, indeed, many renowned p'ansori singers hailed from Chlla. Songs were popularized as a repertory commonly known as Namdo minyo (Namdo = southern provinces). Yukchabaegi, a slow lament in the 18/8 chinyangjo rhythmic cycle that tells of lost love and desertion, emerged as the most popular. The second vocal style is more lyrical and light, and is characteristic of folksongs from the central province which surrounds the capital city, Ky6nggi. Again, entertainment songs are characteristic; these songs were typical of kisaeng (entertainment girls) in Seoul and P'y8ngyang, and the association survives with the famous singer An Pich'wi (real name An Pokshik; 1926-1997). Han obaengnydn is one


representative song. The t'ary6ng suffix appears to be commonly applied to songs of fairly recent origin from Ky6nggi, and also to songs sung by professional musician troupes. "1 Kyongbokkung t'aryong, for example, describes the rebuilding of the royal palace in Seoul in the years following 1865.

Arirang, considered nominally to originate in this central region, fits the popular category. In terms of musical structure, and with respect to one common text-which tells of a woman waiting forlornly for her lover on the banks of a river-the song may have roots in the mountainous regions around Ch6ngs6n several hundred kilometers to the east of Seoul.32 Although the structure of some Arirang lyrics suggests considerable antiquity (McCann 1979: 43-56) and the song is mentioned in a 1756 manuscript (see Kim Y6n'gap 1986: frontispiece), common stanzas seem to hail from the late 19th centuries: some tell of migrant workers brought to Seoul and some refer to a hill north of Seoul. The first transcription of Arirang was published in 1896, in the third volume of the Korea Repository, a journal largely sponsored by the missionary fraternity, where it accompanies translations of lyrics in an article by Homer B. Hulbert (1896: 45-53).

Early in the 20th century, regional versions started to appear; Kim Kyohwan, in his 1929 ChUsen min'yU shu/Chos6n minyo chip (Collection of Korean Folksongs), states that many regional versions were well- established (1929: 275, cited in Im Tonggw6n 1974: 374-76)." Of the many versions, the best-known today is probably Chindo arirang, which on the island of Chindo is reputed to have been developed by the shaman and taegi~m (horizontal bamboo flute) player Pak Chonggi (1879-1939):34

In the beginning of this century, [Pak] made [Chindo arirang] as part of the activities of the shaman fraternity. Pak was assisted by his contemporaries, Pak Chin'gw6n, Pak Tongjun, Ch'ae ChOngin and Yang Hiingdo, but he was responsible for the melody and words (Naegojang ch6nt'ong kakkugi 1982: 140-41).

Chindo arirang retains a strong regional identity. Volume 6.1 of the Academy's oral history series offers 179 complete stanzas, 52 collected in Kunnae district to the north-east of the island, 104 from Chisan district to the south-west, and 23 in the south central Uishin; a volume by Cho Tamhwan, who during the 1980s was chairman of the Chindo Cultural Centre, contains 83 stanzas (Cho 1985: 13-21).

The popularity of Arirang was ensured after it was sung solo at the screening of a silent nationalistic film produced by Na Un'gyu in 1926. A recording made with speech four years later has recently been re-released


with many other cleaned-up SP recordings of similar vintage. As with Yim Suk-jay's collection, this complements four CDs of contemporary renditions of 33 regional variants from the same record company.3 The colonial experience left its mark on Arirang, and stanzas routinely describe the loss of land or despair at hardship or unrequited love (for examples, see ChOng Chaeho 1982: 281-2; Naegojang ch6nt'ong kakkugi 1982: 142-4; Howard 1989: 106-14). Arirang, in both basic form and regional versions, is one of very few folksongs that has been retained without change in North Korea. Although the lyrics have been modified in, for example, the late 1970s revolutionary opera Millima iyagi hara (Tell the Story, Forest), the inherited words generally survive, and for good reason:

The song tells with sorrow about the passing of time, about...the. sad situation of the people, deprived of their homeland by the Japanese imperialists and expresses, although not clearly, protest against the Japanese imperialists' occupation of Korea, in which the Japanese are referred to as the root of all misfortunes (Korea Today, March 1985).

Shin minyo (shin = new) appear to have been conceived in a style thought suitable for the new Korea. They began as a fusion of contemporary popular songs and minyo. Even though the term is common to Japan, the fusion is more pan-Asian and shares much with the Shanghai huangse yinyue (yellow music) of Li Jinhui and others (Manuel 1988: 223- 36; Jones 1992: 9-11). It comes as no surprise that the same Japanese record companies were operating in Shanghai and Seoul, and that Shanghai was the base of the exiled Korean provisional government. The first mention of Korean shin minyo came in an announcement in the newspaper Chos6n ilbo on 14 March 1931, in connection with the performance of two songs composed by Hong Nanp'a (Hong Yonghu; 1897 or 1898-1941), Panga tchinntn saekshi norae (Song of the Milling Girl) and Noksuin karakchi (Rusty Ring). Hong was a violinist and composer who had trained both in Korea and Japan. Based on a distinction between songs using pre-existent Japanese or Western melodies, Hong is often credited as the composer of the first truly Korean song, the lyric song Pongsonhwa (Balsam Flower; 1919) (see, for example, Yi Yus6n 1985: 140). Shin minyo, unlike local folksongs, credited lyricists and composers. In January 1934, OK Records issued an influential collection of shin minyo with music by Mun How61 and words by Shin Pulch'ul; Columbia and Victor, the two major rival recording companies, soon joined the fray. In addition to Hong, Ch6n Surin (1907-84), Yi My6ngsang (1908-90), Kim KyosOng (1904- 61), and Mun How81 (1980-53) were associated with the genre. Specific singers were celebrated, including Kim Yonghwan (1912-48), Pak Tanma (1921-92), Yi In'gin, Kim Pokhfii (b1916), Yi Kyunam (1915-93), Kang


Hhngshik (b.1900), Ch'oe Namyong (1912-71), and Hwang Kfimshim (b.1922).

Kkolmangt'ae arirang (Fodder-bag Arirang), recorded by Kim Yonghwan on Victor KJ-1335A in 1939, is one of the better-remembered shin minyo.36 In verses set to a steady 4/4 it describes an ox working, pausing regularly to eat. On the 1939 recording, Kim's thin, lyrical voice is far from that of a folk singer, and displays little vibrato or ornamentation. He is accompanied by a small jazz band, a clarinet toying with a blues scale and a violin adding a counterpart. The refrain-begun and ended with a pause-is a take on the well-known Arirang, using a traditional changgo double-headed drum to beat out the 9/8 semach'i rhythmic cycle: Arirang, Arirang, Arariyo / The Arirang rhythm makes the cow itchy to move on / Arirang Hill, the Hill is so high...

I first visited Chindo in 1982,37 and quickly discovered that "minyo" was reserved by islanders for popular songs, p'ansori, and shin minyo. This matched the labels of 1930s SP recordings, and commercial folksong releases were still restricted to the popular. Although those conversant with scholarly writings talked of local minyo, most people described local songs as yennal sori /yennal norae ("songs from the old days"). This stands in marked contrast to the continuing use of the term by folklorists and journalists.38

Korean musicologists initially carried none of the baggage of Korean or Japanese folklorists nor, taking a broader frame, of cultural anthropologists: fieldwork, and the documentation of social and cultural contexts. Their interests were initially in transcription, and they focused their efforts on minyo available in Seoul, largely popular folksongs. Transcriptions by Koreans are not known to predate the 17 popular songs in staff notation by Yi Sangjun published in 1929 (but completed in 1913).39 In place of minyo, Yi uses sokkok (folk melodies) in his title. He includes Yukchabaegi, two versions of Arirang, and five songs with the suffix t'ary6ng. Yi has three versions of a song originally from the central Ky6nggi province about a playboy, Sasy6l Nanbongga as the original, and Sunch'y6n Nanbongga and Kaes6ng Nanbongga from the southern coast and north-west respectively as variants.40 Two short musicological articles by Japanese scholars were published in the journal ChUsen/Chos6n (but are missing from Im Tonggw6n's 1964 list), Ishikawa Gi'ichi's "ChUsen sokkyoku" in 79: 31-41 (1921) and Takahashi Tdtru's "Hokusen no min'yo" in 219: 26-48 (August 1933). One substantive account by a Japanese author appeared, but much later: Ichiyama Shigeo's ChUsen min 'yo no kenkyu (Seoul, 1939). Culturalism meant that Korean musicians began to take an interest. An Kiy8ng, for example, a composer who later settled in North Korea, published Chos6n minyowa akpohwa, folksong transcriptions with accompaniment, in the journal Tonggwang (May


1931).41 In 1934, the Korean violinist Keh Chung-sik submitted a Ph.D. dissertation in Strassburg containing 17 popular folksongs; this was published in 1935 as Die Koreanische Musik. By this time, with Japan moving to a war footing, few further publications could appear, but a few visitors to Korea produced settings along similar lines, including Sara May Anderson's arrangement of 12 songs with piano accompaniment in her Korean Folk Songs (1940).

Following the end of the Pacific War, Korean musicological deliberations on folksong were further hampered by the discipline itself: musicology dealt with the history, development, and contemporary forms of court and literati genres, and elucidated elements of musical construction.42 The first substantive folksong account, Cho Wangsan's Chos6n minyo kaeron (1947; Studies on Korean Folksongs), developed the approach, and included chapters on the history and characteristics of particular popular songs. Chang Sahun's Minyowa hyangt'o akki (1948; Folksongs and Indigenous Instruments) had similar concerns, but offered a lengthy account of six popular folksongs. A year later, Chang and S6ng Ky6ngnin's Choson ai minyo (1949; Korean Folksongs) included songs divided by province, but was still confined to the popular repertory. The methodology continued to be used into the 1980s, and concentrated on mode, rhythm, and melodic phrasing. In this mold, the most senior living musicologist, Lee Hye-Ku [Yi Hyegu] (b.1909), reconsidered Keh Chung Sik's 1934 account of Yukchabaegi (1976; an English version is in Lee 1981: 177-9 1). Keh had based his transcription of text and music on an SP recording: Columbia 40063-A. The first stanza, Lee confirms, is "the standard text," while the second "is borrowed from a p'ansori" story (1981: 178). Lee then considers musical aspects one-by-one: scale, form, rhythm, melodic range, vocal phrasing, and melisma. A four-page appendix offers a synoptic score, Keh's transcription above one by Lee's student Hahn Man-young [Han Many8ng]. Keh took each breath to mark the end of a phrase, which lends the song an irregular metric structure. Hahn, however, keeps to a steady 18/8 meter based on the slow chinyangjo rhythmic cycle prescribed by the drum accompaniment.

Hahn, together with another student of Lee, KwOn Os6ng (whom I have cited above), worked closely after their graduation with the state radio network, KBS (Korea Broadcasting System). Both began to complement the efforts of folklorists. Kw6n traveled throughout the countryside and later prepared several articles (KwOn 1977, 1983, 1984), while Hahn transcribed 48 archive recordings (Han 1967). Whereas folklorists categorized songs by subject or region, musicologists were concerned with mode. Hahn Man-young's definition of folksong areas, which loosely correspond to dialect regions, is a notable example. To summarize:


Korean folksongs have traditionally been divided into three geographical areas, the north, center and south. The first area ought roughly to comprise the northern P'y6ngan, Hwanghae and Hamgy6ng provinces, the second the central Ky6nggi, Kangw6n and Ch'ungch'6ng provinces, and the third the southern Ch6lla and Ky6ngsang provinces. The three geographical areas match three song styles which, based on musical idioms, are described as S6do (s6 = west; to/-do = province or district), Ky6nggi, and Namdo. These three, however, basically describe songs west of the T' aebaek mountain range.

The representative Ky6nggi song is Ch'angbu t'ary6ng, a song thought to have evolved from shaman rituals, and part of which tells of a degenerate monk. The characteristic pentatonic mode is ky6ngjo-so-la-do-re-mi-(here, c' d' f' g' a')-with mi (a') sometimes replaced by a flat fa (bb'). All five constituent tones are given equal weight... The song Sushimga, the "Song of Melancholy," is representative of the S6do style. The mode is basically tritonic with pitches separated by a perfect 5th and a minor 3rd-re-la-do(d' a' c"). The highest tone is typically sung flat, in a course and tense voice lacking vibrato. Below this, la (a') is given wide vibrato but sung softly with nasal resonance. Two additional tones appear as auxiliary and passing tones, mi and sol (e' and g')...Amongst Namdo songs, the representative song is Yukchabaegi. The mode is basically tritonic-mi-la-si (e' a' b')-with c" and d" appearing as ornaments that fall to b' in the characteristic kk6ngnan mok ('breaking tone'). This mode ascribes a specific character to each pitch: the lowest, tt6nan mok, is sung with wide vibrato; the central tone, p'y6ngaro naenan mok, is given without vibrato; the highest has a downward sliding 'breaking tone'... East of the T' aebaek mountain range there is a further [fourth] folksong region...The mode is menari cho. It is basically tritonic-mi-la-do (e' a' c")-with the addition of sol (p') as a passing note and re as a kind of 'breaking tone'.

In this description, Hahn was not concerned with a fifth folksong region, that of Cheju island off the southern coast. Well into the 1980s, Hahn's students continued to elaborate on modal distinctions (for example, Paek Inok 1984, Chin Hoesuk 1985).

After the development of the oral literature series, Hahn initiated a parallel folksong series at the Academy of Korean Studies, where he was in


charge of music research. This, similarly compiled on the basis of brief fieldwork trips, was Han'guk ai minsok amak (Korean Folk Music). Personnel changes at the Academy and political largesse means that the project has not been completed, and notations for just four of the nine provinces have appeared: Cheju (1984), South Ky6ngsang (1985), South Ch'ungch'6ng (1988) and South Chlla (1993).45

Preserving folksongs

Hahn and Kw6n graduated in the 1960s, at a time when concern was growing that performance arts and crafts should not be allowed to die. Ye Yonghae's landmark In 'gan munhwajae (Human Cultural Assets; 1963), based on a series of brief fieldwork reports on disappearing cultural traditions in the Han'guk ilbo (Korean Daily News) from 1959-63, set the scene and was particularly influential. Ye was a journalist:

I petitioned the government strongly. I wanted Human Cultural Assets recognized because they knew the old things which had been passed down to us but were considered part of a base culture to be despised. Koreans thought it shameful that the lowest people, the ch'5nmin, had the best knowledge of our music, drama, and crafts. But they also felt shameful because they didn't know the arts and crafts themselves. We risked losing our heritage. We needed to raise the status of the ch '5nmin, and I thought this could be done if the government honored them. Giving them an honor would function as part of the rehabilitation of the arts and crafts as well as the performers and artisans.46

On 1 October 1962, the incoming military regime of Park Chung Hee announced a law, the Munhwajae pohob p (Cultural Asset Preservation Law; Law 961).47 This was promulgated early in 1963. The law in part responded to Ye and others, but the aim was to both conserve and promote. Promotion specifically marked an effort to raise arts and crafts as icons of national identity for the people48 and, even though echoing culturalism, went far beyond the scholarly agenda to preserve the old. The two core aims were not to prove good bedfellows.

Conservation led to scholars being appointed to a Cultural Assets Committee, the Munhwajae wiwonhoe, instructed to research traditional arts and crafts. Research reports were used to recommend nominations of representative genres for preservation as Muhyong munhwajae (Intangible Cultural Assets). The primary series of reports was the Chungyo muhydng munhwajae chosa pogos5 (Cumulative Research Reports on Important Intangible Cultural Assets), which was supplemented by semi-annual


progress reports and regional compendia. The state agenda, promotion, immediately set the system apart from the comparable Japanese system, since it emphasized local arts and crafts over literati and court genres-the "high culture" with connections to China or Confucian custom. This, then, continued what the cultural nationalists had begun in the 1920s. The skills required in Assets are held by individuals, and so artists were to be nominated as poyuja ("holders"). In colloquial speech, very few Koreans refer to poyuja. In its place, Ye's term has been substituted: In'gan munhwajae. The first Assets were announced in December 1964.

Im Tonggw6n played a central role in the committee. His first report, in 1965, on the women's folksong and dance repertory generally known as Kanggangsullae, supported the genre's appointment as Asset no. 8 in February 1966. With Im, two other folklorists have consistently been active in researching genres associated with music performance, Shim Us6ng and Ch6ng Py6ngho. Shim has expertise in mask drama, games, and percussion bands, and Ch6ng in dance. By 1985, 165 volumes of the primary series had been completed, of which 19 had been compiled by Im, Shim and ChOng (vols. 7, 8, 19, 35, 40, 47, 100, 106, 121, 129, 131, 133, 138, 146, 152, 153, 154, 155 and 161). In contrast, the key musicologists attached to the committee in its first decade were trained in and continued to work with the court tradition. Three, Kim Kisu, Song Ky6ngnin and Kim Ch'Onh ng had trained at the court institute during the colonial period; Kim and Sang both rose to become directors of the institute's post-liberation successor, the National Center for Korean Traditional Performing Arts (Kungnip kugagw6n ).49 Their reports were concerned primarily with court and literati music. They reluctantly ventured into folk music, and in the case of folksongs considered only popular repertories. Kim, S6ng and Kim contributed 25 volumes to the primary series (vols. 10, 12, 26, 29, 30, 33, 41, 44, 60, 64, 67, 68, 69, 70, 72, 72, 84, 86, 116, 118, 122, 124, 135, 144 and 156).

The different approaches proved critical for folksong preservation, and tipped initial nominations in favour of the popular and professional. Of the first five folksong genres appointed, three were from the popular category: Sonsori san t'arybng, songs which were once sung by itinerant bands (Asset no. 19; appointed in 1968), Sado sori, songs from the north preserved by migrants in Seoul (no. 29; 1969), and Kyonggi minyo from the central region (no. 57; 1975). The other two, both from the environs of Chindo, were ostensibly local genres: Kanggangsullae (Asset no. 8; appointed in 1965) and Namdo tallorae (no. 51; 1973). Even here, though, the nominations reflect complex considerations.

Kanggangsullae is a genre widely spread throughout the south- western coastal regions; a text from 1941, Chosan ii hyangt'o orak (Korean Indigenous Games),5so documents its performance in 17 places


(cited by Shim Us6ng 1980: 82-3). The first "holder" was Yang Hfingdo (1900-68), a professional entertainment girl (kisaeng) known for her fine singing. She was appointed because she came from Chindo, and this matched a legend in which a Korean admiral, Yi Sunshin, fought off a Japanese invasion in the 1590s in the My6ngnyang straits that separate the island from the mainland. Remains of mud fortifications can still be traced on the hills bordering the strait at its narrowest point, Manggufmsan on Chindo, and on the mainland, Ongmaesan in Haenam and Yudal mountain to its west. To further strengthen connections to the legend, her nominated assistant was Kim Killim (b.1927), born on Chindo but living on the adjacent mainland. After Yang's death, a further Chindo resident was appointed as "holder," Ch'oe Soshim (1908-1990). The legend, though, is today tied to the Asset for contemporary consumption. It ignores more distant potential roots for Kanggangsullae, such as circle dances with possible links to fertility cults documented from the early states of Puyo and Kogury8 in Chinese sources. The legend ties in with an alternative and common title for the genre, Kanggangsuw6llae, which can be transliterated using Sino-Korean characters to give the meaning "barbarian invaders from across the sea." In one text it is suggested that this dates from the colonial period, while Im Tonggw6n considers it the more recent invention of Yi Unsang, the erstwhile chairman of the Yi Sunshin Memorial Society (O Changhy6n et al. 1976: 64; Im, personal interview, 1992)."5

Namdo taillorae, rice planting songs, ceased to be used in paddy fields after land reform in the 1950s. They were restructured by Chindo islanders and presented at the 1971 National Folk Arts Contest (Ch6n'guk minsok yesul ky6ngy6n taehoe), telescoping the agricultural year into 25 minutes and linking eight planting, transplanting, weeding and processional songs with percussion interludes. A year later, the songs became the subject of volume 98 in the primary Cumulative Research Reports series (Chi Ch'unsang 1972). In 1973, Namdo ttillorae were appointed Asset no. 51 with two "holders," S61 Chaech'6n and Cho Kongnye-the two key informants from Inji village who would later feature in the Academy of Korean Studies' oral history volume. The set of songs performed as the Asset are now studied as authentic (see, for example, Uchida 1980: 112; Han 1983: 24-25), even though some islanders argue the Asset song set has only become representative since 1973 (Ho Ogin 1986: 254-62; Paek S8nghy6n 1988: 134).

In Asset performances of Namdo tallorae, words have been pared down and improvisation removed. The 1972 report gives 24 stanzas by S61 Chaech'8n for Mottfin sori, a planting song, and 38 by Pak P'aengyon for Moshimgi sori, a transplanting song (Pak died before the 1973 nominations were announced). Still today, the Asset team routinely sing, respectively, five and four stanzas, and these are duplicated in published accounts (for example, Chi Ch'unsang 1980: 492-501 and 1987: 339-352; Naegojang


ch6nt'ong kakkugi 1982: 148-54; Cho Tamhwan 1985: 33-37). Uniform costumes with natural persimmon dyes have been adopted, said to recreate "a set of farming clothes unique to Chindo" (Paek S6nghy8n 1988: 134), and plastic rice shoots introduced generate an appropriate atmosphere when performed on stage. An ox is added in the processional song for outdoor performances, said to be an annual prize once given to the best farmer after judging whose harvest would be most plentiful, but closely connected to a Buddhist festival performance from Miryang on the eastern side of the Korean peninsula, Paekchung norae. Singers argue that each new element is a positive and necessary addition, and that the songs remain anchored in tradition. To S81 Chaech'6n: "I only sing as in the old days; I wouldn't dare to change one jot" (quoted in Shin Ky6ngnim 1985: 210).

In 1970, antipathy between folkorists and musicologists began to be dismantled when Yi Pohy6ng, a musicologist who had studied Bartok at Yonsei University, joined the office overseeing Asset management, the Munhwajae kwalliguk. He trawled the countryside, researching instrumental and vocal folk music in each region. In the early 1980s, Yi Sora, a musicologist who had studied Korean music at Seoul National University, took over the documentation of farming songs. Hahn was a regular expert appointee to the Cultural Assets Committee. Two local folksong nominations resulted: Nongyo (farming songs; no. 84; 1985), and Cheju minyo (folksongs from Cheju island; no. 95; 1990). Two localities were chosen as having the most representative farming songs, Kos6ng and Yech'6n, but scholars now recognized that national status hampered local identity:

Korean folksongs have special characteristics in each district, and those who know the songs in each district would like to be nominated as "holders." We could nominate many more [folksong] repertories as Intangible Cultural Assets, but how many more do we want to appoint? The more we appoint, the less of our cultural heritage we will lose. But the more local [folksongs] are performed in the national arena the more they lose their local identity. It is not desirable to go on making more and more nominations (Yi Pohy6ng; personal interview, August 1990).

As the 1970s progressed, so increasing urban affluence was reflected in a burgeoning nostalgia for the rural idyll; partly, this meant many Koreans wanted to rediscover local folksongs. Amid an awareness that little folklore of demonstrable antiquity remained, enhanced efforts began to be made outside the state preservation system to document what could be found. The decline of folklore, it was routinely argued, had begun during the colonial period, and continued after the end of the Pacific War with land reform, the spread of communications, and rapid urbanization.52


In the case of folksongs, this was made explicit as a virtual lament by Pak Chunghye (1985: 15-32), and in the influential journal of a cultural publishing house, Ppuri kip 'in namu (The Deep-Rooted Tree). The journal sought out the old throughout the country until being forcibly-and mistakenly-banned in 1980.53 The owner, Changgi Hahn (1936-1997), then amalgamated with Korea Britannica, and this gave him access to capital that allowed him to release, among other things, a 10-LP set of local folksongs (Korea Britannica, JLS 1201866-1201875, 1984), a 3-LP set of saIp'an sori (sorrowful songs) (Deep-Rooted Tree, SELRO-138, 1989), and 20-volumes of oral histories, one of which showcased the eldest living "holder" of Kanggangsullae, Ch'oe Soshim (Kang Yunju (ed.) 1990). The folksong set contains an introduction by Kw6n Os6ng which defines minyo as primarily local (as cited above), but the recordings mix local and popular. Thus, the three LPs dedicated to the south-west include local songs from Chindo, Okku, Naju and elsewhere, but also popular songs sung by three professional p'ansori singers, An Suks6n, S6ng Ch'angsun, and O Ch6ngsuk.55

During the 1980s, it also become fashionable for journalists to retrace the steps of earlier folklorists, seeking to document the disappearing past. They tracked down folksong "holders," some of whom had been catapulted to national prominence by the Asset system. In Chindo, for example, Shin Ky6ngnim met S81 Chaech'8n, sparking one episode in his travelogues on folksong, Minyo kihaeng (Shin 1985, 1989); Na Singman and Ko Hyegy6ng met Cho Kongnye, producing the material for two episodes in their book (1995: 45-52 and 81-86). Some "holders" were now elevated alongside professional stars in widely-read books such as My6ngin my6ngch'ang (Great People, Great Singers; Yu Iks6 et al. 1987), and Han (Oppression; Kim My6nggon 1993).

And, throughout the 1970s and 1980s, student demonstrations for democracy appropriated folklore. To cleanse a campus of government "smells," students held shaman rituals; to satirize the failings of the government and its stooges, they appropriated mask dance dramas (t'al ch'um).56 Percussion bands (nongak or p'ungmul) led processions, and folksongs-updated to match protest sentiments-served to join everybody together. In effect, the government preservation system had been taken up by students of a very different political color. To explore their heritage, students spent vacation periods in the countryside, reputedly on a reciprocal basis whereby they helped with local work and were taught local folksongs and percussion band music. In Chindo, Cho Kongnye received many of these students. One of these was Pak Ponggu who, after Cho's death in Spring 1997, remembered her fondly:

Teacher! No, more than a teacher, I wanted to call for the celebrated grandmother. More than the songs of the teachers


that I wanted to find, I was filled with what the grandmother gave me. Ten years back, at the time I was still an immature student, during the university vacation in Summer 1988, and along with my classmates, we wanted to study folksongs and so visited Chindo. Our first impression was that this poor house was not a place where a respected teacher could live. We asked if this could be where an Human Cultural Asset could possibly live.

[Grandmother Cho] was always informal but at the same time passionate, and she knew so many songs. Gradually, working with her during each day, we studied Namdo tallorae, funeral songs, and Kanggangsullae. In November 1995 I went back to Chindo on my own. After such a long time, she came to the room where I was staying the same night that I arrived. "How have you been living since we last met?" "What has become of the songs which I taught you? With these songs you never can earn enough to live on." This was the way it was with this grandmother. Her husband had died young, and her family had all moved away. She had very little. But she lived simply, as she would have done if she had been a Buddhist nun. Her songs gave her life, and through her songs she expressed the bitterness of her life (Pak 1997: 10).

Other students collected folksongs for university dissertations.57

Postscript

There can be no adequate conclusion to this article, because the identity of minyo is changing. Most who visit Korea might be forgiven for thinking that nostalgia rules. Folksongs nominated as Assets certainly survive, but in a contemporary world they are little more than icons of a lost past. The "holder" of Cheju minyo, Asset no. 95, is Cho Uls6n (b. 1915). She laments:

People older than me can sing Cheju folksongs and still like them. I want to teach younger people, but they aren't interested. This is difficult, since I am expected by the government to teach people in their twenties or thirties. I will teach anybody who comes to me to learn, but I can't force people. If it rains, a few people come to sing with me, but young people don't want to know.58


In the 1990s, local folksongs have begun to be adapted in new ways. The minjung munhwa movement has led to a re-examination of folksongs, and, increasingly, argues for new ways to promote this heritage. Hence, a recent album by Yongwoo Kim, lead singer with the group Seulgidoong, contains a folksong learned from Cho.59 A photograph shows Kim sitting proudly beside the elderly "holder" on the verandah of Cho's daughter's house in Cheju. The song is Pongjiga, originally sung while weaving men's black hats. Onto a frame of finely split bamboo, horsehair was woven, and the refrain used a falsetto yodel to imitate the process. The hats were common until the 1890s; they held the traditional top-knot in place until a decree passed as part of the 1895 Kabo reforms ordered men to cut their hair. Nobody needs a hat anymore except, perhaps, as a collector's item. Kim's version is slowed down, effectively losing the point of the in-and-out weaving motion in the refrain. A flute (tanso) provides an introduction to the song, a feature lifted from folksongs of the central Ky6nggi region, and beneath the singer a synthesizer replaces the crickets and the rustle of wind for which Cheju island is known. Seulgidoong, unlike Cho Uls6n, command a large and loyal fan base. They began with versions of student protest songs, and now pack theaters with a new type of minyo that is nationalist and contemplative, and which mixes guitars and synthesizers with kayagam (12-string zither), and Western drum kit with Korean percussion.

The question which Koreans are beginning to ask is not how minyo reflect the "common people" of the past, but how folksongs can be promoted in a modern, industrialized, world. This is likely to provide a lively debate for many years to come.

School of Oriental and African Studies University of London

Notes

SI have discussed folksongs in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (North Korea) elsewhere (Howard 1996 and forthcoming), where socialist realism coupled to the self-reliance philosophy of juche [chuch'e] has promoted popular "songs for the people," revised and rewritten for national consumption, and has rarely allowed the backward-looking, "nihilistic" and "revivalistic" local traditions. Many musicians migrated north in the late 1940s, particularly composers and popular singers. Kim Il Sung and his ideologues learned much from the Chinese experience, and filtered Zhdanov's Soviet socialist realism through Mao Zedong's 1942 Yan'an


talks. From 1957, after the North Korean revolution was considered firmly established, the Ch'6llima undong (normally glossed 'Flying Horse Movement') encouraged scholars to collect folksongs. According to my discussions and research in P'y6ngyang in 1992, it is clear that a number of volumes of folksong texts and music were published; but these have since been largely removed from library shelves. In a third phase of cultural production from the 1970s onwards, artists were required to separate the old from the new. Here, words and music were revised, adding revolutionary sentiments, diatonic harmony, and more. In effect, then, extant folksongs in the North are all "songs for the people." English language citations which demonstrate policy changes in respect to songs can be found in Kim Yol Kyu (1992: particularly 88), Bunge (1981), and in many speeches by Kim Il Sung, particularly "Achievements in the Cultural Revolution" (2 November 1970), published in Kim II Sung Selected Works 5.

2 Cf David Hughes (1985).

The Korean title and the date I give here come from the reprint/translation in Ch'oe Ch'61 and S61 S6nggy6ng (eds) (1984: 221-33). The article is not listed by Im Tonggw6n (1964); the original publication date is not given in the 1984 reprint, and I have taken it from a listing in Kang Thnghak et al. (1994: 196).

4 The first is the Japanese and the second the Korean pronunciation of the characters of the title.

S This is a partial list extracted from Im Tonggw6n (1964: 234-64) and Kang Tcinghak et al. (1994: 192-97). 6 Originally Tonggwang 33 (May 1932): 82-89. Reprinted in Minjok amakhak 7: 80-86 (1985).

7 The definition was still promoted by the International Folk Music Council in the 1950s as the version published in volume 7 of the Journal of the International Folk Music Council demonstrates:

Folk music is the product of a musical tradition that has been evolved through the process of oral transmission. The factors that shape the tradition are: i) continuity which links the present with the past; ii) variation which stems from the creative impulse of the individual or the group; and iii) selection by the community, which determines the form or forms in which the music survives... (Anon. 1955:23).


For a summary of this and other definitions, see Elbourne (1976: 9-29).

8 See Cho Hung-youn (1987) for a good exposition of minjung munhwa in English.

9 See, for example, Han My6nghfi (1983: 61), Kang Tfinghak (1994) and Ryu Chongmok (1994). Kang further cites the definition of Ko ChOngok (1949: 25-35), who divides minyo not into local and popular repertories but into songs for work, politics and religion, and into men's and women's songs (1994: 13).

10 Yi Hfising et al. (1967: 372, 379, 613, 936), as discussed by Janelli (1986). " It is of note that contemporary Korean scholars tend to be reluctant to accept the contribution of Japanese ethnographers. The work of some are considered by Western commentators on Korea, Akiba, for example, by Alexandre Guillemoz (1991/2: 115-50), and Murayama, Akamatsu and Akiba by Walraven (1994). 12 Beyond culture, there was a second side to this promotion. With one eye on Gandhi's encouragement of native industry in India, notions of self-help were propagated, particularly through the Chos6n mulsan changny6hoe (Society for the Promotion of Korean Production).

13 Song organized the Korean Folklore Society in 1932 and later edited its journal. His best-remembered musicological publication is a consideration of historical scores published in 1943.

14 The term first appeared in the inaugural edition of the newspaper Tonga ilbo on 1 April 1920; the editorial announced the paper would represent the minjung (the masses), though within a year minjung became minjok (the nation).

15 Yi's second treatise, MinjokchBk ky6ngnyun (National Statecraft), published in Tonga ilbo in January 1924, argued for the building of the new. Unfortunately, Yi considered this could be best accomplished through accommodation with the colonial power. This led to a boycott of the newspaper, and the cultural nationalists began to be seen as collaborators. The movement was left moribund. Later, Yi was captured and marched north to face trial for treason in North Korea during the Korean War; recent press reports say he died on the way. Ch'oe Nams6n has also been accused of duplicity. Hence, in 1997, public outcry greeted the South Korean government's announcement that it would designate Ch'oe's hand-written


original of the Declaration of Independence for preservation: the press were adamant that Ch'oe had turned from patriot to traitor.

16 Personal interview, 26 September 1992.

17 The establishment of the university was one of the goals of the cultural nationalists, and specifically of a society formed in November 1922, the Society for the Establishment of a National University (Minnip taehak kis6ng chubinhoe).

18 Im suggested 1932 was the publication date of this, but has elsewhere written 1933.

19 This seems to imply Im considers Kim Soun's work more significant than the other articles I have cited so far.

20 Ko's approach is clear in his 1949 book.

21 Published late in 1992.

22 Published between 1987 and 1993. Yim is not tone deaf, and one of his earliest publications was a volume of children's songs, Ch'angjak tongyo chip (Creative children's songs; 1955). 23 Im Sokchae Ch 'aerok Han 'guk kubi minyo (Korean Folksongs Collected by Yim Suk-jay). 5 CDs and 143 page booklet. Cantabile (Seoul), SRCD- 1227 - SRCD-1331), 1995.

24 Han'guk minyo taej6n (MBCD-001 onwards, 1991 and continuing). The first 10 CDs were of folksongs recorded in Cheju island (1991), then 20 from South Chlla province (1993), then 20 from North Chlla province (1994). 25 1995 newspaper and journal reports on Yim's collection included: Kyosu shinmun (Professor's News) 1 March: 12; Han'gyore shinmun 4 March: 11; Choson ilbo (Korean Daily News) 10 March: 17; KaeksSk (Auditorium) March: 222; Shisa Ch6nol (Shisa Journal) 16 March: 98-99; Chugan Choson (Weekly Chosun) 16 March: 4; Umak tonga (East Asia Music) April: 164; Han'guk ilbo (Korean Daily News) 25 May: 17; Han'guk ilbo 28 May; Choson ilbo 28 May; Dance Arts July: 32-38; News & People 6 August: 76-77; Shisa Chn61l 6 August: 85; Han'guk ilbo 6 September; Chugan Han'guk (Weekly Hankook) 11 September: 98-99. I thank Dawnhee Yim for providing me with copies of these.

26 This is a key part of the state preservation policy; for a general discussion


of it with respect to folk music, see Howard 1989: 248-54. Note also this comment by Chang Sahun, a senior musicologist:

[The government Asset system] must aim to keep originality. If one thing is appointed which is not the original form it may have lost its value. All people who are supported as Human Cultural Assets should remember to keep the original form, and know the roots and characteristic skills unique to their genre (Chang 1982: 347).

27 The preface to each of the nine volumes states that the oral history compendium was conceived in eight volumes, with South Chlla province integrated with the southern island of Cheju-Cheju had been an administrative part of South Chlla until 1948. The plan was to include shaman songs alongside folk tales and folk songs. Shamanism, as local religion, is widely interpreted in contemporary Korea as both a central feature of indigenous identity and as ritual entertainment developed by and for the mass populace (for example, see Kim Y1lgyu 1987a: 168-9; Yi Sangil 1984: 31-5; Kim Kwang-il 1984: 261-9; Cho Hung-youn 1987). This interpretation began with Ch'oe Nams6n and Yi Nfinghwa as a specific ploy to separate Korean culture from high Chinese-inspired court traditions and from Japan (see, for example, Ch'oe 1927; Yi 1927a and 1927b). 28 Cho Kongnye always maintained that she was born in either 1924 or 1925; her birth was registered in 1930 and this, therefore, remained her official birth date.

29 In fact, church hymns were first published in 1893, and an imperial band was set up at the turn of the century. The first documented Western-style concert, a piano recital, took place in the Seoul YWCA in 1911. For discussions, see Yi Yus6n (1985) and Yi Yus6n and Yi Sangman (1985: 477-608).

30 Ten CDs of kagok/yesul kagok originally recorded on SPs between 1925-45 have been reissued in Seoul as Yus6nggiro tatt6n kayosa 1925- 1945 (Shinnara, SYNCD 0015-0024, 1992).

"31 As I reported earlier, on the basis of discussions with Chindo islanders in Korea's southwestern Chlla province. See Howard 1989: 103-04.

32 Kang Tfinghak (1988) and Kim Y1lgyu (1987b) argue for this origin. Other recent volumes on Arirang include Kim Y6n'gap (1986; 1988), Minhak hoebo (1987), and Kw6n Hfid6k (1991).

33 By then, Arirang itself was considered worthy of study, as Kim


Chiy6n's ChUsen min'yo shu: Arirang I in the June 1930 edition of ChUsen/Choson demonstrates.

34 Howard 1989: 196-98. Some publications give slightly different dates for Pak.

3 Arirang I. Minjok ai norae (Syn-nara (Seoul), SYNCD-001, 1991) and Hanbando ai Arirang (Arirang of Korean Peninsula) (Syn-nara (Seoul), SYNCD-089-92, 1994).

36 This is the first of 28 shin minyo originally issued on the Victor label between 1937-39 reissued on CD under the title 30-ny6ndae Shin minyo (New Folksongs of the 1930s; Cantabile, Seoul, SRCD-1232, 1995). The only atypical feature of Kkolmangt'ae arirang is meter: the majority of these 28 shin minyo use the 3/4 or 9/8 metrical structure common to many Korean yuhaengga. This structure is said to be a development of the foxtrot, and is frequently referred to today in a somewhat derogatory manner as ppongtchak.

37 I conducted doctoral fieldwork on Chindo from late 1982 until March 1984; I have since returned five times.

38 During the research for this paper, I discovered one exception, Im Kichung's Uri ni yennorae (Our Old Songs; 1993). But closer inspection revealed that the "old songs" were melodies incorporated into the court repertory, largely as instrumental pieces, in the Kory6 and Chos6n dynasties.

39 Cited as item 460 in Song Pangsong 1981: 82.

40 Romanization as per Yi's titles; since the publication of a unified orthography in 1933, the "y" has been dropped from the first two titles.

41 I am told by Walter Wolfgang Sparrer and Gtinter Freudenberg that Korea's most celebrated composer, Isang Yun (1917-1995), arranged a similar volume of folksong arrangements. 42 The study of history, and the documentation of music through extant historical scores, has accorded Korean musicology considerable prestige. For a discussion of this, see Howard 1992.

43 Mountains that form the backbone of Korea, dividing the flatter coastal plains of the West from the hilly terrain of the East.

44 Summarized from 1973: 121-47. See also Hahn (1978: 21-28) for


farming folksongs described in a similar manner.

45 Hahn left the Academy to become director of the National Center for Korean Traditional Performing Arts. At the Academy, Ch'oe Chongmin took charge, but his activities as a broadcaster reduced his commitment to the project. The Academy had been set up under the general-turned- president Park Chung Hee and, following his assassination and increasing public dissatisfaction with the military regime of his successor, Chun Doo Hwan, many scholars wanted little to do with it.

46 Ye, personal interview 13 August 1991.

47 The law and the system it set up divides heritage fourfold into the tangible buildings and structures, natural monuments, folk customs, and intangible arts and crafts. The system developed over time, hence the law was amended some 15 times by 1990. For details, see Howard (1989: 241-62) and Maliankay (forthcoming: chapters 1, 3 and 4).

48 Article 1 of the law states the purpose to be to both "contrive the cultural progress of the people and to contribute to the development of the human culture." Note, too, the title of the first chapter in Kim Yersu's Cultural Policy in the Republic of Korea, written for UNESCO: "The problem of cultural identity" (1976: 10-13).

49 Refounded during the Korean war, the Center was known by the English gloss National Classical Music Institute until 1988, then as the Korean Traditional Performing Arts Centre until 1995.

50 This is the Korean pronunciation of a Japanese title, as given by Shim.

5' This title is rejected by Kim Y1lgyu 1976: 7-8.

52 It is a commonplace for Koreans to reflect on the colonial period as an entirely negative painful experience. Economic historians try to demonstrate a nascent capitalism and modernism prior to the Japanese take-over (for which, see Robinson 1988, Shin 1989, Wells 1990, Eckart 1991, Howard (ed.) 1996: 26-27). Some missionary accounts, however, suggest decline was endemic in the 19th century (see, for example, Bishop 1897).

53 A coup in December 1979 brought in a new military leader, Chun Doo Whan [Ch6n Tuhwan]. He ordered the closure of many journals, including Ppuri kip 'n namu (The Deep-Rooted Tree). Five years later, however, Hahn was allowed permission to publish a new journal aimed at women, Saemi kip 'in mul (Deep Water Well). This allowed him to break most ties with Korea Britannica. Hahn's projects included reintroducing the tea


ceremony, manufacturing traditional funeral brassware, producing and selling mulberry paper and, latterly, marketing the most indigenous but undervalued pottery, changdok/onggi, the brown pots used for the storage of preserved vegetables such as kimch'i. All these were sold at very high prices, which ensured they were destined to become collector's items. The folksong sets were priced per LP at almost four times the normal shop price of commercial albums; the first set is called Ppuri kip 'in namu p'alto sori (The Deep-Rooted Tree Collection of Korean Folk Songs) and the second Hanbando ai sAlp'an sori (The Deep-Rooted Tree Collection of Korean Songs of Sorrow).

54 The volume includes my memories of working with Ch'oe (1990: 144- 48).

5 Han ManyOng delineated three major folksong styles: Sodo minyo, Kyonggi minyo, and Namdo minyo. Given that the first two are represented by Asset nominations, why is Namdo missing? Possibly, the reason is because the best singers are p'ansori specialists. Indeed, Song and O are "holders" of Asset no.5, p'ansori, while An is the disciple of the most famous 20th century female p'ansori singer, Kim Sohfii. 56 For details of which, see Ch'ae Hfiiwan and Im Chint'aek (1985), Yang (1988) and Kim Kwang-Ok (1997: 5-21).

57 In the case of Cho Kongnye's songs, see for example Chong Aey6n (1982), Chang Kwio (1982), Yi Ch6ngnan (1984) and Chin Hoesuk (1985) (all MA dissertations), and Anon 1983. Then again, I wrote a dissertation on what I learned!

58 Personal interview, 18 August 1990.

59 Cho's version is published in the MBC Han'guk minyo taej6n series (see above) (as track 8 on MBCD-004, 1991). On Kim's album, Pongjiga is track 3 (Seoul Records, SRCD-1354, 1996).

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