united to end genoCide Sudan’S Man-Made …Sudan’S Man-Made CataStrophe: a War on CivilianS in South Kordofan and Blue nile daniel Sullivan and Shannon orCutt July 2012 united

Sudan’S Man-Made CataStrophe: a War on CivilianS in South Kordofan and Blue nile

daniel Sullivan and Shannon orCutt

July 2012

united to end genoCide

About united to end Genocide

United to End Genocide is the largest activist organization in America dedicated to preventing and ending genocide and mass atrocities worldwide. The United to End Genocide community includes faith leaders, students, artists, investors and genocide survivors, and all those who believe we must fulfill the promise the world made following the Holocaust – “Never Again!”

United to End Genocide 1025 Connecticut Ave. NW, Suite 310 Washington DC, 20036 endgenocide.org [email protected]

© 2012 United to End Genocide

About the Authors

Daniel P. Sullivan Director of Policy and Government Relations

As the Director of the Policy and Government Relations team, Dan manages the organization’s conflict analysis and development of policy recommendations related to Sudan, Syria, Libya, Democratic Republic of Congo, Burma, and prevention of genocide and mass atrocities. He also plays a leading role in outreach to the U.S. administration and Congress and coordination with international non-governmental organizations and civil society groups.

Previously Dan worked for Human Rights First, the Brookings Institution and the Albright Stonebridge Group, where he assisted former Secretary of State Madeleine Albright in her role as co-chair of the Genocide Prevention Task Force. Dan received his bachelor’s degree from Harvard University and a Masters from the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies.

Shannon Orcutt Policy Associate

As Policy Associate Shannon provides research and analysis on the situation in Sudan and on conflict areas where the organization has engaged. She also focuses on issues surrounding international justice and serves as the primary contact with Congressional offices. Shannon holds degrees in Government and International Politics and Global Affairs from George Mason University.

introduction ............................................................................................................................ 1

background ............................................................................................................................ 2

context of conflict in the two Areas ..................................................................................... 3

direct Attacks and human rights Abuses............................................................................. 4

Aerial bombardments ............................................................................................................ 6

humanitarian situation .......................................................................................................... 7

south Kordofan and blue nile .......................................................................................... 7

refugee camps in south sudan ...................................................................................... 8

Yida ......................................................................................................................................... 8

Yusuf batil ........................................................................................................................ 9

challenges of the rainy season ...................................................................................... 9

conclusion and recommendations ..................................................................................... 10

endnotes .............................................................................................................................. 12

tAble of contents

GlossArY

AU: African Union

CPA: Comprehensive Peace Agreement

SAF: Sudanese Armed Forces

SPLM-N: Sudan People’s Liberation Movement- North

SPLA-N: Sudan People’s Liberation Army- North

SRF: Sudan Revolutionary Front

NCP: National Congress Party

UN: United Nations

UNHCR: United Nations High Commission for Refugees

UNMIS: United Nations Mission in Sudan

UNMISS: United Nations Mission in South Sudan

UNOCHR: United Nations Office of the Commissioner for Human Rights

methodoloGY

Research for this report was conducted in South Sudan over the course of three visits in July 2011, January to February 2012 and June to July 2012. United to End Genocide conducted interviews with numerous refugees in Yida refugee camp in Unity State, Yusuf Batil refugee camp in Upper Nile and in Juba. In addition to refugees, research-ers also interviewed humanitarian workers, United Nations personnel, civil society members, faith leaders, human rights monitors and members of the SPLM-N.

introduction

A man-made humanitarian catastrophe is unfolding in Sudan’s South Kordofan and Blue Nile states, and in the refugee camps to which over 200,000 people have been forced to flee. Even as South Sudan celebrates its first year of independence and the world concerns itself with the prospect of a return to war between Sudan and South Sudan, civilians are being targeted by the government of Sudan. This targeting is taking place through direct attacks by air and ground forces, and by cutting off humanitarian aid where food is being used as a weapon. Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir—wanted by the International Criminal Court for genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity in Darfur—continues to direct atrocities with impunity. As the

Sudan’S Man-Made CataStrophe: a War on CivilianS in South Kordofan and Blue nile

rainy season approaches its peak, the people remaining in South Kordofan and Blue Nile, and those who have fled to camps across the border in South Sudan will face progressively deteriorating conditions.

A look at the current crisis in South Kordofan and Blue Nile provides not only an urgent call to action for the international community, but also a reminder of the broader dynamics. The very same perpetrators that have threatened civilian lives in Darfur, South Sudan and throughout other marginalized areas in Sudan are once again committing atrocities in South Kordofan and Blue Nile states.

July 2012

UNITED TO END GENOCIDE2

bAcKGround

Since May 2011, violence has escalated in the conten-tious region along Sudan’s border with the newly independent Republic of South Sudan. In Blue Nile and South Kordofan states, the government of Sudan has utilized its military forces to launch attacks in civilian areas.

The status of contested region of Abyei, which was scheduled to hold a referendum in January 2011 on whether the area would become part of Sudan or South Sudan, remains unresolved. The Sudanese government has sought to avoid the chance that it might lose the region by launching an invasion that has displaced nearly the entire Ngok Dinka population. The Sudanese air force has gone so far as to bomb refugee areas in South Sudan where civilians from Blue Nile and South Kordofan fled to avoid government attacks.

In 2011, over half a million civilians were displaced by violence in Sudan. Between January and June of 2012, over 118,000 civilians from South Kordofan and Blue Nile fled the country.1 The government of Sudan has cut off nearly all access to South Kordofan and Blue Nile, preventing humanitarian organizations and the United Nations (UN) from providing desperately needed aid and security or gathering information of abuses being committed.

The secession of South Sudan has created challenges for the people in Sudan’s South Kordofan and Blue Nile states who fought alongside the South during Sudan’s 22 year civil war, but remain in the North. According to the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), which paved the way for South Sudan to have the option for independence, South Kordofan and Blue Nile were to hold popular consultations to determine how they would fit into a new Sudan. However, the disputed election of Ahmad Haroun (wanted for war crimes and crimes against humanity in Darfur) as governor of South Kordofan, coupled with new deadlines and demands for SPLA-N disarmament, caused tensions to rise. This led to an outbreak in fighting and Sudanese military attacks in South Kordofan’s capital of Kadugli in June 2011. Similar tensions in Blue Nile state led to the sacking of

democratically-elected governor and leader of the SPLM-N, Malik Agar.

Over a year after violence began in the state of South Kordofan and 10 months since attacks began in Blue Nile, civilians continue to suffer as a result of direct targeting by the Sudanese government and fighting between the SPLA-N and the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF). As fighting between the two opposing sides persists, the Sudanese government continues to wage a campaign against civilians, committing widespread atrocities through direct attacks on villages, aerial bombardments and by cutting off humanitarian aid.

by the numbers

•Over 205,000 civilians have fled South Kordofan and Blue Nile for refugee camps in South Sudan and Ethiopia in the last year

•200-250,000 civilians in South Kordo-fan are facing crisis or emergency levels of food insecurity

•Another 50-70,000 civilians in Blue Nile are facing crisis levels of food insecurity

•Almost daily aerial bombardments have killed, maimed, and injured scores of civilians

•Over half a million people were displaced by violence in Sudan in 2011

•1.9 million people remain displaced in Darfur

Suda n’S M a n-M ade CataStrophe 3

July 2012

context of conflict in the two AreAs

The crises in the two areas of South Kordofan and Blue Nile is not an isolated phenomenon. Rather, it is the latest symptom of a long-standing struggle between a central regime and an exploited people that has affected the entire country. A concentration of wealth and power within an elite, centered in the Sudanese capital of Khar-toum, at the expense of other regions of the country was a root cause of the North-South civil war and continues to affect marginalized areas throughout Sudan. While extreme violence has occurred in the marginalized areas of Darfur, South Kordofan, Blue Nile and Abyei, other areas such as Eastern Sudan and Nubia have also experi-enced crackdowns and exploitation by the government.

In Darfur, some 1.9 million people are still displaced, and, despite declining media coverage of the enduring violence and instability, the UN has reported over 254 attacks since 2010. Another 100,000 civilians remain displaced from the Abyei region as a result of the occupation by the Sudanese government in May 2011. Subsequently, in November 2011, several of the major rebel movements in Sudan joined together to form the Sudan Revolutionary Front (SRF). The SRF includes the SPLM-N from South Kordofan and Blue Nile; the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM), Sudan Liberation Army under Abdel Wahid and Sudan Liberation Army under Minni Minawi from Darfur; and the Beja Congress from Eastern Sudan. Since the creation of the SRF, Darfuri rebels have joined the SPLA-N in fighting in South Kordofan, albeit in a limited manner. Also, beginning in June of 2012, students and opposition groups inside Khar-toum and other major cities across Sudan have staged small-scale protests against recent austerity measures and called for the resignation of Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir. While protests in Sudan are nothing new, the latest reemergence of popular dissent signifies growing dissatisfaction with the current regime even amongst those that have typically been more supportive.

In addition to the ongoing struggles with the exploitative regime in Sudan, tensions also remain high within the newly formed nation of South Sudan. Despite the

South’s peaceful separation on July 9, 2011, the relation-ship between the newly separated countries has steadily deteriorated. This has both caused and been exacerbated by a deadlock over several key issues, including oil revenue sharing, the demarcation of the border, citizen-ship and determination on the status of the contentious Abyei region. Sudan has accused South Sudan of supporting the SPLA-N and Darfuri rebels, while South Sudan has claimed the SAF is supplying weapons to rebels within its territory.

Tensions between Sudan and South Sudan reached a critical stage in April 2012 when South Sudan’s army occupied the oil producing region of Heglig and Sudan intensified aerial bombardment within South Sudan. The

international community responded with UN Security Council Resolution 2046, threatening sanctions if the two sides did not find a resolution to the key areas of disagreement by a deadline of August 2, 2012. At the time this report was written, the two sides were meeting for talks in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.

UNSC Resolution 2046 is focused on a resolution to ongo-ing disagreements between Sudan and South Sudan, but includes reference to the crisis in South Kordofan and Blue Nile. It is within the greater context of tensions between Sudan and South Sudan, as well as the violence within Sudan, that the crisis in South Kordofan and Blue Nile must be understood. At the same time, a resolution to the crisis in South Kordofan and Blue Nile will be essential to resolving the broader issues facing both Sudans.

July 2012


direct AttAcKs And Abuses

On June 5, 2011 fighting erupted between the SAF and SPLA-N in South Kordofan’s Nuba Mountains. The SAF and allied militias rapidly escalated the violence by conducting house-to-house raids, engaging in wide-spread looting, imposing roadblocks and conducting aerial bombardments. The conflict has severely affected or internally displaced over 300,000 civilians and caused an additional 60,000 to flee to South Sudan.2

The Sudanese government has singled out the Nuba civilians living in South Kordofan on the basis of their ethnic identity and political ties. They have targeted civilians, accusing them of being affiliated with or supporting the SPLA-N, and have subjected them to arrest, torture and extrajudicial kill-ings. Several refugees interviewed also described a religious aspect to the target-ing of civilians as Christianity is associ-ated with the SPLA-N. Two priests from the South Kordofan capital of Kadugli described a church being ransacked and used as a temporary military base by the Sudanese army.3 In the wake of fighting around Kadugli, satellite imagery revealed potential evidence of eight mass graves.4 A report from the United Nations Office of the Commissioner for Human Rights (UNOCHR) documented reports of arbi-trary arrests, illegal detention, enforced disappearances, house-to-house searches, looting of homes, extrajudicial killings and attacks against civilians. The report concluded that the government of Sudan’s actions likely amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity.5

The Sudanese government has even targeted UNMIS peacekeepers, subjecting several national staff to detention and torture. The UNOCHR report cited such attacks, including an SPLM member who, while working as a contractor for UNMIS, was pulled out of a vehicle by SAF troops and later discovered dead. In an interview with United to End Genocide, a Nuba transla-tor, who worked for UNMIS, described arbitrary arrests and an atmosphere of fear and uncertainty among the

Nuba staff who worked for the mission. At one point, they were told that the peacekeeping mission could no longer keep them safe and made the decision to flee.6 One month after the fighting began in South Kordofan, the remainder of the UNMIS contingent was also forced to leave Sudan after their mandate was limited to only include South Sudan.

In the months since the initial attacks, reports of arbitrary arrests, abuse and looting by government-allied militias in South Kordofan continue. Sudanese troops

have targeted water sources and grain supplies, adding difficulties to those already suffering through the ongo-ing aerial bombardments and blockade of international aid. The attacks and abuses show no signs of letting up.

On September 1, 2011, three months after violence broke out in South Kordofan, fighting between the SAF and SPLA-N spread to Blue Nile state. Attacks in Blue Nile have internally displaced or severely affected 200,000 civilians and forced more than 144,000 to take refuge in neighboring Ethiopia and South Sudan.7 Soon after launching their attacks, the Sudanese government

Ismail el-Gom Ali Dawe, an 87 year old man from Jebel el Dair in the Nuba Mountains fled soon after the fighting started to the village of Hagar Narr. The Sudanese military attacked the village with 16 trucks armed with machine guns on top and burned Hagar Narr. He saw 45 people killed. According to Ismail, there were no SPLA-N soldiers or barracks in the village, civilians were the target.13


July 2012

sacked the elected governor, Malik Agar, and installed a military governor. Similar to South Kordofan, the Sudanese government has cut off nearly all access and has prevented the international community from provid-ing desperately needed aid or gathering information on the abuses being committed.

Saleh Kora is a mother of three from the Angolo tribe south of Kadugli. The Sudanese government dropped six bombs on her village. When she heard the planes coming she was able to grab her two youngest children, but was not able to get a hold of her oldest children who simply ran around unsure of what to do. While her family was not physically hurt in the bombing, several members of her village were killed and injured by shrapnel. Saleh is a farmer and described how she was too afraid to continue to tend to her crops after the bombing.20

Blue Nile refugees have described attacks similar to those documented in South Kordofan, including bombings by Antonovs and militia attacks against civilians.8 Witnesses of the initial attacks described government soldiers using tanks and heavy weapons to destroy civilian property.9 Blue Nile is less mountainous than South Kordofan and less of the territory is controlled by the SPLA-N.

As a result, the inhabitants of Blue Nile are making their way to refugee camps in South Sudan and Ethiopia at a much higher rate than seen in South Kordofan.

Many of these people are arriving in neighboring countries after being forced to abandon their villages and hide in the forest for long periods of time. Starting in May, there have been reports that scorched earth tactics are being used where the Sudanese forces are burning farms, looting homes and killing those who were unable to flee.10 There are further reports of sexual violence against women in both South Kordofan and Blue Nile.11 Finally, it should be noted that, while the SAF and allied militias are the primary perpetrators of atrocities in South Kordofan and Blue Nile, the SPLA-N has also been accused of human rights abuses, including the use of land mines, looting and forced recruitment.12

July 2012


the Nuba Mountains, hiding in caves and gaps in rocks in order to find protection.17 Refugees told United to End Genocide of how they avoided lighting fires to keep from being spotted. They did this even though it meant sleeping with the snakes and scorpions that also resided in caves and otherwise would have been kept away with fire.

The SAF aerial bombardment campaign has not been limited to South Kordofan and Blue Nile, and has even extended across the border to South Sudan. The South Sudanese government has accused Sudan of numerous bombing raids along the border. However, not all of the incidents have been confirmed.

On November 9, 2011, Salva Kiir, the President of South Sudan accused the Sudanese government of bombing Gaffa, a border town in Upper Nile where refugees from Blue Nile had fled. Two days later, on November 11, the Sudanese

government dropped five bombs on Yida refugee camp. The incident was witnessed by several international jour-nalists. While no one was killed, one of the bombs hit a school but, fortunately, failed to detonate.18 Refugees dug foxholes around the camp in case of future attacks. As tensions between Sudan and South Sudan reached a crucial stage in April, the Sudanese government increased their bombing campaign in South Sudan, kill-ing at least 16 civilians and injuring an additional 34.19

Another aspect of the aerial bombardments has been the worsening of the humanitarian situation within South Kordofan and Blue Nile. The military has used planes to target crops in order to prevent civilians from planting food. Farmers attempted to adapt by tending to their crops at night, but the planes then began to drop bombs in the dark as well. Lower crop yields caused by an inability to plant have severely reduced the capacity of the local communities to cope with the blockade of international aid. In a further worrying trend, people have begun eating the seeds meant for next year’s crops.

AeriAl bombArdments

The Sudanese government has employed Antonov planes and, less frequently, MiG fighter jets to attack villages and incite widespread fear among populations throughout South Kordofan and Blue Nile. While the MiG’s are able to bomb precise targets, the Antonov strikes are indis-criminate as soldiers must roll the bombs out of the back of the planes. The Sudanese military has also utilized cluster munitions, which can drop hundreds of smaller bomblets causing arbitrary and widespread damage.14 Many sub-munitions fail to detonate initially and can litter towns and fields, putting civilians at major risk.

While the exact numbers of bombings and casualties are difficult to confirm due to lack of access, victims and witnesses describe almost-daily bombing. The UNOHCR report on South Kordofan said that aerial bombardments of civilian areas have resulted in “significant loss of life”. Following a trip into Blue Nile in April, Human Rights Watch reported indications that the bombing campaign in Blue Nile has killed, maimed and injured scores of civilians.15 While visiting one of the refugee camps, United to End Genocide received reports that a bible school had been bombed in the South Kordofan town of Heibon. Even the Yida refugee camp itself had been bombed in November 2011—an obvious violation of international law.

Beyond the clear evidence of physical damage caused by the bombings, there has also been an immense emotional toll on the community. The aerial bombardment has traumatized many civilians in South Kordofan and Blue Nile. Refugees described the fear they experience whenever planes flew overhead. Maybula Abdurahim, a woman from Kuwalib in South Kordofan, described how the bombing made her feel paranoid and, that even after leaving Sudan, she was afraid to shower because she would feel stuck if a plane came. She recounted how the children panic whenever they hear planes even after reaching safety in South Sudan.16

In order to avoid the aerial bombardment by the Suda-nese military, many civilians in South Kordofan fled into

even the yida refugee camp itself had been bombed in november 2011—an obvious violation of international law.


July 2012

humAnitAriAn situAtion

south Kordofan and blue nile

In addition to direct attacks, the Sudanese government is also using food as a weapon by bombing fields, prevent-ing planting and blocking international aid. According to several refugees interviewed, civilians have reportedly been targeted while attempting to cultivate their land. This has also been confirmed by the UN.21 Aerial attacks and ground fighting have created widespread fear and disrupted the crucial cultivation season in South Kordofan and Blue Nile, resulting in emer-gency levels of food insecurity.

Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir has also prohibited humanitarian organizations and UN agencies from entering South Kordofan or Blue Nile to provide assistance to civilians starving in conflict-affected areas. According to USAID-Famine Early Warning System (FEWSNET), 200,000 to 250,000 civilians in the Nuba Mountains of South Kordofan are currently facing crisis to emergency levels of food insecurity, just one level below famine because the disruption of the planting season left little to no food to harvest.22

Recent assessments carried out by local humanitarian organizations within South Kordofan indicate deteriorat-ing conditions going into the “hunger gap” period. The hunger gap occurs before the harvests in October and November as families are running low on food collected during the previous planting cycle. Increased reliance on negative coping mechanisms such as reduced numbers of meals, selling of assets such as livestock and eating seeds needed for the planting season will make continued denial of aid and future low crop yields even harder to deal with moving forward.

The Sudanese government has ignored continued pressure from the international community to end the systematic starvation of their own people. On June 27, 2012, Sudan claimed to accept a tri-partite agreement that was proposed in February by the United Nations, African Union and League of Arab States. The agree-

ment would have allowed aid into South Kordofan and Blue Nile. However, the government announced they would only allow humanitarian aid into the SPLA-N controlled areas if it was distributed by the Sudanese Red Crescent Society, which does not have the capacity to effectively deliver aid and is perceived by many Nuba to be controlled by the Sudanese government. Valerie Amos, the UN Under-Secretary General for Humanitar-ian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator, issued a statement clarifying that “the Government has laid out operational conditions that do not allow for the delivery of assistance by neutral parties in the SPLM-N controlled areas.”23

July 2012


access to education and the inadequate availability of food. Several schools were set up and are being run by the refugees, but, according to camp officials, the UN had not provided supplies beyond a few handbooks for children. At Yida, the need for education is great. The camp was filled with children, many having arrived without their parents. The camp’s education coordinator told United to End Genocide that there were over 3,000 unaccompanied minors as of February, a number which has likely grown as the size of the camp swells.

Refugees reported a lack of food in the camp and told United to End Genocide that the portion sizes and quality of food were not adequate. Women were harvest-ing roots from local vegetation, complaining that they

weren’t given any food beyond grains. An increasing number of malnourished children continue to pour into the camp as humanitarians reported nutrition centers being overrun by skeletal infants.25

Yusuf batil

Yusuf Batil is the fastest growing refugee camp for people fleeing violence in Blue Nile.26 At the time of writing, it contained over 26,000 refugees. This number represents the better part of some 40,000 refugees that have fled in recent months, and nearly a quarter of the 110,000 total refugees estimated to have fled

refugee camps in south sudan

Over 170,000 civilians from Blue Nile and South Kordofan have fled to refugee camps across the border in South Sudan. This number is rapidly escalating every day. The camps have become overcrowded and a dire humanitarian situation has emerged as a result of limited supplies and access to clean water.24 Dehydration and waterborne illnesses have had a drastic impact on refugees. In addition to poor access to clean drinking water, refugees expressed concern about inadequate food and medical supplies.

The rainy season in Sudan and South Sudan severely limits transportation as roads become deeply rutted and thick mud makes travel nearly impos-sible for several months each year. As refugees continue to stream across the border, the UN and humanitarian orga-nizations are struggling to keep up with the influx. Poor road conditions during the rainy season are further limiting the ability to deliver food, equipment needed to drill boreholes for water and other supplies.

Yida

Yida refugee camp is located approxi-mately 15 miles from the border with Sudan and has been the primary destina-tion for civilians fleeing into South Sudan from South Kordofan. Of the estimated 61,600 refugees living in Yida, half have arrived since late April as food supplies in South Kordofan continue to dwindle. UNHCR and humanitarian groups have expressed concern about the safety of the refugees due to the close vicinity of the camp to the border. In response, two additional camps have been set up further south, Nyeel and Pariang. However, most of the refugees are adamant about stay-ing in Yida. Those interviewed expressed a desire to be closer to their homes and complained that the two other camps are in swampy locations surrounded by areas prone to violence.

Two of the primary concerns for the refugees that United to End Genocide spoke with were the lack of

Najwa Musa Konda, Executive Director of the Nuba Relief, Rehabilitation and Development Organization, reported that “people are not able to cultivate or work on their farms because of aerial bombardment... Many working on farms have been killed while trying to cultivate creating a fear and a general unrest in the population and so they were not able to continue.”


July 2012

Blue Nile since violence began last September. The refugees arriving in Yusuf Batil come mostly from the Ingassana Hills area of Blue Nile state where, in recent weeks, Sudanese forces have carried out a scorched earth campaign, destroying crops, burning homes and killing those unable to flee.27 Interviews with refugees revealed consistent accounts of bombings by Antonov planes, ground attacks, and a general lack of food and medicine as reasons for fleeing.28

Most refugees in Yusuf Batil have been transferred from the “Kilo 18” transition camp that was experiencing mortality rates above emergency levels and severe water scarcity just two weeks earlier. Aid workers and refugees described people dying of dehydration and hunger on

the road to Kilo 18. While newly drilled bore holes have increased access to water for those in Yusuf Batil, sufficient clean water for drinking, cooking and hygiene remains a leading concern within the camp. Aid workers are also reporting increasing cases of malaria, diarrhea and eye infections, and warned about the risk of cholera outbreaks.

The other camps for Blue Nile refugees, Jamam and Doro, hold 34,000 and 44,000 people respectively. They are facing similar conditions to that of Yusuf Batil. However, many of the inhabitants of these camps have already been living there for several months, and emer-gency health and education mechanisms have already

been set up by international humanitarian agencies. The influx of refugees has also placed strain on the host communities surrounding the camps. While generally in better condition than the refugees, the host communi-ties have been experiencing increased malnutrition rates because their limited resources are now being shared with the refugee population. United to End Genocide witnessed a nutritional supplement distribution for children in the town of Bunj. One aid worker cited medium to acute malnutrition rates for children that are approaching famine levels among the local community. Meanwhile, there are still tens of thousands of internally displaced persons living in Blue Nile and aid workers estimate that another 20,000 may be making their way to the refugee camps in the coming weeks. This will

further increasing the strain just as the rainy season reaches its peak.

challenges of the rainy season

July and August mark the height of the rainy season in South Sudan, which runs from April to October. While the rains bring much needed water for refugees and the crops they will depend on in the months to come, they also present immense challenges for the health of the communities and the delivery of much needed aid. Makeshift living quarters provide limited shelter for refugee families who huddle together in wet clothes

surrounded by puddles of water, that remain for days after the last storm. The water threatens the spread of disease and the promulgation of mosquitoes. Malaria cases are reportedly on the rise throughout

the camps.

The rains also turn the dirt roads of Upper Nile state in South Sudan into impassible quagmires. United to End Genocide heard of numerous vehicles getting stuck in the mud between the camps and the main supply centers further to the south. One aid worker described four or five trucks getting stuck just within the Yusuf Batil camp in one day. Heavy rains also prevent flights from coming in to the dirt airstrip next to the sprawling Doro camp that services the area.

Azize Khalifa is a former student from Bau in the Ingassana Mountains region of Blue Nile. Like many, she fell ill during her journey to the refugee camps and described seeing people dying along the roads. In Yusuf Batil camp she says there are many problems with the rain, citing mosquitoes and indicating a nearby child who suffers from malaria.

July 2012


conclusion And recommendAtions

A deliberate policy of ongoing aerial bombardments, attacks on civilians and a blockade of aid by the govern-ment of Sudan is causing the rapid deterioration of conditions for hundreds of thousands of people displaced in South Kordofan and Blue Nile. Already more than 200,000 people have been forced to flee to refugee camps in South Sudan and Ethiopia, and more than half these people have arrived in the last three months alone.

The rapid influx of refugees to the camps has put an immense strain on aid resources, causing an increase in cases of disease—including diarrhea and malaria—and a scarcity of food, medicines and, especially, clean water. The rainy season has further limited the ability to get aid to the camps. It also presents added challenges to providing adequate shelter and heightens the threat of waterborne diseases. With the rainy season approaching its peak, the people of Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile are being forced to make an impossible choice between continued attacks and starvation in their homeland, or disease and malnutrition in flooded camps across the border.

The crisis in South Kordofan and Blue Nile is man-made. It is the result of purposeful decisions of the government of Sudan and its resolution will require pres-sure on the party responsible for bringing about these dire conditions. It is also important to recognize that, while South Kordofan and Blue Nile represent the most immediate crisis in Sudan, they are not occurring in isolation. The same government responsible for atrocities in Darfur and in South Sudan during the north-south war is behind the current attacks.

The international community has attempted to address the conflicts in Sudan by using a piecemeal approach, which has permitted the Sudanese government to continue to commit similar abuses in alternating regions. While conflict and instability have affected many of these communities, they are rarely addressed in a cohe-sive manner that recognizes the central underlying cause of conflict in these regions: the policies of the elite center based out of Khartoum that take advantage of marginal-ized peoples around the rest of the country.


July 2012

to the united states:

• Work with members of the international commu-nity to demand full and unimpeded access for international humanitarian organizations to South Kordofan, Blue Nile and Darfur, and immediate preparation of alternative means of distributing emergency assistance to civilians wherever denial of aid is being used as a weapon of war;

• Create a comprehensive strategic plan to address human rights violations that focuses on all Sudan rather than only a particular region;

• Encouraging countries to cooperate with the execu-tion of the arrest warrants that have been issued by the International Criminal Court for crimes committed in Sudan, and publically condemn states which host Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir;

• Call on members of the international community to end the sale of military equipment to the govern-ment of Sudan; and

• Hold perpetrators of violence accountable by strengthening and expanding U.S. sanctions against those responsible for violence in South Kordofan, Blue Nile and Abyei as well as the enablers of atroci-ties against civilians.

to the united nations security council:

• Demand full and unimpeded access for inter-national humanitarian organizations to South Kordofan, Blue Nile and Darfur, and immediate preparation of alternative means of distributing emergency assistance to civilians wherever denial of aid is being used as a weapon of war;

• Authorize an independent international investiga-tion into crimes committed against civilians in Abyei, Blue Nile and South Kordofan, preferably through the International Criminal Court;

• Expand the existing UN arms embargo for Darfur to all of Sudan;

• Demand that the government of Sudan immediately cease conducting offensive military flights in South Kordofan and Blue Nile;

• Hold perpetrators of violence accountable by strengthening and expanding UN sanctions against those responsible for violence in South Kordofan, Blue Nile and Abyei; and

• Authorize a peacekeeping force for South Kordo-fan and Blue Nile that contains a human rights monitoring component along with the appropriate resources and mandate necessary to protect civilians.

In order to address the immediate crisis that hundreds of thousands of civilians in South Kordofan and Blue Nile face as well as to prevent future crises, it is essential that the international community take concerted action. United to End Genocide urges the following steps.

July 2012


endnotes

1. http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/sud07_humanitariansnapshot_a3_29feb12_0.pdf “Sudan: 2011 Humanitarian Snapshot,” OCHA, December 31, 2011, at http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Humanitarian%20Snapshot_31%20Dec%202011.pdf. Sudan: Weekly Humanitarian Bulletin June 25-July 1,” OCHA, June 5, 2012, at http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/OCHA%20Sudan%20Weekly%20Humanitarian%20Bulletin%2025%20June%20-%201%20July%202012.pdf

2. “Sudan: Weekly Humanitarian Bulletin June 25-July 1,” OCHA, June 5, 2012, at http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/OCHA%20Sudan%20Weekly%20Humanitarian%20Bulletin%2025%20June%20-%201%20July%202012.pdf

3. Interviewed by United to End Genocide in Juba in July 2011.

4. “Evidence of Burial of Human Remains in Kadugli,” Satellite Sentinel Project, August 24, 2011, at http://satsentinel.org/sites/default/files/SSP%2018%20-20Special%20Report%20Evidence%20of%20Human%20 Remains%20in%20Kadugli%20082411.pdf.

5. “Preliminary report on violations of international human rights and humanitarian law in Southern Kordofan from 5 to 30 June 2011,” OHCHR, August 2011.

6. Interviewed by United to End Genocide in Malakal on January 31, 2012.

7. “Sudan: Weekly Humanitarian Bulletin June 25-July 1,” OCHA, June 5, 2012, at http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/OCHA%20Sudan%20Weekly%20Humanitarian%20Bulletin%2025%20June%20-%201%20July%202012.pdf

8. Based on interview with Blue Nile Coordination Office

9. http://www.hrw.org/news/2012/04/23/sudan-blue-nile-civilians-describe-attacks-abuses

10. Based on interview with Blue Nile Coordination Office. Further confirmed by report by Alan Boswell http://world.time.com/2012/06/28/sudans-blue-nile-offensive-is-this-the-next-darfur/

11. Blue Nile Civilians Describe Attacks, abuses,” Human Rights Watch, April 23, 2012, at http://www.hrw.org/news /2012/04/23/sudan-blue-nile-civilians-describe-attacks-abuses; Based on interview with Blue Nile Coordination Office

12. “‘We Can Run Away from Bombs, but Not from Hunger’: Sudan’s Refugees in South Sudan,” Amnesty International, June, 6, 2012, at http://www.amnestyusa.org/research/reports/we-can-run-away-from-bombs-but-not-from-hunger-sudan-s-refugees-in-south-sudan; “Update on Violations Committed in Blue Nile and Dalang, South Kordofan” ACJPS, November 11, 2011, at http://www.acjps.org/Publications/Reports/2011/Update%20on%20Violations% 20Committed%20in% 20Blue%20Nile%20and%20Daland,%20South%20Kordofan.pdf

13. Interviewed by United to End Genocide in Yida refugee camp on February 3, 2012.

14. Roussinos, Aris, “In A Sudanese field, cluster bomb evidence proves just how deadly this war has become,” The Independent, May 24, 2012, at http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/africa/in-a-sudanese-field-cluster-bomb-evidence-proves-just-how-deadly-this-war-has-become-7782501.html.

15. “Blue Nile Civilians Describe Attacks, abuses,” Human Rights Watch, April 23, 2012, at http://www.hrw.org/news /2012/04/23/sudan-blue-nile-civilians-describe-attacks-abuses

16. Interviewed by United to End Genocide in Juba on January 29,2012

17. Kristoff, Nicholas, “Besieged in Sudan’s Nuba Mountains,” New York Times, February 23, 2012, at http://video.nytimes.com/video/2012/02/23/opinion/100000001379424/beseiged-in-sudans-nuba-mountains.html.

18. “South Sudan refugee-camp raid raises tensions” Al Jazeera, November 11, 2011, at http://www.aljazeera.com/news/africa/2011/11/2011111124926580.html.

19. “Security Council urges immediate ceasefire between Sudan and South Sudan” UNMISS, April 24, 2012, at http://unmiss.unmissions.org/Default.aspx?tabid=3465&ctl=Details&mid=6047&ItemID=204842&language=en-US

20. Interviewed by United to End Genocide in Yida refugee camp on February 2, 2012.


July 2012

21. “Emergency Relief Coordinator’s Key Messages on South Kordofan” OCHA, July 6, 2011, at http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/South%20Kordofan%20ERC%20Key%20Messages%20Issue%202%2006%20July%202011%20_Media_.pdf

22. “Sudan Food Security Outlook Update” USAID/FEWSNET, May 2012, at http://www.fews.net/docs/Publications/Sudan_FSOU_2012_05_final.pdf.

23. Valerie Amos, “Statement on Sudan,” UN OCHA, June 28, 2012, at http://ochanet.unocha.org/p/Documents/ERC%20Valerie%20Amos%20statement%20on%20Sudan%2028%20June%202012.pdf.

24. “South Sudan: Dire medical needs in under-prepared refugee camps,” Médecins Sans Frontières, June 13, 2012, at http://www.msf.org/msf/articles/2012/06/south-sudan-dire-medical-needs-in-under-prepared-refugee-camps.cfm.

25. “All is not Well,” Samaritan’s Purse, at http://www.samaritanspurse.org/index.php/articles/all_is_not_well/

26. United to End Genocide visited Yusuf Batil at the end of June. An additional 2,500 refugees were expected to be transferred the following day.

27. Alan Boswell, “Sudan’s Blue Nile Offensive: Is This the Next Darfur?” Time, June 28, 2012 at http://world.time.com/2012/06/28/sudans-blue-nile-offensive-is-this-the-next-darfur/

28. Based on interviews with refugees and aid workers in and around Yusuf Batil on June 28-30, 2012.

1025 Connecticut Ave. NWSuite 310

Washington, DC 20036202.556.2100

endgenocide.org