Paper: Understanding Newark’s conflict and violence within the scope of urban space and segregation.

Nieves L. Garcia Pimienta

Introduction

Violence in Newark has been a recurrent problem to the point of making violence a fixture in certain areas of

this urban city. Undoubtedly, Newark today is perceived as a violent and a not-safe-city by many residents and

outsiders. This perception has been fed by historical facts such as the 1967’s riots (Herman, 2014). However, as

noted by others, the riots were an example of the culmination or one of the effects of subtleties –and not so

subtle- sociological dynamics that have been happening since late 19th century and early 1900’s. In this paper, I

review historical background and its lingering effects in Newark. I also apply Massey’s Twin Processes theory,

as a possible explanation to the lack of upward mobility on certain communities.

Background

Mayor events in Newark have lured the attention, visit, and settlement of newcomers as well as domestic and

international investments. By being the space of mayor historical turning points, it also provided the space for

power-craving leaders, good and corrupted politicians, money-making investors and mafia-control-seekers. All

these players and forces, as Peter Coleman explains, had and have a messy effect in the intractable conflict in

Newark. These forces (and their actions) are attractors that intensify the magnitude and depth of the conflict.

The Port of Newark opened around 1915 and it led the nation's shipbuilders during WWI. These years were

significant because they brought the first large group of Southern blacks to northern U.S. As many in-migration,

in search of jobs and defense-related jobs. Agricultural employment opportunities started to decline. By the

1930s, Newark was a major East Coast transportation hub with substantial retail, and manufacturing businesses.

Newark’s Golden Era started to decline soon after the beginning the Great Depression. Employment dropped in

Newark by 25% between January and November of 1930 (Tuttle, 2009). A corrupt local government

undermined city services, commutable highways facilitated rich and middle class city residents to move to the

suburbs, and the tax base eroded as some important industries relocated. Economic disadvantage groups had

little to no option to relocate. Disadvantage communities, the poor and poor African Americans, had little to no

change in relocating.

Critical moments of historical weight in this analysis are; the Golden Era, it places Newark on the map. After

reaching a peak of 442,337 residents counted in the 1930 Census, the city's population saw a decline of nearly

40% as residents moved to surrounding suburbs. Prohibition, it provoked corruption and the growth of

organized crime. The Great Depression signaled the beginning of the urban decline and provoked the exodus of

the upper class and the working class. There is a shift; Newark’s inhabitants changed from the working class to

the poorest class. The Industrial Revolution, World War I, and World War II, generated influxes of investments,

job opportunities and increased immigration. It also kept organized crime and corruption at the heart of

Newark’s government and business dynamics (Tuttle, 2009). The 1967 riots caused the exodus of whites and

the new middle class from Newark and stigmatized Newark for the long run.

Newark, seen as a violent city, is also a fact-driven statement. Newark’s crime rate, violence trajectory (Exhibit

1) and its history has hindered several attempts to revamp Newark’s safety and image. As mentioned, Newark’s

riots of 1967 pitted residents of the city’s predominantly black neighborhoods against mostly white police and

military forces. Furthermore, according to Data.com, a private social networking and information website,

Newark has had a constant above-average crime and violent crime rate when compared with other urban areas

in the U.S. To address all reasons of Newark’s persistent violence would be comprehensive, aspect-wide

debatable and of readable length. Throughout its history, there have been several attempts to revitalize Newark.

However, however, I will focus my narrative in the ingrained subtleties that I suggest, have perpetuated conflict

in Newark. As Peter Coleman suggests in Five Percent, to address conflict through a simple story is dangerous;

conflict, as he states, involves a complex story.

As an initial framework, and a broad representation of Newark’s dynamics, I have included a timeline map of

Newark’s main events within the scope of urban space and economy (Exhibit 2; Map Timeline). It is based on

Coleman’s mapping approach. According to Coleman, there are powerful forces at work in these types of

situations shaping what people see, feel, think, and do. In other words; intractability happens when the many

different components of a conflict collapse together into one mass, into one very simple ‘us versus them’ story

that effectively resists change.

The timeline map identifies broad connections (urban space and

economy; attractors and inhibitors) that have contributed, in my

opinion, in a very fundamental way to Newark’s complex dynamics

resulting in an increase or decrease in violence. There are several

loops within this framework (Exhibit 3); however I suggest placing

attention to the loop involving segregation and ghettos.

I will further analyze one of the loops specifically involving the

element of segregation, exodus of inhabitants, ghettos, housing and

its characteristics. I will deconstruct this relationship in more detail

to provide a deeper understanding of Newark’s attractors/inhibitors of conflict, aiming for a potential treatment

of the problem. I will discuss this loop to further understand the psychological, social, and community-based

aspects of conflict escalation and intractability. This paper argues the importance, long term effects and

implications that segregation –racial, social, financial, and physical- and immigration and its specific dynamics

as long standing attractors of Newark’s history of urban conflict and violence.

Segregation

The ghetto phenomena had been present since Newark’s beginnings (i.e. Jewish, Italian, German, and African

Americans enclaves). However, African American ghettos were solidified by segregation customs. Mandated or

de facto, segregation justified the increased physical separation and isolation of the African Americans in

Newark, making this group the poorest and most disadvantage group in Newark. The burgeoning prosperity of

the 1950s masked deep racial divisions and inequalities that simmered, waiting for the tipping point. These

circumstances bring tension, hence conflict.

Again, in the 1950s, the migration to the suburbs appeared mainly to involve white Newark residents leaving

the bustle and the increasing crime of the inner city. Middle class African Americans followed, leaving African

Americans working in in low-paying factory jobs as the main inhabitant of Newark. By 1966, African

Americans were the majority of population, but government offices and the police department were dominated

by whites. There was economic and political imbalance. These circumstances (lack of representation) also

brought tension, hence it contributes to conflict.

Newark is not an isolated case of economic growth followed by large influxes of immigration. Throughout US

history, racial and ethnic groups arriving into areas of economic growth have settled in urban areas or places

close to urban areas. These areas are usually containers of old housing, poor services, and low or decreasing

socioeconomic status. This was experienced by the Irish, Germans, Jews, and Italians arriving into Newark in

the early 1900’s. Newark, because of its location -entry port of businesses- offered business opportunity as well

as employment to many immigrants. Upon arrival, immigrants settled in ghettos creating cultural and socio-

economic enclaves. With time, many immigrants moved outside their enclaves into more assimilated

progressive areas. However, many Blacks remained isolated and segregated. One has to deconstruct this

different outcome in this specific group.

Segregation and its effects

De jure segregation, enforced by law, was stopped in the United States by federal enforcement of a series of

Supreme Court decisions after Brown v. Board of Education in 1954. Its elimination lasted through much of the

1950s, and 1960s. I argue that these laws have a lasting effect in attitudes even when these laws are lifted. As

supporting evidence, it has been noticed that the Fair Housing Act of 1968 theoretically put an end to

discrimination; however, residential segregation proved to be remarkably persistent (Massey and Denton,

1993:186-216). Attitudes toward segregation and discrimination have been present; antagonism, frustration and

conflict follow as a natural way to response to unfairness.

In a very real way, barriers to spatial mobility become barriers to social mobility; social mobility barriers

eliminate opportunities to the isolated. Lack upward social mobility prevents the economic growth of the group.

Therefore segregation could and has perpetuated poverty. The poor becomes vulnerable to corruption, crime,

and illicit activities as a way of life to survive, as strongly illustrated by Bourgeois through In Search of

Respect’s narratives. Therefore, we can suggest that segregation is directly related to crime and violence in

more than one way. First, crime becomes an alternative to economic survival; second, when a group is isolated

and unexposed to other processes of socialization, their attitudes are strengthen since they copy perceived

realities, attitudes, interpretations, and ways of resolving situations (i.e. illicit dealings, crime) from their

surroundings (enclaves and ghettos). Their attitudes tend to be reinforced by peers, older generations, and due to

the isolation that segregation brings. Through isolation, poverty, and crime are perpetuated; crime leads to

conflict.

As illustrated by Massey, when large Black communities are subject to high levels of segregation, intense racial

isolation is inevitable. He further illustrates how 20 years after the Fair Housing Act, Blacks were still unlikely

to come into residential contact with members of other groups. He concludes that the large ghettos of the North

have remained substantially intact and were largely unaffected by Civil Rights legislation of the 1960s. He

concludes that Black communities are still isolated and remain a very residentially segregated group (Massey,

2001).

Massey compared Europeans and Blacks immigrants’ experiences and offered an explanation for its differences.

His claim offers a noble way of understanding the different paths amongst the different immigrant groups; this

theory is called the twin processes. This theory suggests that quantity (how many immigrants), period of time

of the influx (rapid/slow) and its economic mobility (opportunity, support) will determine assimilation or

further segregation of the group. Following is an illustration of the theory.

Lack of progressive spatial, isolation and segregation

Using Newark’s history of spatial allocation of its neighborhoods as a backdrop, I will argue that the twin

process presented by Massey provides a potential explanation to the lack of progressive spatial assimilation of

some groups, especially African Americans. Any conflict intervention (top down) will most likely create more

resentment and is further from dealing with the root of the conflict. I will like to apply the twin process theory

suggested by Massey, as a way to deconstruct this immigration-segregation-poverty loop.

The twin process of immigrant settlement and socioeconomic mobility suggests that if’/when the group’s

socioeconomic status rises, immigrant have tended to move out of these enclaves into areas that offer improved

conditions—areas of progressive spatial assimilation into society. Newark has experienced this with the “white

flight” during the Depression and after the riots. Exodus of the rich and middle class has also been experienced

during other periods.

It also suggests that groups experiencing rapid in-migration and slow socioeconomic mobility will most likely

experience high levels of segregation. For instance, we can see the difference experiences between early Jews

immigrants and African Americans, both in Newark. Jews have, for the most part, moved out of Newark,

meanwhile African Americans have remained in their ghettos. Jews settled at a different rate than African

Americans. The quantity of the immigrant population of Jews was far less than the African American

immigrants’ influx. The Jews, as a community, offered support to their own and provided needed support (Ard,

2002).

By way of contrast, Massey found that, neither Hispanics nor Asians were hyper-segregated within any

metropolitan. African Americans, on the contrary, were not only settling in high numbers but were also coming

from a disadvantage place; segregation and the Jim Crow era. Blacks have traditionally experienced severe

prejudice and discrimination in urban housing markets. As they moved into urban areas from 1900 to 1960,

their segregation indices rose to unprecedented heights, compared with earlier times and groups (Massey,

2001). I strongly believe that one of the main challenges in Newark is to change the attitudes cemented during

the Jim Crow era; on both sides of the equation-African Americans and non-African Americans.

African Americans stayed in the ghettos. Such high indices of residential segregation implied a restriction of

opportunity for Blacks compared with other groups. Discriminatory barriers in urban housing markets meant

individuals were not treated equal. These ghettos isolate emotionally, mentally, socially, and financially its

inhabitants. The social construction and discrimination that come along the dynamics of the ghettos have a

lasting effect on its inhabitants and citizens at large. If we consider the twin processes as a potential explanation

of part Newark’s conflict, it will then be important to consider specific programs oriented to inclusion of people

that invest in Newark. Teaches Village (inhibitor) is a great example of this initiative. By maintaining the

interest of a wide variety of groups to live in Newark, somehow we can aim for integration and not segregation.

The way a group is spatially incorporated into society is as important to its socioeconomic well-being as the

manner in which it is incorporated into the labor force.

Newark needs to offer opportunities to the Youth-at-risk and these should be done at the grass-root level to

better connect with the community. Of course, there are no cookie-cutter-solutions, however there are very

specific angles to the conflict that can be tackle. The inclusion of NJPAC (New Jersey Performing Arts Center)

as part of Newark’s urban space facilitates the inclusion of people from other states and boroughs, other than for

employment. This space is also used to engage the community in outdoor concerts and as an educational

facility. I believe this spatial urban inclusion of art and celebration will have its positive effects in Newark. It

certainly deals with the perception of Newark- as a violent city; almost as an inhibitor to the negative and

debilitating image of Newark.

Thus the geographic structure of segregation that emerged early in the 20th

century was fully formed and stable

by 1970. Whites and Blacks were integrated at the state and county levels, but still segregated at the

neighborhood level.

When large Black communities are subject to high levels of segregation, intense racial isolation is inevitable.

group from amenities, opportunities, and resources that affect socioeconomic well-being. As high levels of

segregation accumulate across dimensions, however, the harmful effects of segregation multiply. Blacks are not

only more segregated than other groups on any single dimension of segregation; they are more segregated

across all dimensions simultaneously. People growing up in such an environment would have little direct

experience with the culture, norms, and behaviors of the rest of American society, and have few social contacts

with members of other racial groups. Also, socialization teaches us whether to engage in violence or to pursue

less destructive paths of action.

The long term consequences of segregation are not to be ignored as attractors of Newark’s conflict. According

to Massey, research permits three broad generalizations; neighborhoods seem to influence individual

development most powerfully in early childhood and late adolescence. Second, the spatial concentration of

affluence appears to be more important in academic achievement and determining cognitive development. We

can suggest that an environment that lacks prosperity can affect negatively cognitive environment. Also, he

found that the concentration of male joblessness affects social behavior more than cognitive development,

particularly among Blacks. Bourgeois also illustrates this point through In Search of Respect’s narratives.

Jim Crow effect

Jim Crow era is a wave of laws and customs–from 1870 lingering until the 1960’s – that mandated racial

segregation of the African Americans in the U.S. Although it was enforced for a longer period of time in the

South, in the North was implemented as a “de facto” law. Newark exhibited segregation. Long term

segregation forms long term attitudes. I believe that this attitudes and racism is deeply ingrained in the

idiosyncrasies of the American culture. If we take into consideration the dynamics of the twin processes and

coupled it with the Jim Crow effect, we can better understand the reasons why African Americans in Newark

have been in perpetual areas of conflict and violence.

Other things to consider; nature of violence

Given the persistent nature of violence and conflict in Newark and because it connects to all social institutions

and all social processes—from micro-level interactions between friends and family to the macro-level

aggressions, a basic, sociological understanding of this complex and multi-faceted concept is needed. There are

contradictions of violence that built resentment and exhibits unfairness. When coming from an authority and top

–down approach (i.e. a police officer shoots and kills an unarmed citizen), this might be acceptable and

justifiable for many. However, when it happens outside of this scenario, then its implications are treated highly

different. To say that context matters when it comes to violence also suggests that attitudes toward violence are

not uniform nor are they inherent; instead, people learn through patterns of socialization when to judge some

instances of violence as unacceptable and other forms as required. I suggest that the contradiction should be

addressed at a community level and by professionals. We need to account for the contradictions of violence.

The evolutionary biologist Stephen Jay Gould proposed theories that have many contradictions. However, he

brought to light an interesting need -to understand the nature of violence in society. He stated that violence is

biological since they represent one subset of a possible range of behaviors. By the same token, kindness and

peacefulness are just as biological—and we may see their influence increase if we can create social structures

that permit them to flourish. This supports the treatment of bringing good examples, needed support and

creating nourishing urban structures to inspire change. Historical facts such as racial strife, suburban flight, and

industrial abandonment propelled urban poverty. Poverty is the socio-economic status of the ghettos. Its

inhabitants become vulnerable to crime, violence, and corruption. This becomes an endless cycle within the

immigration-segregation-isolation hub. These coupled with segregation and its lingering effect has had the

effect of conflict and violence as a consequence in Newark. The way a group is spatially incorporated into

society is as important to its socioeconomic well-being as the manner in which it is incorporated into the labor

force, and education.

Moving ahead

I recommend additional research measuring attitudes, perceptions and pre-dispositions of Newarkers. We need

to understand the thinking and feelings of the target at hand before a strategy is implemented. The problem can

be tackle at a very micro-level and a macro-level.

The concept of violence has gain new dimensions. In 1996, the World Health Assembly declared violence a

major public health issue. The different types of violence include child abuse and neglect, youth violence,

intimate partner violence, sexual violence, elder abuse, self-directed violence, and collective violence. These

new dimensions – at a macro-level-should be observed in Newark to create protective factors and prevention

efforts.

Exhibit 1

Exhibit 2: Timeline Map of Newark

Exhibit 3

References

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