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Truth is Our Only Weapon: The Tibetan Nonviolent Struggle 1

THE TIBETAN NONVIOLENT STRUGGLE

NONVIOLENCE IN ASIA SERIES

2 Truth is Our Only Weapom: The Tibetan Nonviolent Struggle

The Tibetan Nonviolent Struggle

Contents page

Forewordby His Holiness the Dalai Lama 3

IntroductionThe Tibetan Nonviolent Struggle 5The Nature of Nonviolent Struggle 8

Nonviolent Resistance in TibetThe Tibetan Liberation Struggle 14

Tibetan Resistance in ExileTibetan Liberation Struggle in Exile & Activities by His Holiness the Dalai Lama 32

Solidarity!Support for the Tibetan Resistance Struggle in the International Community 38Nonviolent Struggle in a Globalized world 45

AppendicesPolitical History of the Occupation of Tibet in the 20th Century 48Nonviolent Actions by the Tibetan Movement 52What You Can Do for the Liberation of Tibet 57Bibliography 59Notes 62


The Dalai Lama

Foreword

Right from the moment when we Tibetans first came into exile, we calculated that our struggle might take generationsto fulfil. However, we were all determined to work hard to preserve our unique culture, particularly our rich Buddhistheritage. Today, when we look back, we can note with some satisfaction the achievements we have made in education ouryoung people and preserving our cultural traditions and values at a time when they are under extinction in our homeland.

Tibetan culture places great importance on compassion and nonviolence. The Buddha’s advice that we should help othersas much as we can and at least avoid harming them or contributing to their harm, remains an essentially practical andrelevant message today. It is because of these essential humane values that I feel that we have a contribution to maketo peace in the world. So, the message is that it is not the possession of wealth and weapons, but whether you havepatience, compassion and concern for others that is the source of peace and happiness.

Despite recent developments inside Tibet, which have seen an increase in repression, I am still committed to a nonviolentmiddle-way approach. Many younger people, and some older ones inside Tibet are losing patience and I can understandtheir feelings. But I feel strongly that nonviolence is the only way and that it is the right way. And until my death therewill be no change in my own commitment to nonviolence.

Today, nearly all those Tibetans inside and outside Tibet who fought against the Chinese occupation in the early 1950shave gone, but the issue of Tibet remains on the international agenda and is still very sensitive to the Chinese government.Why? Because young Tibetans who have never seen our old Tibet have shouldered the responsibility of carrying on ournonviolent struggle.


One encouraging result of our commitment to nonviolence is that many of our Chinese brothersand sisters, not only those outside China, but also those within China and Tibet, have begun toexpress their appreciation of our situation. This is valuable and important. They understandthat Tibet was a separate nation, geographically, linguistically, culturally, racially and historically.According to these factors, Tibet is now an occupied country.

As a leader of the Tibetan people, my prime concern is to pursue all effective means to relievethem from Chinese oppression and restore their freedom. And as a convinced follower of non-violence I support the path of reasoned and peaceful change. I feel that although it is very difficultto struggle for freedom through nonviolence, it is very important to try. If the last century was an era ofwar and bloodshed, I feel that this century should open an era of dialogue. Instead of using forceto resolve conflicts, we must listen to our opponent’s views, ideas and opinions. We urgently needto find such a new approach to solving human problems.

Therefore, support for the Tibetan cause will not only help the six million Tibetans, but will serveto help create a new pattern or model for the struggle for freedom. I believe that if we fail, it will be adisaster for everyone, but if we are successful in using nonviolence with compassion to achieveour goal, it will be in the interest of the entire human community. Therefore, I appeal to everyonewho reads this book, please continue to extend your support until our goal of freedom is achieved.

Tenzin Gyatso14th Dalai Lama

8 May 2000


XIntroductionThe Tibetan Nonviolent Struggle

Tsering left Tibet in 1991 to travel to the Tibetan community-in-exile after his mother died. He had spent years wondering andcollecting traditional songs and dances throughout Tibet, and his mother had told him that his interests and activities were special.Few people still knew the old songs and dances, she had told him. When we met him, we immediately were intrigued by his way ofspeaking in English, which had a singsong like cadence. He described to us his classification of traditional songs he has memorizedfor performance. “One group of songs is about 800 years old, a second group is about 1,000 years old. Then there arethe old ones.” He now lives in India to keep these Tibetan songs and dances from being lost. He teaches them at the TibetanGovernment-in-exile’s Institute for Performing Arts.

As a vehicle for cultural survival, Tsering is a ‘frontline warrior’ in the Tibetan liberation struggle. The Tibetan Government-in-exilehas made the survival of culture its priority in their struggle to regain governance from the Peoples Republic of China. Itwould not be unexpected if hatred ran deep among Tibetan exiles towards the people who have colonized their homeland.With humility and honesty, Tsering told us that he had no hatred toward the Chinese in general. “I had several Chinese friendsin Tibet, and I must say I like the Chinese people. They suffer too, you know. Look at what happened to theiraspirations at Tiananmen Square. They tried to stand up for what they wanted. It was the same as with us….”

Separating the oppressor from the act of oppression is the heart of the nonviolent struggle. The struggle by Tibetan peoplefor the liberation of their homeland is one of the longest running anti-colonial campaigns with the exception of the Irish andPalestinian struggles. Unlike others, it has not become a protracted violent conflict; the Tibetan people have steadfastly resistedthe occupation of their homeland through primarily nonviolent means. In recognition of their means, and their persistence, theforemost Tibetan in exile, the Dalai Lama, was recognized for these actions in 1989 by humanity’s highest honor for peacemakers—the Nobel Prize for Peace.


The goal of this publication is to introduce the general reading public to the methods of strategic nonviolent political struggleand to document one of its most dramatic applications in the world today. The use of active nonviolence by the Tibetan liberationstruggle is well known, at least to the extent that it is generally recognized that they are not waging an armed struggle. Exactlywhat the Tibetans have been doing, and why that makes a difference, is less clear. Even sometimes to the Tibetan peoplethemselves. This is due, in part, to the fact that the global media give us few tools to analyze strategic nonviolent struggle, andthat the political vocabulary has few agreed upon terms to describe nonviolent action or ‘political struggle.’ When we beganthis research, we interviewed some refugees who had recently fled occupied Tibet. We initially asked what examples of activenonviolence were taking place within Tibet, to which they replied “None. It is not permitted”. After some time, we learned toask “Do the people of Tibet accept the current government,” to which we would receive a less ambiguous, “Oh No!” “Howdo they show that?” We would then ask, to which we would frequently receive a dramatic story of a bold and nonviolentaction that was used by an individual or a small group to demonstrate its nonacceptance of the current PRC occupation government.Even after imprisonment we discovered many stories of individuals or small groups of people who refused to passively acceptthe authority of their jailers. They carried on their protest within the prison by non-cooperation with work regimes, writing abouttheir experience to other Tibetans or the chanting or singing of songs of national liberation or Tibetan culture.

The Tibetan liberation struggle is hidden behind today’s headlines. Frequently it is only portrayed as a human rights abuse.Abuse of Tibetan human rights is certainly widespread. We were drawn to documenting the depth of the tactics of nonviolenceused by Tibetans, which demonstrate their absolute rejection of Chinese governance, by reading a series of human rights reports.These reports revealed a vast number of individual or small group acts of resistance and defiance, both in the capital, Lhasa,and in other areas of the country.

In the section of this manuscript titled the Tibetan Liberation Struggle, we give examples of over 30 different nonviolent methodsused repeatedly throughout Tibet. They fall under three broad categories: Protest Actions (saying what they are against); Con-structive Programs (saying what they are for) and Actions of Non-Cooperation (withdrawal of their permission to be ruled by thecurrent government).

Participation in these nonviolence actions has a high price. Arrest, interrogation and imprisonment, frequently for 10 years ormore, follow acts against the current government. While clearly a violation of a person’s rights under the UN Declaration tononviolently express a political opinion, we can point to few countries on the planet today where the population would continuefor years to take part in nonviolent demonstrations in the face of such prosecution and loss of freedom. In our opinion, civildisobedience, as currently practiced in North America or Europe, would crumble as a form of political expression if its practitionerswere routinely placed under such long prison sentences, especially since it is usually accompanied with torture and hard laborin Tibet.

During the last decade and a half Tibetans have carried on what we now believe to be the most dramatic and inspiring use ofnonviolence as a method of national liberation to be found anywhere on the Earth. Immediately following invasion and occupationby the Peoples Liberation Army (PLA), some Tibetans engaged in an armed guerilla campaign. This was doomed to failure againstthe world’s largest standing army, whose sophisticated police and crowd control equipment is now exported to a variety ofrepressive regimes, such as the military junta in neighboring Burma. Non-violent struggle is something the highly militarizedPeoples Republic of China (PRC) has not been prepared for, and cannot combat. Each violent action the Chinese governmenttakes in response to nonviolent action reveals them to be an oppressor. Tibet has drawn enormous international support due toits consistently nonviolent character. Retaliatory actions by the PRC against any government which allows a visit of the DalaiLama appears petty and unjust. Nonviolence is a weapon, which by its nature reveals the truth. The PRC says they liberatedTibet, however, their need to continually suppress and stifle dissenting views of Tibetan people nonviolently rejecting the PRC’sclaim, prove Tibet is not free.


The role of the international community in helping people who are in an active nonviolent struggleagainst repression is extremely important. All of us who value freedom and justice and non-violent resolution of dispute have an obligation to use what freedoms we have to support thosewho have little and seek justice through nonviolent means. International solidarity is a key linkin the great chain of active nonviolence. This report is one contribution by us to the internationalnonviolent struggle for a less violent world.

Katherine KramerYeshua Moser-Puangsuwan

Nonviolence InternationalSE Asia office

July 2000


XThe Nature ofthe Nonviolent Struggle

“As I stood there, I wondered what wise council the Mahatma would have given me if he hadbeen alive. I felt sure he would have thrown all his strength of will and character into apeaceful campaign for the freedom of the people of Tibet...I made up my mind…to followhis lead whatever difficulties might confront me. I determined more strongly than ever that Icould never associate myself with acts of violence”—the Dalai Lama, commenting on his pilgrimage to Raj Ghat, the place of Gandhi’s cremation, during hisfirst visit to India 1

The spirit of Mahatma Gandhi’s liberation struggle was still alive in India, only a few years after his assassination, when theDalai Lama made his first trip to India. Gandhi laid the foundation for the use of nonviolence in political struggles for this centuryin his campaign for India’s independence. The Indian liberation struggle demonstrated that nonviolence is not a passive or un-planned response to conflict. Rather it is a planned and active engagement with the conflict situation. Gandhi was guided by bothdeeply religious beliefs and an acute political sense, a combination that is also present in the Tibetan struggle for independence.Gandhi believed that nonviolence must ‘reveal the truth’ while simultaneously maintaining compassion for the adversary. Hepracticed a form of political struggle that attacked the structures of a system of oppression, rather than the people within thesystem.


Principled and Pragmatic Approaches to Nonviolence

I object to violence…because when it appears to do good, the good is only temporary, the evilit does is permanent —Mahatma Gandhi

Gandhi’s approach to nonviolence is called the principled approach, which incorporates the philosophy of non-harm as a wayof life, rather than solely as a tool for dealing with conflict. This approach to nonviolence is more than a moral decision not toinflict suffering on the opponent. There is an understanding that the means and ends for achieving one’s goals are indivisible.Violence can not be used to bring about peace. Only through nonviolent methods can one attain a nonviolent result. Fundamentalin the principled approach is recognition that both parties have needs, which have to be resolved. Therefore there is a dedicationon the part of the activist group to pursue problem-solving negotiations to achieve a solution equally beneficial to both parties inconflict.

Several political struggles in the world today, particularly in the western democracies, but also in some recent large liberationmovements, such as the actions by SOLIDARITY in Poland in the early 1980s, use what is called the pragmatic approach tononviolent struggle. Pragmatic activists use nonviolent methods because they believe it is the most effective means of defeatingthe adversary under the circumstances, i.e. violence is not a realistic option and/or is seen as counter-productive. Nonviolenceis seen within its pragmatic use as only one of several possible methods with which to respond to the conflict situation. No firmdecision to reject violence may have been made by the group. Pragmatic activists do not usually incorporate a philosophy ofnon-harm into their way of life.

Methods of Nonviolent ActionStreet demonstrations, hungerstrikes and peace walks are some commonly recognized methods of nonviolence, but the numberof ways to do nonviolent action are only limited by the creativity of the activist group. A popular peace researcher, Gene Sharp,has produced an easily understandable classification system for nonviolent methods, which breaks them down into three cate-gories of action:

Nonviolent protest and persuasion can include demonstrations, the use of posters, street theatre, and processions, in otherwords symbolic acts of peaceful opposition or attempted persuasion that extend beyond verbal expression.2 The goal of a protestaction is to publicly register a grievance with the authorities, or to register a demand that a policy of practice be changed. Non-violent persuasion attempts to bring about a change of heart or approach by the adversary or authorities.

Non-cooperation includes boycotts, strikes, and non-cooperation with authorities; in other words, the activist withdraws theircooperation from the person, activity, institution or regime with which the activist is engaged in conflict.3 The goal is to bringabout change by withdrawing the activists’ group support or acknowledgement of the formal power holder or policy maker.

Nonviolent intervention includes nonviolent blockades, fasting, and establishing alternative or parallel political, economic, andsocial institutions. In other words, methods that in some form intervene in the situation by disrupting, destroying or providingpreferred alternatives to the established behavioral patterns, policies, relationships, or institutions that are considered unacceptable


by the activist.4 Here the goal is change in a situation in which the activist isn’t always the direct victim of injustice, but actingin solidarity, or on behalf of, a victimized group.

Constructive ProgramA successful nonviolent campaign manifests not only a willingness to mobilize political protest, but should also offer positivealternatives to the current situation, while always maintaining avenues for negotiation with the adversary. Gandhi defined theinclusion of actions, which build a positive alternative to the current situation as constructive programs. For example, thepromotion of one’s culture in cases of assimilation, the creation of a new government structure, and international resolutionssupporting dialogue are a few. Most nonviolent power struggles use a combination of all four categories within their campaignstrategy.

A nonviolent power struggle needs a cohesive strategy in order to be effective. Social movements, or individuals without a con-structive program and plan of action, are left in a reactionary position. They can only follow or re-act to events orchestrated orled by the adversary. The adversary then controls the situation. An analogy can be drawn from sports, where teams must playboth defensively and offensively. Simply using a nonviolent method in a defensive reaction is not nonviolence; it is simply notbeing violent. Developing a cohesive nonviolent strategy places the nonviolent struggle on the offensive, giving control of thesituation to the nonviolent practitioner.

Strategic Nonviolent CampaignsRobert Burrowes, a nonviolent strategist, offers great insight on how to plan a nonviolent struggle. He believes that all strategicnonviolent campaigns have the twin goal of both altering the will of the adversary to conduct oppressive acts, and to underminetheir power to do so. To do this, the nonviolent practitioner must identify the focal point of the adversary’s power and support, inother words their political center of gravity.5 It is the political center of gravity that the adversary must defend while simultaneouslymaintaining their oppression. To undermine the adversary’s will to conduct oppressive acts, the nonviolent practitioner seeks tobuild alliances with, or influence the opinion of, the key social groups that support the adversary. This includes the adversarywho carries out aggression or oppression, the constituency of the adversary, and the allies of the adversary’s constituency. Inorder to have optimum effect, the nonviolent struggle must engage all social groups on both sides of the conflict as well asthird parties. It is imperative to actively engage as many people as possible in positions within governments; the media; business;academia; religious groups; non-governmental agencies and the public, to support the goals of the nonviolent campaign.

Simultaneously, the nonviolent struggle must also defend its own political center of gravity, the focal point of its power andsupport. This is accomplished by mobilizing all key social groups and by consolidating the will and the power of the defendingpopulation to resist the aggression. This framework of strategic nonviolent action is illustrated below.

The Tibetan nonviolent liberation struggle contains all the key elements of a well-planned nonviolent campaign, seeking to under-mine the will and ability of the Chinese authorities to continue their aggression and occupation of Tibet. In the following pageswe will outline the methods and strategies being used by both those within Tibet as well as those in exile.




The Tibetan Liberation Struggle


X

The people inside Tibet will speak out for Tibet! —Tibetan exile6

ibetans have exhibited an undaunted determination to obstruct Tibet’s incorporation into China. Quite literally,Tibetans have refused to be silent. Resistance has involved both a short-lived guerilla war and an enduring nonviolentstruggle. Our report will focus on the widespread increase in nonviolent activity since 1987, which began with

a demonstration lead by twenty-one Buddhist monks in Lhasa on 27 September 1987. This demonstration, though relativelysmall, breathed new life into the Tibetan nonviolent movement.

In 1986 people and monks at my monastery began thinking of doing something to speakout against the Chinese occupation, however it wasn’t until 1987 that the monks of DrepungMonastery showed us the way to act.—Ven. Yeshi Togden, formerly of Ganden Monastery, Lhasa.7

More than a decade later, nonviolence actions continue to be carried out by the Tibetan population against the Chinese occupa-tion. The nonviolent movement is gaining momentum, even when confronted by China’s increasing brutality in their attempt toeradicate the new upsurge in pro-independence support. The Buddhist monks from Lhasa’s three most prestigious monasteries,Drepung, Sera and Ganden were originally deemed the instigators of the movement by the Chinese authorities, however, soon itbecame apparent that the seeds of discontent are widely spread. Participation in the movement is not restricted to the monasticpopulation or the young, some of the most courageous acts of nonviolent resistance have been carried out by the lay Tibetanpopulation and the elderly. What was first perceived as an urban phenomenon contained to Lhasa and its vicinity, has sincespread to all ethnic Tibetan areas within the People’s Republic of China. Tibetan experts partially attribute the spread of pro-independence activity to China’s policy of sending released political prisoners who were monks back to their county of origin,rather than allowing them to return to their monastery. Chinese political campaigns to counter the Tibetan independence


Pro-independence poster, Tibet, 1995. (Tibet Images)

movement, especially the campaign demanding that Tibetans denounce the Dalai Lama, are a drivingforce in the spread of nonviolent activities. Action by the state to quell the nonviolent movement is in-advertently creating a whole new generation of state enemies in response.

Applying well-known forms of nonviolent action, Tibetans have also used their ingenuity to discover newapproaches to confound the Chinese, leaving them at a loss as in how to respond. These new methodsare adopted from their culture, traditions and circumstances and are incorporated into the overall movement. The methods used by the Tibetans can be categorized as: protest action - pro-independenceprotest; non-cooperation - defiance and non-compliance with the occupation; and positive action/constructive program - protection of Tibetan religion and culture. These broad categories do not fullyencompass the complexity of the Tibetan nonviolent struggle, in which many nonviolent methods used byTibetans may be mixed together. These categories are given for the purpose of facilitating understandingof how Tibetans are applying nonviolent power.

Protest ActionPOSTER CAMPAIGNS

Tibetans! Tibet is an independent country.Tibet will be free and the day of shining happiness will come.—Tibetan pro-independence poster

Poster campaigns were the main form of expressing dissent within Tibet’s political culture long beforethe Chinese invasion. Today, they are one of the most common forms of nonviolent action. Postersare put up in the early morning hours throughout Tibetan areas with texts in Chinese, Tibetan andEnglish incorporating such slogans as “Tibet is Free,” “Chinese quit Tibet,” and “Long Live His Holinessthe Dalai Lama.” In March 1991, the poster campaigns became so prevalent in Lhasa that the Chineseauthorities sent out squads of policemen at night in order to catch Tibetans in action. Tibetan activistsshowed a subtle sense of humor in response—one night as the police returned to the police stationthey found it completely covered with pro-independence leaflets.8

Posters serve multiple purposes. They communicate to the Chineseand the world Tibet’s desire for independence; encourage theTibetan population to unite in the struggle for independence; andserve to educate Tibetans on such issues as human rights and Tibet’spolitical status. Content depends largely on the prevailing circum-stances of the day. In 1993, the Chinese published a notice thatTibetans currently holding positions in the Tibetan AutonomousRegional government would lose their jobs if Tibet became inde-pendent in an attempt to divide the Tibetan population. A memberof the Tibetan underground movement immediately countered Chinesepropaganda efforts by putting up posters in Lhasa reaffirming the


Dalai Lama’s commitment that Tibetan government employees would retain their positions in the event of Tibetan independence.The poster campaign served to create the opposite affect to that desired by the Chinese as it built a greater unity among theTibetans than was previously evident.9

GRAFFITI

Similarly, Tibetans use graffiti to express their views andfrustrate the Chinese authorities. In July 1992, Lobsang, amonk from Dunbhu Choekor Monastery, along with eightfriends and four others, painted pro-independence slogans onthe wall of a local bank and along the main public street inChideshol, Lhokha Perfecture.10 The following year, Gyaga, amonk from Pomda Monastery, wrote pro-independence sloganson the walls of a government building in Pomda, Kham.11 In1998, four monks of Rongpo Rabten Monastery in Sog county,Nagchu Perfecture humorously employed graffiti when theywrote freedom slogans on the back of a township official’svehicle.12 Eleven monks from Karze Dhargye Monastery werecharged with inscribing “Tibet is Independent” with red paint on the gates and walls of their monastery.13 These are just a fewexamples of the use of graffiti by Tibetans within Tibet.

PRODUCING/DISTRIBUTING PAMPHLETS, LEAFLETS, BOOKS, ETC.

We print literature in the forms of letters, brochures, and pamphlets and keep them in placeswhere there are a lot of people, such as the Barkhoror Lingkor, as well as tying them withprayer flags as a way of gaining support—Former Ganden Monk now living in exile 14

Unlike poster campaigns and graffiti, the act of producing and/or distributing pro-independence material in the form of letters,pamphlets, leaflets, books or audiocassettes by individuals or groups of individuals is conducted for the express purpose ofeducating Tibetans regarding their political history and status as well as current world events. Most of the material is printed

The only Divine Flower blossomingin the Land of Snow is:In the beautiful Land of Snow, Tibetand the whole Universe;You, who have come to dispel miseries,Oh! The Wish-fulfilling Jewel,Ngawang Lobsang Tenzin Gyatso;May forever you dwell,May Your wishes be fulfilled so.(Department of Security)

Graffiti at Drepung Monastry. (Philip Colley/Tibet Images)


by hand or with wooden printing blocks, with the exception of some books, brochures and audiocassettesobtained from the exile community in India and distributed in Tibet. Popular items for translation andcirculation have been the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the Dalai Lama’s autobiography andthe Five-Point Peace Plan presented to the European Union by the Dalai Lama in 1991 in an effort toresolve the Tibetan conflict. The ban by the authorities of publication of long life prayers for theDalai Lama, as well as some other religious texts, has transformed the simple act of publication anddistribution of these materials into acts of political defiance and another opportunity to not-cooperatewith the rules of the occupation.

DEMONSTRATIONS

All the people expect that if they demonstrate nicely, then they will geta chance at freedom—Tibetan farmer who participated in the 1988 mass demonstration.15

The most blatant form of expressing non-acceptance of Chinese occupation has been through publicpro-independence demonstrations. The latest era of nonviolent struggle within Tibet began in September1987 when twenty-one Buddhist monks from Drepung Monastery, one of the largest in Tibet, held ademonstration in the Barkhor, central market area of Lhasa surrounding the main Buddhist temple.They began a procession circulating the temple carrying a hand-drawn version of the banned Tibetannational flag on a piece of cloth and chanting, “Tibet is Independent” and “May the Dalai Lama LiveTen Thousand Years” in support of the Dalai Lama’s meeting with the United States CongressionalRepresentatives. After completing the first circuit, they were spontaneously joined by 100 people. Whenthey completed the customary three circuits according to Buddhist ritual, they marched towards theregional administrative offices of the Chinese Government and there the procession was dispersed bythe police.16 The demonstration in effect was a dam breaking. Despite heightened surveillance and theauthorities proactive stance in preventing demonstrations from occurring in Lhasa by arresting instigatorswithin a few minutes of an attempt, there are still cases of individuals and small groups who try todemonstrate. Four demonstrations have been reported in Lhasa alone in 1999, a year marking anumber of significant anniversaries for China and Tibet. 17 In essence, the demonstrations, or attemptsto demonstrate, are keeping the momentum of the nonviolent movement alive. Demonstrations havealso occurred outside of Lhasa. In October 1999, over 3,000 people in Karze county protested thearrest of Sonam Phuntsok, a well-respected monk who was charged with indulging in political activities.Though not specifically calling for Tibetan freedom, because Sonam was associated with the cause ofindependence, their protest was placed within the larger context of the Tibetan freedom movement andwas harshly put down by Chinese authorities.18

The Chinese authorities have been unable to deter political demonstrations by imprisoning the demons-trators. Rather, the political demonstrations are staged within the prison walls, often corresponding tovisiting delegations from around the world. Most worrisome for the Chinese authorities has been theincreasing number of non-political prisoners who have initiated pro-independence demonstrations withinthe prisons. Chinese authorities keep political and criminal prisoners separate to prevent the formerfrom influencing the latter with political ideas, just as in the wider society they marginalize dissident thinkersso that ordinary people are not influenced by their ideas. The most recent demonstrations, and most


significant thus far of the prison demonstrations, occurred in Drapchi prison, the main prison for political prisoners in Tibet, on1 May and on 4 May 1998. Both demonstrations were begun with a criminal prisoner shouting slogans. Prison officials brutallyresponded to the demonstrations with gunfire, killing two prisoners and severely injuring at least two others. Another eight deathswere reported from subsequent interrogations, torture and solitary confinement following the demonstrations.19 Clearly, segregatingthe two categories of prisoners has not been effective. If anything, the recent demonstrations strongly attest to the unity amongTibetan prisoners with the common cause of a free Tibet. Prisoners’ defiance shows their jailers that the Chinese system ofpolitical reform through incarceration is not succeeding.

Non-political demonstrations are also occurring with purposes ranging from promoting Tibet’s culture and fragile environment,to protesting Chinese economic and migration policies. In December 1988, three hundred students and teachers of the Universityof Tibet demonstrated around the Potala palace, the former residence of the Dalai Lama, demanding the reinstatement of Tibetanas the official language of the region as well as more respect for Tibetan religion and culture. The demonstrators did notexhibit any blatant forms of pro-independence. However, by choosing green cloth for their banners, a color associated with respectfor the Dalai Lama, the students and teachers subtly displayed their support for the independence movement. The symbolism waslost on the Chinese authorities who allowed the demonstration to be held because it conformed to their criteria for a limitedprotest addressed to the Chinese government, and thus, acknowledged China’s sovereignty over Tibet.20 There have beenseveral demonstrations protesting increases in business taxes and commodity prices that not only were allowed to occur,but also achieved some amount of success, theincreases were withdrawn. Some non-politicaldemonstrations have erupted into pro-indepen-dence demonstrations. Most notable is the 1993protest over price increases in Lhasa involvingover 1,000 people, the largest demonstrationsince 1989. Police used tear gas to dispersethe crowd.21

DISRUPTION OF PATRIOTICRE-EDUCATION CAMPAIGNS

In June 1992, four youths disrupted anafternoon patriotic re-education session inGyama Trikhang village, Meldrogungkar whenthey entered unfurling a Tibetan national flagand chanting slogans calling for Tibetan independence, long life for the Dalai Lama and for the Chinese to go home. Othermembers of the community joined in the chanting of slogans until the police appeared with pistols and machine guns ready toshoot.22 A similar incident occurred in Gyama village, also in Meldrogunkar, after three farmers walked into a patriotic re-educationsession carrying a large Tibetan national flag with a picture of the Dalai Lama and shouting pro-independence slogans. As thefarmers were being taken away by the police, villagers ran after them chanting slogans. After the small demonstration, 2/3 ofthe villagers chose not to return for the meeting’s conclusion, forcing it to be cancelled.23 In another form of disruption, Buddhistmonks from a small monastery in Tsethang County walked out en-masse in June 1997 to protest re-education demands.24 In eachcase, Tibetans were able to frustrate manipulation efforts of the Chinese authorities.

Demonstration in Lhasa over price increases. (Meridian Trust)


DISPLAYING/POSSESSING THE TIBETAN NATIONAL FLAG

“… We also make use a lot of the Tibetan national flag. They are notsmall in size. We use colossal flags everywhere.”—Tibetan refugee.25

The primary symbol of Tibetan indepen-dence, the Tibetan national flag, has beenbanned from public display and possessionby the Chinese authorities. Tibetansopenly defy the ban by displaying the flagwhenever possible, often within pro-independence demonstrations. Tibetan nationalflags have appeared on numerous occasions,sometimes printed on posters and leafletsand on other occasions independently.Colossal flags have been pasted on wallsor hung above prominent locations, suchas monasteries or government buildings.On three occasions in May 1987, October1988 and February 1989, the Tibetan flagwas hung on the Jokhang Temple inLhasa, the most important Buddhisttemple in Tibet.

CHANTING PRO-INDEPENDENCE SLOGANS

Chanting slogans is a vocal act of political defiance. Tibetans take advantage of the chanting of slogansabove and beyond its use in political demonstrations. Political prisoners chant pro-independence sloganswhile receiving punishment for acts of non-cooperation as a show of ultimate defiance to their oppressors.Chanting slogans can build a strong sense of unity among the resistance as one observer noted duringa prayer session at Lhasa’s Ganden Ngamcho in December 1994 when a number of Tibetans started callingsoftly for independence. 26 In another context, in May 1996 sloganeering was used to celebrate thedeparture of a re-education team from Ganden Monastery after monks refused to take down photographsof the Dalai Lama.27

SINGING

…Though prisoned today, we will never be disheartened…—excerpt from a song written by a political prisoner

As with poster campaigns popular songs, sometimes referred to as street songs, have a historicalimportance in Tibet’s political scene. With the invasion of the Chinese, these songs assumed greater

Tibetan flag hung on the Jokhang temple in Lhasa. (Department of Security)


significance. They not only serve to exhibit political defiance among the general population, but also act as a source of inspirationfor Tibetans to resist Chinese occupation. In 1993, fourteen nuns incarcerated in Drapchi prison secretly recorded themselvessinging songs whose lyrics alluded to their love for Tibet, support for the Dalai Lama and Buddhism, and for freedom in Tibet.The tape was smuggled outside and copies were distributed widely among the Tibetan population.28 In a more recent Drapchiprison incident, prisoners sang Tibetan freedom songs in competition with the Maoist tunes.29 Lay Tibetans continuously write Songs.A few years ago, a famous Tibetan singer was detained for three months for having composed a song containing politicalundertones.30 Even children have been arrested for singing songs, as in May 1997 when 40 middle school students from Ngabasanga song of praise to the Dalai Lama in front of their student body. 31

DEMONSTRATIVE FUNERALS

On 1 October 1987, 2-3000 Tibetans gathered in front of a police station in Lhasa demanding the release of prisoners arrestedduring the September 1987 demonstration. A fourteen-year old boy was shot and killed as a direct result of the violent responsetaken by the police. Tibetans carried the body before the Tibetan Autonomous Regions’ administrative offices.32 Tibetans have alsobeen known to carry those killed in demonstrations around the Barkhor. These actions serve to morally condemn the Chineseauthorities’ violent response to peaceful demonstrations.

BUDDHIST RITUAL AS PROTEST

Tibetans have displayed a large degree of ingenuity in transforming theirreligious and cultural heritage into forms of political protest. The upsurge ofnonviolent activity in 1987 began with a daily Buddhist merit-making ritualof circumambulating a holy site, khorra. The Barkhor area of Lhasa surroundsthe Jokhang Temple, an important pilgrimage site for Tibetans everywhere.By circulating the Barkhor during the demonstration, the monks incorporatedkhorra into the nonviolent movement. Thus, familiar, every day actions becomeavenues for expressing political opposition. A network of lay people convertedprayer into protest when they organized a mani (prayer) recital for those whohad died in the 1987 demonstrations which was attended by two hundredlay Tibetans.33 Tibetans poured into the Barkhor in 1989 to perform khorra,burn incense, light butter lamps, release windhorses (prayers written on smallsquares of paper designed to float in the wind), and throw tsampa (roastedbarley flour). All these acts are customary actions associated with auspiciousevents, used in this case to celebrate the Dalai Lama receiving the NobelPeace Prize. The Chinese government responded by banning tsampa throwing.34

In essence, the Chinese government is criminalizing Tibetan culture with theirinsistence on banning various Tibetan religious and cultural customs. ManyBuddhist monks have now become ‘criminals’ for reciting long-life prayersfor the Dalai Lama, a fundamental aspect of Tibetan religious ritual.

Tibetan flag hung on the Jokhang temple draped in ceremonial scarves. (Department of Security)


SPONTANEOUS PUBLIC INVOLVEMENT

Tibetans compensate for their inability to organize openly by spontaneous involvement in protestsorganized by a few individuals. This reveals wide spread support for the nonviolent resistance movement.There are a number of cases where Tibetans numbering in the hundreds joined demonstrations begunby a handful of nuns or monks in Lhasa. The large-scale demonstrations of 1987, 1988 and 1989 were allresults of spontaneous public involvement. Rural demonstrations by a few individuals have generated widespread support from other villagers who also join in the chanting of pro-independence slogans. Therehave also been cases of spontaneous demonstrations, such as one that occurred in front of the Jokhangtemple in Lhasa in November 1995 after police attempted to remove a Dalai Lama badge from a nun.35

RELIGIOUS BOYCOTT

The monastic community actively use religious boycotts to withdraw their support and cooperation fromthe Chinese authorities. Two years in a row, 1988 and 1989, the Buddhist monks attempted to boycottthe annual Monlam Prayer Festival, which had been prohibited since occupation. The Festival wassanctioned again in 1986, however with some changes which suggested legitimate Chinese rule of Tibet.The monks refused to attend, thus withdrawing their support of China’s propaganda efforts.36 In 1995,the monks of Tashihunpo Monastery in Shingatse boycotted a major Buddhist festival where they wereto unravel a giant scroll painting at the monastery. The boycott followed a denunciation meetingcondemning their abbot, Chadrel Rimpoche, for communicating with the Dalai Lama over the choiceof the reincarnation of the Panchen Lama. The meeting was called off after being disrupted by thehissing and spitting of monks who decided to boycott the festival the next day. The boycott led to thecancellation of the festival.37 In 1998, in Ngaba prefecture, five monks from Kirti Monastery printedposters encouraging Tibetans to boycott the Chinese campaign banning photographs of the Dalai Lama.They, themselves, boycotted the ban by organizing a display of photographs.38

HARTAL

Tibetan shopkeepers show their support for the nonviolent struggle by declaring hartals-a temporary haltto all commercial activity – an activity used to great effect by Gandhi in India. Hartals have occurred anumber of times in association with demonstrations in the Barkhor. For example, on 27 September 1989,Tibetan shops and market stalls in front of the Jokhang Temple stopped trading in support of a demonstrationin the Barkhor.39 Shops also closed during the celebrations of the Dalai Lama receiving the Nobel Peaceprize. When the Chinese proposed a tax increase in 1994, a hartal was called and all the traders tookto the street to protest.40 A similar incident took place in Shigatse in 1993.41 A hartal was called as adirect political protest to the Chinese celebration of the 40th anniversary of the “peaceful liberation”of Tibet. The hartal was in direct defiance to police orders that shops should remain open for business.42


PROCESSIONS

Precessions resemble demonstrations, but cover a greater distance. In rural areas, Tibetans have organized processions protestingthe Chinese occupation of Tibet. One example is the 25-mile-long peace march in 1996 organized by Tulku Kabu Kye, the abbotof Nubsur Monastery in Golog Prefecture, Qinghai, from his monastery to the Serta district displaying the Tibetan national flagand calling for Tibetan independence while simultaneously distributing pro-independence pamphlets along the way.43 Anotherpeace march took place in 1995 when 64 monks from Phenpo Nalandra Monastery in Lhundrup County staged a peaceful marchto the nearby town of Phenpo to protest the arrest of one of their members for wearing a pro-independence badge.44

ROAD BLOCK

In June 1993, farmers from Snuggling village, Look perfecture set up a roadblock to prevent and delay travel as a form ofpolitical protest. They checked all the traffic on the main road through the area. Chinese officials sent to look into the incident spent theday without food beside the road while the demonstrators spat on them and called them names. The officials were eventuallyreduced to bargaining with the crowd for hot water, which they received.45 Later that month, villagers in Sungrabling, GongkarCounty, Lhoka perfecture barricaded the main road to prevent police from raiding the monastery after a recent pro-independenceprotest during elections. While older villagers tried to plead with the police, younger ones sang the forbidden Tibetan nationalanthem and shouted praises to the Dalai Lama and called for Tibetan independence.46

Non - Cooperation with the OccupationNON COOPERATION/COMPLIANCE

I didn’t say anything about feudalism. Tibet has been independent for thousands of years.I said that Tibet has been subjected to Chinese imperialism.—Rato Monastery monk during a re-education session 47

The Chinese authorities have responded to the resurgence of pro-independence by launching several political campaignsthroughout Tibetan areas. Most of the campaigns have been applied by the central government to China in general, but havebeen applied to Tibet with special vengeance. For example, the Strike Hard Campaign, implemented in Tibet in April 1996, wasaimed at cracking down on crime throughout China, however, in Tibet it focused on individuals throughout the societywho supported Tibetan independence. Also in 1996, the patriotic Re-education Campaign was implemented in Tibet and waspaired with an Anti-Dalai Lama campaign in order to attack the foundations of the Tibetan independence movement. Thepatriotic re-education campaign primarily targets the monastic population. “Re-education” is a process involving study sessions andtests to force people into accepting the Chinese version of Tibetan history, embracing Chinese sovereignty over Tibet, anddenouncing the Dalai Lama. The price for non-cooperation or non-compliance is expulsion from a monastery as well as possiblearrest, beatings, and torture, which can result in death. Monastic as well as lay communities are still less than cooperative.Very few Tibetans are willing to denounce the Dalai Lama, their spiritual and temporal leader. At Rato monastery, when askedto write a self-criticism the monks refused, saying they had nothing to confess, and then proceeded to fold the sheets of paperthey had been given into paper airplanes, which they tossed around the room.48 Another monastery used their training inBuddhist dialectics, a form of debating, to argue the point that since Tibet was part of China it must be equally true that China


is part of Tibet.49 When a Tibetan national flag appeared on the top of a flag-pole in Sera Monastery, themonks argued with the Chinese authorities when ordered to take it down, “Since it is not ours, why shouldwe take it down?” 50

The monastic community has also tried to circumvent the regulations imposed on it by government workteams. One way in which monasteries have tried to get around the rules without overtly disobeying themis by setting up schools within the monastery for monks without official certificates. Many of the studentsare below the age of 18 and thus would have to return to secular life. Some monks, who are expelledfrom the monasteries by work teams, return to the monastery as laymen to avoid returning to secular life.Another manner was to delay the carrying out of direct orders given by work teams. For instance, oneDemocratic Management Committee in one monastery, given the task of distributing the re-educationmaterials and collecting written responses from the monks at first delayed the implementation for overa month. When the officials came for the written responses, the committee informed them that, sinceit was a holiday and there were not many monks in the monastery, they had not been able to completetheir task. When they could no longer delay enacting the order, they called the monks together, andinformed them, “We have received this document from the government. If you study this document, youhave to oppose His Holiness the Dalai Lama, and if you don’t study this document, that will be againstgovernment policy. We are neither asking you to study this nor stopping you from studying this. Youcan decide for yourselves.” All the monks unanimously replied that they would not study the document andwould prefer to close the monastery.51

DISPLAYING/POSSESSING PHOTOGRAPHS OF THE DALAI LAMA

If we can not see the person in real life, then what is there in aphotograph?—Rinzin, a sixty-one-year old Tibetan man when confronted by ChineseAuthorities for displaying a photograph of the Dalai Lama 52

The possession or display of photographs of the Dalai Lama is both a religious and political statement.The Dalai Lama’s photograph has often appeared in demonstrations, clearly an exhibit of politicalaffiliation. Yet, there is a religious devotional aspectthat surrounds the Dalai Lama as well. The Chineseban on displaying photographs of the Dalai Lamahas therefore affected both the monastic and laypopulation. Many monasteries have refused to takedown the photographs, or when forced, have resortedto trying to hide them rather than giving them overto the Chinese authorities. Even in the privacy ofone’s own home, Tibetans are not allowed to possessa photograph of the Dalai Lama. Many Tibetans haveresisted. Some have ingeniously placed photographsof the Dalai Lama behind the photographs of permittedLamas. The laws reach even government employees.In a speech made on 29 July 1998, the deputy

Pilgrim in Tibet surreptitiously revealing his photograph of the Dalai Lama (Meridian Trust)


secretary of the TAR Party Committee openly referred to “a few Partymembers and even a handful of leading Party officials who even goso far as to set up temples in their homes and display pictures ofthe Dalai Lama.” 53

HUNGER STRIKES

Female political prisoners, primarily nuns, are known to haveinitiated several hunger strikes in Drapchi prison. In February 1997,July 1997 and May 1998 hunger strikes were staged in protest toextreme punishment and a bid to release fellow prisoners fromsolitary confinement, as well as to express non-cooperation. 54

SILENCE

Tibetans have used corporate silence to express moral condemnation of actions taken by Chinese authorities. In December 1990,over 90 male prisoners at Drapchi led a silent protest over the death of student Lhagpa Tsering after being beaten and torturedinside the prison.55 In December 1994, a few nuns were arrested for demonstrating in the Barkhor. An observer noted that acrowd of 150 Tibetans gathered in front of the police station watching with serious and concerned faces in what appeared tobe a silent protest to the arrest. 56

REMOVAL/DESTRUCTIONOF SYMBOLS OF AUTHORITY

Tibetans have openly displayed their contempt for China’s occupation by removing and destroying symbols of Chinese authority.The primary targets have been nameplates on government buildings, which have been removed and then replaced with pro-independence posters. On one occasion, a monk from Lhoka region ripped down Chinese posters banning independence demonstrations and replaced them with independence leaflets.57 Chinese flags have been torn down and replaced with the Tibetannational flags over schools in Rekong, Malho perfecture, Qinghai province and Karze perfecture, Sichuan province as recently as1997 and 1998.58 In 1997, acting out his rejection of the patriotic re-education campaign in his monastery, Ngawang Phelgay,a Drepung monk, tore down the Chinese flag over his monastery and stampedon it. 59

POSSESSION OF BANNED LITERATURE/ITEMS

The Chinese authorities have attempted to control all ideology contrary to that propagated by the government by makingit inaccessible to the Tibetan people. The primary purpose is to prevent the infiltration of material produced by the Tibetangovernment-in-exile or the Dalai Lama. Among the items prohibited by the Chinese authorities are books written by the DalaiLama, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, pro-independence material and prayer books. Even maps of India are suspect.Residences are frequently searched and those individuals found in possession of banned literature or audiocassettes can beimprisoned.

Altar with photo of Dalai Lama behind ordinary Buddha picture ...somewhere in Tibet. (Tibet Images)


SYMBOLIC GUESTURES

Tibetans incorporate symbolic gestures either independently or in association with other nonviolent actions.In the early morning hours of 7 February 1989 Tibetans found their national flag hung on the Jokhangtemple, the main Buddhist temple in Tibet, were it flew several hours before being removed. They placedceremonial blessing scarves at the base of the flagpole, a symbolic gesture displaying their loyalty toan independent Tibet while the police stood by helplessly. 60 Frustrated Tibetans have burned photographsof the Chinese appointed Panchen Lama reincarnation to display their allegiance to the choice selectedby the Dalai Lama. 61 There has been symbolic resistance in Lhasa to the Chinese ban on photographs ofthe Dalai Lama. Some Lhasa street vendors placed empty picture frames on their stalls alongside photo-graphs of permitted lamas.62 In the privacy of their homes,Tibetans are known to place a plain sheet of paper in aframe to symbolize the Dalai Lama on their altars in asymbolic gesture of affiliation. 63 Monks and nuns wearbadges to signify their support for the independencemovement and the Dalai Lama.

VOICING OPPOSITIONTO GOVERNMENT POLICIES

A few high level Tibetans have risked their positions to voiceopposition to Chinese government policies in Tibet. In1991, the moderate Tibetan fraction of the CommunistParty made an unsuccessful public appeal to the ChineseCommunist Party to relax their demand that Tibetancommunists renounce religion. 64 Nagagchen Rimpoche, one of Tibet’s leading lamas and involved inthe search for the reincarnated Panchen Lama, was denounced by Chinese authorities for his refusal toaccept China’s decision to use the Golden Urn to choose the reincarnation. Instead he publicly supportedthe choice made by the Dalai Lama.65

SOLIDARITY ACTS

Tibetans have displayed their unity in purpose through a wide variety of actions above and beyondspontaneous public involvement. On 10 August 1994, thirteen nuns, all the female prisoners in Trisam Prisonat the time, refused to emerge from their cells for their monthly visitation. Their action, a source ofembarrassment for prison officials and guards, was one of solidarity with two nuns denied visitationas a punishment for accidentally splashing water on a Chinese man while the nuns were tendingvegetables.66 In 1988, when asked to vote for Student of the Year, students at the University of Tibet aresaid to have voted for a Tibetan by the name of Lobsang Tenzin who had been imprisoned five monthsearlier under the suspicion of killing a policeman during a demonstration in the Spring.67

‘Empty’ frame, Lhasa, 1996. (Tibet Images)


Positive Action/Constructive ProgramCOMMUNICATING WITH OUTSIDERS

Tibetans are well aware of the international community’s role and concern about Tibet’s continued occupation. They have thereforeused every means possible to convey their sufferings and desire for independence abroad. Posters are written in English as well asTibetan and Chinese. Tourists are encouraged to take photographs of demonstrations. Other tourists are handed pieces of papercontaining pro-independence slogans. In addition, Tibetans speak directly to foreigners about Tibetan independence, a criminaloffense in occupied Tibet. In 1990, a young Tibetan man spoke with two foreigners at the Snowlands Hotel in Lhasa regardingTibetan independence. A doctor from the Lhasa Municipal Hospital spoke out for a free Tibet to a Western tourist who was tapingthe conversation. Both were arrested following the interviews. 68 Even within prisons, the majority of pro-independence activity hascorresponded with visits by international delegations. They are clear attempts by Tibetans to counter Chinese propaganda efforts.

COMPILING PRISONER LISTS/HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS

Another action in conjunction with communicating with outsiders is the act of compiling lists of prisoners and human rightsviolations and smuggling them abroad. Jampa Ngodrup, a Tibetan doctor, was arrested for compiling lists of Tibetans known to bearrested during the pro-independence demonstration of March 1988 and handing them to Lhamo Yangchen, a Tibetan womenwho the Chinese claimed was a foreigner.69 In August 1990, Gelek Yonten, a Lhasa resident, was arrested for his involvement witha foreign journalist trying to learn about conditions in Tibet.70 In 1993, a tour guide in Lhasa was arrested for attempting tohand over information on human rights’ abuses to a team of visiting European diplomats.71 Tsultrim Sherap, a monk fromSungrabling Monastery in Lhokha prefecture, was arrested for sending news abroadof a recent patriotic re-education team visit to his monastery, which had resulted inthe expulsion of many of the monks from the monastery.72 The penalty for beingcaught smuggling these “state secrets” is between five to ten year’s imprisonment.73

Yet, Ngawang Choephel, a Tibetan Fulbright scholar and musician who was in Tibetdoing research on Tibetan folk music and dances when arrested by the Chineseauthorities in August 1996, was sentenced to 18 years in prison for allegedlygathering sensitive intelligence and engaging in illegal separatist activities on behalfof the Tibetan Government-in-Exile.74 Tibetans continue to risk incarceration toensure that the international community remains informed on the true conditionswithin Tibet.

UNDERGROUND ORGANIZING

Due to the repressive measures employed by the Chinese authorities to root out andclamp down on pro-independence sentiments, Tibetans are unable to organize openly.Rather, they must operate underground, in small loosely knit groups to preventdiscovery. Most groups are made up of two to three individuals who work together.Each member in turn knows other individuals sympathetic to the cause. Members ofthe underground organizations frequently make a political pledge. One Buddhistmonk now living in exile described the pledge as a commitment to love the

Palden Gyatso, imprisoned 33 yearsfor nonviolent political crimes before

escaping into exile. (Meridian Trust)


motherland and religion, not to cooperate with Chinese officials and, if summoned, to be silent.75

Structuring the organizations in this way prevents the Chinese from crushing the movement if one or twoindividuals are caught. Activities carried out by underground organizations include poster campaigns,distributing literature, demonstrating, and organizing such activities as the prayer session for those whohad died in the 1987 demonstrations. However, underground organizing does not insinuate leadership.Tibetans throughout the former provinces of U-Tsang, Kham and Amdo look toward the TibetanGovernment in exile for leadership and direction in the nonviolent struggle.

PROMOTING TIBETAN LANGUAGE/CULTURE

Brothers and sisters, who stand at the edge of a cliff holding hands.We have compiled this in memory of our ancestors, who have writtenthis history in blood so that progress might be made in our literature…We have written this out of love for the snow mountains— postscript by editors of Laughter from the Tsongla Rang-mo.76

Over the last ten years, the Chinese authorities have been slowly eradicating Tibetan languageand culture. Even with such seemingly supportive measures as instigating Tibetan as the official languageof the region in 1988, Tibetan language and culture has slowly been chipped away at by other policiesof the Chinese government. Tibetan children are taught in Chinese rather than in Tibetan, even afterstudies proved that the children dramatically improved their test scores in all subjects, when taughtin Tibetan. Courses at the University of Tibet have increasingly been taught in Chinese, promptingstudent protests. Tibetans have risen in defense by actively promoting Tibetan language, culture andidentity. One method has been by opening schools that teach Tibetan language, performing arts, medicineand astrology among other subjects. The task is not without risk. In 1994, Shabdrul Lobsang Tsultrimand Shabdrung Rimpoche, both founders of such institutions in Lhasa, were arrested by the Chineseauthorities on grounds of “counter-revolutionary activities” and the schools were closed.77 In Sog county,Kunchog Tenzin, a teacher who made no secret of his belief that Tibetan language and culture should begiven priority in the school syllabus, was arrested in 1995 for allegedly putting up pro-independenceposters.78 Also in 1995, four monks from Kumbum Monastery in Haidong were arrested afterpublishing a anthology of new Tibetan literature called Laughter from the Tsongla Rang-mo. Theofficially approved, 52-page magazine consisted of 20 hand written love poems, prayers, riddles and shortstories by local Tibetans. Even though there was no overt political reference to Tibetan independence,besides a short note by the editors, the publication was banned and copies were withdrawn anddestroyed. Even Tibetan artists have suffered, as in the case of Yung-drung who specialized in paintingportraits of the Dalai Lama. He was found in a state of severe shock in a public toilet in Lhasa shortlyafter his release from a police detention center where he’d been tortured. His house had been raidedand paintings were confiscated. He is the first known artist to be arrested in connection with his art.79

In an important move to make sure that traditional knowledge is not lost, a few Tibetan academicshave been re-publishing some traditional Tibetan religious and medical manuscripts with permission bythe Chinese government. 80


PETITIONING

Tibetans have petitioned international bodies in an effort to seek redress against particular grievances they have against theChinese government. Villagers in Lhokha prefecture petitioned the United Nations to intervene in the security measures beingcarried out by the Chinese in their area after a protest. They declared, “We Tibetans have no human rights and are at risk ofbeing exterminated.”81 Tibetans also joined in an Amnesty International campaign to petition for the release of a Tibetan politicalprisoner. Most likely, they were informed about the campaign from Voice of America’s Tibetan language short-wave radio broad-casts as people from a large area of Tibet participated.82 Prisoners have attempted to deliver letters protesting prison conditionsto visiting international delegations. Tibetans have petitioned the Chinese authorities as well. University students petitioned theChinese government and Tibetan public for better environmental protection. 83 On the humorous side, a large number of Tibetantraders from Kham and Amdo in Eastern Tibet petitioned the government regarding an order that all those without residentpermits had to leave Lhasa during the period of martial law. The traders said theywere quite happy to leave Lhasa, since they didn’t belong there. They added thatsince the Chinese also did not come from Lhasa, they would have to do the same.The Chinese authorities arrested a token number of illegal Chinese workers in Lhasa,apparently as a concession to this demand. 84

MONASTIC HARTAL

Monasteries have also preformed hartals as a show of extreme dissatisfaction withChinese policies. A series of monastic closures were begun in May 1996 afterone Ganden Monastery monk was shot and 40 monks arrested after a fight brokeout between the monks and the authorities over their refusal to comply with orders toremove photographs of the Dalai Lama. In a show of support for the Ganden monks,the monks of Drepung Monastery, Lhasa’s third great monastery, closed itself to thepublic. The following day, the temple of Ramoche was also closed, and the maintemple of Tibet, the Jokhang temple in the heart of Lhasa followed suite by staginga one-day shut down.85 A hartal was also used by the monks of SamdruplingMonastery in Lhokha county when work team officials instructed them to criticizethe Dalai Lama and denounce Tibetan independence as part of the patriotic re-education campaign.86

NONVIOLENT SABOTAGE

Sabotage is one method by which Tibetans have been able to disrupt Chinese propaganda efforts. In association with theChinese attempt to win Tibetan acceptance of their candidate as the reincarnation of the Panchen Lama, there was a photographtaken of high level Chinese officials with Tibetan lamas. The photograph was printed in the Chinese edition of the Tibetan Daily,clearly showing the Chinese officials seated in front of the Tibetan lamas. When the photograph was re-printed for the Tibetanedition of the same newspaper the following day, the photograph had been altered and the lamas were seated in front of theChinese officials.87 Tampering with the photograph was a clear act of nonviolent sabotage.

Tibetans joined an AmnestyInternational campaign topetition for the release of apolitical prisoner. They wereinformed from short-waveradio broadcasts as peoplefrom a large area participated


PROMOTING HUMAN RIGHTS

“We were very fearful of demonstrating, because it is a question of ourlives, but if there is no human rights, there is no use to be alive.”—Former Chubsa nun now living in exile.88

Tibetans have consistently made an effort to promote human rights in Tibet. Wall posters frequentlycondemn human rights violations committed by the Chinese. Tibetan language copies of the UniversalDeclaration of Human Rights have been printed and distributed to educate Tibetans about their humanrights. In addition, demonstrations have been organized with the intention of addressing the issue of humanrights in Tibet. In 1988, a demonstration was organized to correspond with the International HumanRights Day. As one participant commented, “We were demonstrating for the sake of all sentient beings.” 89

LISTENING TO BANNED RADIO BROADCASTS

The main avenue of receiving news from abroad comes in the form of Tibetan language broadcasts onshort-wave and other Tibetan radio broadcasts. Just listening to the broadcasts is an act of politicaldefiance. As one rural farmer commented, “We listen to the banned radio broadcasts at 10 p.m. I share thenews with others from my village.”90 People have been known to record the broadcasts and distribute them.An official Chinese source reported that 211 short wave radios and all the transistor radios were sold-outin Gertse county, Nagchu Perfecture.91 The implication is that a large percentage of people are listening toTibetan language broadcasts of Voice of America, All India Radio, Voice of Tibet and Radio Free Asia.

PROVIDING ASYLUM AND REFUGEE ASSISTANCE

Providing asylum and refugee assistance to Tibetans is a nonviolent act, similar to the undergroundrailroads developed in Nazi occupied Europe during World War II that assisted Jewish people to find asafe haven and in the United States during the Civil War that helped Black slaves escaping the South.A few Tibetans have been imprisoned for assisting Tibetans escape into exile. In 1992, Wandu, a formergovernment soldier, was arrested for helping Tibetans escape into India.92 In 1999 alone, there were fourcases of Tibetans being arrested for guiding Tibetan “escapees” into India. One of them was sentencedto eight years imprisonment.93 In a similar action, Dawa Drolma, a Lhasa school teacher, was arrestedin part for providing asylum to protestors during a demonstration in 1988.

RECLAIMNG HISTORY

An important nonviolent act is the process of reclaiming history. Buddhist monks at Kirti monastery in Ngabareclaimed Tibetan history by painting a wall in the monastery with illustrations of Tibet’s history andprevious independence. One illustration contained the phrase “Tibetans will be happy in Tibet, and theChinese in China,” that was derived from the inscription on a 9th century pillar commemorating a peaceagreement between the Tibetan empire and the Chinese empire.94 Considering how monastery wallsplay an important role in traditional forms of educating the public, this was a tremendous act on the partof the monks to reclaim their history for the Tibetan people.


Miscellaneous Nonviolent Actionfor Liberation

Sometimes Tibetans will lock a Chinese official inside their home so theywill miss an important meeting. Or they will make a hole in a dish toprevent the Chinese from cooking food… Whatever the Chinese want,Tibetans try not to do. When the Chinese morn, Tibetans celebratewith songs and dance.—former Ganden monk, now living in exile. 95

Research has uncovered a few miscellaneous nonviolent methods used by the Tibetans. In April 1993, agroup of Lhasa secondary school students protested against tuition increases with a sit-in, barricadingthemselves on the school premises.96 By occupying the facilities, the students were able to disrupt thenormal pattern of activities for two days. Tibetans have also used nonviolent methods to protestincreased migration by Chinese into Tibetan territory. A former nun said her father refused to sell Yak meatto Chinese settlers in protest to the Chinese migration policy. Other villagers spokeabout refusing tosell or lease property to the incoming migrants.97

Less Than Nonviolent Actions for LiberationThere are instances within the Tibetan resistance struggle when the methods used became violent. Forinstance, in some of the many large scale demonstrations that occurred in Lhasa between 1987-89,Tibetans responded to the Chinese use of violence to disband the protestors by throwing rocks at police.In the protests that took place in March 1989 lasting nearly a week, Chinese shops were ransackedand all the items burned. Some Chinese bicycling past the area were stoned and had their bikesconfiscated which were added to the bonfires that were created. At least one was severely injured afterbeing hit by a rock and attacked by Tibetans. However, simultaneous with these acts of violence otherTibetans attempted to stop violent actions towards Chinese unfortunate enough to have bicycled or havebusinesses in the area and instead helped them to safety.98 In 1993, racial violence broke out in Sogcounty between Tibetans and Chinese Muslims. Shops were burned and in some villages, the Chinesewere forcefully evicted from the villages. Tibetan vigilante groups formed to hunt down Chinese “gangs”accused of assaulting Tibetans. Citizen arrests were made and suspects were handed over to the police.99

There have also been several bombings that have occurred in Tibet. And though one Tibetan believes thebombs were set by Chinese, a Buddhist monk confessed to being responsible for at least one bombingwhich had been set in a Chinese restaurant. There were no reported injuries following the incident.100

In a failed attempt of a suicide bombing on 26 August 1999, Tashi Tsering, a Tibetan layman residingin Lhasa, lowered the Chinese flag on the Southwest side of Potala square and attempted to replace it witha Tibetan flag. When the police came to arrest him, he tried to detonate a home made explosive he hadstrapped to his body. The explosive did not go off, and as he was hauled away he shouted “Free Tibet”and “We want freedom.” He died while in police custody. 101 X


⌧ ⌧ ⌧ ⌧ ⌧Tibetan Liberation Struggle In Exile &

Activities by His Holiness the Dalai Lama


X ⌧ ⌧ ⌧ ⌧ ⌧

strategy for the Tibetan nonviolent struggle began to form shortly after the Dalai Lama and his cabinet fled Tibet in1959. Unhindered by Chinese oppression, Tibetans in exile were able to organize a coordinated approach to theirliberation struggle. It began with a concerted effort to maintain their culture and religion. Soon Tibetans began

challenging the very foundations of Chinese control over Tibet in the international arena. Simultaneously, they restructured thegovernment to democratically meet the needs of the Tibetan people. A world-wide network of actors encompassing every sectoris now working together for a free Tibet. This said, all efforts made by the Tibetans in exile would be fruitless without thelegitimacy provided by the ongoing nonviolent struggle being carried out within Tibet.

Corporate ActionsThe Dalai Lama along with several of the previous Tibetan ministers established the Tibetan government-in-exile, otherwise knownas the Central Tibetan Administration (CTA), in 1959 in India. The CTA is the cornerstone of the Tibetan nonviolent movement.The CTA’s first step was to see to the immediate survival needs of Tibetan exiles. However, it rapidly became apparent thatthere were more than solely physical survival needs to be met.

Chinese policy in Tibet threatened the continuation of Tibet’s unique culture, religion and language. The CTA set in motion acampaign to preserve Tibet’s national identity. Schools were established (with the generous assistance of the Indian government)in Tibetan settlements throughout India, Nepal and Bhutan. Tibetan schools follow the educational systems and required


curriculum of each country in which they are located, but also offer something that schools in occupiedTibet do not offer, the integration of Tibetan language, values and culture. To this moment, Tibetan childrencontinue to cross the highest, most perilous mountain passes in the world in order to be able toreceive a Tibetan education. The CTA also made a dedicated effort to preserve Tibetan cultural practices.Institutes have been re-established in exile to preserve and support Tibetan art, dance, song andmedicine. The institutes have received world recognition and students from around the globe cometo Dharamsala, the seat of the Tibetan government-in-exile, to take courses from the few remainingmasters alive. Tibetan Buddhism flourishes in exile, whereas in China, Tibetan Buddhism is allowedunder severe restrictions and is strictly monitored. Monasteries and nunneries have sprung up in Indiaand throughout the world. Tibetans in exile freely develop their own cultural and religious traditions,something that is no longer possible in their homeland. This human right has been preserved by theCTA.

The CTA has actively pursued a constructive program 102 for a free Tibet. Perhaps their strongeststatement of opposition to China’s authoritarian regime is eloquently made in their activities indemocratizing the government-in-exile. The democratic structure of government developed is unique. Itencapsulates Tibet’s cultural integrity. For example, the legislature consists of 46 elected members;ten members from refugees who come from each of the three traditional provinces of Tibet, U-Tsang,Amdo, and Kham; two members from the traditional Bon faith and each of the four schools of TibetanBuddhism; and three members from the Tibetan Diaspora to Europe and North America. In addition,three members with distinction in the fields of art, science, literature and community service arenominated directly by the Dalai Lama. Besides representing the refugee community and administeringto the needs of the Tibetan people, this government structure ensures that a power vacuum will notresult from an immediate withdrawal by the Chinese from Tibet.

Tibetans around the world, including within Tibet itself, acknowledge the CTA is the sole legitimategovernment of the Tibetan people. The CTA provides unity of purpose and direction among all theelements of the nonviolent movement. This sanctions them to direct the Tibetan people to actively resistChinese occupation, and emboldens them to take direct action as the only government representingthe Tibetan people. Within this role, the CTA pursues an active dialogue with the Chinesegovernment in order to resolve the Tibetan conflict. They approach Beijing according to thefive-point peace plan presented by the Fourteenth Dalai Lama, which has since beenaddressed as the ‘middle path’ to peaceful coexistence. This middle path calls for thetransformation of Tibet into a zone of peace; the abandonment of China’s population transferpolicy; respect for the fundamental human rights and democratic freedom of the Tibetanpeople; the restoration and protection of Tibet’s natural environment; and most importantly,the commencement of negotiations between the Tibetan government in exile and thePeople’s Republic of China. 103

The CTA also conducts foreign relations on behalf of the Tibetan people. The Depart-ment of Information and International Relations (DIIR) is designed to educate Tibetansand international public opinion on the political, human rights and environmentalconditions in occupied Tibet. Part of this responsibility includes:

m Interfacing with the international media to reveal the current situation of occu-pied Tibet and Tibetan’s view on history to counter Chinese propaganda efforts;

The CTA provides unityof purpose and directionamong all the elementsof the nonviolent move-ment.


m Partnering with issue related organizations to campaign for Tibet,for example, linking Tibetan prisoners with Amnesty Internationalcampaigns or linking China’s sterilization policy with the international women’s movement; and

m Facilitating activities undertaken by international groups supportinga free Tibet, for example, two international support group meetingshave been orchestrated by the DIIR to provide an opportunity forcooperative campaigning strategy to take place.

Through the auspices of the DIIR, the CTA has established foreignoffices that function as de-facto embassies for Tibet in New Delhi, Geneva,New York, Tokyo, London, Katmandu, Budapest, Moscow, Paris, Canberra,Pretoria and Taipei to facilitate communication with those governments.The embassies provide services for Tibetan refugees living abroad,promote Tibetan history and culture, and raise financial support for themovement. Basically, they carry out the normal realm of embassyfunctions as would any embassy throughout the world. Though none ofthe host governments have officially acknowledged the legitimacy of theCTA as the government of Tibet, they still refer to the embassies foraccurate information on the situation within Tibet. The exception wouldbe Australia, who granted the CTA equal standing with the PalestinianLiberation Organization, thereby recognizing the legitimacy of the Tibetangovernment-in-exile as representing the people of Tibet which is notcurrently recognized as a state.

The CTA has undertaken a direct nonviolent strategy that serves simultaneously to defend Tibet’s center of gravity 104 -the unique-ness of the Tibetan people- and to mobilize the resistance. They have also directly engaged China’s unity of purpose 105 inregards to Tibet. Realizing the importance of altering the Chinese public opinion on Tibet, they have actively sought to engageChinese citizens living abroad, including students, intellectuals, and dissidents. After Tiannamen Square and the repression ofthe Democracy Uprising in China in 1989, the Tibetans invited the Chinese Democracy Movement (CDM) to Dharamsala to seewhat the Tibetans had accomplished in exile. Up until then, many of these new Chinese exiles did not question the popularmainland belief that Tibetans were a ‘backward race’ benefiting from Han Chinese civilizing influence. The dissidents wereimpressed by the democracy of the Tibetan exile government and the CDM and CTA agreed to work together, alternating yearswhere they would focus on each other’s campaign. 106 With this success, the CTA encouraged Tibetans abroad to reach out totheir Chinese counterparts. A former Tibetan Fulbright scholar relayed what a fellow Chinese student once said to him soonafter Tianamen, “I refused to believe what you said about Tibet. Now I believe you.” Tibetan efforts to alter Chinese publicopinion have begun to show on the mainland. One example is that in Shanghai, 54 delegates submitted a petition to theChairman of the National People’s Congress of the People’s Republic of China. The petition included an article recommendingthe Chinese government to have a dialogue with the Dalai Lama and mentioned that the human rights and the rights of anational identity and economic prosperity in the Tibetan areas should be achieved. A number of Chinese scholars and dissidentshave also published articles supporting Tibet as a separate entity from China.

The exile government is not the sole Tibetan organization involved in corporate nonviolent action. Tibetan non-government organi-zations, and a number of smaller Tibetan people’s organizations, also mobilize the Tibetan population to resist as well as reachout to sister organizations around the world. The Tibetan Youth Congress (TYC) and the Tibetan Women’s Association (TWA)

Commemorating the 33rd anniversary of the Tibetan Uprising,Dharamsala, 10 March 1992. (Tibet Images)


are the two largest Tibetan NGOs in terms of membership. Both organizations are similarly structured,maintaining both social and political activities. It is their political activities that contribute most directlyto the nonviolent struggle. They organize collective activities for Tibetans to undertake outside of Tibetto protest China’s continued occupation of Tibet. A number of demonstrations, candle-light vigils,boycotts, blockades, peace marches, long-distance bicycle yatras 107 and petition campaigns are organizedeach year to coincide with important days on the Tibetan calendar. 10 March, the anniversary of the1959 Tibetan uprising, is a day on which demonstrations, processions and candle-light vigils are heldthroughout the Tibetan communities in exile each year. The activities are large scale, involving hundredsor thousands of Tibetans and their supporters and generate international attention and media coverage.The Tibetan Youth Congress won widespread support and international sympathy with the hunger strikethey organized in Delhi in 1998 and again in 1999. The hunger strikes were directed at the UnitedNations, demanding the Tibetan issue be discussed in the General Assembly, that a special envoy beappointed to monitor Tibetan affairs and facilitate dialogue between China and the Dalai Lama, and aspecial rapporteur be selected to investigate human rights violations in Tibet.

These Tibetan NGOs also network with other organizations world wide that support issues of concernto Tibetans. For example, the Tibetan Women’s Association sent delegates to Beijing for the UnitedNation’s Forth World Conference on Women in 1995. International media exposed the constantsurveillance and harassment by police suffered by the Tibetan delegates, demonstrating vividly theharsh treatment faced by all Tibetans at the hands of the Chinese. As one exile was quoted, “If theycan do this [harassment] to us here at what is suppose to be a UN conference on peace and equality,in front of the world media—what is happening to our people in Tibet where no one is watching?”

Individual ActionsWithin Tibet, large-scale organization of activity is im-possible, and therefore dependent on spontaneous involvement of the population. However, in exile, Tibetansare able to organize themselves and act. Thus most ofthe nonviolent activity occurring outside of Tibet is anorganized group activity. Individuals express their support byparticipating in organized events, such aspeace marches,bike rallies, boycotts of Chinese goods and demonstrationsagainst the Chinese occupation. However, some Tibetansdemonstrate individual acts of conscience in their oppositionto occupation of their homeland. Pro-independence slogans and graffiti can be found near any Tibetansettlement in exile. In 1998, Thubten Ngodup, a 60-year old Tibetan participant in the TYC hungerstrike onto death, set himself alight to symbolize the frustration felt by the Tibetan people (and died twodays later from the burns).108 However, some acts of individuals are actually part of the CTA’s organizedefforts to raise awareness about Tibet, such as when a doctor of Tibetan medicine or art who is on alecture tour, or a Tibetan student speaks to a Chinese classmate about Tibet. These ‘independent actions’are actually a part of the corporate activities of the Tibetan exile community to liberate itself fromoccupation by nonviolent means.

Tibetan Women in exile gag themselves with scarvesto symbolize the silencing of Tibetan voices inside Tibet

at the First World Conference of Women in Beijing.(Tibetan Women’s Association)


Activities by His Holiness the Dalai Lama“In our struggle for freedom, truth is the only weapon we possess.”

While speaking of himself as a ‘simple Buddhist monk’ , Tenzin Gyatso, the 14th Dalai Lama, is the mostwell known Tibetan in the world, To many non-Tibetans he is a charismatic figure who both symbolizesand embodies the Tibetan liberation struggle, as well as being a Nobel Peace Laureate. The Tibetanpeople believe that he is the embodiment of Chenrezig, the Buddha of Compassion. Prior to invasion bythe PRC, the office of the Dalai Lamas was the highest political and spiritual authority of the country.Since fleeing into exile, the Dalai Lama has worked hard to build the basis for a separate and demo-cratically elected political leadership within the Tibetan exile community. He travels abroad primarily inhis role as a pre-eminent religious teacher and scholar within the Vajrayana Buddhist tradition. 109 Hefrequently travels abroad as a respected world religious leader, and has been invited to the Vatican inRome, was a key figure in the World Parliament of Religions in 1993 and is active in most globalreligious forums for peace. He is sometimes treated in the countries he visits with the ceremonyreserved for visiting heads of state. When so treated, the PRC usually launches retaliatory actionsagainst the offending state, accusing them of ‘meddling in the internal affairs of China’ 110 The DalaiLama generally, out of consideration to host countries, steers clear of making solely political speeches,but always refers to a Buddhist basis for peacemaking. He has gained global appreciation for hislifelong condemnation of violence as a means for resolving disputes and the promotion of dialog as theonly way to overcome problems. Through joint activities of the Nobel Peace laureates, he has helpedmobilize campaigns on other pressing issues, such as the international trade in arms- a form of livelihoodproscribed by Buddhist precepts.

In his combined role as religious leader, delegate of peace and representative of Tibet, the Dalai Lamahas placed a special emphasis in visiting countries physically and politically close to China, includingMongolia, Japan, Taiwan and Thailand in his attempt to influence China through the goodwill of others.Broadcasts of his speeches on religion in Taiwan could be received in many mainland coastal provincesand had a positive impact for many mainland Chinese people who had otherwiseonly heard of the Dalai Lama as an enemy of the state through PRC media. Thesebroadcasts helped to undermine the counter-Tibetan propaganda which the PRCproduce for their own people. In what he describes as ‘the middle way approach’to resolving the conflict between the Tibetan exile government and Beijing, he hasproposed a Five Point Peace Plan for Tibet.

m Transform Tibet into a zone of peace.m Stop China’s population transfer policy;m Respect human rights and democratic freedoms;m Restore and protect the natural environment; andm Commence earnest negotiations with China on the future status of Tibet.

He has maintained that he is ready to begin talks on the future of Tibet withoutpreconditions at any time. X


Support for the Tibetan Resistance Struggle in the International Community

Nonviolent Struggle in a Globalized World


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on-Tibetan people around the world have felt moved to support the Tibetan nonviolent liberation movement. In a worldwith so much social injustice, Tibet’s ongoing occupation offers a clear issue. The Tibetans are fortunate to have aleader whose integrity is undisputed as a Nobel Peace Laureate. No other struggle is so admirable in its determination

to meet violence with nonviolence. As a result, the Tibetan nonviolent movement has been a magnet for international supportthat has materialized from many different venues in both the government and non-government sector.

Non-government ActorsThe positive reception by the international community in part may be due to the international media, which has proven to be astrong a supporter of the Tibetan movement. The Dalai Lama fascinates the international media. Not only the Dalai Lamareceives the spotlight either, but recent arrivals as well. Numerous human interest stories have been published documenting the difficultjourney taken by refugees in order to reach India. There have also been numerous news stories world wide featuring Tibetanart, religion, medicine and travel. All this has lead the media to delve into the “question” of Tibet, more often than not in featurelength articles and news documentaries. The international media has not directed their actions solely toward the world outsideTibet, but inside Tibet itself, providing an alternative news source to Tibetans in their own language via radio broadcasts. Thereare currently four radio stations broadcasting in the Tibetan language that can be received inside Tibet: All India Radio, Voice ofAmerica, Voice of Tibet, and Radio Free Asia. The international media directly challenges the credibility of the Chinese statemonopoly on news about Tibet, and directly influences public opinion in favor of the Tibetan liberation struggle.


As public opinion has mobilized in support of the Tibetan nonviolent movement, individuals around theworld, including well-known personalities, have taken up the Tibetan cause. Artists in particular are drawnto Tibet. Thankas, religious paintings, are intricately designed using vivid contrasting colors that drawartistic appreciation from around the world. Recently, a web site was established in which artists couldadmire these artworks of the Himalayas. Tibetan art exhibits and performance troops have toured theworld. In March and June 2000, thousands gathered to participated in two large Tibetan culturalfestivals held in Delhi and Washington, DC. The festivals included performing arts, monastic rituals,philosophical debates, displays of Tibetan arts and crafts, photographic exhibits and both feature anddocumentary films. 111 Several books have also beenpublished on Tibet. Most recent are the releases of TheSearch for the Panchen Lama by Isabel Hilton, TibetHandbook by Victor Chan and Running a Hotel on theRoof of the World: Five Years in Tibet by Alec LeSueur. Two recent Hollywood movies, Kundun and SevenYears in Tibet, demonstrate that Tibet has not lost itsappeal. Not to mention films like The Cup, that depictlife within the monastic community. Actors, like RichardGere, have taken up the Tibetan cause, as well as anumber of music artists who have joined together inconcert tours around the world to raise support for Tibet.There is no doubt that their combined actions havehelped to shape public opinion in favor of Tibet.

As world awareness has built, individuals from aroundthe world have joined in the nonviolent struggle. Peoplehave carried out individual demonstrations outside of theChinese embassy in their home countries in support ofTibet. In Washington, D.C., one woman has staged a vigilevery Friday outside the Chinese embassy since 1987.In Paris, two Frenchman chained themselves to the gatesof the Chinese embassy, which increased the duration oftheir demonstration as it delayed policemen in theirattempts to remove them. There have also been numerousTibetan flag raisings, such as on 10 March 1999 whentwo French alpinists climbed the Nortre Dame Churchin Paris to plant a Tibetan flag at the top. Tibetan sup-porters have also used sporting events as a platform forspeaking out on Tibet either by collecting pledges for campaigns or simply participating in an eventwith “Free Tibet” icons. Hiking, kayaking, marathon races, and race car competitions are just someof the venues that have been employed.

As individuals have been moved into action by the clear, “just cause” surrounding Tibet, non-governmentorganizations have sprung up around the world to work exclusively for the freedom of Tibet. Theseorganizations, referred to by the CTA as Tibetan Support Groups (TSG), work independently, but co-operatively with each other to subvert Chinese efforts to oppress the Tibetan people. To date TSGs

Flyer advertising the Smithsonian Center’sTibetan folklife and cultural heritage festival.


operate in 55 countries around the world. An independent letter writing campaign conducted by a Canadian TSG, resulted in1,500 birthday cards for the Panchen Lama, the youngest political prisoner in the world today. The cards were delivered toCanadian Foreign Affairs Minister Lloyd Axworthy who broke precedence by agreeing to forward them on to Beijing authoritiesvia the Canadian Embassy. A government spokesperson commented that, “Its highly unusual. Using Canadian diplomats topass on a message to a political prisoner hasn’t happened before.” TSGs have also organized a number of demonstrationscommemorating Tibetan anniversaries, Human Rights Day, or just to harass Chinese diplomats on official tours in their countries.In 1996, around 7,000 people gathered in Brussels to protest China’s continued human rights abuses and occupation of Tibetin the largest demonstration to date. In April 1999, a small plane evaded security to circle over the Butchart Gardens inVictoria, Canada with a welcome banner for Chinese Prime Minister Zhu Rongji reading, “Human Rights Now, China Out ofTibet”. The Prime Minister was later quoted as saying: “Everywhere I go I am followed by two groups. One group is thereporters and the other is protestors from Tibet.” 112 One of the most successful campaigns sponsored by TSGs was to blockChina from being awarded the honor of hosting the 2000 Olympics. TSGs have also been able to influence multi-nationalcorporate interest in China. In 1998, Adidas cancelled contracts for the manufacturing of footballs due to allegations thatthe balls were made by forced labor in prisons. However, some companies act on their own accord to support Tibet. TheCharles David Shoe company has taken out a series of double page Ads promoting the release of Tibetan prisoners of conscienceNgawang Choephel and the Panchen Lama. The Ads appeared in Vogue, Marie Claire, George, Elle, and Mirabelle to name afew. The text of the Ad ends with this appeal: “Please join us as we seek one million signatures in a petition for Ngawang’s release.Give a voice to those who can’t speak. And walk with us.” 113 Actions by TSGs around the world compliment the overall strategicaim of the nonviolent movement.

International organizations have supported the Tibetan nonviolent movement by including Tibetan related issues in their agendas.Amnesty International led a successful campaign to secure the freedom of a Tibetan political prisoner by the name of Ganden Rinchen.Thousands of letters were sent from around the world, including Tibet itself, to petition his release. The International Commissionof Jurists conducted independent investigations on the historical status of Tibet, concluding that Tibet was, in de-facto, an inde-pendent country when China invaded in 1959. They published a report to this effect in both 1959 and 1960. In 1989, theNorwegian Nobel Committee awarded the Dalai Lama with its Prize for Peace. The committee stated what most internationalgovernments have refused to do, that the Dalai Lama was both the religious and political leader of the Tibetan people. Beingawarded the Nobel Peace Prize was a great step forward for the Tibetan nonviolence movement, simultaneously building inter-national awareness and credibility.

GovernmentsGovernmental support for the Tibetan nonviolent struggle is a complicated issue. On one hand, governments of the world aresympathetic to the Tibetans. On the other hand, most governments around the world are unwilling to face the ramifications ofopenly confronting China on the issue of Tibet. In some ways, it has been easier for governments to criticize China’s human rightsviolations in Tibet rather than question Tibet’s political status, but even that has become increasingly hazardous. China hassuccessfully used trade and diplomatic reprisals to block any criticism directed their way. Most governments of the world havesuccumbed to the pressure, refusing to jeopardize financial or diplomatic gains on the basis of principle. This is best illustratedby U.S. President Bill Clinton’s 1994 decision to abandon any effort to place human rights conditions on China’s Most FavoredNation (MFN) trade status. The argument: that a tough human rights policy was hampering the ability of the U.S. to pursuetrade and security issues. India, France, Germany, and the United Kingdom, among others, have responded similarly. NATO’sbombing of the Chinese embassy in Yugoslavia capital of Belgrade in 1999, furthered China’s ability to successfully postponehuman rights criticism yet again.


The World Bank Action

As one of the most significant and far reaching actions of international solidarity, the World Bank campaign deservesspecial mention.

The World Bank (WB) came under scrutiny for a proposed project which would move Han Chinese into Tibetan areas as a‘poverty alleviation program’ under the Chinese government. Called the Qinghai component, this project was first brought topublic awareness through the research of the Tibet Information Network, a non-governmental organization based in London.The International Campaign for Tibet (ICT) and Students for a Free Tibet (SFT)quickly organized a global action campaign to challenge this project, which bythat time had already reached approval within the WB process. Well structuredalliances with activists calling into question the impact of WB & IMF fundedprojects worldwide, and public awareness actions by the SFT (Banner hangingon World Bank building in Washington DC, encampment at the Bank building)brought about the cancellation of the project. The World Bank External Affairsofficer for the Far East Asia and the Pacific Region stated: “I have not seenanything have this profound an effect on this institution in the seven years I’veworked at the Bank. I think it has changed the way people inside the Bank think.The Tibet groups have waged the most intelligent and measured campaign theBank has ever seen.” Tibetan activists involved in the World Bank campaignwere told in a meeting with the French Executive Director to the World Bankthat the Bank was receiving 500 e-mails a day to all 24 of it Executive directorsduring the weeks leading up to the vote and that they needed a fax line dedicatedfor correspondence on the Tibet-China project alone! This high volume was inpart as a result of the “COUNTDOWN to cancellation” campaign initiate by the SFT.One of the major public awareness events organized by the SFT was at theTibetan Freedom Concert in Chicago USA, in June 1999. During this event SFTcollected 17,000 signatures on petitions and sent 6000 e-mails and faxes fromthe concert website, and hundreds of faxes from the physical site of the concertitself during the show. (the concerts were produced by the Milarepa Fund - SFTworked with 2 of their staff to run the “direct action tent” at the concert). Althoughalready an approved project, initial actions by the ICT and SFT brought about adelay in implementation, and the launching of a new and special internal reviewmechanism at the World Bank. The review board found that 7 out of 10 of the World Bank’s guiding principles were notmet in the planning of the Qinghai component. This internal document was leaked to the public, and given circulation byboth Tibetan and Bank activists creating even more public concern for the project, culminating in an extraordinary meetingat the WB in July 2000 where Bank directors suggested delay in implementation and a very thorough examination of theregion. A furious China pulled the project from the World Bank, claiming “it would go it alone”. It is only the 2nd time in thehistory of the World Bank that popular protest has been able to halt a questionable program and is a victory for nonviolentactivists not only focused on Tibet, but on multi-lateral programs worldwide.

Action by the SFT outside the World Bank.(Kay Treakle/BIC-SFT)


Yet, these same countries have also demonstrated a degree of “support” for the Tibetan issue, most often due to enormouspressure from their citizens supporting the Tibetan nonviolent movement. India is an exceptional case. Unwilling to antagonizeChina over the status of Tibet, the government has refused to either voice support for an independent Tibet, nor recognizedthe Tibetan Government-in-Exile. However, India has been a remarkable host for the Tibetan refugees, offering land, allowingthem to participate in the economy, providing financial support for Tibetan schools, and not interfering in the ongoing nonviolentstruggle. The United States has a more complicated history regarding Tibet. The years shortly after the invasion found the UnitedStates supporting the Tibetan guerrilla war with arms, training and funds. More recently, the United States has openly criticizedChina in their human rights violations and encouraged China to pursue open dialogue with the Dalai Lama for the peacefulresolution of Tibet. In 1991, the United States Congress was even more blunt, passing a resolution declaring that “all Americansare united in the goals of freedom and human rights for Tibet.” The United States Congress has passed a total of nineresolutions, ten public laws and one Foreign Relations Authorization Act regarding Tibet between 1988 and 1995. Germany,to China’s frustration, refused to interfere in strategic planning sessions of Tibetan Support Groups in 1995 and 1999 held in Bonn.French President Jacques Chirac and former British Prime Minister Major met personally and publicly with the Dalai Lama onhis trips to their respective countries. The meetings are hard to classify as “official” since neither of the countries recognizethe Dalai Lama beyond his capacity as a religious leader and Nobel Peace Laureate and were specifically termed ‘non-political’in the press coverage. Yet, the meetings are significant. They directly opposed China’s wishes, which has been made emphaticallyclear to the world: If a country wishes to remain in China’s favor, they must not issue a visa to the Dalai Lama under anypremises, and even more important, must not let him meet with their respective Head of State or members of their government.Yet, similar meetings have taken place between the Dalai Lama and Ireland’s President Mary Robinson, South Africa’s PresidentNelson Mandela, Italy’s Prime Minister Massimo D’Alema, Germany’s Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer, Australia’s Prime MinisterJohn Howard, and Thailand’s King Bumipol to name a few. In 1999, there have also been some reciprocal visits. A UnitedStates congressional delegation visited Dharamsala to meet with representatives of the CTA and recent arrivals.114 AustralianSenator Bob Brown, visited Tibet unofficially on holiday. On his return to Beijing he held a press conference in which he expressedhis shock at the high level of militarism Tibet and the stifling of Tibetan freedom.115 Still, there are countries who succumb toChinese pressure, refusing the Dalai Lama an entry visa into their country, even if the purposeis solely to give a religious lectureat the invitation of a religious community, such as the case with Nepal in 1991 and Sri Lanka.

There are a few admirable countries who have openly defied China, not only to meet with the Dalai Lama on an official basis,but also to openly voice support for the Tibetan nonviolent movement. Lithuania and the Czech Republic are the only countries todate to meet with the Dalai Lama officially as the head of the Tibetan government in exile. In 1950, Malaysia and Irelandsponsored the Tibetan government’s appeal against the Chinese invasion to the United Nations. El Salvador was the only country toopenly support the motion. The motion was adjourned after statements made by India and Great Britain.

Despite the lack of attention Tibet has received in the United Nations in regards to their political status, Tibetans have receivedsupport from the United Nations against the human rights abuses carried out by the Chinese in Tibet. The UN General Assembly haspassed three resolutions condemning China’s human rights abuses in 1959, 1961, and 1965. UN sub-commissions dealing withhuman rights violations have since taken up the issue. The UN Sub-Commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protectionof minority Rights made a similar resolution to the General Assembly resolution in 1991. The UN Sub-Commission on Human Rightshas also taken up the issue of human rights abuses in China and Tibet. In 1993, a mildly worded resolution focusing on theneed to allow UN officials investigate human rights abuses in Tibet was absolved after a vote in favor of a no action motion setforth by China. China has successfully manipulated similar resolutions set forth by the UN Sub-Commission on Human Rightsin the past.

Gains have been made on other governmental levels. The European Parliament has come out in favor of Tibet, not only inregards to human rights, but also in acknowledging Tibet’s illegal occupation by China and the self-determination wishes of the



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Virtual Tibet and Cyber Struggle.

Cyber Struggle activists use of the internet as a contest ground for ideological conflicts between states and non-governmentalactors. The internet has allowed cross-border alliances of non-governmental organizations to challenge the very legitimacyof some nation states, and their policies. The International Campaign to Ban Landmines is perhaps the best example of thistype of global policy formation being implemented ‘from below’. While this form of activism takes place in ‘cyber space’, thestakes can be high and results are sought in the physical world.

Tibet is as accessible and as real as China on the internet today. Tibetans and Tibet Support Groups world wide use theinternet for public education on Tibet as a political issue, to promote Tibetan culture, and to develop campaigns towardcertain goals on, literally, hundreds of sites. The most successful use of the internet to challenge to the legitimacy of thePRC to make decisions in relation to Tibet, was the defeat of it’s plans to increase Han Chinese population flow into Tibetusing multi-lateral funding (see World Bank campaign). This action will become and inspiration and a blueprint for activistsworldwide seeking to curb the power of both the multi-lateral funding agencies (IMF, WB, Asia Development Bank) andauthoritarian regimes.

Tibetan people. It has passed a total of twelve resolutions concerning Tibet. These resolutions not onlycondemn China’s human rights violations, but also calls onthe Chinese government to resume talks withthe Tibetan Government in Exile and outlines a constructive approach to an independent Tibet as definedby the wishes of the Tibetan people. German, Italian, Swiss, Australian, Liechtenstein, Belgian, and theBasque Autonomous Country parliaments have all put forth various resolutions to their respectivegovernments condemning China’s human rights violations and pressing China to participate in adialogue to resolve the question of Tibet. Most notably, in 1999, a five member European Uniondelegation visited Dharamsala. In addition to meeting recentarrivals, they met with His Holiness theDalai Lama and the Central Tibetan Administration.116


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A Tibetan living in exile recently wrote a letter to the editor of a well-known political journal,chiding them for using the phrase ‘India-China border’ in an editorial. “India shares no borderdirectly with China”, he wrote, “India shares it’s northern border with Occupied Tibet. If youwant Tibet to disappear, just stop talking about it!”

ll of us have the responsibility for quietly supporting or actively condemning injustice in the world. In these brief pageswe have attempted to inspire you with the story of what we believe to be the most significant and strategically wagednon-violent struggle of our time. While the history of this conflict is still a point for scholarly debate, what has been

happening in Tibet today is wrong.

The beauty of the method of waging nonviolent struggle which we have revealed in this booklet is that it is truly open for all toparticipate. Each of us can ask ourselves how we can help in the strategic goals of this campaign. For non-Tibetans, this takesthe form of looking at how we can help bring about a change of policy, if not a change of heart, in Beijing; seeking ways todevelop awareness and compassion for the Tibetan cause among China’s allies; and awakening the people of greater China tothe effects of their governments policies on their Tibetan neighbors.

To expand the use of nonviolent methods in solving political problems in the world today, it is important that people understand thenature of nonviolent power. The major media outlets (all from Western nations) do not present an analysis as to why certain acts donewithout armed force can have power. This is because they equate violence with power and non-use of violence with powerlessness.The human heart responds immediately to the practitioner of nonviolence. Think of the most powerful image to arise out of the


recent Democracy uprising in China- a lone person stopping a line of tanks. While that uprising wassuppressed it has given birth to a lasting democracy movement both within and outside China.

The choice to use nonviolent methods is an ethical choice- we use it because it seems evident to us thatmeans and ends are connected: it is impossible to build peace through violence. Like any other form ofstruggle, the use of nonviolence does not assure victory, and the choice to use nonviolent methods doesnot preclude the adversary from using violence, though it thoroughly undercuts their justification fordoing so. Like any other form of struggle, nonviolence should not be applied dogmatically: there aretimes to advance, times to stay-the-course, and times to make a strategic retreat and re-group.

Tibetans have gained worldwide support and sympathy precisely because they have steadfastly adheredto nonviolent methods. Tibetan support groups have grown enormously in recent times as a result: theTibetan cause offers a clear cut injustice for people’s innate compassion to respond to in an unjust worldthat is ever increasing in complexity.

Our own response has been to research and publish this book to inform you, the reader, how nonviolenceis being used to pursue political justice and peace. We now encourage the readers to join what Gandhicalled “experiments with truth”. Study more about nonviolence, educate yourself about the sources ofinjustice in your region and then join the experiment. X


Political History of the Occupation of Tibet in the 20th Century

Nonviolent Actions by the Tibetan Movement

What You Can Do for the Liberation of Tibet

Bibliography

Notes


X‘Tibetans will live happily in Tibet and Chinese in China’- Agreement between China and Tibet 821 ad

political history of the conflict over the governance of Tibet is beyond the scope of ourmanuscript. It is a subject of a great deal of debate to which several full-length bookshave been devoted. (see bibliography section)

Current events were triggered by the rise to power of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), the establishmentof the Peoples Republic of China (PRC), and it’s subsequent ‘liberation’ of Tibet. In justifying its actions,the CCP focuses both on some legalistic arguments and on its ‘civilizing’ influence-where it liberatedthe serfs from a feudal and oppressive rule. This line of logic is no different than that of the Britishwhen India was its colony, or of the mindset of colonizers everywhere. The Tibetan government inexile counters this version of history with its own, of a ‘happy land of abundance prior to invasion(abetted by Western romance of Shangri-La), and that the Tibetan leadership was a blameless victimsof a brutal tyranny.

Tibet is a land with two histories, and the history varies according to the part of the land you are in.Ethnic Tibet, is much larger than the part of Tibet which was under the governance of the Lhasa governmentin the 1900s. Some Tibetan kingdoms, like Bhutan, are their own independent states. The Tibetanspeaking people of the area of Amdo, about the size of the Benelux countries, wasn’t under the directrule of Lhasa in this century, even though it is the birthplace of the current Dalai Lama. 117 (see map ofTibet)

None-the-less, when the Peoples Liberation Army (PLA) began its invasion/liberation of the Tibetanplateau in the 1950’s, it entered a land where the language was unrelated to Chinese- its script isrelated to ancient Brahmani of India rather than Chinese pictaform characters. The PLA entered and‘reunited’ a land where the inhabitants maintain different and unique religious and cultural practices,with its own art and architecture. This has forced Beijing to focus its claim of sovereignty on obscurehistorical events, or its interpretation of them.

POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE OCCUPATIONOF TIBET IN THE 20TH CENTURY


Key Events of this Century

Prior to the invasion by the PLA, the Lhasa government enjoyed a brief period of total independenceand some limited diplomatic relations with the world. The British maintained a foreign embassy inLhasa. Aware of changes in China, the Lhasa government attempted to negotiate its existence as astate by the Treaty of Simla in 1914. While this Treaty was meant to spell out the relationship betweenTibet and China. China refused to ratify. Tibet then sought to sign the treaty bilaterally with Britain, butLondon, setting the tone for many western states dealing with Tibetans for the rest of this century,declined due to concerns over their trading concessions with China. The Lhasa government had a fewyears during which it could ignore its neighbor to the East, as the Communist and the Nationalistfought for control between themselves, and against Japan.

Occupation and colonization

In 1949, the nationalist government of Chiang Kaishek fell, and the PRC was established on 1 October1949 under the CCP. Prior to victory, the CCP’s policy towards the various ethnic nationalities withinGreater China appeared to follow the Soviet Union’s lead, wherein ethnic territories would be autono-mous republics and would have the right of succession from union. Upon establishment of the PRC,its nationality policy shifted towards political centralism. The new China would be an indivisible multi-ethnic state. By late 1949, the CCP declared that Tibet and Taiwan were an integral part of China.

Lhasa read the writing on the wall, and immediately dispatched letters and delegations to Britain andthe United States. The CCP protested loudly to the west about these missions, but they need not haveworried. The western democracies were not interested in supporting Tibet against an invasion andrefused to accept the delegations from Tibet. 118 Beijing had to consider how to establish its rule overTibet, as Tibet had international status, dealt with foreign nations directly, signed international agreementsand regulated entry into its territory. This set it apart from every other nationality group in China, moreover, there were few Chinese living there. The CCP knew they must move quickly as delay could allowthe Tibetans time to attempt gathering international support. Under Mao Zedong’s guidance, the CCPembarked on a campaign of peaceful liberation- but one backed up by force as they massed PLAtroops in Tibetan areas outside Lhasa’s control. Lhasa stalled for time, and did not send delegates toproposed peace talks in Beijing, leading the CCP to launch a military offensive. Tibet’s insignificantmilitary defenses crumpled under the onslaught of the battle hardened PLA. With the road to Lhasaopen, the CCP halted its military offensive to follow a policy of further ‘peaceful liberation’ and to avoidinternational censure.

The Lhasa Government turned to the UN. Since it was not a member this led to some discussion asto whether Tibet was a ‘state’, and, therefore qualified to bring up it’s issue. Britain examined the appealand decided that Tibet could qualify as a state, 119 however the British Foreign Office felt that it shouldtake the lead on this from its newly released colony, India. India was keen to establish good relationswith China and wasn’t about to bring up the issue in the UN. El Salvador eventually raised the issue,but on the recommendation of both Britain and India further discussion on Tibet was squashed. 120


The Lhasa authorities were left alone to face China, and now felt forced to send a delegation to Beijing.After some months in Beijing, this delegation signed the 17 Point Agreement on the Peaceful Liberationof Tibet, which among other things conceded that Tibet was a part of China. The 16 year old 14th DalaiLama was sitting with his cabinet and top advisors near the Indian border, prepared to flee into exile,should Tibet be invaded. They were shocked to hear the announcement of the 17 point agreement.On the basis of this legal fiction, enacted between two independent States, Tibet lost any independentidentity. Within a year PLA troops marched into Lhasa, completing the occupation. Despite the occu-pation, the agreement was the only one the Chinese government ever signed with an ethnic minority,and promised some level of self rule. On this basis the 14th Dalai Lama and the Lhasa governmentconcluded it was better to stay within Tibet and attempt some level of co-existence with Beijing.

Over the following eight years, the situation on the Tibetan plateau deteriorated rapidly. The CCPexercised direct rule in ethnically Tibetan areas outside the TAR to the east, and forced collectivizationand other socialist reforms that were being mobilized throughout China. This led to both an armedresistance in those areas and refugee flight towards Lhasa. The situation in central Tibet became moreand more tense as the stories of Chinese actions in Tibetan areas outside the TAR became well knownwere combined with the fear that it was only a matter of time before the CCP attempted the samereforms within the TAR. The situation continued to deteriorate until an uprising in Lhasa occurred inMarch of 1959, due to the popular belief that the CCP was planning the seizure or assassination ofthe Dalai Lama. The Fourteenth Dalai Lama, unable to continue to play the role of a buffer betweenhis people and the Chinese Communist Party, fled with his cabinet to India and at once renouncedthe Seventeen-Point Agreement and established the Tibetan government-in-exile.

The autonomy granted Tibet was only ink on paper. Following the departure of the Dalai Lama, thousandsof Tibetans who had taken part in the uprising and resistance activities were jailed. The same methodsof political education which were taking place in China were applied to Tibet. Religious institutionsthroughout Tibet were closed. All clerics were evicted. Properties were confiscated and redistributedaccording to class criteria. These seizures were taking place at the same time as the Great Leap Forwardwithin central China. The resulting famine in central China led to an appropriation of Tibet’s agriculturalproduction to offset the crisis in central China, and led to famine conditions in the early 1960s in Tibet.

This period was followed by the Cultural Revolution, and it’s campaign of destroying the ‘Four Olds’(old ideology, old culture, old customs, old habits). What this meant for Tibet was that all citizens wereruthlessly punished for displaying, practicing or living any element of Tibetan culture. Perfect Proletarianlifestyle as modeled by Red Guards (mostly young Chinese who came by the thousands from centralChina) was required. Religion was absolutely prohibited and remaining monasteries were energeticallydestroyed and uprooted. The population as a whole was forced to endure more political education andstruggle sessions, during which the Red Guards attempted to eliminate all vestiges of Tibetan cultureand identity.

A further round of collectivization was made which established an ever-increasing work quota andtaxation system. As resources were forced to meet unrealistic political outputs the result was a 5-yearfamine from 1968 to 1973. This led to a widespread revolt in 1969, which had to be suppressed byPLA troops and mass public executions.


With the death of Mao Zedong in the mid-70s, the heavy handed massive campaigns of the past 15years changed. Reforms were introduced throughout China, and Tibet also experienced some relief.Significantly, the CCP under Deng Xiapeng’s leadership, released many of the Tibetans who had beenimprisoned during the previous 15 years, and opened dialog leading to delegations from the TibetanGovernment-in-Exile to Tibet. Chinese authorities, perhaps under the influence of their own propaganda,invited the delegations to witness the improvements made to Tibet under Chinese rule. They even feltthe need to ask the citizens of Lhasa to behave politely and not attack the delegations. The Chineseauthorities were shocked when Tibetans turned out in mobs of the tens of thousands displaying bothjubilation and defiance, and shouts for independence. The Chinese cut-short the visit of the delegationsand further visits were postponed indefinitely.

This shock did lead to some level of self-examination by the CCP. The former hard-line Party Secretaryto the TAR was sacked, and CCP General Secretary Hu Yaobang with Chinese Vice Premier Wan Li visitedTibet on a fact finding mission in 1980 for Beijing. Hu Yaobang was so shaken by the devastated stateof Tibet he is reported to have said “This reminds me of colonialism”. He made a series of recommendationswhich became policy and led to the reforms of the 1980s. Importantly, they attempted to take in theuniqueness of the situation in Tibet and not treat it like any other part of China. Exemption of the previouslymentioned quota and taxation systems were the most important. Also land was de-collectivized, distri-buted among commune members, who could now keep or dispose of their produce as they saw fit.The standard of living in the TAR improved significantly, and they saw fit to plow some of their resourcesinto the rebuilding and supporting the growth of monasteries and a monastic community, a cornerstoneof Tibetan culture and life. This was allowed through reform of the previous restriction on cultural andreligious activities. The early 80s were a period in which Tibetan culture reappeared on the Tibetan plateau,and the monasteries in particular have come to signify Tibetan cultural survival and an icon for theTibetan nation. This set the stage for the monasteries to become the principle ‘battleground’ betweenTibetan resistance to the occupation and Beijing’s attempts to maintain political control.

Since the mid-90s, CCP authorities in the TAR have attempted to limit the space for nationalist sentimentsto take root in the monasteries, by limiting the number of monks. Through the mid-90s, work teams ofcadres have expelled thousands of monks from the monastic communities, destroyed and forbiddenpictures of the titular head of an independent Tibet AND their religious leader- His Holiness the DalaiLama. A new round of political education campaigns have been conducted to demand that Tibetan monksand nuns denounce the Dalai Lama. Perhaps no other activity could have been undertaken that wouldhave been sure of triggering enormous resistance. Daily acts of non-compliance, non-cooperationand defiance now characterized one of the longest running nonviolent self determination strugglesknown in modern history.

“The issue of Tibet is not merely a question of the survival of a people with theirown distinct history and culture, it also has direct bearing on the fate of thisworld and Asian peace, and particularly upon the relationship between theworld’s two most populous nations, India and China. At stake is also theserious question of human rights, as enshrined in the United Nations’ UniversalDeclaration of Human Rights, and the world body’s effort to put an end tothe era of colonialism and expansionism.”– His Holiness Tenzin Gyatso, the 14th Dalai Lama of Tibet


XNONVIOLENT ACTIONBY THE TIBETAN MOVEMENT

ó Actions by Tibetans in Tibet¯ Actions by Tibetans in Exile and by the International Community

Protest Action

ó ¯ó ¯ó ¯ó ¯ó ¯ Poster campaignsThe act of posting posters or leaflets is to ensure that the content reaches the widest possibleaudience. The purpose can be to educate and encourage the resisting population or to communicatepolitical opposition directly to the oppressor.

ó ¯ó ¯ó ¯ó ¯ó ¯ GraffitiGraffiti is used with the same purpose as the posting of posters, however, it uses the direct mediumof paint on walls rather than ink on paper then posted on walls.

ó ¯ó ¯ó ¯ó ¯ó ¯ Producing/distributing pamphlets, leaflets or booksThe act of producing or distributing pamphlets, leaflets or books is a means by which to communicatewith the oppressed pro-independence ideas, banned material from abroad and other material centralto the nonviolent struggle.

ó ¯ó ¯ó ¯ó ¯ó ¯ DemonstrationsDemonstrating is a public act that can be carried out by one to many people with the aim ofcommunicating to the oppressor group and allies group of non-acceptance of the current regime. It alsomay serve to empower the resisting population.


óóóóó Disruption of Patriotic Re-education campaigns (walk-out)One or more people can express their political objections by either disrupting or walking out of aconference, assembly, meeting or discussion before it has been adjourned.

ó ¯ó ¯ó ¯ó ¯ó ¯ Displaying/possessing the Tibetan national flag/photograph of the Dalai LamaPublic display of a symbol of independence, such as the Tibetan national flag, is an act of politicalprotest, communicating to the oppressor political loyalties and can have a mobilizing effect uponthe resistant population.

ó ¯ó ¯ó ¯ó ¯ó ¯ Chanting pro-independence slogansChanting slogans is a vocal outright show of political defiance, often used during demonstrations.

óóóóó SingingSinging songs whose lyrics communicate political defiance can both demonstrate non-acceptanceof oppressor’s regime, as well as serve to empower the resisting population.

óóóóó Demonstrative funeralsDemonstrative funerals (or carrying those killed by the oppressor) is a sign of protest or moralcondemnation. Those carried may be prominent figures of the resistance or unknown demonstrators.It also may serve to rally the oppressed group.

ó ¯ó ¯ó ¯ó ¯ó ¯ Buddhist/cultural ritual as protestReligious and cultural acts may be conducted so that the participants are doing actions of politicaldefiance and protest.

óóóóó Spontaneous public involvementSpontaneous (unplanned) public involvement shows widespread support for the oppressed groupand the nonviolent struggle in cases where organizing must be underground.

óóóóó Religious boycottA religious boycott is a refusal of the religious community to continue/conduct usual religiousactivities with the oppressor. It therefore signifies withdrawal of support and cooperation with theoppressor.

óóóóó Hartal (closure of shops)A method of nonviolent action in which the economic life of an area is temporarily suspended ona voluntary basis in order to demonstrate extreme dissatisfaction with some event, policy or condition,or to show support for an event sponsored by the resistance, i.e. demonstrations.

ó ¯ó ¯ó ¯ó ¯ó ¯ Processions (peace marches)Processions or peace marches are similar to demonstration, however, they cover a greater distance.

ó ¯ó ¯ó ¯ó ¯ó ¯ Blockades/barricadesThe act of forming a human blockade to prevent the passage of officials of the oppression in orderto draw attention to the severity of issue at hand.

¯̄̄̄̄ Economic boycottA refusal of consumers to purchase products certain goods or services.


¯̄̄̄̄ Self-emulationSelf-emulation is the act of publicly setting one-self on fire in an extreme act to achieve social or politicalobjectives by bringing attention to the gravity and urgency of the issue involved.

¯̄̄̄̄ Street theatreThe use of performance art to focus public attention on a political issue.

¯̄̄̄̄ Refusal to enter into business partnershipsBusinesses refusing to conduct business or enter into a joint partnership with the oppressing regimeon account of its oppressive policy.

¯̄̄̄̄ Individual campaignsActions by individuals nonviolent in nature that serve to educate others regarding the nature of thestruggle, or communicate to the oppressor one’s support of the oppressed.

Non-cooperation with the Occupation

óóóóó Non-cooperation/non-compliance with Chinese officialsNon-cooperation is the outright refusal to follow the orders of the oppressor, whereas non-complianceisthe act of not carrying out orders given. The former entails greater risk to the nonviolent actor.

ó ¯ó ¯ó ¯ó ¯ó ¯ Displaying/possessing photographs of the Dalai LamaA public display of a symbol that of independence is politically defiant, communicating to theoppressor political loyalties and can have a mobilizing effect upon the resistant population.

ó ¯ó ¯ó ¯ó ¯ó ¯ Hunger strikeA hunger strike is carried out with the purpose of achieving social or political objectives. It is amethod of psychological intervention, in that it attempts to alter the will of the oppressor to carryout the oppression or that of the oppressor’s allies.

óóóóó SilenceCorporate silence is a method used to express moral condemnation to the oppressor’s actions.

ó ¯ó ¯ó ¯ó ¯ó ¯ Removal/destruction of Chinese symbols of authorityBy removing Chinese symbols of authority (and replacing them with pro-independence symbols),the resistance demonstrates their non-acceptance of the current regime.

óóóóó Possession of banned literaturePossession of banned literature/items is an act of ignoring laws set by the opposition.

óóóóó Symbolic gesturesActs by individuals or groups that have symbolic representation of showing extreme dissatisfactionwith some event, policy or condition.

óóóóó Voicing opposition to government policiesPublic statements made by individuals of social rank in open criticism to policies of the oppressor.

óóóóó Solidarity actsNonviolent actions used to display a feeling of solidarity with others also engaged in the movement.


Positive Action/Constructive Program

¯̄̄̄̄ Government-in-exileThis method involves the creation of a new government or a continuation of the pre-oppressorgovernment that receives overwhelming support from the populace that in affect replaces theoppressor’s established government in representing the people. Ideally, this government wouldcarry out all official duties of government on behalf of the oppressed population, including foreignrelations. This offers an alternative to the existing oppressor regime.

óóóóó Communicating with outsidersRelaying the true circumstances of the oppressor’s regime to the society of the oppressor’s alliesis one method by which to change the will of that society in supporting the oppressor.

óóóóó Compiling prisoner lists/human rights violationsThe act of compiling prisoner lists and human rights violations and smuggling the informationoutside of Tibet has been primarily used to relay the truth of the Tibetan situation to the internationalcommunity and thus to generate support among the oppressor’s allies constituency.

óóóóó Underground organizingUnderground organizing provides leadership and communication for the nonviolent struggle undercases of extremely ruthless opponents.

ó ¯ó ¯ó ¯ó ¯ó ¯ Promoting Tibetan language & cultureThe promotion of culture, language, religion, medicine, etc. of the oppressed serves to maintain theidentity of the oppressed and empower them by offering an alternative to the oppressing regime.Language and culture is a very powerful medium for empowering individuals, as it keeps them intouch with their identity. In addition, it serves to educate the allies’ society by showing that thereis something very important to preserve and defend.

ó ¯ó ¯ó ¯ó ¯ó ¯ PetitioningPetitions are written requests or supplications seeking to the redress of a specific grievance signedby a large number of individuals, a smaller group, or individuals acting on the behalf of a constituency.The petitions can either be sent directly to the oppressor or the oppressor’s allies.

óóóóó Monastic hartalThe temporary voluntary closure of monasteries by all the monks is demonstrates support for theresistance or extreme dissatisfaction with some event, policy or condition. It is also a form of non-cooperation with the oppressor regime.

óóóóó SabotageSabotage is a deliberate act of altering or destroying an item used by the oppressor for purposesof propaganda or oppression. In its nonviolent form it does not lead to the harm of any individual.

óóóóó Promoting Human rights in TibetPromoting human rights in Tibet, whether in public statements, petitions to the Chinese authorities,or simply by translating a copy of the universal declaration of human rights into Tibetan andcirculating it to the public in an education effort, has the effect of providing alternatives to the


¯̄̄̄̄ Radio broadcastingLike other forms of media coverage, radio broadcasting counters the monopoly China has on mediagoing on in and out of Tibet. Radio broadcasting has formed the main link of communication toTibetans inside Tibet.

óóóóó Listening to banned radio broadcastsListening to what the Chinese Government considers banned radio broadcasts is not only an act ofnon-cooperation with the regime (and a practice of a human right) but it also serves as a channelof communication for Tibetans to receive news of the outside world.

óóóóó Assisting asylum and refugee activitiesThe act of assisting Tibetans seeking asylum or assisting with refugee activities directly challengesthe authority of the oppressor.

óóóóó Reclaiming historyThe process by which the oppressed reclaims their history from the history projected by the oppressor.

¯̄̄̄̄ Promotional eventAn event used for the purposes of educating the allies’ society to the issue and generating supportfor the cause.

¯̄̄̄̄ Official government resolutions condemning China’s actions in TibetOfficial government resolutions by either one government or a coalition of governments shows inter-national condemnation of the oppressor’s actions and support for the oppressed and is used tocreate pressure on the oppressor to refrain from oppressive acts.

¯̄̄̄̄ Meetings with official government Head’s of State to discuss TibetMeeting with official government representatives or head’s of state to discuss Tibet is a form of educationand generating support for the cause. It also allows for the State in question to recognize that theChinese government does not represent the Tibetan people.

¯̄̄̄̄ Major media coverage supporting TibetMedia coverage that reports on the true nature of the situation in Tibet, or helps to disseminateinformation on the Tibetan liberation struggle, educates the allies’ society as well as providingalternative perceptions for the people of China and Tibet regarding the struggle

¯̄̄̄̄ International recognition of the Tibetan causeInternational awards and recognition given to individuals who are participating in the nonviolentstruggle brings international attention to the issue while also creating international pressure on theoppressor to end their policies of oppression.


Xeaders of Tibet Support Groups and Aid Projects have developed the following list of ways for non-Tibetans to support Tibet, the Tibetan struggle and help make a difference in the lives of Tibetans bothinside Tibet and in exile. They represent a spectrum of strategies and efforts of people who care about

Tibet, and want to do something practical to help. This list is endorsed by the Tibetan Government in Exile.- We include in [ ] the method of nonviolent action.

BUILD A SCHOOL [Constructive Program]

Most children in rural Tibet have no schools. 44% of Tibetans are illiterate in any language, and the majority of Tibetanscannot read and write Tibetan today. Under Chinese rule, much of Tibet’s education funding is spent in China, leavinglittle for Tibetansin Tibet. Groups in several countries are making a huge difference for hundreds of children. They arefunding building of schools where there were none, expanding others, and providing funds for text books and basichealth care. Contact your nearest Tibet Support group to find an organization you can participate in on this.

GIVE A PRISONER HOPE [Solidarity]

A Chinese prison official in Lhasa recently said that he had received many letters of concern for Tibetans prisoners.Letters written by ordinary individuals worldwide DO get through. We know that this has made a tremendous differenceimproving conditions, preventing or lessening torture, and leading to an early release of some prisoners. GendunRinchen, a tour guide who was released after 7 months without being tortured, is living proof. Chinese officialsreceived thousands of letters about him. Watch for urgent prisoner appeals in Tibetan support group newsletters, andcontact Amnesty International to become part of an international China campaign.

WHAT YOU CAN DOFOR THE LIBERATION OF TIBET


SUPPORT A NUN IN EXILE [Solidarity]

Tibetan nuns are at the forefront of the demonstrations for Tibetan independence in Lhasa, and they face brutaltorture and reprisals in prison. Once released, they are often banned from returning to their nunneries, and manyend up fleeing to India for refuge. In India the nunneries are overcrowded and desperately need funds for books,clothes, and general support. Again, offer through a national Tibet Support, or write the Tibetan Government in Exile.

TELL YOUR ELECTED OFFICIALS OR GOVERNMENT WHAT YOU THINK [Political Intervention]

Parliamentarians, usually acting on their personal time, have done a great deal for Tibet. However, they need to hearfrom their constituents to keep supporting Tibet. Both the US and Norwegian governments have allocated funds whichallow for Radio broadcasts in Tibetan language, which are now the most popular news sources in Tibet. Variousgovernments through their refugee assistance and technical training programs provide annual assistance for Tibetanrefugees in India and Nepal. Some maintain a policy that Tibet is an occupied nation under foreign rule, and recognizethe Dalai Lama as the rightful head of the country. Urge them to continue their support. Letters, phone calls andpersonal visits count!

VOTE WITH YOUR WALLET - BOYCOTT CHINESE GOODS [Direct Action/Boycott]

Boycotting Chinese goods is a simple and direct way for anyone to ‘vote with their wallet’. A growing boycott campaignis being led by the Students for a Free Tibet. It is helpful to send notices of your refusal to buy Chinese goods in a letteror fax to a Chinese Embassy or Trade office, with a copy to your local Business council or Commerce club. Be carefulnot to inflame racial hatred, be specific- you are doing this to oppose China’s occupation of Tibet-not to opposeChinese!

TRAVEL WISELY [Education for Action]

China is trying to use tourism in Tibet to legitimize its rule there, and to showcase selected monasteries and sites toprove Tibetans are content. Moreover, most tourist dollars, particularly on group tours, go to Chinese pockets, and do littleto help impoverished Tibetan communities. If you travel in a group, make sure the company uses Tibetan guides, andpatronizes Tibetan businesses. Educate yourself about Tibet before you go, and contact and contribute to Tibetanorganizations in exile. For more suggestions about how you can make your trip help Tibetans, and for a map andguide of Lhasa which explains what Chinese tour guides will try to hide, again seek resources through Tibet SupportGroups.

GIVE AS IF LIVES DEPEND ON IT [Solidarity]

Join and donate to both national and local Tibet Support organizations. Local support groups are doing important worksuch as informing local media, putting on appropriate events to educate the general public. National group scheduleevents which will move government policy on Tibet. Everybody concerned or working for Tibet needs to make at leasta small monetary contribution to one or more of these activities.


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India: Navajivan, 1927.—. Constructive Programme: Its Meaning and Place. 2d ed. Ahmedabad, India: Navajivan, 1945.—. Non-violent resistance (Satyagraha). Ed. Charatan Kumarappa. New York: Schoken, 1961.Gregg, Richard B. The Power of Nonviolence. 2d ed. London: James Clarke, 1960.Hare, A. Paul, and Herbert H. Blumberg, eds. Liberation without Violence: A Third-Party Approach. London:

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JOURNALS AND PERIODICALSHuman Rights Update. Dharamsala: Tibetan Center for Human Rights and Democracy.Tibetan Bulletin. Dharamsala: Central Tibetan Administration.TIN Background Briefing Papers. London: Tibet Information Network.TIN News Review. London: Tibet Information Network.TIN News Updates. London: Tibet Information Network.TIN Summary. London: Tibet Information Network.


Notes

1 The Fourteenth Dalai Lama, My Land and My People, New York: Potala, 1962.2 Sharp, Gene, The Methods of Nonviolent Action: Part II of the Politics of Nonviolent Action, Boston: Porter Surgent Publishers, 1973.3 Ibid.4 Burrows, Robert J., The Strategy of Nonviolent Defense: A Gandhian Approach, New York: State University of New York Press, 1996.5 Ibid.6 Interview with a former member of the Tibetan underground movement.7 Interview with a former Ganden monk.8 Barnett, Robbie, “The Development of Nonviolent Political Protest in Tibet,” (6 August 1991).9 Interview with former member of the Tibetan underground movement.10 Human Rights Update, Tibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democracy (TCHRD) (31 May 97).11 TIN News Update, Tibet Information Network (26 Apr 95).12 Tibetan Bulletin, Central Tibetan Administration (January-February 1999).13 Human Rights Update (Oct 1999)14 Interview with a former Ganden Monk.15 Interview with Tibetan farmer.16 Schwartz, Ronald D., Circle of Protest: Political Ritual in the Tibetan Uprising, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers Private Limited, 1994.17 Human Rights Update (October 1999).18 Human Rights Update (30 September 1999).19 TIN News Update (4 August 1998).20 Schwartz, 1994.21 Interview with member of the Tibetan underground movement.22 Tibet Information Network and Human Rights Watch/Asia, Cutting Off the Serpent’s Head: Tightening Control in Tibet, 1994-1995,

New York: Human Rights Watch, 1996.23 TIN News Update (19 August 1992).24 TIN Document 2 (XZ) 9 3/B (Testimony), Tibet Information Network.25 TIN Summary (BB), Tibet Information Network (25 May 1990).26 TIN News Review, Tibet Information Network, (April 1994).27 TIN News Update (26 Apr 95).28 Human Rights Update (30 November 1996).29 Marshall, Steven D., Hostile Elements: A Study of Political Imprisonment in Tibet: 1987-1998, Tibet Information Network, London: 1999.30 Human Rights Update (31 August 1999).31 Tibet: Crackdown on Humanity, Tibetan Center for Human Rights and Democracy, January 1999.32 Schwartz, 1994.33 Ibid.34 Ibid.35 TIN News Review (April-December 1995).36 Schwartz, 1994.37 TIN News Review (March 1999).38 TIN News Review (28 December 1995).39 Present Conditions in Tibet, Tibetan Centre on Human Rights and Democracy.40 TIN News Review (6 July 1994).41 Barnett, (6 August 1991).42 TIN News Update (31 July 93).43 Tibet: Crackdown on Humanity, January 1999.44 Cutting Off the Serpent’s Head: Tightening Control in Tibet, 1994-1995, 1996.45 “Lhoka Farmers Block Road, 18 Arrests,” TIN News Update (31 July 1993)46 TIN News Update (11 August 1993).47 TIN News Review (28 December 1995).48 Schwartz, 1994.


49 Ibid.50 Barnett, (6 August 1991).51 A Sea of Bitterness: Patriotic Education in Qinghai Monasteries, London: Tibet Information Network, 1999.52 Schwartz, 1994.53 TIN News Update (20 May 1999)54 TIN News Review (8 November 1994) and Human Rights Update (April 2000).55 Marshall, 1999.56 TIN News Update (26 April 1995).57 Human Rights Update (15 August 1998).58 China in Tibet: Striking Hard Against Human Rights, 1997 Annual Report, Tibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democracy, and

Tibet: Crackdown on Humanity, 1998 Annual Report, Tibetan Center for Human Rights and Democracy.59 Human Rights Update (15 Dec 1996).60 Schwartz, 1994.61 Human Rights Update (30 Dec 1996).62 TIN News Review (18 March 1997).63 Interview with the Tibetan Women’s Association.64 TIN News Review (8 November 1994).65 Cutting Off the Serpent’s Head: Tightening Control in Tibet, 1994-1995, 1996.66 Marshall, 1999.67 Barnett, (6 August 1991).68 TIN News Update (10 November 1990).69 China in Tibet: Striking Hard Against Human Rights, 1997 Annual Report.70 Detained in China and Tibet, Asia Watch, New York, February 1994.71 TIN News Update (26 April 1995).72 Human Rights Update (15 August 1998).73 China’s Criminal Law, British Broadcasting Corporation Worldwide Monitoring, 1997.74 Tibetan Bulletin (November-December 1996) and Tibetan Bulletin (March-April 1998).75 Interview with a former Ganden monk.76 TIN News Review (18 March 1997).77 Striving Under Surveillance-2, Tibet Centre on Human Rights and Democracy.78 Cutting Off the Serpent’s Head: Tightening Control in Tibet, 1994-1995, 1996.79 Human Rights Update (30 December 1996).80 Interview with a Tibetan now living in exile.81 TIN News Update (Revised) (2 July 1992).82 TIN News Update (26 April 1995).83 Tibetan Bulletin (March-April 1999).84 Barnett, (6 August 1991).85 TIN News Review (18 March 1997).86 China in Tibet: Striking Hard Against Human Rights, 1997 Annual Report.87 TIN News Review (18 March 1997).88 Interview with a former Chubsa nun now living in exile.89 Schwartz, 1994.90 Interview with a Tibetan farmer.91 TIN News Update (26 April 1995).92 TIN News Review (18 March 1997).93 Human Rights Update, (May 2000).94 Tibetan Bulletin (January-February 1999).95 Interview with a former Ganden monk.96 TIN News Update (31 July 1994).97 TIN News Update (30 November 1994).98 Schwartz, 1994.99 TIN News Review (30 November 1994).100 TIN News Update (26 Dec 1996).


101 Human Rights Update (30 September 1999).102 See nonviolence section.103 His Holiness the Dalai Lama, in a spirit of moving forward negotiations with Beijing, developed what he calls the middle path. These are

talks without preconditions with a possible outcome of true autonomy rather than absolute independence. While this is now theofficial policy of the Tibetan government in exile, Tibetan NGOs and many individuals still seek complete independence.

104 See nonviolence section.105 See nonviolence section.106 Personal interview with the Secretary, Department of Information and International Relations.107 An event like a peace march but undertaken by bicycle.108 There is a great amount of debate as to whether self-emulation or a hunger strike onto death are acts of nonviolence since they are obviously

damage inflicted by an individual on themselves. This appears to be an act of great violence even if it is not perpetrated onto another.

However, to the extent that it is a conscious action of self-sacrifice to awaken society to a greater suffering, it can be considered a highact of nonviolence.

109 Buddhism has three main sects: Vajrayana, Mahayana and Theravada. Each has subsects within. Vajrayana is found mostly among thecountries of central Asia, where Mahayana is found more in East Asia and Theravada is found mostly in SE Asia.

110 These same types of retaliatory measures are taken against countries which receive Taiwanese presidents. Nelson Mandela, whose AfricanNational Congress received support from the Peoples Republic of China during its liberation struggle, was criticized as a new president

of South Africa by the PRC for having diplomatic relations with Taiwan and receiving the Dalai Lama. His response was “I agree withChina that this is an internal matter, so please do not bring it to us and deal with it directly yourselves” as both a rebuke and encouragement for China to begin sincere dialog with the Tibetan and Taiwanese governments.

111 Tibetan Bulletin (May-June 2000).112 Tibetan Bulletin (May-June 1999).113 Tibet Press Watch, International Campaign for Tibet (March 1999).114 Tibet Press Watch (June 1999).115 Tibetan Bulletin (September-October 1999).116 Tibetan Bulletin (July-August 1999).117 For the purposes of our manuscript, we focus on predominantly ethnic Tibetan areas within the current borders of the PRC, and where non

violent resistance to CCP domination of Tibetan culture is taking place. Some of these areas lay outside the borders of the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR) of the PRC.

118 The US was even afraid of delivering an answer to Tibet in writing, as it might be “considered by the Tibetans as recognition of their independent status”. Washington instructed it’s Embassy in New Delhi to pass on a verbal reply, dissuading the Tibetans from sending adelegation. Britain did likewise.

119 After a lengthy study, the International Commission of Jurists concluded that ‘Tibet demonstrated the conditions of statehood generallyaccepted under International Law’ (1960).

120 None-the-less, Tibet was not absolutely friendless. In what today would seem and odd combination, Malaysia and Ireland sponsored the firstof a series of UN Resolutions which condemned the Chinese invasion and occupation of Tibet.