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TransparentWishesKaivonFintel andSabineIatridou
April21,2017Berlin
1
“Transparent”comesfromvonFintel andIatridou 2008“Howtosayought inForeign”.
Wehadstudiedtheweaknecessitymodalought:
1. Yououghttodothedishesbutyoudon’thaveto2a.#Youhavetodothedishesbutyoudon’thaveto.b.#Youmustdothedishesbutyoudon’thaveto.
Wefoundthatinmanylanguagesought isexpressedbytheadditionofcertainmorphologyonauniversal/necessitymodal.Specifically,themorphologythatappearsintheconsequentofa“counterfactual”conditional.Wecalledthese“transparentought”.
2
Greektransparentought:
3.Tha eprepe na plinis tapiata ala dhen ise ipexreomenos na tokanisFUTmust+Past NAwashthedishesbutNEGareobligedNAitdo‘Yououghttodothedishesbutyouarenotobligedtodoit’
Frenchtransparentought :
4.Tu devrais fairelavaisselle,mais tu n’es pasobligéyoumust/CONDdothedishesbutyounot+are notobliged‘yououghttodothedishesbutyouarenotobligedtodothem’
Andseveralothers,includingnon-IElanguages. 3
Englishisanoutlierinhavingalexicalitemfortheweaknecessitymodal.(thoughhistoricallyonecandetectCFmorphologyonought)
So“transparentought”: strongnecessitymodal+CFconsequentmorphology
4
Entertwomoreterms:X-markingvsO-markingWeintroducedtheterm“X-markedconditionals”in2016, inworkandinclass,withtheintentionofreplacingtheterms“subjunctiveconditionals”and“counterfactualconditionals”.
“subjunctiveconditionals”isnotagoodtermbecausemanyoftherelevantconditionalsdon’tusethesubjunctive,evenifthelanguagehasasubjunctive(e.g.French).
“counterfactualconditionals”isnotagoodtermbecausemanyoftherelevantconditionalsarenotcontra-to-fact.ForexampleFLVs:5.Ifyoulefttomorrow,youwouldgettherenextweek
Andmoreover,evenoutsideofFLVs, thecounterfactuality hasbeenshowntobecancellable(Anderson1951).
5
So“X-marking” iswhatevermorphologyonconditionalsbringsaboutacounterfactualorunlikely (cancellable)inference.TheabsenceofX-marking isO-marking.
X:extraO:ordinary,open…
X-markedconditional:6.Ifheknewtheanswer,hewouldtellher
O-markedconditional:7.Ifheknowstheanswer,hewilltellher 6
Transparentought:strongnecessitymodal+consequentX-marking,interpretedasaweaknecessitymodalintheactualworld.
OurproposalaimedtoexplainwhyX-markingonastrongnecessitymodalcouldyieldaweaknecessitymodalintheactualworld:
“Perhaps,then,thecounterfactualmarkingisco-optedhereinasomewhatmeta-linguistickindofway:“ifwewereinacontextinwhichthesecondaryorderingsourcewaspromoted,thenitwouldbeastrongnecessitythat...”.ThiswouldexplainwhyeventhoughthereisCF-morphology,themodalclaimismadefirmlyabouttheactualworld;allthatthemorphologymarksisachangeinevaluationparameters.Itprobablynotanaccidentthatcounterfactualmarkingbringswithitanelementoftentativeness:thespeakerisnotsayingthatthesecondaryorderingsourceissomethingthathastobeobeyed.Thechoiceofwhethertoreallypromotethesecondaryorderingsourceisleftopen.”
7
Notethatthepresenceofconsequent X-marking isvaguelyjustifiedbythemodalbeinginthe consequentofanX-markedconditional.
Wehadalsonotedthattransparentought isactuallyambiguous,unlikeEnglishought.
English:-aweaknecessitymodalintheactualworld:8.Fredought tousetheboat
-astrongnecessitymodalina“CF”world:9.IfFredwantedtogototheisland,hewouldhavetousetheboat
8
Butinalanguagewithtransparentought,theformsarethesame:
-aweaknecessity modal intheactualworld:
10.tha eprepe na pari aftin tinvarkamust+X takethistheboat‘heoughttotaketheboat’
-astrongnecessity modal ina“CF”world:
11.AnoFredithele na pai sto nisi,tha eprepe na pari aftin tinvarkaIftheFredwantedtogoto-the island,must+X takethis theboat
‘IfFredwantedtogototheisland, hewouldhavetousetheboat’
9
WhycanX-markingonanEnglishnecessitymodalnotmeanought?
12.Heoughttodothewishes=/=13.Hewouldhavetodothedishes
Wedidn’tknow.Ablockingeffect?
10
Sowhatare“Transparentwishes”?
Thereissomethingpeoplecall“Counterfactualwishes”:
14.HewishesshehadaHondaOdyssey15.Shewishesshewastallerthansheis
CFwishesareamisnomer:thedesireisintheactualworld.
11
12
Inmanylanguages,thereisamorphologicalcommonalitybetweenX-markedconditionalsandCFwishes(Iatridou 2000).
Inthefullversionofthegeneralization,themorphologyontheX-conditionalconsequentappearsontheembeddingverbwant andthemorphologyontheX-conditionalantecedentappearsonitscomplement:
16.X-markedconditional:ifpm1,qm2
17.CFwish:Iwantm2 thatpm1
WewillcallthistheConditional/Desire(C/D)generalization.
SpanishX-markedconditional:
18.Sifuera más alto sería unjugador debaloncesto.Ifbe.3.sg.PAST.SUBJ moretallbe.3.sg.COND aplayerofbasketball‘Ifs/hewastaller,s/hewouldbeabastketball player’
SpanishCFwish:
19.Querría que fuera más altodeloque es.Want.3.sg.COND thats/hebe.3.sg.PAST.SUBJ moretallthanits/heis‘Iwishs/hewastallerthans/heis
13
Wewillfollowthepreviouslyestablishedterminologyandusetheterm“X-markeddesires”forCF-wishes.
X-markeddesiresareinoppositiontoO-markeddesires.
14
SpanishO-markeddesireshaveindicativeonwant andpresentsubjunctiveonthecomplement(whenthecomplementisnotinfinitival).
X-markeddesire:20.Querría que fuera más altodeloque es.
Want.3.sg.COND thatbe.3.sg.PAST.SUBJ moretallthanits/heis‘Iwishs/hewastallerthans/heis
O-markeddesire:21Quiero que sea alto.
Want.1.sg.INDthatbe.3.sg.PR.SUBJ tall‘Iwanthimtobetall’
15
“Transparentwishes”:
onepartoftheC/Dgeneralization:want+X-marking
Spanish,Greek,Frenchandothersaretransparentwish languages.
Englishisnot.Ithasalexicalizeditemwish, justasithasalexicalizeditemought.
Moreover,justasinthecaseoftransparentought, i.e.strong necessitymodal+X,X-markedwantisambiguousbetweenamodalclaimabouttheactualworldandamodalclaiminaCFworld.
16
A desireinaCFworld:Idon’thaveadesireintheactualworld
22.Anitan psiloteros tha ithele makritero krevatiifwastallerFUTwant+Past longerbed‘Ifhewastallerhewouldwantalongerbed’
Adesireintheactualworld:
23.Tha ithele na imun psiloteriFUTwant+Past NAwastaller‘ShewishesIwastaller’
17
Andasinthecaseofweaknecessity, thisambiguity isnotfoundinEnglish:
24.(Ifheweretaller)hewouldwanttohavealongerbed
=/=
25.Hewisheshehadalongerbed
ThenextimageisfromvonFintel andIatridou 2006:18
(77) Anif
itanwas
psiloterostaller
thaFUT
ithelewant+Past
makriterolonger
krevatibed
‘If he was taller he would want a longer bed’
(78) ThaFUT
ithelawant+Past
naNA
imunwas
psiloteritaller
‘I wish I was taller’
English, on the other hand, lexicalizes into one item the case where the de-sire is in the actual world (wish30) while the periphrastic string is reserved fordesire in a counterfactual world (would want to). The parallelism to the caseof ought should now be clear: English chooses specialized lexical items forthe interpretation where the modal claim holds in the actual world (ought) andwhere the desire holds in the actual world (wish).
We can visualize the situation as follows:
transparent languages: strong necessity + CF
OUGHTmodal claim in actual
world
WOULD HAVE TOmodal claim in
counterfactual world
English:
"ought" "would have to"
WISHdesire in actual
world
WOULD WANTdesire in
counterfactual world
"wish""would want"
transparent languages: want + CF
30 This shows that the term “counterfactual wishing” is misleading. The desire is in this world.
20
19
SotransparentwishlanguagesarethelanguagesthatuseX-markingonwant toexpress“CFwishes”.
AndthisisonepartoftheC/Dgeneralization.
WhilethereareplentyoflanguagesthatabidebybothpartsoftheC/Dgeneralization,therearesomethatabidebyonlyoneofthetwopartsoftheC/Dgeneralization.
20
Somelanguagesonlyobeythepartthathastodowithwant (i.e.theyaretransparentwishlanguages) butdonotobeythecomplement-generalization.
OnesuchlanguageisFrench,whichhasCONDonX-want, thewayitdoesonanX-consequent.However,thecomplementisinthe(unmarkedfortense/aspect)subjunctive,unlikeanX-antecedent,whichisintheindicativepastimperfective.
21
FrenchX-conditional:26.SiMarieavait /*ait unparapluierouge,
ifMariehave.PST.IMPF.IND/SUBJ aumbrellared,
il l’aurait vuheithave.COND seen
‘IfMariehadaredumbrella,hewouldhaveseenit’
FrenchX-desire:27.Jevoudrais que Marieait/*avait unparapluierougeIwant.1.sg.CONDthatMaryhave.3.sg.SUBJ/*have.PST.IMPF.INDanumbr.red‘IwishMariehadaredumbrella’
22
WhyistherenosubjunctiveinFrenchX-conditionals,unlikeinSpanishandCatalan?
Iatridou 2000:becausetheModernFrenchsubjunctivehasnotensedistinctions,unliketheSpanishandCatalanone.WhenFrenchusedtohavethesedistinctions,itusedpastsubjunctiveaswell.
“…inFrench,aswellasinanumberofotherlanguages,whatisnecessaryinthemorphologicalmake-upofcounterfactualsisPasttense……andthesubjunctiveappearsonlyifthelanguagehasaparadigmforthepastsubjunctive. ….ModernFrenchdoesnothaveapastsubjunctive.Itssubjunctiveisunmarkedfortense.Hence,itcannotappearincounterfactualconditionals.PreviousstagesofFrench,however,didhaveasubjunctivewhichvariedfortense,thatis,therewasapastsubjunctive,andinthatstageofthelanguage,thepastsubjunctivewasrequiredinacounterfactualconditional.ModernFrench,ontheotherhand,usestheindicative,asithasnopastsubjunctive…”(summaryfromIatridou 2016,p.4) 23
However,evenifthisistherightexplanationfortheabsenceofthesubjunctiveinFrenchX-conditionals,itdoesnotexplainwhyFrenchdoesnotabidebythecomplementpartoftheC/Dgeneralization.
Forthatpart,itseemsthatthesubcategorization frameofwant istheculprit.
Frenchvouloir takesitscomplementintheinfinitiveorinthesubjunctive,dependingonwhethertheembeddedsubjectisco-indexedornotwiththematrix:
28.Jeveux aller à Paris.Iwant.1.sggo.inf toParis‘IwanttogotoParis’
29.Jeveux que tu ailles à Paris.Iwant.1.sgthatyougo.2.dg.SUBJtoParis‘IwantyoutogotoParis’
24
Thesesubcategorization restrictionsareretainedinX-desires:
30.Jevoudrais aller à Paris.Iwant.1.sg.CONDgo.inf toParis‘IwishtogotoParis’(cf.“IwouldhavewantedtogotoParis’)
31.Jevoudrais que tu ailles à Paris.Iwant.1.sg.CONDthatyougo.2.dg.SUBJtoParis‘IwishyouwouldgotoParis’
25
Thepicturethatemerges:InFrenchX-desires,thereisaconflictinwhatmoodthecomplementappearsinwhenthetwosubjectsarecontra-indexed:
Want requiressubjunctiveonitscomplement.TheC/Dgeneralization(rather,whateverisbehindit)requiresIndicative(pastimperfective)onthecomplementofwant.Theselectionrequirementsofwant win.
InSpanish,thereisnosuchconflict:Again,want requiressubjunctiveonitscomplement.TheC/DgeneralizationrequiresPastsubjunctive.Thecomplementofwant inaSpanishX-desirecansatisfyboth,becauseSpanishhasapastsubjunctive.
26
GreekcanbedescribedinthesametermsasSpanish.
X-conditional:32.Anicha aftokinito tora,tha imun eftichismeni
Ifhave.PST.1sgcarnow,FUT was.PST.1sghappy‘IfIhadacarnow,Iwouldbehappy’
X-desire:33.Tha ithela na icha aftokinito tora
FUT want.PST.sg NAhave.PST.1sgcarnow‘IwishIhadacarnow’
TheX-desirecontainstheparticleNA,thatisabsentintheX-conditional.27
Thisparticleispartoftheselectionrequirementsofwant (andotherverbs):
34.Thelo na echoaftokinitoWant.1.sg.NAhaveacar‘Iwanttohaveacar’
SoitseemsthatlikeSpanish,butunlikeFrench,Greekcansatisfyboththelocalselectionrequirementsoftheembeddingverb,aswellastheC/Dgeneralization.
28
TherearealsolanguagesthatsatisfythecomplementpartoftheC/Dgeneralizationbutnotthewant part(i.e.theydonothavetransparentwish)
Hindihasanundeclinable particlekaash thatbyitself,i.e.withoutanyverb,expresseswishesthatcannotberealized(moreonthislater).It’ssyntacticcategoryisunknown(Bhattp.c.).It’sreminsicent ofGreekmakari, Italianmagare, Spanishojala.
However,themorphologyonthecomplement isexactlythatofanX-antecedent.
35.kaash vo lambaa ho-taawishhetallbe-Hab‘Iwishhewastall’ 29
Hindita isdescribedasahabituality marker.However,itcannotappearonapredicatethatisbyitsnatureindividual-level:
36.*vo lambaa ho-taa (hai)hetallbe-Hab (is)
ButtadoesappearonILpredicatesinX-conditionals(andwasdescribedaspartof“fake”morphologyassociatedwithX-markedconditionals)
37.agarvo lambaa ho-taa,toarmyusebhartii kar le-tiiifhetallbe-Hab thenarmyhe.Dat admitdoTAKE-Hab.f
‘Ifhewastall,thearmywouldhaveadmittedhim.’
30
Sotainthecomplementofkaash iscompliantwiththecomplementpartoftheC/Dgeneralization.
38.kaash vo lambaa ho-taawishhetallbe-Hab‘Iwishhewastall’
31
ComingtoEnglish,wealreadysawthatitisnotatransparentwishlanguage:
Given(40),Englishwouldhavehadtohave(41)tomean(42)toqualifyasatransparentwishlanguage:
40.IfIhadacar,Iwould behappy
41. *IwouldwantthatIhadacarnow=/=42.IwishthatIhadacarnow
SoEnglishisnotcompliantwiththewant-partofthegeneralization(i.e.itisnotatransparentwishlanguage)
32
ButlikeHindi,itiscompliantinthecomplementpart:
40.IfIhad acar,Iwouldbehappy
42.IwishthatIhad acarnow
33
Inshort,wewilltaketheC/Dgeneralizationtohavesubstancetoit,eventhoughthereareenvironmentswhereoneofitstwopartsseemviolatedforlanguage-specificreasons.
Fromnowonthen,wewilltaketheC/Dgeneralizationassomethingthatneedstobeexplained,andattempttodosoforbothpartsofit.
Wewillstartwiththewant partofthegeneralization,i.e.transparentwish.
Whywouldwant carryX-marking,andmoreover,whywoulditcarryX-consequentmarking?
34
InvonFintel andIatridou 2008,webrieflyconsideredthepossibility(broughtupbyTimStowell p.c.)thattheX-markingoncertainmodalsshouldbeinterpretedunderthem.Inotherwords,inthisproposalthereissomescopal re-ordering.
Werejectedthispossibilityforthecasesweweredealingwiththen(transparentought)butitispossible,ofcourse,thatthisistherightanalysisforthecaseswearedealingwithnow(transparentwishes).
35
Oneadvantageofsuchanaccountwouldbethatwantwouldbeevaluatedintheactualworld,sinceitisnotinthescopeoftheX-marking.Thisisanadvantagebecauseasentencelike
43.Tha ithela na icha aftokinito toraFUT want.PST.sg NAhave.PST.1sgcarnow‘IwishIhadacarnow’
seemstoconveythatIhaveadesireintheactualworld.
36
Buttherearealsodifficultieswithsuchanaccount,namely:
-whywouldtheX-markingmorphologynotappearintheplacewhereitisinterpreted?
-whatsortofscopereversalisthis?
-whywouldtheX-markingonwant bethatofaX-consequent,andnotthatofanX-antecedent?
-underthemodal,therewouldnowbetwoinstancesofX-marking:X-markingonwant,andX-markingontheembeddedverb,aswesawinourdiscussionoftheC/Dgeneralization.WhatdowedowiththisstackedX-marking?
37
Instead,wewill attemptanaccountalongthelinesofour2008treatmentoftransparentought.Werepeattherelevantpartswiththeought-specificsredacted:
“Perhaps,then,thecounterfactualmarkingisco-optedhereinasomewhatmeta-linguistickindofway:“ifwewereinacontextinwhichthesecondaryorderingsourcewaspromoted,thenitwouldbeastrongnecessitythat...”.ThiswouldexplainwhyeventhoughthereisCF-morphology,themodalclaimismadefirmlyabouttheactualworld;allthatthemorphologymarksisachangeinevaluationparameters.”
38
Weclearlywanttoretainthispart:
“Perhaps,then,thecounterfactualmarkingisco-optedhereinasomewhatmeta-linguistickindofway…...ThiswouldexplainwhyeventhoughthereisCF-morphology,themodalclaimismadefirmlyabouttheactualworld;allthatthemorphologymarksisachangeinevaluationparameters”
Afterall,(transparent)wishesaredesiresintheactualworld.
39
Butwhatisthe“somewhatmeta-linguisticway”?
Inthecaseoftransparentought:“ifwewereinacontextinwhichthesecondaryorderingsourcewaspromoted,thenitwouldbeastrongnecessitythat...”.
Thebluepartinthecaseoftransparentought isthestrongnecessitymodalwhichcarriestheX-marking.Thismeansthatinthecaseoftransparentwishes,thebouletic verb(whichisthecarrierofX-marking)goesthere:
“ifwewereinacontextinwhich…,thenIwouldwant...”.
Butwhatwouldbethemissingantecedent?40
Beforewecontinue,animportantnote.Sofar,wehavecomehere:
44.[If…..........]antecedent [then….... want+X-marking …..........]consequent
andaskedthequestionofwhatthemissingantecedent is.In(44),theantecedentispresentedasamissingif-clauseadjunctwithasyntacticpresence.Thisismisleading.Whatwearelookingforisarestrictiononthemodal.Thereisnoreasontobelievethatthisrestrictionisnecessarilysyntacticallyrepresented.
Itcouldbeacontextualrestriction(andrepresentedhoweveronelikestorepresentcontextualrestrictions, forexamplewiththevariableC.)
41
Afterall,wecansay(45a)withtheintentionof(45b):
45a.Everystudentwaslatetodayb.Everystudentwhoisinmyclasswaslatetoday
Butusuallywedonotsaythat(45a)hastolooklike(45b)inthesyntax.Acontextualrestrictionistakentobeabletodothejob.
42
Similarly,whenwesaythatwearelookingforthemissingantecedentin(44):
44.[If…..........]antecedent [then… want+X-marking …..........]consequent
wemeanthatwearelookingfortherestrictionofthemodal,andmakenoclaimaboutthenatureofitssyntacticpresence.
Infact,ongeneralgrounds,onemightsaythatif(45a)canbedealtwithinwhicheverwayonedealswithacontextualrestriction,oneshouldchoosethesamepathfor(44).
However,onemightobjecttothis.
43
Onemightobjectonthefollowinggrounds:
“Acontextualrestrictoroneveryboy doesnotleaveanythreadsuntied.However,acontextualrestrictoronamodalwouldnotbeabletocausetheX-markingonthemodal.Forarestrictortoaffectthemorphologyofthemodal,ithastobesyntacticallypresent”.
Ifthatistheobjection,ouransweris:
44
Itisnottheif-clausethattriggerstheX-markingmorphologyonthemodal.TheX-markingonthemodaliscorrelatedwithacertainoperation.
Whatoperation?WewillstayawayherefromdebateslikePast-as-Past versusPast-as-ModalandsticktothemoreneutraldescriptionalongthelinesofvonFintel 1998:
46.X-markingshowsthatthedomainofquantificationofthemodalreachesoutsidethecontextset
Inotherwords,theif-clauseisnotthecauseoftheX-markingonthemodal.Itonlygivesinformationabouttheworldsoutsidethecontextsetthatthemodalquantifiesover.
45
Inotherwords,takingthe“missingantecedent”of(44)tobeametaphorforamissingcontextuallysuppliedrestriction,ratherthananactuallysyntacticallypresentif-clause,willnotcauseproblemswiththemorphology.
44.[If…..........]antecedent [then… want+X-marking …..........]consequent
Therefore,wewilltakethesimplerpaththattherestrictioniscontextuallysupplied,ratherthansyntacticallypresentasin(44).
Evenso,wewillcontinueusingtheterm“missingantecedent”!
46
Whatwepropose isthatthemissing antecedent makesreferencetoapresupposition oftheconsequent, specifically thepresupposition ofwant.Alreadyatleast Kasper1992discussed caseswhereamissing antecedent containedpresuppositions oftheconsequent:
47.Yourbrotherwouldn’thavefailedtheexam
AsKasperpointsout,themissing antecedent of(47),whenitisclearthatyoutooktheexamandfailed it,is(48):
48.Ifyourbrotherhadtakentheexam
Failinganexampresupposes havingtaken it.
Themissing antecedent of(47)isnot(49)or(50)(unless thecontext issufficiently rich):49.Ifyourbrotherhadhadenoughsleep49.Ifyourbrotherhadputmoreeffortinhisstudies
47
Sowhatpresuppositionofwant issatisfiedinthemissingantecedent?
Thatitscomplementisattainable. (tobeenriched)
Soweproposethatthefelicitoususeofwant meansthattheattainabilitypresuppositionissatisfied.
Iftheattainabilitypresuppositionisnotsatisfied,themissingantecedenttakesyoutotheworldswhereitis.
48
TakeFrench.Aswesaid,thedifferencebetweenaninfinitiveorasubjunctivecomplementisafunctionofthe(contra)indexingofthesubjects:
51a.Jeveux aller à Paris.Iwantgo.inf toParis
b.Jeveux que tu ailles à Paris.Iwantthatyougo.subj toParis
49
Whentheembeddedeventisnotattainableanymore,plainwant isout:
52. *Jeveux être arrivé mardi passé.IwantbearrivedTuesdaypassedintended:‘IwanttohavearrivedlastTuesday’
53. *Jeveux qu’il soit arrivé mardi passé.Iwantthathebe.subj arrivedTuesdaypassedintended:‘IwantyoutohavearrivedlastTuesday’
50
Instead,X-markingonwant mustbeused:
54.Jevoudrais être arrivé mardi passé.Iwant+X bearrivedTuesdaypassed‘IwishIhadarrivedlastTuesday’
55.Jevoudrais qu’il soit arrivé mardi passé.Iwant+X thathebe.subj arrivedTuesdaypassed‘IwishhehadarrivedlastTuesday’
(54-55)havemissingantecedentswhichtakeustotheworldswherearrivingonTuesdayisattainable,sothatinthoseworlds,want canbeusedfelicitously.51
Herearesomeotherexamples:
56. *Jeveux être à Parismaintenant.IwantbeinParisnow
57.*Jeveux que tu sois à Parismaintenant.Iwantthatyoube.subj inParisnow
These sentences arebadwhenmaintenant isusedstrictlyspeaking as‘now’,andnotas‘verysoon’,andwhenthespeaker(56)ortheaddressee (57)isnotinParisatthemoment.Instead,X-markingmustbeused:
58.Jevoudrais être à Parismaintenant.Iwant+X beinParisnow
59.Jevoudrais que tu sois à Parismaintenant.Iwantthatyoube.subj inParisnow
52
Andasexpected,in(59),onlytheimmediatefuturereadingofnow ispossible,whereasin(60), thereisinaddition,thereadingoftheX-desire,wherenow istakenasbeingsimultaneouswiththetimeofutterance
59.Jeveux être leprésident delaRépublique maintenant.Iwantbethepresidentoftherepublicnow
60.Jevoudrais être leprésident delaRépublique maintenant.Iwant+X bethepresidentoftherepublicnow
53
Onepotentialinconsistency:
RecallthatwegavethemeaningofX-markingasin(46)(toavoidthePast-as-PastvsPast-as-Modaldebates):
46.X-markingshowsthatthedomainofquantificationofthemodalreachesoutsidethecontextset
Inthecasesoftransparentwishes,theX-markingonwant reflectsthatthemodalquantifiesoverworldsoutsideofthecontextset,specificallyoverworldswherethecomplementofwant isattainable.
54
Butnowwehavesetupapotential conflictwithacommontreatment ofbouletic verbswhichgoesbacktoHeim92,butwhichcontinues inotherworksthathavemodifiedotheraspects ofHeim’s initial account.
HereisaninformalversionofHeim’s analysis fromRubinstein 2017:
“Basic ideaforwant:Comparethedesirability oftheq-worldsmostsimilartowtothedesirability ofthe¬q-worldsmostsimilartow,foreveryworldwinthesubject’sbeliefworlds.
Additional ingredients:(i) Onlycomparethedesirability ofworldsthatagreewiththesubject’sbeliefs.(ii) Presuppose thatthesubjectbelieves neitherqnor¬q.”
Ineffect,thismeans thatifIfelicitously utter Iwantq,it isbecause inmydoxasticalternatives, Ihavebothqand¬q.Thatis, inthequantificational domainofthemodaltherearebothqand¬qworlds.
55
Thisfitswhatwehavesaidsofar:Iftheactualworldisbelievedbythespeakertobea¬qworld,thespeakerneedstoreachoutofthecontextsettofindqworlds.Thisreachingoutofthecontextset,isaccompaniedbyX-marking,aswesaid.
Earlier,weputthisintermsoffindingworldswherethecomplementofwant isattainable.
However,itcouldalsobeputinthetermsweareusingnow:thedomainofquantificationofthemodalreachesoutsidethecontextset,tofindqworldsthatarerequiredforthecomparativesemanticsofwant.
Butthenwearepredictingthatiftheactualworldisaqworld,andthedomainofquantificationneedstoreachoutsidethecontextsettofind¬q,weshouldalsoexpectX-marking.
56
Butthisisnotso.Considerthefollowingsentences(fromIatridou 2000):
61.IliveinBoliviabecauseIwanttoliveinBolivia62.IhavewhatIwanttohave
In(61,62)thedomainofquantificationofthemodalneedstoreachoutsidethecontextsettofindworldsinwhichIdon’tliveinBolivia,andworldsinwhichIdon’thavewhatIwant.
Butinthesesentences,noX-markingonwant ispossible:
57
French:
63. J'habite enBolivie parce que jeveux/*voudrais habiter enBolivieIliveinBoliviabecauseIwant/*want+X liveinBolivia
64.J'ai ce que jeveux/*voudraisIhavethisthatIwant/want+X
AndeveninEnglish,theverbwish cannotbeused(Iatridou 2000):
65.*IliveinBoliviabecauseIwishIlivedinBolivia66.*IhavewhatIwishIhad
58
Inotherwords,ifweconnecttheappearanceofX-markingtothemodalneedingtofindbothqand¬qworldsforthecomparativesemanticsofwant,wegetanasymmetry:
-reachingoutsidethecontextsetinsearchofqworldstriggersX-marking-reachingoutsidethecontextsetinsearchof¬qworldsdoesnottriggerX-marking
Thisseemstobeaproblem.Whywouldtherebesuchanasymmetry?
59
ItseemsthatthewayoutofthisproblemistonotconnecttheappearanceofX-markingtoreachesoutsidethecontextsetinordertosatisfythecomparativesemanticsofwant.
Instead,theoriginalideaofreachingoutsidethecontextsettofindworldsthatsatisfytheattainabilitypresuppositionofwant seemstodeliverbetterresults:
Ifweareina¬q world,weneedtoincludeqworldsinthedomainofquantificationinordertosatisfytheattainabilitypresuppositionofwant.
Butwhenweareinaqworld,thereisnoequivalentbutsymmetricalpresuppositionthatneedstobesatisfied.
60
Somuchforthewant partoftheC/Dgeneralization.Thatis,transparentwishlanguages.
TheconsequentX-markingofthemodalreflects(putsomewhatneutrally)
“Perhaps,then,thecounterfactualmarkingisco-optedhereinasomewhatmeta-linguistickindofway:“ifwewereinacontextinwhichtheattainabilitypresuppositionofwant issatisfied,thenIwouldwantthat...”.…”
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Onemaywanttoraisethequestion:
Underthisdescription,thedesireisassertedtotakeplaceinaCFworld,wheretheattainabilitypresuppositionofwant issatisfied.Ifthelatter,whydoesitfeellikethedesireisadesireintheactualworld?
Theanswertothismaybethattheattainabilitypresuppositionneedstobeslightlyenrichedto“theonlymissingfactorisattainability”.
Connectiontofast etc withX-marking.
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Inthelittleremainingtime, letusbrieflygotothecomplement partoftheC/Dgeneralization.
C/Dgeneralization:16.X-markedconditional:ifpm1,qm2
17.CFwish:Iwantm2 thatpm1
HowrealisthecomplementpartofC/D?
Originally,supportforitcameformlanguageslikeSpanishandGreek
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SpanishX-markedconditionals:
67.Sifuera más altosería unjugador debaloncesto.Ifbe.3.sg.PAST.SUBJ moretallbe.3.sg.CONDaplayerofbasketball‘Ifs/hewastaller,s/hewouldbeabasketballplayer’
SpanishX-markeddesires:
68.Querría que fuera más altodeloque es.Want.3.sg.CONDthats/hebe.3.sg.PAST.SUBJ moretallthanits/heis‘Iwishs/hewastallerthans/heis
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GreekX-markedconditionals:
69.Anefevge avrio,tha eftane methavrioIfleave.PAST.IMP tomorrow,FUTarrive.PAST.IMP dayaftertomorrow‘Ifs/helefttomorrow,s/hewouldgettherethedayaftertomorrow’
GreekX-markeddesires:
70.Tha ithela na efevge avrioFUTwant.PAST NAleave.PAST.IMP tomorrow‘Iwishhewouldleavetomorrow’
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However,thesedataareatmostconsistentwiththecomplementpartoftheC/Dgeneralizationanddonotprovidedirectevidenceforit.
ThereasonisthattheseareSoT languages.
Given that Spanish X-marking contains Past tensemorphology, it could bethatX-marking on want triggers Past tensemorphology on its complement,whichwould asaresult looklike X-marking.
Indeed,inSpanish,theembedded(subjunctiveorindicative)verbalwaysshiftstoapast(subjuctive orindicative).AndthishappensalsowithverbsthathavenothingtodowithX-marking.
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The verb doubt takes subjunctive:
71.SofíadudaqueRafaelpueda venir.Sofíadoubts that Rafaelcan:PRES.SUBJ.3SG come.Sofíıa doubts that Rafaelcancome.
The verb tobeglad takes subjunctive :
72. Marcelasealegradeque lahayan invitado.MarcelaSEglad ofthat PROher have:PRES.SUBJ.3PL invited.Marcelais glad that they have invited her.
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Andunderpast,pastsubjunctive:
73.SofíadudabaqueRafaelpuediera venir.Sofíadoubted that Rafaelcan:PAST.SUBJ.3SG come.Sofíadoubted that Rafaelcould come.
74. Marcelasealegrabadeque lahubieran invitado.MarcelaSEglad ofthat PROher have:PAST.SUBJ.3PL invited.Marcelawas glad that they had invited her.
Somaybe the shift from present subjunctive topast subjunctive under X-markedwant is nothing morethan SoT?
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AsimilarconcernarisesforGreekaswell.Hereantecedent X-markingconsistsofPast+Imperfective. Anditispossible tosetupanSoT contextwherePast+Imperfective appears(Iatridou 2000):
75.Prin apo mia vdhomadha ipe oti tha efevye /fiyi sedhio meresbeforeoneweeksaidthatFUTleave.PAST.IMP/Non-PAST.IMP in2days
‘Aweekagos/hesaidthatshewould/will leavein2days’
|___x_____________ |___x/x______________________< ------a week------------------ >
UT
V+prf (will)
V+imp+pst (would)
*V+prf+pst
SolanguageslikeGreekandSpanishdonotprovidedirectevidenceinfavorofthecomplementpartoftheC/Dgeneralization.
However,supportforitcanbefoundinlanguageswhereX-markingdoesnotcontainPast.
WealreadysawthatHindiissuchacase:76.kaash vo lambaa ho-taa
wishhetallbe-Hab‘Iwishhewastall’
TheappearanceofX-markingta isnottheresultofSoT.
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77.agarvo lambaa ho-ta,toarmyusebhartii kar le-tiiifhetallbe-Hab thenarmyhe.Dat admitdoTAKE-Hab.f
‘Ifhewastall,thearmywouldhaveadmittedhim.’
ButtacannotappearonILpredicatesoutsidethesecontexts(itcanappearonlyonderivedgenerics):
78.*vo lambaa ho-ta (hai)hetallbe-Hab (is)
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AnotherargumentcanbefoundinTurkish.X-markinginTurkish:TurkishhasfakePast.
X-markingontheconsequent:aorist+pastX-markingontheantecedent:SA+past (past-SAinepistemicconds.)
79.Johnönümüzdeki salı gel-se-ydi, annesi çok mutlu ol-ur-duJohn next Tue come-SA-PST his.mom veryhappybe(come)-AOR-PST‘IfJohnarrivednextTuesday,hismomwouldbeveryhappy’
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Turkishhasundeclinable keşke (reminiscentbutslightlydifferentfromHindi).
80.Keşke önümüzdeki salı gel-se-ydiI.wish nexttuesday come-SA-PST‘IwishhewouldcomenextTuesday’
Andin(80)thespeakerbelievesthatherwishwillnotcometrue.
Thepasttensein(80)isclearlynottheresultofSoT.
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Finally,supportforthecomplementpartoftheC/DgeneralizationcanalsobefoundinEnglish.Theappearanceof(fake)pastisnottheresultofSoT,sincetheembeddingverbisnotinthepast:
81.Shewishes shehadacarnow82.Shechangeshermindaboutcarsallthetime.YesterdayshewishedshehadaMercedes.TodayshewishesshehadaBentley.TomorrowshewillwishshehadaLamborghini.
Soquitepossibly,thecomplementpartoftheC/Dgeneralizationisreal.
Whataresomeofthethingsitmighttellus?
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TheremaybeapointtobemadeaboutthePast-as-PastversusPast-as-Modaldebate.
WhentherearetwooccurrencesofX-markingbutonlyonemodaloperator(whichisthecase,arguably,inbothconditionalsandtransparentwishes),Past-as-Pasthastotreatoneoccurrenceas“non-semantic”,somekindofagreementorreflectionoftheonetruePASToperator(whichshiftsthetimeofaccessibility).
Inbothcases,there’saquestionofwhyitisonlythetimeofaccessibilitythatisshiftedintothepastandnotthetimeoftheordering/preferencestructure.
WesuspectthatP-as-PwillhaveahardertimewithtransparentwishesthanwithX-markedconditionals.Butthisdebateisstillongoing.
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Summary!
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