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www.wsi.de Trade Unions in the EU: National Retreat or Mobilising for Social Europe? Dr. Heiner Dribbusch WSI, Düsseldorf WSI Summer School 22 – 26 September 2014, Berlin

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Page 1: Trade Unions in the EU - Hans Böckler Stiftung · Trade Unions in the EU: ... additional divide between unions which are based on former ... – e.g. current PT barg. coverage is

www.wsi.de

Trade Unions in the EU: National Retreat or Mobilising for Social Europe?

Dr. Heiner Dribbusch WSI, Düsseldorf

WSI Summer School 22 – 26 September 2014, Berlin

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I. The European trade union landscape

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The ETUC Foundation in 1973 (17 affiliates in 15 countries,

29 million members)

Today

85 affiliated confederations from 36 countries

10 European trade union federations

representing some 60 million members

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Organisation of ETUC Congress: every four years (last 2011),

delegates according to size of affiliates

Executive council: meets four times a year; members delegated according to size of affiliates

Steering committee: 21 members elected by EC

Secretariat: day to day business: General secretary, 2 deputy GS, 3 confederal secretaries

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Staffing and finances

The ETUC has about 50 + staff (plus some 60 staff at ETUI)

Partly financed by affiliation fees (2010: €161 per 1,000 members in the top range and about a quarter of that for CEE unions)

Substantial payments come from the Commission (e.g. €10 million in 2009/2010 for ETUI)

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Different national union landscapes (in brackets number of ETUC affiliates)

One single confederation covering all or almost all employees:

Austria, Ireland, Latvia, Slovakia, UK, close to this: Germany (1), Greece (2, public/private divide), Slovenia (1),

Divisions along manual/non-manual and educational lines:

Denmark (3), Finland (3), Norway (3), Sweden (3), partly Estonia (2)

Divisions along (historical) ideological/religious-lines:

Belgium (3), Cyprus (3), the Czech Republic (1), France (5), Hungary (6), Italy (3), Lithuania (3), Luxembourg (2), Malta (3), the Netherlands (3), Poland (3), Portugal (2), Romania (4), Spain (3), Switzerland (2)

CEE countries: additional divide between unions which are based on former state unions and those which grew from opposition

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The largest confederations > 4 million members:

DGB (Germany), 6.1 million members; TUC (UK), 5.9; CGIL (Italy) 5.7

million (of which 3 million pensioners); CISL (Italy) 4.5 million (more than

50% pensioners)

between 1 and 2 million:

UIL (Italy), 2.2 million; LO (Sweden), 1.5 million; TCO (Sweden), 1.2 million;

UGT (Spain), 1.2 million; CCOO (Spain), 1.1 million; LO (Denmark), 1.1

million;

less than 100.000: Bulgarian, Estonian, Lithuanian, Luxembourgian,

Slovakian, Maltese confederations

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European Trade Union Federations formerly known as European Industry Federations Associations of unions, organized by sectors ETUFs differ largely in size The biggest are: EPSU, public services, ~ 8 million members, ~ 210 affiliates, 23 staff IndustriALL European Trade Union, manufacturing, ~7.1 million

members, ~200 affiliates, 27 staff Uni Europa – various service sectors; ~ 7 million, ~320 affiliates

ETUFs have in total > 1.500 affiliates huge differences in size, largest are: IG Metall and ver.di with some 2 million members each

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Union density & bargaining coverage

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Source: WSI, based on ICTWSS and national sources Note: data mostly as of 2010; data for Portugal, Spain and Greece are questionable – e.g. current PT barg. coverage is about 32% (incl. public sector)

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Bargaining coverage & union density

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II. Tasks of unions

“What are we here for”

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Diminish competition between workers Improving working conditions

(and living conditions) Provide help and advice Organise mutual support Principle: „better together“

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III. Which interests do unions represent?

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Members ? Class ? Society ?

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IV. The levels / arenas of union activity

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International Nation state Industry / sector Work place Individual member

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Break

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What do unions do at the given level ? Who are their interlocutors /

bargaining opponents ? How would you rank that level of

activity ?

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5 levels of union action 1) Europe

lobbying, campaigning; acting within supranational insitutions 2) Germany

talking to national government, trans-national campaigns; 3) Industry or economic sector

collective bargaining; acting within the system of collective bargaining

4) Establishment or company collective bargaining; supporting and counseling works councils;

organizing and recruitment 5) Individual member

individual support and counseling; legal advice and legal aid in all workplace or social security related disputes;

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The nation state as main arena

Trade unions are predominately organised along nation states

Here they usually have a legal status and retain some

institutional powers

tripartite consultation, collective bargaining, industrial action and

workplace representation

However, scope and levels of bargaining differ considerable

between countries (take the examples of France, Germany

and Romania)

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The nation state as main arena

Trade unions are predominately organised along nation states

Here they usually have a legal status and retain some

institutional powers

tripartite consultation, collective bargaining, industrial action and

workplace representation

However, scope and levels of bargaining differ considerable

between countries (take the examples of France, Germany

and Romania)

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The European arena I

There is no European collective bargaining

A meaningful transnational coordination of collective

bargaining has to struggle with differing enthusiasm

of national unions

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The European arena II

The so-called social dialogue is limited by its largely

voluntaristic character

The European counterparts of the unions

BUSINESSEUROPE (private sector) and CEEP (public

sector) are even less able to make commitments which oblige

their affiliates

Many employers’ associations refuse to enter into a

meaningful dialogue with trade unions, others are not

representative

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V. Unions and European Union

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Key dates 1985-1995: Jacques Delors’ presidencies of European commission

Single European Act (SEA) 1986, Treaty of Maastricht in 1992 (including social chapter)

Delors aim: integrate the unions to give single market additional legitimacy (R.Hyman: ‘social gloss’)

> in exchange for giving the single market their approval unions were promised the institutionalization of ‘social dialogue’ with the ETUC

and the ETUFs as ‘social partners’;

Hope for upward harmonization

1994 directive on European Works Councils

1995 Stability and Growth Pact > staged introduction of Euro

2004 Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe (TCE), 2005 rejected in France and the Netherlands

2007 Lisbon Treaty, replaced TCE

2007/2008 Rulings by European Court of Justice: Viking, Laval, Rüffert, established hierarchy of norms, market

freedom was giving priority before social rights

2010 EU 2020

2011 ‘Six Pack’; Euro Plus Pact

2012 Fiscal Compact

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‘Yes but …’ or ‘no, unless …’?

ETUC approved the treaties from Maastricht to Lisbon regarding its partial involvement as an opportunity anxious not be depicted as anti-European

Unions were initially more divided but most critics eventually moved from ‘no, because’ (e.g. CGT) or ‘no unless’ (some Nordic unions) to a ‘yes, but’ or ‘yes, and’ position (early e.g. DGB, Italian confederations)

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Competing logics

Logic of membership and logic of influence

Hyman (2005): balancing the two is difficult

By adapting their strategies to the EU decision making process

and to compromise only for the sake of remaining in the game

unions run the risk of loosing their representative credentials in

the eyes of their constituency

Danger of an ‘elitist embrace’ (Hyman 2005)

‘Europe’ is mainly the business of full-time specialists within trade

unions

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Progress requires contention

Influence of unions is diluted without a readiness to

say ‘no’ Without the capacity to counteract their role within the

policy-making process runs the danger of being reduced to collective begging

Political considerations shape opposition or support: e.g. unions are often less prepared to oppose social-

democratic than conservative governments Acceptance of the paradigm of competitiveness

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VI. Different interests between unions

Three examples

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Port Package Campaigns

The eventually successful campaign against the directive to deregulate port work (2003-2006) was not supported by Italian unions what was opposed by the other unions was already

practice in Italian ports fear for protectionism by ‚Northern‘ unions and

harbour companies

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Debate on a European minimum wage

Scandinavian unions are opposed to a European minimum wage fear of loosing their bargaining autonomy fear of creating a wage floor which puts pressure on

higher wages fear of weakening the incentive of workers to join

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European citizens‘ initiative

At the latest ETUC congress 2011 in Athens The Swiss unions proposed to launch a European

citizens‘ initiative for a Europe without wage and social dumping

This was successfully opposed by DGB and all French confederations on the grounds of being ineffective and to bureaucratic and proposed a comprehensive campaign instead behind this argument stood scepticism towards the instrument as

such the Swiss unions on the other hand argued with their experience

in such initiatives

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VII. ‘Mobilising for social Europe’

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Mobilising capacities ETUC depends on the good-will of the affiliated

confederations

Some confederations have autonomous mobilising capacities

Other confederations are largely representative bodies which entirely depend on affiliates

ETUFs: dependend on affiliates

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Mobilising in Europe

► Mobilising in Europe depends on the willingness and capacity of the unions and their leadership to act

► This in turn depends on their activists and members willingness to act

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Prerequisites of social mobilization

Common interests Shared perception of injustice Shared sense of European vulnerability

framing of conflict is decisive

Perceived effectiveness of collective action Appropriate organisation

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Shared perception of crisis? Eurobarometer survey November 2012 Perception of national economy („rather good“ + „very good“ in %)

75 75 70

65

55 53

44 42 38

31 27

24 20 19 17

12 11 11 9 9 8 7 7 7 6 2 1

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

in %

Quelle: Standard Eurobarometer.

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VII. Is there a chance for joint action?

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Break

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How to build coalitions and avoid

blockades between: Those who do not want to do rather

nothing Those who are prepared to do something Those who want radical action ?

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Balance between structural determinism

and voluntarism What is thinkable? (and desirable) Please: neither mysticism nor ‘musticism’

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Thank you for listening!

Dr. Heiner Dribbusch Senior researcher

WSI, Germany [email protected]

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