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CHAPTER - 7

TRADE UNIONS AND POLITICS - WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE

TO APSRTC, IN THE LIGHT OF ECONOMIC REFORMS

In this chapter an attempt has been made to understand political

relations with trade unions and non-political trade unions (independent)

and the impact of the economic reforms on the trade unions with special

reference to Andhra Pradesh State Road Transport Corporation (APSRTC).

Here the researcher discussed the advantages and the disadvantages of

political as well as independent trade unions and how the trade unions face

the impact of economic reforms.

The main aim of this chapter is to provide an overall view of the

political involvement of trade unions in APSRTC and impact of economic

reforms on trade unions. In some unions there is direct political affiliation.

Some unions though they claim to be independent, important positions are

held by the political leaders.

This chapter is divided into III sections – section- I deals with

methodology, Section- II deals with the structure of trade unions and origin

of APSRTC, and views of trade unions regarding trade unions and politics.

In APSRTC there are three unions affiliated to national federation, i.e.

Employees union affiliated to AITUC and Staff and Workers Federation

affiliated to CITU Federation and INTUC. Section III deals with impact of

economic reforms on APSRTC and the strategies of Andhra Pradesh

Government to privatize APSRTC.

In order to produce current estimates of facts about political and

non-political trade unions and impact of economic reforms we have

carefully selected 30 workers; 30 trade union leaders and 4 management

officials. Three types of questionnaires are drawn up on a systematic basis.

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Questionnaire 'A' is for workers, questionnaire ‘B’ is for trade union

leaders and questionnaire ‘C' is for representatives of management. Care

was taken to ensure that the answers of the workers and trade union leaders

were not unduly influenced by wording of question. In order to eliminate

any possibility of bias in the results of the survey each question was asked

of all the respondents, in the same way.

Questionnaire ‘A’:

This questionnaire was designed to get information from the active

member workers of trade unions relating to their views and trade union

activities, regarding unions affiliated to political parties, independent trade

unions and impact of economic reforms on trade unions.

Questionnaire ‘B':

This questionnaire was designed to get information from the active

trade union leaders relating to their experiences and their activities

regarding political and independent trade unions and their views on impact

of economic reforms on trade unions in the APSRTC.

Questionnaire 'C’:

This questionnaire was designed to gather information from

Regional Managers, Depot Managers and Personnel Officers about

important issues they faced from trade unions in their experience. The

views of the management with regard to economic reforms were given

greater importance.

In order to study the independent unions in detailed manner, long

interviews were conducted with union leaders of the different trade unions

in APSRTC.

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The data was collected, organised and analysed. Categories were

drawn up of people agreeing or dis-agreeing on each of the various issues.

The number of people falling in each category was noted. The empirical

approach is thus an attempt to apply the opinion survey method to the

study of relations between trade unions, politics and impact of economic

reforms on Trade Unions. The objective is to remove as much as possible

the bias of the observer in regard to that he observes. In a sense, this

approach represents an attempt to defeat own prejudices and predilections.

7.1 Brief history and structure of APSRTC and trade unions

Origin of APSRTC

Andhra Pradesh state road transport was previously part of Nizam

State Railways. In 1932 actually the bus transport was started. Andhra

Pradesh State Road Transport Corporation (APSRTC) which made its

simple beginning with 27 buses as a part of Nizam State Railway has

grown as the second largest public sector transport undertaking in the

country.

The APSRTC came into being in. 1932 when the erstwhile

Hyderabad Government nationalised the bus transport operations in the

then Nizam's state. This measure was an off-shoot of the decline in

revenues of the Nizam State Railway as a result of the severe competition

from the private bus operators in the region at that time. The Corporation

started with 27 buses and 166 employees as a measure 'to augment the

earnings of the state railway". The Government soon realised that the

nationalised road transport service was an important public utility concern.

A full-fledged department called the Road Transport Department

was formed in the year 1936 with the objective of expanding the bus

services throughout the Hyderabad State. However, the Road Transport

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Department continued to be a part of the Nizam State Railway which was

later merged with the Indian Railways. As a result of the reorganisation in

the wake of this merger the Road Transport operations were managed by

the Indian Railways on an agency basis till October 31st, 1951.

A Road Transport Corporation in pursuance of the Central Road

Transport Corporation Act, 1950, could not be formed as this Act was not

applicable to particular states like Hyderabad. A separate department,

called the Road Transport Department was created on November 1, 1951.

The formation of APSRTC as per the recommendation of the

Planning Commission took place with effect from January 11, 1958, when

the corporation was formed.

The corporation buses now cover 6.63 million Kms and carry 14

million passengers every day and the buses connect 34,336 villages to all

major towns and cities of Andhra Pradesh which constitutes 95% of road

transport. APSRTC is the state owned road transport corporation in the

Southern Indian state of Andhra Pradesh. It is acknowledged as the single

corporation having the largest fleet in the world. This has been certified by

the Guinness Book of World Records on 31st October 1999 with 18,397

buses making it the largest bus fleet in the world. Presently as on 4th

Jan

2010, the APSRTC runs 21,555 buses including corporation owned 18,900

buses, with rest being hired1. It has 99,000 (ninety nine thousand)

employees. Previously it was 1.25 lakh during 2001. APSRTC has 210

depots, 23 regions, 7 zones and 765 bus stations.

The other award that has been bagged by APSRTC is Road Safety

Award from United Kingdom based “Chartered Institute of Transport and

1 http/www.andhra news net/state/2010/Jan 4

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from the Government of India”. It held Productivity and Fuel Efficiency

award for many consecutive years.

APSRTC has been leading by example. It has a number of firsts to

its credit in India:

First to nationalize passenger road transport services in the country-

1932.

First to introduce long distance night express services.

First to introduce A/C sleeper coach, Hi-Tech. Metro Liner, Metro

Express and Inter-City services.

First to introduce Depot computerisation-1986.

First to appoint Safety Commissioner for improving the safety of the

Passengers.

All the 208 Depots in the state are computerized.

Reservation of tickets on telephone and door delivery of tickets.

7.2 Corporate Philosophy

To provide safe, clean, comfortable, punctual and courteous commuter

service at an economical fare.

To provide employee satisfaction in financial and humanistic terms.

To strive towards financial self-reliance in regard to performance and

growth.

To attain a position of reputation and respect in the society.

7.3 Principles of operation

Provide efficient, effective, ethical management of the business

To assist the State administration in attaining good governance.

To treat the customer, i.e. passenger, as central concern of the

corporations business and provide the best possible service.

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To explore and exploit technological, financial and managerial

opportunities and render the business cost effective at all times.

To regularly and constantly improve the capabilities of employee for

higher productivity.

To focus on service conditions and welfare of the employee and their

families consistent with their worth to the Corporation.

To fulfill its obligation to the State and Central governments by

optimizing return on investment.

To emphasize environmental and community concerns in the form of

reducing all and noise pollution.

To consciously conform to the policy guidelines of the State in it

business operations.

To reach a position of pre-eminence in bus transport business .

7.4 Origin of Trade Unions in APSRTC

There was no union till 1946. In the year 1946 Railway Union was

formed under the leadership of Syed Kasim, Raghavendra Desai and A.

Ramulu. As the Road Transport was an off-spring of Nizam Railways, the

Road Transport Workers joined in Railway Union. Whenever they faced

problems they used to stand unitedly. In 1948 when a conductor of bus

transport was beaten by a police constable all employees stopped their

work and staged protest against the attack.

The Road Transport Corporation work-shop was the part of Railway

work-shop. So, employees of both sections used to work together. During

that time under the leadership of T.B.Vital Rao, Comrade Venkateswara

Rao, Hanumantha Rao, Satyanarayana Reddy and R.Ranga Rao workers of

Road Transport started working for the welfare of workers with their

respective groups. From the beginning of the Corporation, Employees

Union which is affiliated to AITUC was the only recognised union and

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enjoyed the same status for a quite long time. In 1967 National Workers

Union (independent union not affiliated to any Federation) got recognition

in Guntur Division from the hands of APSRTC Employees Union.

After the failure of the 1967 general strike, the then Joint Secretary

of Employees Union was suspended. He started a new non-affiliated union,

called Mazdoor Union in the Hyderabad city region. A good number of

employees who were dissatisfied with the working of Employees Union

have joined the newly started Mazdoor Union

In 1970 the National Workers Union under the president ship of

Perni Krishna Murthy and the Mazdoor Union under the leadership of P.

Ramamohan Rao amalgamated and thereby a new union called National

Mazdoor Union emerged; from that day onwards, it has become yet

another strong trade union in the corporation after APSRTC Employees

Union.

In the year 1981 when elections were conducted for the state-wide

recognition for the first time, the National Mazdoor Union got state-wide

recognition by a margin of 10,000 votes. But again in 1984, when the

election for recognition was conducted, the APSRTC Employees Union got

recognition only with the margin of 1,000 votes with support of BJP, CPM,

and Telugu Desam parties. In 1988, when the fresh elections for

recognition were conducted again the National Mazdoor Union got state-

wide recognition with the majority of over 20,000 votes and also got

recognition in 22 out of 23 divisions (except in Vijayanagaram. The

Employees Union was affiliated to AITUC. The Employees Union enjoyed

the status of recognition till 1981. Its Chairman was P.V.Ranga Rao and

Secretary B.Rama Rao. In 1990 April a split took place in the National

Mazdoor Union with regard to area secretary election of Satavahana

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Region. One set of employees under the leadership of M.Nageswara Rao

formed into another union called Transport Mazdoor Union, even though

some of the workers joined in Transport Mazdoor Union the National

Mazdoor Union won the elections and had become the recognized union.

In 1993 elections were held with regard to verification of recognition of

trade unions in APSRTC and Employees Unions won at state level.

On 21-09-1996 again elections were conducted for recognition and

National Mazdoor Union became the recognized union. Again in 1998,

December the elections were conducted for verification and National

Mazdoor Union retained recognition.

In July 2003 again National Mazdoor Union won and got state wide

recognition but on 2005 March 5, N.M.U’s founding leader and general

secretary P.Ram Mohan Rao died and the Transport Mazdoor Union under

the leadership of M.Nageswara Rao merged the Transport Mazdoor Union

into National Mazdoor Union and again National Mazdoor Union retained

its recognition in the elections held in 2005 December 29 as well as in

2010 September.

During 1959-1960 with' the encouragement, of Congress men, the

INTUC was established and APSRTC workers having faith in Congress

Party joined in INTUC. But it had failed to become a successful trade

union. It had lost its strength when Sri P.Ramamohan Rao started Mazdoor

Union. Its then chairman was the late P.Janardhana Reddy and General

Secretary was M.Narasimha Reddy.

After some time on 16.9.1979, the members of the Marxist

Communist Party established their trade union and named it as Staff and

'Workers' Federation, which is affiliated to CITU. Because of its extreme

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ideology it did not gain strength among APSRTC employees. The

chairman of Staff and Workers Federation was Charles-Nicolos and

General Secretary was S.Chinnappa Reddy.

There was another Trade Union, i.e., Karmick Parishat which is

affiliated to the Telugu Nadu Trade Union Congress, (TNTUC) which is an

off-spring of the Telugu Desam Regional Party. Now, with the defeat of

Telugu Desam Party in Andhra Pradesh, the Karmic Parishat is not much

active. Its influence on trade unions is negligible. The above study reveals

the origin of the trade unions in APSRTC.

7.5 Trade unions of APSRTC and their views about politics and

economic reforms

The following are the views expressed by the trade unions of

APSRTC, in particular regarding the relations between trade unions and

politics and the impact of economic reforms.

(a) National Mazdoor Unions in relation to trade unions and politics

National Mazdoor Union which is the combination of Mazdoor

Union and National Workers Union got state-wide recognition. It is the

only independent union in APSRTC. It has leaders from all parties and

according to the need and circumstances it will choose its leaders.

The National Mazdoor Union deliberately opposes the affiliation to

political federations. The union is of the opinion, that political parties

misguide unions for their political ends. In response to the question why

they chose a Congress man as their President, the National Mazdoor Union

said, it has leaders from other parties at divisional level. They explained

that their union was not confined to one party, it was open to all parties and

they never bring party politics into trade unions.

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Regarding the problem of fear of victimization the members of the

union felt, if the union is weak and feeble it will be exploited and there was

possibility for fear of victimization, but wherever the unions were strong

and powerful the fear would shift to the employer. For example the Textile

Labour Associations of Ahmedabad. The members and leaders of National

Mazdoor union expressed that the inter-union rivalry is only due to the

affiliation of trade unions to the Political federations.

The former Joint Secretary of Regional Zone of National Mazdoor

Union felt that political non affiliation is the only remedy to avoid inter-

union rivalry.

But in 1990 April, the split took place in National Mazdoor Union

of APSRTC due to conflict regarding area Secretary's election of

Sathavahana Region. One set of employees under the leadership of

M.Nageswara Rao who was one of the former leaders of National Mazdoor

Union formed into another union. They alleged that the Area Secretary

election is un-democratic and one-sided. They formed another union called

as Transport Mazdoor Union.

Answering the question, whether the union is benefitted by the

affiliation to any party or federation, the President of National Mazdoor

Union, M.Nageswa Rao said that it would not be useful in any way and

more over it leads to fragmentation because of different ideologies and

philosophies of the political parties. He said that during the process of

collective bargaining the employees as well as employer shall be flexible.

There will be give and take process whereas, if the union is backed by

political affiliations, the parties or federations would make the unions to

stick to their demands in a way that the bargaining process will be

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disturbed and it is difficult to arrive at an agreement. Sometimes vexed by

the attitude of trade unions the employer would declare a lock out.

Impact of economic reforms and NMU

In response to a question about the impact of economic reforms

President of NMU said that change is inevitable in any society. So instead

of marking hurdles to the change the trade unions shape themselves in

order to suit the present economic reforms and he is of the opinion that the

trade unions are meant for the people who are efficient.

Answering the questions whether change in ownership would affect

the workers and organization, he said that there may be effect on workers,

trade unions as well as organization. The private owners always try to

minimize the workers, and private owners will be product oriented whereas

public enterprises generally renders service to the public rather than have

profit as motive. Even in the private enterprises if the workers are efficient

and make themselves suitable to modernization and mechanization, the

trade unions can survive and function well in achieving their legitimate

demands.

(b) Employees' Union in relation to trade unions and Politics

The Employees Union which is affiliated to AITUC expressed

several views regarding the aspect of trade unions and politics and the

impact of the economic reforms on the trade unions. In response to the

question, what should be is the objectives of the trade unions, 90% of the

members belonging to Employees Union accepted that the main object of

the trade union is to secure higher wages and welfare of the workers. Only

10% of workers stated that political awareness also was one of the main

objectives of the trade union through which workers can achieve their

rights.

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In response to the question, whether they approve the provisions of

the Trade Unions Act which permits 1/3 outsiders in trade union

leadership. They stated there is nothing wrong whether the trade union

leaders are insiders or outside political leaders if they are committed really

for the cause of the workers. They expressed their inferior position and

they felt that outside political leaders can negotiate very well with the

management who have the social status and following among the people,

when Compared to insider leaders The employees Union expressed that the

movements of every employees union leaders will be observed by

Communist Party of India, and the pre-conditions for trade union leader of

employees union is that he must be a member of CPl. Then only, he will

get eligibility to contest for trade union office bearers elections.

While discussing advantages, they stated, the important demands

and resolutions will be made in the party meeting. So, there will be a check

for the actions of trade union leaders of the Employees Union. In that way

they never collude with the management for selfish gains.

In response to a question “do you encourage independent unions?”

they answered that the affiliated trade unions were created and built by the

political leaders. Many problems in the past were focussed and solved by

the outside political leaders.

Political leaders whether they belong to ruling or opposition party,

have some social status and enough bargaining power to face the mighty

employer at the bargaining table.

Some of trade union leaders felt that due to fear of victimization and

hostile attitudes of the employer, they cannot fight for their legitimate

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rights conferred by law. They can avoid this problem by inviting outside

political leaders who have no fear to fight against employer.

Regarding fear of victimisation one of the trade union leaders2 of the

Employees Union expressed that he was transferred for his trade union

activities.

The workers of employees union felt that workers cannot alone-

influence management and government without the assistance of the

political parties or legislators. Political parties have unions in different

establishments and fields. If the problem is severe, they can seek the

support of other unions so that they can put more pressure on the employer.

For example AITUC have many unions in different establishments.

Regarding disadvantages of political affiliations the Employees

Union in APSRTC is reluctant to speak, but one of the members of the

Employees Union said that before framing demands and issues, all

ordinary members were not consulted. Some of the trade union leaders

agreed that political affiliation leads to inter union rivalry.

In response to the question whether political involvement is

necessary for effective functioning of trade unions , all trade unions leaders

belonging to employees union said that a union particularly where illiterate

and ignorant workers are working, some political leaders who have party

backing are necessary to speak on behalf of the workers for their legitimate

demands with the employer. Moreover the political leaders in the trade

union are very much aware of workers legitimate rights than the workers.

2 Lingala Venkateswarlu, Former Secretary of Employees Union, Guntur Division stated that he has transferred and served memos several times for his trade union activities

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In response to the question, whether they have organized

processions or demonstrations or strikes for political reasons, they

answered they gave a call for token strike for one day such as hike in turn

over tax, petrol and diesel prices. They wanted to identify themselves as a

part and parcel of the community as a whole and another reason for

resorting to such strikes is that whenever they give a call for a strike for

their legitimate demands they need public support.

Answering a question that there is criticism that political connection

would lead to fragmentation of T.U movement, the leaders and members of

employees union did not agree for it. Moreover they cited an example that

in the so called National Mazdoor Union due to factionism, the split took

place in 1990 and some of employees under leadership of M.Nagaswarao

established a union called Transport Mazdoor Union and later the

Transport Mazdoor Union merged in 2005 again into National Mazdoor

Union.

Employees’ union’s opinion about impact of economic reforms on

trade unions

The area secretary of employees union belonging to Guntur region

expressed that despite the denials by government of Andhra Pradesh that it

intends to privatize APSRTC, the foregoing discussions on the nature of

the reform programme in the state points to state’s agenda of privatizing or

in any case, substantially down-sizing the organization. Therefore many

profitable routes are being allotted to private bus owners and according to

agreement between APSRTC and private hired bus owners the

appointment of drivers and repairs of the buses and maintenance shall be

looked after by private bus owners. So some of drivers as well as

mechanics who repair private buses are treated as outside employees of the

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organization. In that way downsizing of the organization is taking place

and in the long run the percentage of buses on hire with APSRTC will

increase and automatically the organization will be downsized and in turn

the membership of trade unions would declined. Presently twenty five

per cent buses of APSRTC are hired buses and proportionately the

percentage of mechanics in the garage will be reduced. As per the news in

TVs on the 4-10-11, the Government is planning to introduce 40% of the

routes and buses to private persons on the partnership basis.

The proposal may be due to the strike resorted to by employees of

APSRTC, Telangana region. Answering a question whether the freedom of

association guaranteed by article 19(1)(c) of the Indian constitution is

affected or not, all the trade union leaders as well as workers said that the

article 19(1)(c) has been already affected to a great extent. Therefore the

economic reforms are a blow to the fundamental right Article 19(1)(c)

freedom to form association as the economic reforms make the working

community into several divisions among the workers such as private,

contract, permanent worker etc. The union leaders say the economic

reforms indirectly dilutes the right of freedom of association that has been

guaranteed by the Constitution. Former general secretary of employees

union Dr.V.Raja Rama Mohan Rao answering a question whether present

situation warrants strong independent union replied that in the present

situation one union for one industry should be the norm whether it is a

politically affiliated union or independent union.

In response to the question whether change in the ownership brings

any change in the organization, the trade union leaders of employees union

said certainly there will be change in the form of retrenchment or stoppage

of further appointments which down sizes the workers and in turn the

union will be effected.

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(c) Staff and workers Federation in relation to trade union and politics

Regarding the objective of the trade union, Staff and Workers

Federation which is affiliated to CITU expressed a unique and radical

view. Its objective is to achieve Socialist State through work force by

which, the workers as a part of the society also will be benefitted. The

leaders of the union concluded that the political importance is essential

than workers temporary needs. Once the worker becomes aware of his

rights and gets through political enlightenment automatically, he aims at

achieving his rights.

While discussing the advantages of political party affiliation, they

are of the opinion that good leaders like Lenin, would influence the entire

country. In order to contribute good leaders to the trade unions, political

party which aims at the poor particularly labour, will be able to prepare

good and efficient leaders for the cause of workers.

The Staff and Workers Federation felt that it is difficult to achieve

workers legitimate rights by the workers in particular industry alone. It

further expressed, if workers of all industries unite, they can exert more

pressure on government and managements to achieve their rights.

The union also agreed that in order to get rid of fear of victimization

completely the outside political leader who is brave and bold is necessary.

In response to the question whether the political involvement is

necessary for the effective functioning of the trade unions the general

secretary of staff and workers union which is affiliated to CITU federation,

R.Laxmaiah answered that because of fear of victimisation the political

involvement or affiliations are necessary. The second reason is that

workmen cannot implement their legitimate rights which are guaranteed by

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labour legislations and Constitution of India and many of the workers in

APSRTC are not aware of their legitimate rights. Therefore leaders of staff

and workers union which is affiliated to national federation CITU, who are

well versed in labour legislations who are experienced and who have been

fighting for the rights of labour can only bring awareness and will fight

against exploitation. The political affiliations are very helpful not only for

the trade but also for the development of workmen in all aspects such as,

social, cultural educational, economic, political etc.

When the general secretary of Staff and Workers Federation was

asked about the impact of economic reforms he said that the economic

reforms and world trade agreement are a conspiracy against common

people and it is the agenda of USA and Britain. These reforms,

privatization, liberalization, globalization are advantageous to capitalist

society and the aim of economic reform is to replace socialist society with

capitalist society. The General Secretary added that before introducing all

these reforms we have to amend the Constitution particularly the

Parliament must remove the word ‘Socialist’ in the preamble of the

Constitution. The economic reforms will not create any employment and

job security to the common man. Besides it will strengthen the hands of

bourgeoisie and it will have great impact on the working class whether the

union is politically affiliated or not economic reforms would downsize the

work force.

Answering the question whether we need a strong independent

union, the General Secretary of staff and workers union says the workers

particularly working in APSRTC do not have proper education to form

independent union because working class mainly constitutes drivers,

mechanics and conductors. Therefore a federation like CITU, which has

been working since 16-09-1979 for the cause of workers in APSRTC is

needed to rescue the workers from the exploitation of employers.

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He further added during the 24 days strike i.e., 2001, “we have 1.25

lakh workforce whereas now it is below one lakh” and said that the

government is making all the strategies and efforts to privatize the

APSRTC because of pressure that has been imposed by the international

financial organizations such as World Bank and IMF. The government is

discouraging the APSRTC by hiring private buses from private persons and

imposing higher MVT when compared to neighbouring states not paying

the money dues to the APSRTC for giving concessions to students and

other sections of people and not curbing illicit operations by private bus

owners. Besides it has been exempting eight per cent commercial tax with

regard to private buses hired with R.T.C. Therefore the government is

making the way to privatize the APSRTC which is acknowledged as the

single government owned corporation having largest fleet in the world.

(d) INTUC in relation to trade union and politics

In response to the question “what are the legitimate objectives of a

trade union?” all members answered that the object is to achieve living

wage and better working conditions.

Regarding the advantages of the union, it was felt that if the trade

union is affiliated to a ruling party, the workers can get favourable

legislation and policies which every employer has to oblige.

Regarding outside political leaders belonging to Congress Party the

INTUC expressed confidence in their leaders.

The former organising Secretary of IN'I'UC, Guntur Division, said

that he was suspended once for his trade union activities. So he felt that the

outside political leaders can perform better, the real functions of trade

unions than insider leader.

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In response to the question “what motivated you to accept

leadership?”. The former General Secretary of IN'IUC and Ex-MLA, stated

deliberately, "It is only desire for leadership". By the above answer we may

conclude that some of the outsiders enter into trade unions for their own

ends. The INTUC also agreed that the political affiliation leads to inter-

union rivalry.

Views of INTUC with regard to impact of economic reforms on trade

unions of APSRTC

With regard to impact of the economic reforms the trade union

leaders of INTUC as well as workers agreed that membership in trade

unions would decline ultimately and it would weaken strong trade unions.

In response to question whether economic reforms affect the

fundamental right of freedom to form associations, the trade union leaders

and workers answered that the impact on freedom of association is

negligible.

Answering a question whether change in ownership from public to

private would bring any change in the trade union or organization the

members and leaders of INTUC answered that the trade unions attitude of

militancy would be changed and instead of resorting to strikes and struggle,

they would try to adjust with management.

(e) TNTUC/ (Telugu Nadu Trade Union Congress) in relation to trade

union and politics

The Karmik Parishat is one of the off springs of TNTUC affiliated

to T.D.P, a Regional Party. It was formed in 1983, after Telugu Desam

party came to power in Andhra Pradesh. In response to the question, what

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is the object of the union, it agreed with the general view that it is to

achieve better wages and working conditions.

The Karmik Parishat admitted that the political affiliations would

split the trade union movement. The TNUC expressed satisfaction for its

affiliation to Telugu Desam, it was not due to fear of victimisation but in

order to get favourable political action towards workmen of the APSRTC.

TDP government ruled from 1983 to 1989 and 1994 to 2004.

Answering the question whether it would support an independent

union the Karmik Parishat said that a union which is affiliated to ruling

party is better than independent union.

With regard to economic reforms they supported the 24 day long

strike during 2001 that had been resorted by all trade unions of APSRTC

including NMU, EU, Staff and workers union whereas this Karmik

Parishat affiliated to the then ruling party Telugu Desam withdrew its

support from strike within a few days. However the impact of Karmik

Parishat in APSRTC is negligible.

7.6 Management in relation to trade unions, politics and impact of

economic reforms

Regarding out-side political trade union leaders, the Divisional

Manager of Guntur (APSRT'C), expressed that they generally tend to

misbehave without keeping the objects of trade union. With regard to the

impact of inter-union rivalry on industrial relations, the Divisional

Manager says, “it disturbs the productive time and sometimes, it leads to

violence”.

In response to the question, “do you face any problem from the

outsiders in the union”, the depot manager of Sattenapalli answered that

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except in some depots like Mangalagiri and Vinukonda where he worked

previously, he has not faced any problems with outside leaders. He further

said that where workers have no proper understanding about the object and

purpose of the trade unions the management would face some problems

with trade unions. Sometimes the trade unions would try to make

individual disputes into industrial disputes, for instance increment of the

driver or conductor.

Answering the question about the drawbacks of trade unions, the

depot manager of Guntur answered that the trade unions sometimes deviate

from the objectives of trade unions and philosophy of APSRTC which is

meant to serve the people at large and sometimes they forget the practical

reality and disturb the harmonious relations between management and

trade union by indulging in industrial action for petty reasons.

Answering a question about the disadvantage of a political unions

the Chief Public Relations Officer answered that political leaders of trade

unions would stick to their demands and they would obstruct the quick

solutions at the hour of crisis. The Chief Public Relations Officer suggested

in order to overcome the changes that have been brought about by

economic reforms, the organization must be revitalized which means that

unless the organization becomes strong, active and healthy, there is every

threat of privatizing the APSRTC.

In promoting harmonious relations the Sattenapalli depot manager

asserted that the leaders and the members must know the basic philosophy

of trade union as well as the philosophy of APSRTC. Then only

harmonious relations will be improved with regard to economic reforms.

To the question what are the challenges that the management and trade

unions are facing, the depot manager answered that the trade unions shall

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be equipped with new techniques in promoting productivity, operations,

vehicle utilization, duty orientation, rising of income and fulfilling its

obligation by optimizing good returns on investment and then only the

organization would overcome present changes such as liberalization,

privatization and globalization.

With regard to impact of economic reforms on APSRTC the

management says it is difficult to run the organization when it is incurring

losses and they agreed that there is threat of privatization to the APSRTC

in the coming years. Now twenty five per cent of the buses are hired by

APSRTC from private persons. It gives an indication that the downsizing

the organization will be done step by step.

From the above observation we can understand, generally trade

unions which are affiliated to political federations will have loyalities

towards parties and their outside political trade union leaders, since all

these affiliated trade unions, i.e., Employees Union Staff and Workers

Federation, INTUC, were created and established by leaders of political

parties.

Secondly trade union leaders are of the opinion that whether it is

irrespective of minor or major union, the members of each union in

APSRTC defend their union prestige status, irrespective of its contribution

to the workers.

Thirdly, in the initial stage of trade union movement though the

unions were registered under the Trade Unions Act, they won't exercise

their functions because of fear of victimisation in APSRTC. In APSRTC

the National Mazdoor Union and Employees Union are important rival

unions. Generally whenever Employees Union calls for a strike, the

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National Mazdoor Union will not participate even though the demands put

forward by Employees Union were genuine. If National Mazdoor Union

calls for strike, the Employees Union tries to make the strike a failure and

if the Employees Union calls for a strike, the National Mazdoor Union

would not participate. Here in APSRTC the other unions though they are

affiliated to trade union federations such as CITU, INTUC & TNTUC, they

are not so powerful and they do not have much strength to influence either

workers or Corporation. The 24 day long strike in 2001 is historical one as

all unions formed as Joint Action Committee (JAC) and put big pressure on

the government to concede the workers’ demands.

In spite of inter-union rivalry the Employees’ Union .and National

Mazdoor Union achieved several benefits to the workers like pay

agreements, medical benefits, uniform cloth, night-shift allowance increase

in DA, HRA, Pensions Schemes, etc.

It is difficult for the trade unions of APSRTC in the present

circumstances to unite themselves as they are sticking to different political

ideologies. For example Employee’s Union, Staff and Workers Federation

believe in militant means, and National Mazdoor Union believes in

negotiations and moderate means. The members of IN'IUC sometime join

with Employees Union and sometime with National Mazdoor union.

In APSRTC independent union always projects itself as an

independent and free trade union but the unions affiliated to political

unions never accept the National Mazdoor Union as an independent union.

They accuse that in the garb of the independent union leaders carry their

party activities in order to secure support of the workers.

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The unions having affiliation to political parties or political union

federations, always support the political involvement. The relation is

indivisible. They are very much attached to political parties and leaders

rather than their organization.

Generally when we ask anyone “is political involvement necessary

to trade union?”, the immediate answer is politics will lead to inter union

rivalry. But as far as Indian conditions are concerned, it is very difficult for

the workers to form union for themselves at the initial stage as expressed

by former State General Secretary of INTUC. It is easy to say that leaders

should be from workers. But in reality, workers education and degree of

industrialisation determines the leaders of trade unions. If the degree of

industrialisation is more outsiders are automatically pushed out by the

circumstances. For instance, Ahmedabad and Bombay Textile Workers

Unions. If the degree of industrialisation is poor, employer may exploit

workers and he does not provide good terms and conditions of work as

required by law. In those circumstances for the implementation of

legitimate rights, the outsider political leaders, who have education,

experience and social status are more useful to rescue illiterate and

ignorant workers.

As far as APSRTC is concerned, it is understood that with the help

of socio legal study, the political union, i.e., Employees Union which is

affiliated to C.P.I is losing its strength not because it is a political union,

the union neglected the important demands of the workers when the Telugu

Desam Government was an ally to the C.P.I. They lessened their militant

attitude during the Telugu Desam Government in achieving the demands in

favour of workers. The employees union, failed to pressurise the

Government in achieving their objects. Had the Employees Union not

allied with the Telugu Desam Party during the Telugu Desam Government,

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it would have continued its struggle for securing favourable demands and

behaved in a militant manner. So National Mazdoor union took advantage

of this situation and won in the elections.

History witnessed the trade union movement weakened due to the

political differences. With regard to NMU an event took place in 1990

April at the time of area secretaries election at Machilipatnam in Krishna

District of Andhra Pradesh. Some of the members who are, loyal to

M.Nageswara Rao, former Secretary of National Mazdoor Union alleged

that P.Ramamohan Rao the General Secretary of National Mazdoor Union

appointed his own man as Area Secretary without giving sufficient time

and notice to the other members in the same union to participate in the

elections. In this connection, he suspended M.Nageswara Rao who was

Ministerial Staff Secretary in the National Mazdoor Union. Hence there

was a revolt against Ramamohan Rao and some members of National

Mazdoor Union under the leadership of M.Nageswara Rao, formed another

trade union called “Transport Mazdoor Trade Union”. So, we can

understand trade union movement will split not only for political reasons,

but also for personal reasons of leaders. So, we should not always blame

politics for the weakening of the trade union movement. But strong

independent unions with internal leadership is always better than trade

unions that are affiliated to political parties particularly in the present era of

economic reforms.

7.7 APSRTC and the economic reforms

Of the 39 state level public Enterprises that were identified for

reform by August 1997, five were large enterprises, which accounted for

about 95 percent of the total net fixed assets and about 92 percent of the

employment for the period 1991 to 1994. The enterprises were A.P. State

Electricity Board (APSEB), Singareni Collieries, AP State Road Transport

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Corporation (APSRTC), AP Housing Corporation and Hyderabad Allwyn

Limited3.

The Road Transport Corporation Act 1950, a central Law, heralded

the setting up of public sector road transport corporations in several states

of India, One of the main objectives of these corporations was providing,

securing and promoting an efficient, adequate, economical and properly

coordinated system of road transport services.

7.8 Strategies of Government to privatize APSRTC

1. Imposition of discriminatory Motor Vehicle Tax (MVT)

2. Turning a blind eye to illicit operations

3. Concessions to different sections.

Even though the government denied its intention to privatize

APSRTC but in reality its agenda is privatizing it or in any cases

substantially downsizing the APSRTC. If we look into above three aspects

it will be understood how the government is striving to privatize APSRTC.

a) Discriminatory MVT on APSRTC Buses

MVT paid as a proportion of the traffic revenue was about 9 to 10

percent up to 1994-95 and the Government made it 12 percent in 1995-96

and 15 percent thereafter, from which time onwards APSRTC has been

sustaining losses, until 1994-95, MVT was levied as a fixed amount on

seat-kilometer basis, which varied between categories of buses (ordinary,

express etc.) the same procedure is applicable to even private buses. The

TDP Government however changed the MVT system from seat-Kilometer

basis to that of a fixed percentage or gross traffic revenue and hiked MVT

to 13 percent with effect from 2 August 1995. The relevant Government

3 Jos Mooij, the politics of Economic Reforms in India 2005, Sage publisher,240.

245

order was applied only to those organizations that operated more than

2,000 vehicles4 which means the above order only applicable to APSRTC

and not to private buses.

After ChandraBabu Naidu become chief minister, MVT was further

raised to 15 per-cent with effect from 13 January 1996.5

After 1995-96, the growth rate of revenue receipts has been

consistently less than that of revenue expenditure, with the lowest ever

rate in 2001-02. It is estimated that there is a fall of Rs.1,027 - 9 million in

revenue receipts due to strike in October-November 2001 and of Rs.186.5

million due to a decline in the occupancy ratio. However, there is an

addition of Rs.1.000 million towards reimbursement of 50 percent of the

value of concessions by Government of A.P.6

Figure-1

Growth in MVT and Rising Losses

4 G.O. M.S No 131/Tr, R2B (Tr-11) dated 2 August 1995. 5 G.O. M.S No 9/Tr, R2B (Tr-11) dated 13 January 1996. 6 APSRTC Annual Administration Report for the year 2001-02.

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It may be noted, however, that all the years the amount paid to

Government of AP as MVT has been much higher than the volume of

losses suffered by APSRTC, during 2001-02 the loss sustained by

APSRTC is Rs.2,720.7 million whereas MVT paid is Rs.3,376 million7

(See Figure-1). It clearly shows the state agenda to Privatize APSRTC

instead of reducing MVT in order to strengthen financial position of the

organisation. The Government of A.P itself is discouraging the profit

oriented organisation APSRTC to respect the World Bank and international

organisations.

There are serious disadvantages for an organisation when it is taxed

on traffic revenue rather than on seat-kilometer basis. The vital difference

in these two methods of taxation is that, in case of tax on seat-kilometer

basis, if the organisation is forced to improve its performances by better

vehicle utilization, occupancy ratio, plugging loopholes etc. a share in the

revenue would not go to government. Whereas, when taxed on traffic

revenue, the case would go up for the organization in terms of increase in

tax per passenger kilometer because every paisa earned additionally, by

fare hike, or efficiency is shared by government also. In other words, the

organisation would be penalized for its efficiency, as this method has an in-

built element of inflation. For APSRTC, a better alternative was felt to be

to tax the organisation on the basis of vehicles operated in a quarter

irrespective of the route on which they are operated8.

7 Ibid 8 Jos Mooij, the politics of Economic Reforms in India 2005, Sage pub, New Delhi, 240.

247

Table-1

Rate of Motor Vehicles Tax on City/Town

and Mofusil Services 2001

Type of Service Tax Rate (per cent)

City/Town

APSRTC (Andhra Pradesh) 15.00*

BMTC (Karnataka) 3.00

BEST (Maharashtra) 3.00

Tamil Nadu 1.82

Delhi 1.78

Kolkata 0.72

Mofusil Services

APSRTC (Andhra Pradesh) 15.00*

MSRTC (Maharashtra) 17.50**

UPSRTC (Utter Pradesh) 17.00

KSRTC (Kerala) 8.00

Tamil Nadu 6.24

KnRTC (Karnataka) 6.00

Source: Office of APSRTC Managing Director, Hyderabad.

Notes: *The 15.0 per cent rate was reduced to 12.5 per cent on mofusil

services and to 10 per cent on city services w.e.f. 1 December 2001 (i.e.,

after the strike during October-November 2001)

** 5.50 per cent is given back to the corporation as capital contribution.

The above table reveals about the discriminatory motor vehicle tax

that has been imposed by Government of Andhra Pradesh on APSRTC.

The NVT rate levied on APSRTC is higher than that imposed on transport

corporations in most other places in India. Infact, the highest MVT rate in

cities/towns in Hyderabad is 15 percent where as in Karnataka it is 3

percent, in Maharahtra 3 percent Tamilnadu 1.82 percent Delhi 1.78

percent, Kolkata 0.72 it is 158-534 percent higher in AP than in the case of

other transport undertakings.

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Here the notable aspect is, that the high rate of tax is levied only on

APSRTC buses, while private buses pay about 9 to 10 percent on a seat-

kilometer basis. After 24 day strike in 2001, the MVT on APSRTC was

brought down to 10percent of traffic revenue on city services and 12.5

percent on mofusil services. The state government order of imposing a

higher MVT was not discussed in the state assembly or at any other public

forum. The government has never explained to the public as to why it was

necessary to bring in a new tax measure from seat-kilometer basis to 13

percent and later to 15 percent of the traffic revenues. Despite the

government reducing 10 per cent in the case of mofusal due to the pressure

that has been put by 24 days strike of the all trade unions JAC in 2001, the

government faced criticism from the public.

b) Illicit operations

The plying of private vehicles (buses, taxis, vans) etc. without

vehicle licence has significantly increased day by day. Both the

government as well as APSRTC are losing revenue due to such operations.

Illicit operations are conducted in the following ways.

1. A Private bus operator obtains a licence for one bus but operates a few

more, sometimes with the same registration number as the licenced one

or with different numbers. For example, a private bus with a proper

registration number starts from Vijayawada to Hyderabad. Illegally

another bus with the same number starts from Hyderabad to

Vijayawada.

2. Vans/Jeeps take permission to operate as contract carriages (from

predetermined point to another) but, in practice, operate as shuttle

services.

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They neither pay taxes (on traffic revenue) to the government nor

are they regulated by any agency. Trade unions in APSRTC staged dharnas

several times in front of Road Transport Offices and Regional offices but

the government paid a deaf ear to all agitations. On several occasions the

government has promised to curb the private illegal operations, which is

the responsibility of Transport authority. On 29th

April, 1998 the Chief

Minister N.Chandra Babu Naidu gave an assurance that all effort will be

made to curb illicit operations in order to improve the revenues of

APSRTC. The then Transport minister reached an agreement with the

employees union with regard to curbing illicit operations.

The agreement is as follows: “It is agreed that the enforcing

machinery will be strengthened to arrest illicit operations. A separate cell

will be created in the transport department duly earmarking certain staff for

conducting checks at regular intervals in coordination with APSRTC to

curtail the illicit operations of private vehicles, which are eroding the

revenues of the corporation”.

However it appears the measures and steps taken by government to

curb illicit operations are only half-hearted and lacked sincerity. In

practice, illicit private operators who are mostly political leaders and

relatives of political leaders never faced any threat or problem. Instead,

they received favours in the form of exemption of 8 percent commercial

tax. Occasionally fines are collected from such operators for plying

illegally but the fines are so low that the operators find it more profitable to

pay them than to stop their illegal operations.

c) Concessions to different sections

The state government frequently announces concessions to different

groups of people, who are then allowed to travel free of cost or at nominal

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rates. The sections covered by these concessions are students, girls,

freedom fighters, physically handicapped, journalists, MLAs/MPs etc.

except in a few cases all concessions are extended primarily with an eye on

possible political gains. Private operators do not allow such concession.

Besides this, the government or the ruling party hires APSRTC buses for

its own activities such as political rallies, Janmabhoomi programmes. The

financial liability borne by APSRTC due to such concessions and activities

is estimated at Rs.2,600 million in 2001-029 (See Table-2).

Another form of losses sustained by APSRTC is related to

destruction and damage of buses during agitations and dharnas, very

recently because of bandh called by unions for separate Telangana. In

Telangana region several millions of rupees loss has been incurred by

APSRTC for political reasons and not for the industrial disputes between

employers and workmen.

There are lots of dues from government to APSRTC. Much of these

dues include police warrant bills, special hire bills, subsidy to freedom

fighters, etc. Most of what the Joint Action Committee (JAC) was

demanding was not covered within this amount. Part of the dues are from

the Central Government (Income tax department).

During the past 10-year period between 1990-91 to 2000-01,

APSRTC incurred a property loss of about Rs.4,840 million and an income

loss of Rs.39,920 million. The property loss was due to cancellation and or

low capacity running of buses during such agitations10

.

9 Jos Mooij, the politics of Economic Reforms in India 2005, Sage pub, New Delhi, 251. 10 Vaartha (Telugu Daily) Hyderabad edition 28th October, 2001

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7.9 Resistance to the strategies of government by Trade unions and

24 day long strike by APSRTC trade union

A strike was resorted to on 15th

October and ended on the night of

7th

November 2001. The strike was called under the banner of joint action

committee (JAC) in which all the trade unions of APSRTC took part and

finally an agreement has been arrived at between employer and trade

unions of APSRTC.

The significance of the 24 day long strike is that all trade unions of

APSRTC came under common platform and successfully brought the

secret strategies of government to the notice of the public, particularly

about how the government was taking steps to turn a profitable public

sector transport organization into a loss making one, with a view to

privatizing APSRTC as part of the world bank reform agenda in the state.

The four main demands put forward were

1. Implementation of wage revision from 1st April 2001.

2. Reduction in MVT to10 percent (from the then existing 15 percent) and

levying the same at uniform rates on private buses as well.

3. Curbing illegal private operations in order to improve the revenue of

the APSRTC as well as government.

4. Reimbursement of the amounts foregone on account of the concessions

and exemptions extended to various categories of people by the state

government.

The government made several attempts to break the strike by

creating divisions among workers and taking repressive measures against

the strikers, and creating the threats of privatization as well as loss of jobs.

But the trade unions of APSRTC (JAC) received state wide support from

all sections of the people.

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The trade union affiliated to then ruling Telugu Desam party,

APSRTC Karmika Parishat, however withdrew from the strike within few

days, but the impact of this withdrawal was, however negligible.

During the strike in order to get public support government made

several allegations against the trade unions of APSRTC. One of the

allegations was that APSRTC was already incurring losses to the tune of

Rs.6,200 million, besides incurring debts of Rs.6,950 million which carried

an interest liability of Rs.800 million. If the JAC demands were agreed to,

there would be additional burden of Rs.2,060 million. The government

tried to impress upon the public that the strike had been called only for

higher salaries even when corporation was running in losses. It was further

argued that while the state was facing floods and droughts, APSRTC

workers were only bothered about their salaries. Senior members of the

government including the Chief Minister, Home Minister, Transport

Minister and Managing Director of APSRTC propagated the government

views via the media in different ways (from statements to advertisements

and television programmes such as Chandra Babu Naidu ‘Dial your C.M’

on the state owned Doordarshan channel).

JAC on the other hand resisted the claims of government through

the media by saying that wage revision was only one of its demands. The

two most important demands were reducing the high MVT rate on RTC

buses on par with private buses and curbing illicit operations.

The JAC further argued that if these two demands were accepted,

the APSRTC could be brought back to profits and meeting the higher wage

bill would not be a problem. The above two aspects drew the attention of

the public and generated big support for JAC. The government could not

deny the higher MVT when compared with other states as well as private

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buses within the state and failed to clarify why it was levying lower tax on

private operators and high tax on corporation buses. Further the

government was unable to curb illicit operations as most of these buses

belong to ruling party leaders. These two aspects were systematically

narrated by JAC to the public and gained the wide spread support of the

public.

The Chief Minister N.Chandra Babu Naidu made a threat that public

opinion was in favour of breaking the monopoly of APSRTC and wanted it

to be privatized. He also pointed out that ‘outsiders’ were leading the trade

unions and Chief Minister warned that since none of these Joint Action

Committee leaders are employees of APSRTC and their jobs were not at

stake, the organization would be given second priority by them. He

cautioned the workers to realize who would be losers if the corporation was

closed down due to labour unrest11

.

Three days after this press meet the Vice-Chairman and Managing

Director of APSRTC released an advertisement that was specifically

addressed to the workers. The following statement was given on

7th

November in Telugu Print Media. “This type of prolonged strike led to

the closure of about 100 textile mills in Mumbai. In our state also

organizations like Allwyn and IDPL were closed due to losses. The trials

and tribulations due to lack of livelihood support for the family members

and employees of those organizations would not be known to the public. At

present it is immaterial as to who is at fault viz, management, trade union

leaders, workers or government. But you i.e., workers must realise that if

the organization is weakened workers are the bigger losers by way of

losing employment. This is the truth taught to us by the industrial units

closed in the past”.

11 Deccan Chronicle, Hyderabad edition 5th November 2001

254

The statements and the advertisements cited by the government did

not create any panic among the trade unions, but only reflected the sense of

panic within the government when JAC gave a call for a state-wide bandh

on November 8th

which was receiving wide-spread support. The

government realized that the proposed bandh would be successful as all

political parties other than the ruling party participated. The ruling party

Telugu Desam had not participated in the bandh. Subsequently the

government invited JAC leaders of trade unions and negotiations were

conducted, which went on till midnight of 7th

November and some sort of

agreement was reached. Finally the strike was declared over and bandh was

called off.

The above observations showed how the government made attempts

to privatise APSRTC, the aspect of economic reforms and the privatization

agenda of the AP government under the guidance of the World Bank was

brought into focus by the strike. What the government agreed to as the

salary package is less than the income loss suffered by the Andhra Pradesh

Road Transport Corporation during the strike.

The two strategies, one the imposition of the discriminatory Motor

Vehicle Tax (MVT) on its own transport and turning a blind eye to illicit

operations by private parties, could not work to privatize APSRTC. But the

government is tactfully hiring buses from private persons on the condition

that they arrange the drivers for the private buses hired and the buses shall

get repaired at the private garages. Therefore there is decline in the number

of drivers as well as mechanics. In that way the number of workers or

employee members has declined proportionately and the strength of trade

unions has deteriorated.

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The two strategies i.e., higher MVT to its own corporation and the

other permitting illicit operations, were never openly discussed by the

government either through media or through any platform. They were

introduced via the back door and pursued silently. The government never

discussed these aspects either in the assembly or never explained to the

public as to why it was necessary to bring a higher MVT. Had the

government imposed MVT on par with neighboring states, i.e., Tamil Nadu

(1.82% MVT), Karnataka (3.00% MVT) etc. and incurs losses, then the

government would think of privatizing APSRTC. According to

administration reports MVT has been much higher than the volume of

losses suffered by APSRTC.

Another aspect is the government never paid the dues to APSRTC

with regard to concessions announced by the government to different

sections of the people in the state. Whereas in the case of MVT it would

collect promptly from the corporation. This is one of the reasons that the

APSRTC incurred losses.

The tragedy of APSRTC is that the government is making all

attempts to push APSRTC into a loss making unit and simultaneously

arguing that there was no improvement in the operations efficiency and

stricter cost control. The government further argues it should be referred to

BIFR (Board of Industrial Finance and Reconstruction) which deals with

sick units or industries. It has been shown that the unions in APSRTC have

not much strength for bringing down MVT on par with neighbouring

states.

The two strong unions of APSRTC the National Mazdoor Union

and Employees Union accuse each other and generally cannot come to the

other for protecting the rights of employees of APSRTC. Only on a few

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occasions they along with Staff and Workers Federation and other unions

joined together and pressurized the government to concede their demands.

Whenever they joined together they pressurized the government in

achieving some of the demands. Fox example during 2001, 24 days strike

and all the trade unions of APSRTC came under one platform and they not

only achieved many demands but also brought out the malafide intention of

the government to privatize APSRTC even though the organization is

profitable. In many aspects they also gained wide-spread public support in

favour of the strike. Several times when the recognized union NMU

withdrew from the strike and came to an understanding with the

government, political leaders of political affiliated unions did well on some

occasions on behalf of the employees of APSRTC but if they keep away

the political ideologies, philosophies and combined together in this

particular economic reforms situation they can do well in protecting

APSRTC as public sector undertaking.

Sometimes because of political loyalty to the party leaders who are

in turn trade union leaders, they have to sacrifice their rights and demands.

For instance during the TDP Government the employees union became

silent and could not give a militant fight against the management because

the CPI is allied with the TDP. The internal leaders in EU, SWF who work

along with political leaders must improve themselves by knowing legal

aspects and rights under Indian Constitution as well as industrial laws.

They have to develop themselves and try to come out from political

loyalties whenever a situation comes up and if they need political leader’s

support they can take the support of political leaders of different parties.

But they cannot follow their ideologies which obstruct the development of

trade unions. The internal leaders of the trade union should exploit the

political leaders for their cause but not to be exploited by political leaders

257

for their selfish political ends. We cannot criticize the role of political

leaders in trade unions but have to minimize the role of political leaders.

Trade Unions should become bread butter unions (economic unions) like

USA. It is feared that if the government continues to undermine and

discredit APSRTC in the future, the corporation may be declared sick

industry and ultimately be referred to the BIFR (Board of Industrial

Finance Reconstruction) which deals with the future of sick industries.

However the trend in the industrial world compels trade unions of

APSRTC to get involved in the business strategies like work organization

and career planning of the company. Present environment forces of trade

unions of APSRTC to cooperate with the management in order to meet the

competition of private transport.

In the recent times i.e., from 24 October 2011, which lasted for

41 days, the employees of Telangana Region participated in Sakala Janula

Samme (All people strike) nearly for 30 days for political reasons in order

to achieve separate Telangana state which resulted in incurring of huge

losses to APSRTC. Therefore one can predict that the Corporation may be

privatized sooner than later which the government may want to see. The

employees of APSRTC have to realize that the APSRTC is self-supported

business organization which needs efficiency and competition on par with

private transport.

The researcher felt that the government has already imposed higher

MVT, turning a blind eye to illicit operations and encouraging private

persons by showing favour in the form of the reduction of commercial tax

in order to push APSRTC into losses, so that the Corporation may be

privatized. Now the attitudes of trade unions of APSRTC seem to be

comforting the government to fulfill its desires of APSRTC.

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Therefore workers of APSRTC shall realize that they are one of the

business partners who render labour along with capital of employer. In the

changing environment the need for competition and cooperation is more

than industrial action such as strike and agitations.

Finally we may conclude there is nothing wrong in taking the

services of political leaders to achieve their demand. But trade unions and

employees should not be sentimental and loyal to the political leaders of

trade unions. They should be economical and development oriented. It is

suggested in the changing environment strong independent unions taking

the support of all political parties at the hour of crisis would bring good to

the working community.