Peace and Conflict Studies

Prof. Vosse

Ivone Zarate

Toward a Positive Peace program in the consolidation of political indigenous

Movements in Bolivia

Introduction:

In the Bolivian Constitution there was no concept of multinational state, this and other

concepts were introduced in the Magna Chart in the last reform carried out in February

2004. In June 2007 the 21 working committees of the Constituent Assembly ended its work

with more disagreement than consensus. Threats were registered by prefects or governors

of the eastern and southern Bolivia (Tarija, Santa Cruz, Beni and Pando) and assembly

opponents made their claims to full autonomy and his call for civil resistance.

The paper will reflect on the linkages between communication practices and social

movements focusing on the experiences of participation of indigenous movements in the

period 2005 to 2007, during which crystallized with great clarity the images and

representation on the new form of Constitution in Bolivia.

Martin Barbero1's work will guide this work as an umbrella perspective in order to analyze

social movements, communication practices in Latin America. Johan Galtung offers a

relevant perspective to relate this experience with a program on peace.

Also, I use categories of Eliseo Veron and Silvia Sigal2 to identify categories of discourse

analysis and various representatives of the so called Theory of critical Discourse3. We

note that at the level of discourse, we find a multitude of nationalities in Bolivia. We

wonder on the instances of mediation among the various nationalities, from which may

result a unified field of struggle. Finally suggest that this experience may be related to a

program on Positive Peace as mentioned by Johan Galtung4. The paper considers the

consolidation of political subjects as part of a broader positive peace program, that we can

1 Idem

2 Veron, E. and Sigal, S. 1988. Pern or death, Hyspamrica, Buenos Aires [1985].

3 Fairclough, Norman 1992. Discourse and social change. London-New York: Routledge. Cap. 3 [There are translation / adaptation in Spanish] 4 Johan Galung, Peace research, education, action Johan Galtung. Pub. Ejlers Copenhagen,

1975.

trace in the distinctions made by Johan Galtung5 linked to the recognition of structural

violence. We reflect on the political narratives that were constituted in counter-hegemonic

forms of representation about the attributes of the policy and the state and that may allow

space for elimination or weakening of forms of structural violence, as is been the previous

absence of recognition of demands from Indigenous groups. The development of this work

has been organized into three parts. In principle, the introduction about the main topics of

reflection. Secondly I present the conceptual framework and methodology. Next follows

the analysis of the discourses produced by these actors. Later on, we arrive to a conclusion.

Theoretical framework and Methodology:

We aim to focus on processes and aspects related to the conformation of political sujects

that as a strategic area in the elimination of structural violence. The overall objective is to

analyze the representations and images constructed by indigenous organizations during the

discussions on constitutional reform from 2005 to 2007 in Bolivia.

The methodological strategy that is used is the analysis of political discourses.In order to

get closer to the analysis of social processes and communication in Latin America this

paper recurred as a broad framework to the work of Martn Barbero.6 Barbero considers

that hegemony transforms from within the meaning of work and life in the community and

that some mediation practices such as consensual communication practices may be the

device through which identities can be modified, strengthened, etc This production of

meaning from the mediation will allow the subject to be configuring and building the world

and forming their identities.

This paper works on Political Discourse of Indigenous movements in Bolivia as a

methodology of analysis because the authors analyze whether there exists dimensions of

Political Discourses which may allow us to identify aspects of group identification and

what are the key drivers or dimensions that crystallize in the incorporation of demands in a

multiethnic scenario as Bolivia.

5 Johan Galtung, In Peace: Research, Education, Action. Copenhagen: C. Ejlers, 1975.

6 Martin-Barbero, Jesus, "Methods: From media to mediations" from media to mediations. Editorial Gustavo Gili (1996/09)

1. Introduction to the context: Indigenous movements in Bolivia

The precedents of the Constituent Assembly in Bolivia date back to early 1990, when

indigenous organizations in the lowlands of the country staged the movement that became

known as "March for Dignity and Territory" which mobilized around the need for

constituent Assembly with a view to a new socio-political pact that would achieve the

recognition and affirmation of indigenous nationalities. As a result of these requirements,

some reforms of the agricultural system followed. However, reforms soon showed its lack

of real impact on the improvement of the system of land tenure and indigenous protests

intensified.

In October of 1996 was enacted the Law No. 1715 which recognized the communal lands

of origin. Despite these actions, demands escalated in October 2003 when various

movements and social organizations demanded the convocation of the Constituent

Assembly and a referendum for the sale of gas. As a result, the State responded with a

major crackdown that caused 60 deaths leading to a political crisis of government of

President Sanchez de Lozada.

The demands on these mobilizations encompasses what became known as "Agenda for

October" and "gas war" and were a prelude to the claims then they would carry out on the

occasion of the preparatory discussions of the Constituent Assembly.

The agenda of a new State Constitution is firmly positioned in Bolivia since October 2003

when they forced the resignation of former president Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada. Carlos

Mesa was the president who happened to Sanchez de Lozada. The Bureau attempts to call

the referendum and the Constituent Assembly were blocked by Congress and soon Carlos

Mesa s government was destabilized by the opposition of most legislators, among other

political, economic and social, forcing the call ahead of elections.

For his part, the Constituent Assembly showed conflicting objectives by different groups

and stakeholders. Peace movements and the high privilege of the Assembly aimed at

recognition of indigenous identities and the nationalization of hydrocarbons. On the other

hand, some regions of eastern Bolivia had as primacy the demands on departmental

autonomy.

Disagreements about the program and Agenda at the Constituent Assembly led to a biased

treatment of the topics and violent shooting conflicts between different actors.

In the elections of December 2005 Evo Morales won the presidency with an absolute

majority of 54% of the vote, assuming the executive in January 2006. In March 2006 the

law was enacted to convene a Constituent Assembly and call for referendum on

departmental autonomy. Thus it was decided the election of 255 assembly. The

Referendum called by the Government of Evo Morales was approved in January 2009.

The conflict over substantive content of the constitution left hundreds dead. In the regions

of the Media Luna, Santa Cruz, Beni, Pando and Tarija-the vote was marked by a mere 60

percent. The demands of the regions of the Crescent revolved around the claims for

departmental autonomy. The different claims around the concept of Autonomy were very

clear. On one side, most of the indigenous movement defined autonomy related to the self

determination. On the other part, some states as Santa Cruz and Cochabamba constructed

their claims on autonomy relating it to the self government. The interests behind the

struggle and violence may be interpreted as an attempt of these departments to maintain the

status quo behind the new claims posed by indigenous organization.

2. The consolidation of political subjects as part of a broader positive peace

program

The images and representations of socio-political identities mostly refer to a new socio-

political subject that is constituted through instances of mediation which we may identify in

the practices of communication implemented by indigenous groups and established as

instances of mediation in shaping their identity as social subjects. Within this perspective, it

becomes relevant to appreciate the practices of communication that traverse the processes

of building the new socio-political subjects as well as the images and representations that

result from these processes and how this processes of definition and affirmation of

identities could be considered as part of broad agenda of Positive Peace building in the

future of the country.

Johan Galtung7 proposes to get into a broader framework for peace thinking that will take

us beyond the balance of power thinking. He begins by tracing the Law and Order tradition

on peace studies which was based on the distinction between negative peace (absence of

war) and positive peace (some type of cooperation). Galtung continues explaining a

typology to understand how personal and structural violence are carried out. With the

distinction between personal and structural violence, it becomes evident the multiple

dimensions of Violence as well as Peace must be taken into account. He derives from this

extensive concept of Violence an extended concept of Peace, with negative peace referring

7 Johan Galung, Peace research, education, action Johan Galtung. Pub. Ejlers Copenhagen,

1975.

to absence of personal violence and positive peace referring to the absence of structural

violence. The later one is associated with achieving social Justice.

When we consider how the indigenous subjects are formed into the political arena, popular

experiences in Bolivia have showed the importance of the interdependence between

affirmation of identities and social movements.

The discursive field of Politics and the construction of collective identities

For the purpose of using a model to reflect on the analysis of political speeches that will let

us identify dimentions of identity affirmation, this paper will use as framework the

categories developed by the social scientist Eliseo Veron8. Eliseo Vern in "La palabra

adversativa" (Adversity word) reflects on elements of narrative analysis and proposes a

model in order to analyze political discourses.

However, I will stand within the broader neo- Marxist framework of analysis from critical

discourse analysis. Therefore, I appeal also to the contributions of authors who identify

themselves with the critical Discourse theory 9(Teun Van Dichter

10, Ruth Wodak

11,

Norman Fairclough12

, Luisa Martn Rojo13

, among others). I think this election will

allow me analyze issues related to the social construction of representations.

Eliseo Veron, in "La Palabra Adversativa14

," argues that the discursive field of politics

involves conflict and struggle between statements and the policy statement is linked to the

8 Veron, E. 1987. "The adversative word: Comments on the policy statement. In: E. Veron et al. Political discourse: language and events. Buenos Aires, Hachette. 9 According to Fairclough, Norman in his work Critical Discourse Analysis: The Critical Study of

Language. Longman Clive Holes (1995), Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) is an interdisciplinary approach to the study of discourse that views language as a form of social practice

and focuses on the ways social and political domination are reproduced by text and talk 10

Van Dijk, Teun. 2005. "Ideology and discourse." Utopia y Praxis Latinoamericana. Volume 10,

No. 39, pp. 9-36.

11

Wodak, Ruth. 2003. "Which is the ACD." In: Wodak, Ruth and Michael Meyer. Methods of

Critical Discourse Analysis. Barcelona: Gedisa.

12

Fairclough, Norman 1992. Discourse and social change. London-New York: Routledge. Cap. 3

13 Luisa Martn Rojo, Luisa 1997 "The social order of speeches." Address 21/22, pp. 1-37.

14 Veron, E. 1987. "The adversative word: Comments on the policy statement. In: E. Veron et al.

Political discourse: language and events. Buenos Aires, Hachette.

construction of identity or image and the construction of an adversary.

The statement is here appreciated as the unit of analysis of any constitution in the political

discourse and may consider the adversarial word in the sense that every act of political

statement has others acts of enunciation opposed to the affirmative claim. In this sense,

Veron said that all political discourse is inhabited by a negative.

Considering that the Indigenous political discourse broke into a discourse claiming the

legitimacy of new representations of the state constitution, we can identify it as the "other"

which appears on the scene disputing the legitimacy of certain representations mainly

against the claims of the stakeholders of the departments of Crescent (Regions Santa

Cruz, Beni, Pando and Tarija).

Vern argues that political discourse is directed at the same time, towards a positive

recipient and a negative recipient. These are built simultaneously, but take different weight

and power relations. The positive target corresponds to a receptor that participates in the

same values and objectives that the speaker.

On the other hand, the anti-recipient is excluded from collective identification. We can

relate the effects of this situation with the highest levels of violence that have accompanied

the process of legitimizing the demands of indigenous nationalities.

Veron identifies a third recipient, the group of undecided voters, to whom the speech is

planned in the sense of persuasion.

It also identifies two performance levels in terms of the political speeches: "The institutions

of political imagination" and " the descriptive, educational, programmatic components."

Both levels are deployed in the construction of the speaker as the construction of the

recipients.

At the first level, we can recognize different types of institutions in political discourse:

1 - "Collective Identification:" We "," others ". Associated with recipients and against the

recipient.

2 - "Larger entities than groups." "Citizen"; workers "," Bolivia " directed towards the

Para-associated recipient.

3. Collective-singular goal, more comprehensive than collective that established the identity

of the sender. Not allow the quantification, unlike the previous two entities.

4 - Relatively isolated expressions of semantic autonomy with respect to the discursive

context. These entities have a metaphorical dimension for a political position.

5 - Nominal forms, unlike previous ones, have explanatory power and project immediate

interpretations.

Vern remind us that we should consider these components not as isolated but as parts of

the political speech. The main components are:

A-Component of description: The policy statement evaluates a situation or describes a

specific situation.

B-Component of teaching: In the area of political discourse these principles set out some

self proclaimed timeless truth.

C-Prescriptive component: refers to an imperative duty, an universal or general claim.

D- Program component: This component shows the promise, the announcement and the

commitment of the sender.

3. Political Narratives of indigenous movements

With regard to the documents for analysis, I will focus on the texts produced by three

organizations:

Guaran nations15

,

The central towns of Beni Mojenos16

,

Indigenous organizations of Santa Cruz and Lomerio Chiquitana17

.

The documents in the form of texts were produced by indigenous movements in the

framework of participatory workshops with the broad participation of members of

indigenous groups during the course of the period 2005-2007 as proposals that contain

demands to be treated in the Constituent Assembly of the State.

In this paper I use the word "political speech" in the singular because I want to suggest the

semantic unit that occurs in the indigenous discursive field.

15

APG Guaranda village assembly. "Towards the constituent assembly: building our proposal."

Proposal for a constituent assembly. Assembly of the Guaran people. " May 2006 16

"Proposal for the new constitution of the state: territory, justice and self determination." Central

Mojenos ethnic peoples of the Beni. August 2007 17

Background to the proposal: Rights of Indigenous and originating in the new state constitution."

Chiquitana indigenous organization. September 2005

We want to identify which elements of the political discourses operate as mediators in the

unification of the political claims among different nationalities in Bolivia so we can better

understand how a unified political discourse is constructed in the difference of discourses.

These elements of mediations that contribute to unify the discourses of the indigenous

provide a common ground for claims about core concepts.

The authors suggest that the concept of "autonomy is essential in the operations of

identification of indigenous groups.

We note that at the level of discourse, we find a multitude of nationalities in Bolivia. We

wonder on the instances of mediation among the various nationalities, from which may

result a unified field of struggle.

From the analysis, we recognize that some concepts work unifying the discursive field.

These concepts are "home rule" and "inclusive state." There are other concepts that act by

mediating the discursive field of indigenous nationalities in Bolivia. However, here I

concentrate more in these two expressions.

Proposal of New Land Policy and State Fundamental Law and Self Determination by the

Central Mojeo of Beni region

The participation of the majority in decision-making in this country called Bolivia has so

far been very poor; the majority of indigenous peoples are the most excluded. In our

intention to change this arbitrary situation, huge demonstrations have been carried out,

which took too many lives, in order to give a new structure to the state. These

demonstrations are not only demands, but proposals from social organizations, with the

current challenge to conduct the Constituent Assembly18

We begin by referring to the ethnic villages of Beni Mojenos (CPEM-B)19

which involved

the indigenous movements Trinitarian Ignatian Movima, Chiman Yaracar, Tsim,

Yuki. This organization participated in a number of participatory workshops and regional

forums to discuss the new constitution.

As a result of this consultation process, the organization produced a text defining the

proposal as "Indigenous Project: Land, Justice and self-determination," recognizing these

three dimensions as a priority in defining their identity. Also mentioned as significant

aspects:

18

Proposal for the new constitution of the state: territory, justice and self determination." Central Mojenos ethnic peoples of the Beni. August 2007. 19

Idem.

The complaint against the exclusion of indigenous people in areas of the country's

political decision, arbitrariness and social repression.

The document says that The state must punish any form of labor exploitation and all forms

of racial discrimination. The State shall make effective policies to promote and protect

cultural diversity by preventing the assimilation and cultural genocide of indigenous

peoples and nations.20

The need for a new state structure and recognition of political rights for indigenous

communities. The document mentions that The Bolivian government must promote

respect between First Nations and / or indigenous peoples through specialized institutions

that recognize the legitimacy of originating authorities and community justice s well as

legal and judiciary customs practiced by the indigenous nations.21

Identify the New Political Constitution of Bolivia as a new social pact.

According to the document, they consider Bolivia as a free, sovereign, multinational,

multicultural, and multilingual, with a participatory democratic system of government with

Indigenous identity, constituted by territorial units that recognize Cultural Ethnic

autonomy.22

This proposal of the central towns of Beni Mojeos begins by questioning the lack of

opportunities for political participation. As enunciators, they identify themselves as

"indigenous peoples", members of the "great majority", "the most excluded."

It is noteworthy that here is no explicit anti-recipient of the speech, unlike other units

enunciators analyzed in this paper.

On the other hand, we recognize the presence of nominalizations that display explanatory

power in the discursive context in the following formulas: "The participation of the

grassroots", "Access Policies", "gender equality", "cultural genocide" "intercultural

education."

With regard to the intellectual property rights, the organizations use the concept in an

innovative form by expressing that The Bolivian State should respect the knowledge,

wisdom and intellectual property of indigenous peoples through rules and sanctions. 23

Ancestral property rights force the interpretation around the private intellectual property

rights.

20

Idem 21

Idem. 22

Idem. 23

Idem.

Assembly of Pueblo Guaran, APG: Towards the constituent assembly, building our

proposal (Title of the proposal)

Due to the current system of national government structure that does not correspond to the

reality and the needs of the Guarani people. Instead, the security and police agencies of the

state system have repressed the Guarani people, in our last mobilization for the claim of

participation in the distribution of resources of direct taxes on hydrocarbons.24

In the Proposal to the Constituent Assembly, the Guaran Nation made the public consult

with the participation of young people, adults, ascending to 1395 men and 1239 women for

a total of 2634 respondents during the period 2005 and addressed directly by the Guarani

People's Assembly.

Their collective identification is as "the Guaran people," Guarani nation .

Collective entities which are mentioned in the discourse are the ancestors", "First

Nations", "the historically excluded," "the poor", "lower", "peasants", "social worker

classes."

Among the meta-collective singular refers to "the people", "Santa Cruz", "Bolivian

territory," "the Bolivian nation," "future generation."

Some nominalizations with some autonomy semantics that are used are the "liberation"

being Guarani "internal revolution," "land without evil," "humanistic culture", "disenchant

the earth," "participatory democracy"; New Bolivian State ".

Thee explanatory nominalizations that are used include: "Spanish Conquest", "neo-colonial

republic", "slavery system", processes of colonization, "colonial aggression, "

imperialism, " centralization, " the diversity, "wisdom, "state crisis ", "exclusive state,

"the ancestral land, decolonization of indigenous thinking "; nation rebuilding".

They recurred to narratives about the Republic associated with neo-colonial power. The

document also mentions identifies the reactionary elites in Bolivia as contra-recipient.

Claims that the indigenous peoples of the lowlands we were never consulted and never

been part of the political decisions of the Republic, but rather have been the target of the

genocide that began with the conquest and under the current scenario of power groups

dedicated to the service of the multinationals who plundered the country.

24

APG Guaranda village assembly. "Towards the constituent assembly: building our proposal."

Proposal for a constituent assembly. Assembly of the Guaran people. " May 2006

They also argue that the State should be understood as constructed from the bottom and the

Multinational State must come to life in essence.

Independence Resolution by the Monkox Nation (Chiquitano)

That, to us, autonomy is an expression of self-determination of peoples, based on the prior

existence as nations and indigenous native peoples and the ancestral domain of our

territories, before the creation of the Bolivian state, which represents the exercise of self-

government the recovery of land and territory, use and sustainable utilization of natural

resources, profit sharing, respect for rules, procedures and institutions, protection and

guarantee collective rights and culture25.

In a similar way the Central Lomero indigenous communities adopted the resolution

entitled "Self-determination, self government, autonomy26.

The document distinguishes three resolutions. First, the organizations reclaim to be

recognized as living in autonomous indigenous territories. Secondly, Monkox Indigenous

People (Chiquitano) Lomerio are holder and owner of Indian Territory Autonomous

Lomero and adopt a statute of peasant indigenous autonomy according to its rules and

procedures. Third resolution calls upon to ignore and reject any departmental authority,

provincial or municipal claiming to be above our territory, which is autonomous.27

The enunciation of these communities produces several groups: the Bolivian workers,

peasants. Each group is diverse and is made up of multitudes.

4. Final reflections: Collective identification of the discursive field among the

different indigenous Nations and strengthening of Positive Peace Agenda in

Bolivia

Participatory processes among indigenous organizations, during the preparation towards the

Constituent Assembly, constituted the mediation instances through which a unified field of

political discourse was constructed. It also constituted the mediation instances that allow us

to understand the constitution of political actors.

25

Resolution of the indigenous villages of Santa Cruz called "We were born free and be free" April 2008 26

Idem 27

Idem.

Thus, the political discourse about indigenous autonomy challenges traditional conceptions

about the basis of state power. The concept on multinational state brings about deep

questions about the nation state and the state monopoly in the production and imposition of

symbols, images and representations legitimate. However, these transformations at the level

of hegemonic representations and alternatives are part of a wider process of redefinition of

social subjects.

On the other Hand, theorist as Bernd Simon28

demonstrated that collective identification is

an important determinant of social movement support. From this perspective, social

movement support is the enactment of a particular politicized group or social category

membership, and collective identification operates as the basic social psychological process

underlying movement support29 (Simon & Klandermans, 2001).

The broader context of Political violence that preceded these events were characterized by

disharmony of interests between the so called crescendo region that accounts for the better

indicators of income levels and home to natural resources and a periphery or more relegated

province that did not participate in the better conditions as the province of Santa Cruz.

When Galtung reflects on imperialism and the dynamics within the classes or socio-

economic sectors of a country, mentions inequality as one of the major forms of structural

violence. In this paper, we only wanted to understand how the political actors constituted

themselves through communication practices, so we could understand a little bit more the

intricate relations that operate in the definition or consolidation of political identities. But

we could not negate that these events are a consequence of imperialism as could have been

practiced after the genocide of most of indigenous population in Bolivia. The violence

between different parties took place with regard to the definition over the control of

strategic economic areas that showed linkages to a colonial time, even though the relations

have been reconfigured into more legitimated and accepted forms.

Following the history of Bolivia in the last 20 years represents a class contested strategy

within an international force field that allows for the construction of alternative political

and societal arrangements.

28 BERND SIMON, ROMAN TROTSCHELZ AND DORIT DAHNE; Identity affirmation and social movement support; European Journal of Social Psychology Eur. J. Soc. Psychol. 38, 935946 (2008) November 2007. DOI: 10.1002/ejsp.473

29

Idem. Pag. 1.

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