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Journal of Progressive Human Services

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This Land Is Our Land: Exploring the Impact of U.S.Immigration Policies on Social Work Practice

Diana Franco

To cite this article: Diana Franco (2019): This Land Is Our Land: Exploring the Impact of U.S.Immigration Policies on Social Work Practice, Journal of Progressive Human Services, DOI:10.1080/10428232.2019.1583956

To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/10428232.2019.1583956

Published online: 04 Mar 2019.

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This Land Is Our Land: Exploring the Impact of U.S.Immigration Policies on Social Work PracticeDiana Franco

New York University Silver School of Social Work, New York, USA

ABSTRACTThis paper explores the history of anti-immigration U.S. policiesand their impact on social work practice with lawful permanentresidents (LPR) and undocumented Latinx migrants in the U.S.Stringent U.S. immigration laws have resulted in increasedracial profiling and psychological consequences. Social workersplay a necessary role in meeting the complex needs of thispopulation by bridging the gap between micro and macrolevel interventions. This article will discuss Critical RaceTheory (CRT) and Latino Critical Race Theory (LatCrit) as frame-works in social work practice with Latinx migrants. The role ofsocial work through the LatCrit praxis will be explored.

KEYWORDSImmigration; Latino criticalrace theory; policy; reform;anti-oppressive social work

Introduction

This paper explores the history of anti-immigration policies in the UnitedStates, its connection to human rights violations, and the impact on directclinical social work practice with lawful permanent residents (LPR) andundocumented Latin American migrants. Past and present U.S. anti-immigration policies have contributed to human rights violations amongLatin American immigrants and physical and psychological issues in LatinAmerican migrants regardless of their legal status (Cano et al., 2015; Somin,2017; Vazquez, 2011). Therefore, Critical Race Theory (CRT) and LatinoCritical Theory (LatCrit) will be discussed as an anti-oppressive frameworkfor micro and macro levels of social work practice. LatCrit proposes thatsocial workers and service users assume anti-subordinate roles such asactivism in social reform and self-advocacy measures (Kiehne, 2016; Velez,Perez Huber, Benavides Lopez, de la Luz, & Solórzano, 2008). This may resultin better health outcomes and a greater sense of empowerment while strivingfor social justice. Under LatCrit principles, anti-oppressive treatment mayinclude identifying steps in becoming agents of change as opposed to learn-ing how to cope with the status quo. Thus, the role of social work in policy

CONTACT Diana Franco df312@nyu.edu New York University Silver School of Social Work, New York, NY10003, USADiana Franco, New York University Silver School of Social WorkDiana Franco is now at Capella University, School of Public Service Leadership, Department of Social Work.

JOURNAL OF PROGRESSIVE HUMAN SERVICEShttps://doi.org/10.1080/10428232.2019.1583956

© 2019 Taylor & Francis

reform through LatCrit praxis, activism, and research, including the deliveryof culturally responsive treatment, will be explored.

The terms Latinx/Latin Americans will be used to refer to all migrantsfrom Mexico and to those of countries that make up Central America, SouthAmerica, and the Caribbean. Latinx is a gender non-conforming term thatseeks to go beyond the male-centered term Latino (Salinas & Lozano, 2017).

While the face of immigration may have changed, immigration has beena part of U.S. history for over 200 years (Pulitano, 2013). It is how theterritories that became the U.S. were taken from the indigenous peoples.Today’s politicians and American citizens who fear immigrants are thegrandchildren of European ancestors who sought a wide array of freedomsin a new world (Davidson, 2017; Somin, 2017). Thus, by ignoring the historyof immigration in the U.S. through the lens of colonial expansion, society hasconstructed the concept of the dangerous alien other, resulting in humanrights violations, racism, xenophobia, and other social inequities (Castles,2003; Romero, 2008). Unfortunately, 19th and 20th century anti-immigrantsentiment, which often translates into policy, continues to create inequity inAmerican society for non-White migrants (Davidson, 2017; Romero, 2008).

Present-day voluntary migrants, refugees, and asylum-seekers arrive to theU.S. from Latin America due to a variety of factors known as push-pull factors(Orrenius & Zavodny, 2012). Push factors are “described as forces that causemigrants to flee their countries and/or play into the decision-making process tomigrate to the United States” (Franco, 2018, p. 1). Push factors are dynamics suchaswar, poverty, and persecution that commence in themigrants’ country of origin,whereas pull factors are elements that develop in the “resettlement country, such asreunification with family,” that force Latin Americans “to migrate specifically tothe U.S.” (Franco, 2018, p. 2; Kandel et al., 2014; Lee, 1966; Meyer, Margesson,Ribando Seelke, & Taft-Morales, 2016; Rosenblum, Kandel, Ribando Seelke, &Wasem, 2012). In addition to these factors, globalization plays an essential role inmigration flows from Latin America, specifically from Central America andMexico. Global socio-economic and political factors, in addition to the currentpush-pull model, “will continue to influence the arrival of immigrants and asylumseekers in the United States for years to come” (Franco, 2018, p. 2). Therefore, it isexpected that the role of social work in macro and micro level practice will alsocontinue to be influenced and transformed by immigration trends.

Social work plays a necessary role in bridging the gap between micro andmacro level interventions in social work practice with Latinx migrants in theU.S. Anti-oppressive social work practice seeks to challenge and combatsocietal structures that dominate, discriminate, divide, and subordinate cer-tain groups of people (Cemlyn, 2008; Thompson, 2002). This article willdiscuss Critical Race Theory (CRT) and Latino Critical Race Theory (LatCrit)as frameworks in social work practice with Latinx migrants. The role of socialwork through the LatCrit praxis will be explored.

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Immigration: colonialism and globalization

Colonialism and migration routes from latin america

Throughout history, people have migrated to new lands seeking a better lifefree from invasion, religious persecution, and more (Castles, 2003;Papastergiadis, 2000). Current migration flows have histories rooted incolonialism and cultural hegemony, which is the domination of culturallydiverse groups by the ruling class by superimposing beliefs systems andvalues (Ward, 2015). European colonial powers sought to create new marketsin the “New World” while forcing indigenous peoples throughout theAmericas into exploitative labor (Barajas, 2014; Papastergiadis, 2000).Papastergiadis (2000) emphasizes that “central to this enterprise was thegenocide of indigenous peoples and the forced migration of slaves andindentured labourers” (p. 25). During this time, indigenous people werecoerced into labor by settlers who threatened them with genocide in orderto attain cooperation (Papastergiadis, 2000). Later, Europeans born in theAmericas created class and economic inequalities, which isolated, racialized,and subordinated indigenous communities (Barajas, 2014; Gutierrez, 2004).Neocolonialism, the use of globalization and capitalism to control another,less developed country, intersected with internal colonialism to take overlands for the exploitation of resources (Barajas, 2014).

Globalization and new migration flows

Various push-pull factors function as dynamics that force migrants out oftheir countries and/or draw them to the U.S. Among these push factors,war and gang violence play a central role in emigration from El Salvador,Honduras, and Guatemala, also known as the Northern Triangle, andother countries in Central America (Orrenius & Zavodny, 2012).Currently, “Central America has the highest homicide rate, especiallyamong males ages 15–29” (Ciaccia & John, 2015; Franco, 2018, p. 3).The nations that make up the Northern Triangle are among the poorestcountries in Latin America, and El Salvador and Honduras are among themost violent places in the world (Sassen, 2016). El Salvador has beentermed a “war zone” in much of the literature, while Honduras has beenreported to be the “world’s murder capital” with records in 2012 of over90 murders per 100,000 people (Ewing, 2016; Moloney, 2016; Sassen,2016, p. 214, 2017).

According to research (Franco, 2018; Greenman & Hall, 2013; Orrenius &Zavodny, 2012; Seghetti, Ester, & Wasem, 2015), violence, political unrest,and natural disasters have acted as push factors influencing emigration fromvarious Latin American countries. Natural disasters in Honduras such asdevastation from floods and hurricanes have displaced many of its nationals,

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qualifying them for Temporary Protected Status in the U.S. (Greenman &Hall, 2013). Since the 1970s and 1980s, lengthy civil wars, political unrest,and financial instability in Nicaragua, Guatemala, and Honduras forcednationals out of their native countries (Booth, 2000; Franco, 2018;Greenman & Hall, 2013; Padilla, 2008). As a result of these events, migrantsfrom Guatemala and El Salvador were admitted to the US as refugees(Franco, 2018; Greenman & Hall, 2013) and most of these migrants settledin urban centers including Los Angeles, San Francisco, New York, andWashington, DC (Padilla, 2008).

Other Latin American countries such as Venezuela have been impacted bysimilar socio-political dynamics resulting in mass emigration and asylumseeking by their nationals. According to Mejía (2017), Venezuela, “the holderof the world’s largest oil reserves” (p.9), is undergoing a severe economiccrisis evidenced by plummeting oil prices that “have caused massive tradedeficits and ensuing shortages of food, home supplies, and medicine” (p.9).The collapse of the Venezuelan economy has also given rise to violent crimeand political violence (Ellis, 2017). As a result, asylum applications to theU.S. from Venezuela have skyrocketed by “168 percent between 2015 and2016, becoming the third most popular country of origin to apply after Chinaand Mexico” (Mejía, 2017, p. 9).

Although war and violence have a significant influence on migration flows,these are not the only factors forcing Latin American migrants out of theirnative lands. The current push-pull model for explaining migration is basedon individualism – placing an emphasis on the migrant’s choice to leave theirnative country, while ignoring global socio-economic and political factors(Papastergiadis, 2000). Emerging scholarship points to globalization, evi-denced by mining and land grabs that result in massive loss of habitat, as“the backdrop for any understanding of the new immigration” from CentralAmerica to the U.S. (Sassen, 2016; Suárez-Orozco, 2001, p. 349). Land grabs,a term used to describe the dispossession of indigenous people, peasants, andlocal land users from their lands, “erode local control, often re-orientingproduction from meeting global demands for food, feed, and fuel” and de-stabilize the local economy (Kerssen, 2013, p. 2). Therefore, migration asSassen explains in an interview with Luis Martín (2015), is not so much thesearch for a better life, but the push of murderous conflicts, wars, massiveland grabs for plantations, the destruction of habitats through toxicity of landand water…an explosion in mining for the metals that we need for ourelectronic revolution. Whole families and communities are being pushed outof their home territory. There is increasingly no more home to go back to.(para. 9)

Barajas (2014) adds that dislocation of Mexican indigenous communitiesfrom their native lands is largely because of oppressive internal colonialismand neo-colonialism.

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Globalization results in deterritorialization, which is the destruction oftraditional economies, social, and cultural processes from their native places,which results in the internationalized production of goods (Papastergiadis,2000; Sassen, 2016; Suárez-Orozco, 2001). While some believe that globaliza-tion has helped the development of countries in Africa, Asia, and CentralAmerica, others believe that it has had devastating effects such as loss ofhabitat forcing people out of their native lands (Kerssen, 2013; Sassen, 2016;Suárez-Orozco, 2001). As a result of this massive destruction, former landsare replaced by dams, private residential communities, game parks, planta-tions, mining developments, and other uninhabitable spaces (Castles, 2003,p.15; Sassen, 2016, p. 223). In addition, land expulsions force small land usersand their families into large cities where employment options are limited ornon-existent for their unique skill sets (Sassen, 2017). These “refuge seekers”are thus forced out of their countries in search of an opportunity to havea life at all or “a bare life” (Sassen, 2016, pp. 223–224).

History of U.S. anti-immigration policies: the criminalization of thealien other

According to the Pew Research Center, in 2015, there were 56.5 millionLatin Americans of various immigration statuses living in the U.S., makingup 17.6% of the entire U.S. population (Flores, 2017). In 2016, Latinxmigrants accounted for 18% of the population (Flores, 2017). However,Latinx migrants have been present in the lands known today as theU.S. for over 400 years (Henderson, 2011; Marsiglia, 2013; Valdes,2005). Latinx migrants have had to contend with immigration policiesthat led to the social construction of the alien other, which refers toWhiteness being used as the standard through which non-White culturalgroups are measured (Pon, 2009). These anti-immigration policies haveconsistently utilized race and nativity as grounds for exclusion. A study byPérez-Huber (2010) revealed that there are intersections between racismand nativism rooted in White supremacy that often result in the percep-tion of immigrants as a socioeconomic threat to the U.S. Pérez-Huber,Benavides Lopez, Malagon, Velez, and Solorazano (2008) explain thatracist nativism “centers on the natives, their identity, and their potentialaction to oppress others based on perceptions of being native” (p. 42).Racist nativism has led to strong anti-immigrant sentiments that permeatetoday’s U.S. culture.

For example, a major contributor to modern day immigration influx,oppression, and the contentious relationship between the U.S. and Mexico,was the Bracero program which ran from 1942 to 1964 (Orrenius & Zavodny,2012; Rosenblum et al., 2012; Schmitter Heisler, 2008; Tichenor, 2016).Noted for being termed “legalized slavery,” the Bracero program started

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during World War II because of labor shortages (Ontiveros, 2012; SchmitterHeisler, 2008). It was intended to act as a temporary, emergency laborprogram for farmworkers and railroad workers (Rosenblum et al., 2012;Schmitter Heisler, 2008, p. 65). During this time, Mexican laborers weresusceptible to physical and emotional abused from their employers and tobeing deported due to the temporary nature of their work (Ontiveros, 2012;Schmitter Heisler, 2008, p. 66). As a result, Mexicans were used for labor anddeported as needed. Other policies such as Operation Wetback of 1954,a massive deportation effort by President Eisenhower, helped enforce thesedeportations to demonstrate publicly that Mexicans were temporary workersnot desirable as citizens (Marsicano, 2016; Schmitter Heisler, 2008).

Current immigration policies have become more stringent, especially afterthe attacks of September 11, 2001 (Pulitano, 2013; Sinha, 2015; Wagner,2003). The current Trump Administration perpetuates oppression againstimmigrants by utilizing fear tactics to augment anti-immigration sentimentin American society and enforcing the implementation of polices such as BuyAmerican, Hire American, and the proposal to build a wall along the 2,000-mile U.S.-Mexico border. On September 5, 2017, President Trump orderedan end to the program known as Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals(DACA), a program that protects eligible undocumented youth who arrivedin the U.S. when they were children from deportation (Bruno, 2017; Levine &Torbati, 2018; Martinez, 2014). Additionally, on January 8, 2018, the TrumpAdministration made the decision to terminate Temporary Protected Status(TPS) with a delayed effective date of eighteen months for over 195,000Salvadorian immigrants (Jerabek, 2018; Temporary Protected Status, 2018).TPS is granted to people born outside of the U.S. who are unable to returnsafely to their countries of origin due to ongoing war or armed conflict,environmental disasters, and other extreme, temporary conditions (Jerabek,2018; Temporary Protected Status, 2018).

Latin American migrants in the U.S. face disproportionate disadvantagesin the U.S. when compared to other migrant groups. Lawful permanentresidents (LPR) belonging to the same race or ethnicity face similar abusesto their undocumented immigrant counterparts such as being exposed toFourth and Fifth Amendment rights violations (Burch Elias, 2008; Romero,2008). LPR migrants have fallen prey to Immigration and CustomsEnforcement’s (ICE) “collateral arrests” – arrested for being in the wrongplace at the wrong time because of their physical appearance, skin color, orrace. Micro and macro aggressions such as racial profiling and other forms ofracial discrimination by the government affect immigrants equally, regardlessof legal status in the U.S. (Kiehne, 2016; Romero, 2008; Somin, 2017). Somin(2017) proposes eliminating racial profiling from immigration policy devel-opment and enforcement because ethnic background and nativity should notdictate human rights. Therefore, policy reform that does not exclude the

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human face of immigration is an essential responsibility in the field of socialwork, as policies not only affect macro practice but also inform microleveldirect practice (Pulitano, 2013).

Social work plays a vital role in addressing the various complexities thataffect the lives of Latinx migrants in the U.S. The field of social work, sinceits origins in the 19th Century, has been distinguished by its focus onadvocacy, social reform, and “to ensure that immigrants and other vulnerablepeople gained tools and skills to escape economic and social poverty”(Furman, Negi, & Cisneros-Howard, 2008; Murdach, 2010; NASW, 2018,para. 3). Critical Race Theory (CRT) and Latino Critical Race Theory(LatCrit) could be used as effective frameworks for the practice of socialwork in direct practice, policy reform, and advocacy with Latinx migrants.

Critical race theory and latino critical race theory

CRT is a theoretical framework developed to address the civil rights ofAfrican Americans by deconstructing race-neutrality and color blindness inlegal and sociocultural contexts (McKinley Jones Brayboy, 2005; Vélez, PerezHuber, Benavides Lopez, de la Luz, & Sólorzano, 2008). McKinley JonesBrayboy (2005) purports that Critical Race Theory “evolved in the mid-1970s as a response to Critical Legal Studies…that argues that the law mustfocus on how it is applied to specific groups in particular circumstances” (p.428). Valdes (2012) asserts that “CRT was a response to the liberal status quoof enduring white supremacy and privilege in law and society despite civilrights commitments, devoting itself to effecting the legacy of equal opportu-nity and fulfillment of the promise of equal justice under law” (p. 513).Therefore, CRT has been influential in diversifying the legal discourse onrace matters across disciplines including education, cultural studies, sociol-ogy, and psychology (Valdes, 1996, p. 3).

Although CRT advanced the discourse in legal scholarship pertaining torace disparities and social justice, the theory was critiqued for addressingoppression solely from an Afrocentric perspective and lacking attention toheterogeneity (Kiehne, 2016, p.121; Valdes, 1996, p. 1–3). Since the origi-nal theory excluded the experiences of other ethnic groups, branches ofCRT such as Tribal Critical Race Theory TribCrit, Asian Critical RaceTheory, and LatCrit were developed to address the needs of these popula-tions in the U.S., thereby supplementing and complementing CRT(Valdes, 1996; Vélez et al., 2008). LatCrit emerged in 1995 in responseto the rapid growth of the Latin American population and to theirexperiences in the U.S. such as immigration policy, marginalization,oppressive social structures, racism, language, and immigration (Kiehne,2016, pp.120–122; McKinley Jones Brayboy, 2005; Vélez et al., 2008).Valdes (2005) emphasizes that LatCrit theory responds “to the long

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historical presence and enduring invisibility of Latinas/os in the landsknown as the United States” through LatCrit community and praxis (p.148). In addition, Padilla (1997) asserts that Latinx in the U.S. “have notachieved equality in the areas of education, employment, compensation,and housing, among others. LatCrit practice may be utilized to addressthese inequalities” (p. 379).

LatCrit proposes that change at the macro level comes about through thepraxis (Kiehne, 2016; Valdes, 2005). The praxis refers to the application ofLatCrit theory in the community (Kiehne, 2016; Valdes, 2005). The LatCritpraxis focuses on empowerment at the community level and “rebuilding thewholeness of the Latino community” (Padilla, 1997, p. 377). The praxis raisesawareness for groups who identify with historical oppression by dismantlinghierarchies, hegemony, and the Euro-centered patriarchy by mobilizing LatinAmerican migrant service users in activism, raising awareness to affectchange and empowering communities (Kiehne, 2016; Valdes, 2005).Therefore, it is essential for social work practice with Latinx migrants tobridge micro to macro level interventions through the LatCrit praxis in orderto effect change, policy reform, and promote physical and psychologicalwellness.

LatCrit also differs from CRT in that it recognizes the concept of nativismand the ways in which it is unique to the Latinx experience in the U.S.Nativism “is a central concept among LatCrit scholars as Latinx migrantsoften experience discrimination based on their nativity (that is, birthplace)”(Kiehne, 2016, p. 121). Additionally, nativism is often equated with nation-alism or extreme patriotism, thus establishing a hierarchy and justifyingsuperiority for the native-born American (Kiehne, 2016, p.121; Pérez-Huber, Benavides Lopez, Malagon, Velez, & Solorzano, 2008).

CRT and LatCrit scholars have identified the intersection between nati-vism, immigration laws, and civil rights within the context of the U.S.’s racialhistory in the Latinx population (Kiehne, 2016, p.120; Romero, 2008, p. 34).Scholars further emphasize the importance of analyzing policies and policy-making under the aforementioned historical context in order to understandtheir connection to racism (Crenshaw, Gotanda, Peller, & Thomas, 1995;Villalpando, 2004, p. 42). LatCrit provides an anti-subordination structurefor exploring how immigration laws use race and a person’s appearance tocontrol Latinx immigrants regardless of immigration status, resulting in legal,physical, and psychological consequences (Johnson, 2002; Romero, 2008;Vélez et al., 2008).

There is a current imbalance between micro and macro social workpractice when highlighting the relationship between environmental andsocial problems and service users’ problems (Herz & Johansson, 2012;Kiehne, 2016; Rothman & Mizrahi, 2014). In micro level practice, the focusis often on helping the individual cope with external factors while neglecting

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macro level, institutionalized systems of oppression that contribute to acutestress. In recent decades, social work has aligned itself “with the medicalmodel and its focus on pathology and disease” (Furman et al., 2008, p. 283).Furman et al. (2008) contend, “empowerment and advocacy have becomeless prominent in social work discourse” (p. 283). Murdach (2010) adds, “Theprogressive tradition has waned in the [social work] profession” (p. 82).Social work has also been critiqued for perpetuating race and color blindnessand hegemonic practices of systemized oppression by tailoring interventionsaround the status quo (Herz & Johansson, 2012). CRT and LatCrit principlesoffer the field of social work a framework for anti-oppressive practice withLPR and undocumented Latin American migrants in the U.S. Additionally,CRT and LatCrit tenets provide an opportunity for social work practitionersand service users to engage in the therapeutic process through empowermentand advocacy beyond the clinical setting.

Acculturative stressors and risk factors among latin americanmigrants

Latin American migrants, of all generations and immigration statuses,experience a multitude of stressors stemming from the tripartite processof migration: pre-migration, in-journey, and post-migration (Franco, 2018;Kirmayer et al., 2011; Nicola, 2017; Perez-Foster, 2001). These stressorsmay result in psychological sequelae such as depression, anxiety, andPTSD (Franco, 2018). First-generation migrants in the U.S. are exposedto social risk factors that may result in intergenerational transmission oftrauma to future generations (Brendtro & Mitchell, 2013; Phipps &Degges-White, 2014; Sangalang & Vang, 2017). Some of these epigeneticrisks include racism, poverty, poor nutrition, acculturation, concerns aboutphysical and emotional safety, and other stressors that may alter geneexpression thus impairing the brain and the body (Brendtro & Mitchell,2013; Mangold, Wand, Javors, & Mintz, 2010). It is important to note thatthe brain is a vulnerable organ that shows structural and functionalplasticity as it adapts to new conditions (McEwen, 2010, p. 2). The brain’sarchitecture is altered according to new circumstances; dangerous situa-tions produce amygdala hyperarousal, which decreases when the dangerceases (McEwen, 2010, p. 2). Therefore, environmental and social stressorslike oppressive immigration policies and their consequences may result infeelings of hypervigilance, anxiety, and depression. Physical and socialexperiences brought about by the migratory experience continually changethe brain and the body. Studies in gene expression report that afterexposure to stressful events, the brain is not the same (McEwen, Gray, &Nasca, 2015).

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Acculturation and assimilation in post-migration have been associatedwith negative health outcomes in second-generation migrants (Rumbaut,1997). Rumbaut (1997) posits that although first-generation migrants maybe exposed to physical and psychological health risks, second-generationyouth have “poorer physical health outcomes and are more prone to engagein risk behavior than foreign born youth” (p.934). These findings have beenlinked to length of time living in the U.S. and assimilation levels, which mayresult in youths’ engagement in violence, substance use, delinquency, andtruancy (Rumbaut, 1997, p. 934). Sakamoto (2007) supports this notion,stating that acculturation “may lead to pathologization of immigrants whomay not be seen as acculturating ‘enough,’ even if their behavior is related totheir experience of social exclusion or discrimination within the largersociety” (Sakamoto, 2007, p. 520). For example, Constantine, Okazaki, andUtsey (2004) found that lower English proficiency and race contributed toacculturative stress.

Micro level social work practice with Latinx migrants may include effec-tive, evidenced-based, trauma-informed interventions to aid in the recoveryfrom trauma and acute stress (Franco, 2018). However, it is of equal impor-tance for the field of social work to understand and address the connectionsbetween systematic inequalities, such as immigration policies, and emotionalhealth. Latinx migrant service users may play a vital role in their ownempowerment through activism, education, and advocacy. Through theLatCrit praxis, social workers and Latinx service users can work together asagents of change.

Anti-immigration policies and psychological sequelae in latinximmigrants

As stated earlier, immigration policies that aim to deport undocumentedLatin American migrants have led to racial profiling targeting all Latinxmigrants based on appearance and skin color, despite their immigrationstatus (Chung, Bemak, Ortiz, & Sandoval-Perez, 2008; Somin, 2017). Thishas resulted in unlawful arrests and intense fear in Latinx communities in theU.S. Hagan, Castro, and Rodriguez (2010) state that the fear of deportation inLatinx communities “poses huge emotional and psychological consequencesfor deportees and their families” (p. 1820). Cavazos-Rehg, Zayas, andSptiznagel (2007) add that constant fears of deportation “heighten the riskfor emotional distress and impaired quality of life” (p. 1126) in LatinAmerican migrants. Therefore, as immigration policies become increasinglyrigid and persecutory, Latinx families have more fear of being torn apart asdeportation continues to be a looming threat.

In some cases, Latinx children who are citizens live with excessive fear oflosing undocumented parents to deportation, resulting in psychological harm

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(Birman, 2015; Capps, Fix, & Zong, 2016; Gumbel, 2016; Kamenetz, 2017;Planas & Carro, 2017). At the thought of losing family members to deporta-tion, young migrant children have reported anxiety, fear, distress, poorconcentration, and somatic complaints such as stomachaches (Capps et al.,2016; Gumbel, 2016; Kamenetz, 2017; Planas & Carro, 2017; Roselló, 2014).Gumbel (2016) notes that “one little boy in North Carolina has been suffer-ing crippling stomach aches in class because he’s afraid he might returnhome to find his parents gone” (para. 3). Hagan et al. (2010) add that thedeportation of parents and physical separation of Latinx families have “long-lasting traumatic effects on children and spouses left behind in the UnitedStates” (p. 1820).

In addition to fearing the deportation of family members, anti-immigration policies lead to other social and psychological consequences.Hagan et al. (2010) report that Latinx immigrants’ fears of apprehension leadto feelings of exclusion and social isolation. For instance, Latinx immigrantshave reported withdrawing from their communities by avoiding visitingpublic places such as parks, libraries, or participating in local events(Hagan et al., 2010; Menjivar & Abrego, 2012). Some immigrants havechosen to isolate themselves in their homes after work hours to avoid lawenforcement (Hagan et al., 2010, p. 1816). Gumbel (2026) adds that a LatinAmerican woman living with HIV compared the impact of the changes inrecent anti-immigration laws to the moment when she was diagnosed withHIV. The woman reportedly was able to feel hopeful about HIV treatment,whereas immigration policies felt “like a death sentence” to her (Gumbel,2016, para., p. 12).

In support of this notion, a study by Arbona et al. (2011) found thatstringent immigration legislature and fear of deportation were unique pre-dictors in acculturative stress among Latin American immigrants in the U.S.LatCrit principles expose the dangers related to assimilation and accultura-tion, emphasizing that focusing on assimilation as a societal goal for immi-grants only serves to maintain the status quo while turning a blind eye toinstitutionalized oppression, marginalization, and white privilege (Romero,2008, p. 25).

Applying critical race theory and latino critical race theory principles:implications for practice

The early roots of social work in social reform and the settlement housemovement focused on addressing the needs of vulnerable populations,including those of recent immigrants (NASW, 2018, para. 3). Furman et al.(2008), assert that there has been “paucity of discussions in the social workliterature regarding the needs and concerns of undocumented residents” (p.283). Therefore, the immigration debate, that is, the “social dialogue

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regarding the legal status of undocumented people living in the United Statesand what ‘should’ be done about future undocumented immigrants”(Furman et al., 2008, p. 283), can help social workers re-evaluate their valuesand commitment to vulnerable populations. The role of social work in thisdebate may encourage increased practitioner participation at the macro level,including recommendation of interventions and strategies (Furman et al.,2008, p. 284).

As stated previously, social work practice with Latin American migrantsoften fails to explore the role of environmental systems in these service users’problems, thereby systematically negating their experiences and implicitlycontributing to the oppression of the Latinx population (Kiehne, 2016; Rosen& Livne, 1992; Sakamoto, 2007). Sakamoto (2007) adds that “cultural com-petence needs to go beyond the traditional assumption of service providersfrom dominant groups dealing with service users as cultural minorities” (p.529). Although individual therapy is valuable, it is also important to imple-ment change at the macro level by seeking to change anti-immigrationpolicies that act as systems of oppression and subordination.

Micro level interventions often take place with individuals, families, andgroups in locations where service users can obtain mental health services, aidwith housing, health care, and other areas. In implementing anti-oppressivepractice with Latin American migrants, social work practitioners shouldfocus primarily on building confianza (trust and safety) since feelings ofmistrust pertaining to people in authority may emerge (Marsiglia, 2013). Inkeeping with this notion, Perez-Foster (2001) states that social workers “muststrive to alleviate the inevitable anxiety that comes from offering clinical careto people whose worlds may so markedly differ from our own” (p.167). Inaddition to trust building when working with undocumented Latinxmigrants, it is essential for service users to “have the opportunity to considerthe whole of their identity apart from their legal status” (Nicola, 2017,p. 298). Practitioners and service users alike are encouraged to reconstructthe psychosocial narrative since Latin American migrants are more than justtheir migratory statuses (Nicola, 2017). Under this framework, the relation-ship between service provider and service user should be that of allies, co-learners, and catalysts for systemic change (Sakamoto, 2007, p. 528).

The LatCrit praxis may bridge micro to macro level practice by mobilizingservice users in collective activism to counteract internalized oppression andsubordination (Kiehne, 2016). It is essential that service providers effectchange at the structural level. Williams (2006) adds that interventions atthe institutional level are important to oppose forces that oppress, exclude,and defame people from historically marginalized groups. However, Kiehne(2016) proposes that “it is imperative that social workers limit their roles toorganizing and facilitation, as the praxis stipulates that oppressed popula-tions must be engaged in the struggle for their own liberation” (p.124).

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Concurrently, Sakamoto (2007) proposes a critical examination of accultura-tion theory when working with LPR and undocumented Latin Americanmigrants since acculturation has been associated with high levels of stressand depression.

Since social work practice with Latin American migrants too often centerson psychological conceptions, victimization, and deficits, the literatureemphasizes the importance of reflexivity (focusing on immigrants’ resilience,agency, and strengths), especially when working with asylum-seekers whohave often been exposed to pre-migration traumatic events (Herz &Johansson, 2012; Sakamoto, 2007; Williams, 2006). This framework providesopportunities for the social worker to raise awareness and consciousnessabout the client’s self-perception as an agent of change.

Application of LatCrit principles towards change at the macro levels cantake place in a number of ways. Kiehne (2016) notes that social workers canhelp in the organization of grassroots policy advocacy, pushing for therestoration of ethnic studies in programs where these have been truncated,and by campaigning to promote positive social construction of LatinAmerican identity (p.125). Vélez et al. (2008) report that Latinx youthactivism in the form of organized school walkouts, after-school rallies,clubs, and sit-ins are examples of activism in the praxis. Activism effortsare not limited to the aforementioned methods and it is encouraged thatsocial workers engage the service user’s “voice” in the construction of anycommunity empowerment endeavor.

Discussion

CRT and LatCrit tenets propose that the end goal in working with oppressedgroups, in this case LPR and undocumented Latin American migrants in theU.S., should be the dismantling of hegemonic, oppressive systems that lead tophysical and psychological harm. Anti-immigration sentiment and discrimina-tory laws are factors that Latin American migrants have to contend with as theyare forced to assimilate and acculturate into the dominant U.S. culture.Assimilation and acculturation, once viewed as social and psychological goalsfor immigrants, are now understood in much of the literature as dynamicsassociated with depression, anxiety, and PTSD (Constantine et al., 2004;Romero, 2008; Rumbaut, 1997; Sakamoto, 2007). Thus, the LatCrit praxisproposes that social work practice with Latin American migrants should focusbeyond micro level interventions and seek to mobilize service users to engage incollective activism. This notion empowers service users to move beyond inter-nalizing oppression and to become change agents at the macro level.

However, there can be challenges in applying the LatCrit praxis. Inmobilizing service users into activism and advocacy, it is important to beaware of the reasons underlying an individual’s hesitation to participate in

JOURNAL OF PROGRESSIVE HUMAN SERVICES 13

such efforts. According to the literature (Kiehne, 2016; Vélez et al., 2008),undocumented service users may fear that participating in rallies or otheractivities outside of a confidential setting may bring unwarranted attentionand visibility. Undocumented migrants might fear deportation, detention, orother forms of backlash. In this case, it is important to implement a more“nuanced use of the theoretical perspective” (Kiehne, 2016, p. 124). Vélezet al. (2008) propose an invisible form of organizing, such as using e-mail,websites, and other forms of technology to organize activists. Although thereare risks that require careful consideration, inaction comes at a much highercost for Latin American migrants in the U.S.

As a field, social work has been complicit in the surveillance process byteaching immigrant service users how to manage and survive oppressive andpunitive systems instead of being more active in policy reform throughactivism (Humphries, 2004; Stewart, 2014). Therefore, social work is calledto redefine their approach in working with oppressed groups while makingactive efforts to change the systematic criminalization of vulnerable andmarginalized immigrants (Stewart, 2014).

Conclusion

Social work needs to penetrate policy reform by re-identifying as agents ofsocial change and social activism (Stewart, 2014). Social justice activismand research also support micro practice work as anti-immigration lawsand punitive anti-immigration law enforcement significantly affect thelives of immigrants. In addition to working with LPR and undocumentedLatin American migrant service users in raising awareness and organizingadvocacy efforts, it is important to note the absence of the utility ofLatCrit for social work practice (Herz & Johansson, 2012; Sakamoto,2007; Valdes, 2005). Therefore, it is necessary that social workers seek tobridge the micro-macro gap through research in the application of CRTand LatCrit tenets, community, and praxis. In addition to mobilizingservice users, social workers can effect change by participating in socialwork organizations, volunteering, making statements about issues insociety that support social justice ideals, and embracing anti-oppressiveviews and practices (Stewart, 2014). Not doing so will result in perpetuat-ing complicity with the status quo and systematic criminalization ofmigrants and refugees, and will increase xenophobia, racism, and exclusion(Waters, 2016).

To counteract past and present U.S. anti-immigrant policies, the socialwork profession needs to play an essential role in policy reform. Organizingto advocate for social justice and the human rights of immigrants and asylumseekers is one of the many ways social work can reconnect to its socialactivism roots and impact structural change beyond micro-level practice.

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Acknowledgments

The author gratefully acknowledges Dr. Liliana Goldín, Dr. Diane Mirabito, and Dr. CarolTosone for their feedback and guidance on earlier versions of this article.

Disclosure Statement

There are no conflicts of interest to declare.

ORCID

Diana Franco http://orcid.org/0000-0001-6134-0453

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