Third Age Guidance: research into guidance needs and methodologies

IAEVG International Conference

'Careers in Context: new challenges and tasks for guidance and counselling'

Venue: University of Lisbon, Portugal

Date: 14-16 September 2005

Third Age Guidance: research into guidanceneeds and methodologies

© Dr Pamela Clayton, University of Glasgow

This paper is dedicated to the memory of my uncle, Geoffrey Palmer, who died this

year at the age of 92. Although he was in poor health, he was still writing and selling

books right up to the end.

Abstract

Despite still widespread unemployment in Europe, there is a growing shortage of

labour, due partly to the ageing of the population and discrimination against older

people (from age 45 or even earlier in some industries - here referred to as ‘Third

Agers’) both in and out of employment. Such discrimination is now outlawed but many

third-agers have become discouraged or do not know how to make their careers more

secure. Vocational guidance, therefore, is needed in order to help them reintegrate into

the labour force and manage their careers effectively. For this reason, a European

project, part-funded by the Leonardo da Vinci Programme, is currently exploring the

guidance needs of this heterogeneous group and collecting guidance methodologies

which have been used successfully. This research is currently being carried out by

seventeen partner organisations in twelve countries. The paper will present the initial

research findings generated by the partnership, in terms of defining older workers, their

labour market situation and participation in learning, and the current availability of

appropriate vocational guidance. It is based on recent research carried out in Austria,

Denmark, France, Germany, Iceland, Spain, Sweden and the United Kingdom.

Third Age Guidance: research into guidance needs and methodologies: P Clayton 2005

2

1 Introduction

The focus of this paper is on the labour market and the term 'work' is here used to refer

to paid work, through either employment or self-employment, and is chosen purely for

convenience. This usage is not meant to imply that other forms of activity, such as

caring, housework, do-it-yourself, exchanging services, voluntary work and so on, are

not 'real' work – they are, and they add substantially to the health of a country, its

economy and its people. Other forms of 'real' work include 'informal' work (in practice,

often exploited, low paid and unprotected, and in some cases indistinguishable from

slavery, such as forced prostitution) and illegal activity, which detract from well-being.

The kind of work our project team believes that older people in need of an income –

just as much as younger people – deserve paid work in the legal economy that meets

their individual needs, capabilities, desires and aspirations.

A group which faces a particular challenge for guidance is that of the 'Third Agers', a

term used in this paper for people above a certain (indefinable) age and still in work or

seeking work. One aim of this paper is to show that older people are characterised by

heterogeneity in terms of social variables – without even mentioning personality,

aspirations, family situation, interests and all the other factors that make each person

unique. Another is to highlight the particular difficulties of older people in the labour

market.

2 Who are the 'Third Agers'?

Everywhere in Europe, and in many cases beyond, life expectancy has increased as

the birth rate has fallen, leading to an increased proportion of the population in the

higher age ranges. We can conceptualise at least four 'ages of man' (pace William

Shakespeare):

• the 'First Age', up to the end of formal education (whether primary school or

postgraduate);

• the 'Second Age', of potential membership of the labour force;

• the 'Third Age', or the later stages of active life;

• and the 'Fourth Age', of frailty and greater dependency.

It is, however, difficult to define the Third Age and to draw the boundaries between it

and the Second and Fourth Ages.

The Third Age is variously described as 'older people', 'seniors', 'the elderly' and 'aged

workers'. A more interesting definition is 'people in extended middle age', which reflects


3

changing perceptions of what 'old' means in terms of chronological age (Gray 2004).

The 'working professional grandmother' is a good example of this.

The age at which people are considered 'old' varies greatly, according to the way

official statistics are presented, sector and labour market status. In some occupations,

such as computer engineering, 35 is considered old; in others, such as politics, 60 may

be rather young. Between 45 and 50 is a commonly-used boundary between the

Second and Third Ages, but as Plant (2004) points out, an unemployed person might

enter the Third Age after 45 whereas someone entering their final professional phase

might be considerably older. In both Denmark and Sweden the main boundary appears

to be 55, whereas in Spain it is 45. As for the boundary between the Third and Fourth

ages, this may be as late as 80 or more, depending on when formal work ceases. And

who is to say that a retired 70-year-old who has an active life outside the labour market

has entered the Fourth Age? So there is no consensus and no 'magic age' at which

one becomes 'old' or even 'older' …

A more helpful approach is that of one partner who believes that they are 'persons who

at some point of their careers have changed their social or labour condition (or

somebody has done so for them) into a more senior status' (Jacobo Moreno, by email,

31.05.05). This is an important point, also well expressed in the following quotation: 'It

is often the behaviour of others that makes a person more conscious of his or her own

age' (IBW-Euroinstitut 2005). It is not only a question of how old you feel but also of

how old others make you feel, and the power of others to translate their perceptions in

concrete reality in terms of the labour market – in other words, through age

discrimination. This exists not only in employment but also through discourse, notably

in the media. Older people are often seen as a 'problem group' and this can become a

self-fulfilling prophecy.

One thing is clear from the disparate range of ages considered as Third Age:

chronological age itself has limited significance (IBW-Euroinstitut 2005). The next

section will demonstrate the importance of other variables and the heterogeneity of the

Third Age group.

3 The labour market situation of Third Agers

3.1 Those still working

In Sweden, 79% of those aged 55-64 are working, with little difference between men

and women, a rate even higher than in Japan and the USA (Persson 2005) and


4

exceeded in Europe only by Iceland where 84% aged 50-69 are in the labour force

(Vilhjálmsson 2005), and their unemployment rate at 4.1% is below the 16-64 average

of 4.9%. The Swedish government, however, is not complacent about this and seeks

even higher participation in order to improve the pension situation for both individuals

and the state (Persson 2005). There are also people who carry on long after official

retirement age, for example, nearly 10% of Danish men between 67 and 74 (Plant

2004). In France, those aged 50 and over constitute about one-fifth of the labour force

and this is increasing in all sectors. One-third of all teachers and public sector

executives are in this age group (IRFA Sud 2005).

Generally, however, the percentage in the labour force decreases quite dramatically

from a certain age. In Austria, three-quarters of those aged 50-54 are in the labour

force but only 42% of the 55-59 group and as few as 12% of the 60-64 group. In

Denmark, which has a general participation rate well above the EU average, 57% of

the 55-64 group (compared with Germany at 50% and Austria at 30%) are working but

this decreases substantially between 60 and 66 (Kocher 2005; Plant 2004). In the UK

two-thirds of those aged 50 and above are working but only one-third of men aged 60-

64, even though the state pensionable age is 65 (Ford 2004).

Age is not the only factor: other variables also play their part.

The participation of Third Age women is generally lower than that of men. For example,

in Austria, women aged 55-64 are less than half as likely as men to work and in

Germany only one-third of the women aged 55-64 are employed (IBW-Euroinstitut

2005; Kocher 2005). In Denmark, too, women leave work from 60 onwards (Plant

2004). In France, older unemployed women are more likely than men to obtain short-

term contracts or part-time work or both and lower rates of pay (IRFA Sud 2005).

Married men are more likely than single men or married women to stay in work (Plant

2004).

Highly qualified people are the most likely remain in the labour market, partly because

their earnings can be high and their work less physically demanding than that of

manual workers (Kocher 2005; López 2005; Plant 2004) although, conversely, their

greater financial resources allow them to leave earlier too (Humphrey et al 2003).

Many continue to work because they enjoy working. Low skilled people, on the other

hand, if not forced out by disability or redundancy, are also likely to stay on through

financial need (Clayton 2005; IRFA Sud 2005). In Spain, the biggest proportions of

those aged 44 and above and in employment are male professionals aged 45-50 and

construction workers (López 2005).


5

Other factors include sector, size and type of firm and region. In France, older people

are more likely to be found in large firms in the south and centre, but fewer in the north

and very few in computing and social and cultural welfare. The regional difference is

partly because of mid-career migration to the south, particularly in the public sector and

financial services (IRFA Sud 2005). In the UK there are wide regional variations, with

the highest Third Age participation in the South-East and the lowest in the West of

Scotland (Clayton 2005).

3.2 Retirement, unemployment and hidden unemployment

The actual average retirement age is often below the official age, that is, the age when

citizens are eligible for a state pension or forced out of their jobs by a statutory leaving

age. (European legislation on age discrimination is intended to end this situation but it

is not yet clear how far it will be successful.) For example, people retire, on average, at

58 in France and Austria (IRFA Sud 2005; Kocher 2005). In Germany, over a fifth of

'retired' people are 55-64 (IBW-Euroinstitut 2005).

As a result of transitions from unemployment to early retirement, therefore,

unemployment rates among Third Agers are deceptively low in some countries. This

'retirement', however, is not always a matter of choice. It is estimated that two-thirds of

older workers who left the workforce prematurely in the UK were forced out and in

Germany the biggest proportion of employees seeking work after redundancy were

aged 45-54 (Humphrey et al 2003; IBW-Euroinstitut 2005). If made redundant, the

chances of re-employment fall as age increases and thus long-term unemployment

becomes more likely (Ford 2004; López 2005). For example, the average duration of

unemployment in Austria for those aged 25-29 is 103 days but this rises to 140 days for

those aged 55-59 and 192 days at 60+ (Kocher 2005). This may be partly, as in

Germany, because active job search declines steeply as official retirement age

approaches, even where people say they would like to work, as especially where they

receive some kind of state benefits or a company or private pension (IBW-Euroinstitut

2005; Plant 2004). Another possibility, noted in Sweden, is that older workers are less

willing to re-locate, work longer hours, take lower-paid jobs or change occupation

(Persson 2005). In the end, the desire for work can cease and be replaced by the less

stigmatised label of 'retired'.

In some areas there are simply not enough jobs for which older unemployed people are

qualified, as in the North East of England (Ford 2004) and Madrid (López 2005). The

Icelandic unemployment rate is very low at 2.4% but a quarter of these are 50-69 and


6

over three-quarters of these completed only primary school (Vilhjálmsson 2005). The

people with the greatest difficulty in finding work at any age are those from ethnic

minorities and the problem becomes more acute with age (Ford 2004; Plant 2004).

State policy also affects work rates. In France, people over 50 appear to have low

unemployment rates; but from 55 some people become eligible for retirement pensions

and by 57.5 anyone can apply for these. Furthermore, unemployment benefits increase

after 50 and this lowers the incentive to look for work (IRFA Sud 2005). This is,

however, a reaction to the reality that it is very difficult to find a job after the age of 50.

Those who do are likely to be male, qualified and not long unemployed. In the UK, a

similar situation has arisen from a less formal policy – that of deeming many of the

older long-term unemployed incapacitated, and moving them from the unemployment

to the invalidity statistics (Ford 2004).

Although there has been some rise in Third Agers re-entering employment, for example

in Spain and the UK (López 2005; Ford 2004), there is ample evidence that those older

unemployed people who continue to seek work face adverse discrimination from

employers (Ford 2004; López 2005). This is an important factor in decrease in

jobsearch activity as many become discouraged: perhaps for every ten people aged

fifty or more registered unemployed there are twenty-five who have withdrawn from the

labour market for this reason (Ford 1997). In England, 20% of job vacancies are

unfilled because of a lack of skilled applicants, and yet there are older people with

these skills who do not apply because of past experience of age discrimination (Ford

2004).

This discrimination occurs partly because unemployment carries a stigma that attaches

itself to individuals (Persson 2005), and the longer someone is unemployed, the less

'employable' s/he becomes (Ford 2004). Some employers excuse age discrimination

on the grounds that older people are 'more expensive' and 'less productive', although

highly skilled (expensive) professionals are less likely than most to become

unemployed. Furthermore, the productivity levels of individual workers are very difficult

to measure and may be affected by access to training or the health of the sector in

general (IRFA Sud 2005).

4 Access to vocational guidance and counselling for Third Agers

As is the case with adult vocational guidance generally, that for older people is patchy

and where it exists it is provided by a range of agencies. In Denmark, Germany,

Sweden, Austria and Spain, guidance and counselling are provided directly through


7

state Employment Services, by subsidised NGOs and not-for-profit companies, and as

part of educational institutions' services to students.

In Spain, those over 45 and unemployed can receive professional guidance but this

ceases when they find a job. In any case, few Third Agers use the services available or

even know about them (López 2005). In France, there are initiatives to help those aged

over 50 to get or keep jobs but it is unclear how helpful these are to unemployed

people or those working in the private sector (IRFA Sud 2005). In Iceland, with high

labour market participation and very low unemployment, there is little state-provided

guidance for older people, but some NGOs offer advice on education. Trade unions

such as Efling offer pre-retirement courses and a number of private educational

institutions offer courses and advice on developing computer skills (Vilhjálmsson 2005).

In Germany, there are targeted measures for Third Agers, including financial

assistance for jobsearch and job rotation schemes for the unemployed, and the

promotion of further training for employees. Guidance accompanies some programmes

such as those run by Universities of the Third Age and Senior Academies (IBW-

Euroinstitut 2005).

Danish state guidance services do not target Third Agers but some more general

services are open to them, such as the Unemployment Insurance Fund and the Public

Employment Service, and a few private companies specialise in Third Age guidance.

So there are many services but little co-ordination between them or single point of

initial access, although there is a dedicated web portal for young people (Plant 2004).

In Austria there are some interesting initiatives in this area, including:

• the Vocational Promotion Institute, a social partnership organising training for the

unemployed and those at risk of redundancy and guidance for older people;

• Initiative50 and Initiative40 which help older job seekers to re-enter work;

• Arbeiterkammer, another social partnership that targets older employees in

member firms;

• the Austrian Senior Experts Pool, through which retired managers act as teachers,

coaches and mentors;

• Sozial Global Terra, which targets older migrants.

As in Denmark, however, these initiatives are unco-ordinated and unrelated to

educational policy for older people (Kocher 2005).


8

In the UK, despite a high profile being given to Third Age issues, such as the Age

Positive campaign by the Department of Work and Pensions, there are few targeted

guidance initiatives and older people tend to use all-age services less than do younger

people. Initiatives include:

• JobCentre Plus, which co-ordinates the New Deal 50 Plus for those out of work for

at least six months, and the In Work Training Grant for older people who obtain

work and who qualify financially for this grant;

• publicly-funded services such as Careers Scotland, Careers Wales and Northern

Ireland's Educational Guidance Service for Adults and its Careers Service which is

based in the Employment Service; and in England the Information, Advice and

Guidance networks that are contracted by private companies and public

organisations to offer free guidance to older adults who have qualifications below

level 2 (equivalent to public exams taken around the age of sixteen);

• telephone and Internet services, such as LearnDirect and career service web sites

– these are not targeted at older people but are useful to them;

• community-based services, again, useful though only in a few areas targeted to

Third Agers;

• guidance as part of educational courses;

• a small but growing number of initiatives by large employers keen to retain their

employees;

• trade union advice and guidance by Union Learning Representatives, most of

whom are over 35 and particularly keen to help older employees make up for a lack

of learning opportunities in their youth.

In England, however, which is by far the largest country in the UK, face-to-face

guidance for adults in general, let alone Third Agers, lacks co-ordination and is difficult

for people to access (Ford 2004).

One gap in the services available in the countries surveyed is guidance for retired

people who wish to return to work or take up self-employment. One interesting example

of such a service, however, is the WISDOM Co-operative in the UK, which focuses on

people who wish to start their own business (Gray 2004).

Where guidance exists and is accessible, and where a suggested course of action

includes further learning, what kind of learning opportunities exist for older people?


9

5 Access to lifelong learning for Third Agers

The main thrust of the lifelong learning agenda is the importance of updating

knowledge in an era of rapid technological change. Many adult educators have serious

reservations about the vocational focus of the agenda; but there is undoubtedly a need

for such learning and particularly for older people who in many cases did not have the

educational opportunities that are now available for young people or the early

acquaintance with computers and modern communication technologies that they grow

up with. This issue, of retraining opportunities for older adults in a fast-changing

economy is an absolutely critical one. Two questions arise: is learning available to

older people and, if so, do they participate in it?

The answer depends partly on how 'learning' is defined. It is pointed out that older

people do continue learning but often informally or through self-study (IBW-Euroinstitut

2005). Formal learning opportunities, however, vary throughout Europe. In Sweden,

Denmark and Iceland, popular education, trade union education, liberal education, folk

high schools and study circles are among the types of learning open to all, irrespective

of age (Persson 2005; Plant 2004; Vilhjálmsson 2005). In the UK, too, there is a range

of opportunities, from Workers' Educational Association classes to the Open University.

In Germany a wide range of courses is being developed for older people, including

distance learning, multi-media exercises for self-directed learning and face-to-face

courses delivered flexibly as to timing (IBW-Euroinstitut 2005).

In Austria, however, adult education, although it certainly exists, can be hard to find

and there is a low take-up by people over 50 (Kocher 2005). The French and Spanish

partners found examples only of training, either by employers or for the unemployed

(IRFA Sud 2005; Lopez 2005). A European survey, however, found that the amount of

vocational training undertaken by employees declined with age, and especially training

that was helpful for career progression. Yet older workers were more likely than

younger ones to state that they needed training in certain aspects of their work, such

as using a computer, though less likely to express a wish for training in being well-

organised, imaginative and dealing with the public (Spence & Kelly 2003). Sweden is

one exception: 65% of those aged 45-54 receive training and this falls only to 58% in

the 55-64 cohort (Persson 2005). Poor access to employer training – except for those

who are already well qualified - is also reported for the UK, although it is estimated that

one-third of people aged 50-64 have inadequate literacy and numeracy (Ford 2004), an

issue being addressed now through the government's Employer Training Pilots that

focus on basic skills (see http://etp.lsc.gov.uk); and for France, except in financial


10

services, transport and public administration (IRFA Sud 2005). Entry to apprenticeships

is usually reserved for young people and older people may be ineligible for educational

grants, including those for higher education (Ford 2004).

6 Implications for guidance services

It is a moot point as to how many 'retired' people actually want to work but there is

evidence that many do, but do not have the qualifications or 'employability' facets to

find a job. Third Agers, while including some highly qualified people, are on the whole

less well educated or qualified than younger people and, as noted above, even when in

work receive less training. Nevertheless, Third Agers even without formal qualifications

often have valuable skills learned through experience (Ford 2004).

As the labour force becomes more skewed towards older workers who, nevertheless,

will continue for some time to experience problems in re-entering the labour market and

obtaining the training needed to secure their jobs, guidance services will have to adapt

to this new target group.

This will mean, inter alia,

• adapting their methods to serve clients who will in most cases have more work and

life experience than the guidance workers themselves;

• acting as advocates with employers, to persuade them not to discriminate against

older people, to offer work placements for older unemployed people and training for

older employees;

• acting as advocates with learning providers to help them develop programmes for

older learners which are suitable in terms of approach and mode of delivery;

• making their services accessible to older people, including targeted marketing.

Beyond these ideas, the challenge for guidance is to reflect on its current and future

roles, analyse and plan the changes they need to make, and put these into practice.

Bibliography

Clayton, P. (2005), Can't work, won't work? People aged 50 and above in the Glasgow

area (http://www.surrey.ac.uk/politics/cse/sequal-age-final-report-GU2.pdf)

Ford, G. (1997), Career Guidance in the Third Age: a Mapping Exercise, Cambridge:

NICEC


11

Ford, G. (2004), 'Third Age guidance in the UK: labour market, learning and guidance

issues' (http://www.gla.ac.uk/tag/rep1enuk.htm)

Gray, H. (2004), 'The rediscovery of middle age'

(http://www.gla.ac.uk/tag/wisdom05.htm)

Gray, H. (2004), 'The WISDOM experience' (http://www.gla.ac.uk/tag/wisdom06.htm)

Humphrey, A., Costigan, P., Pickering, K., Stratford, N. and Barnes, M. (2003), Factors

Affecting the Labour Market Participation of Older Workers, DWP Research Report 200

IBW-Euroinstitut (2005), 'Third Age guidance in Germany'

(http://www.gla.ac.uk/tag/rep1ende.htm)

IRFA Sud (2005), 'Données sur la situation des seniors en France'

(http://www.gla.ac.uk/tag/rep1frfr.htm)

Kocher, A. (2005), 'Definition and situation of older working people'

(http://www.gla.ac.uk/tag/rep1enat.htm)

López, M. J. (2005), 'Third Age issues in Spain'

(http://www.gla.ac.uk/tag/rep1enes.htm)

Persson, M. (2005), 'Third Age issues in Sweden'

(http://www.gla.ac.uk/tag/rep1ensv.htm)

Plant, P. (2004), 'Third Age guidance, Denmark'

(http://www.gla.ac.uk/tag/rep1endk.htm)

Spence, J. and Kelly, A. (2003), Tremplin: The Mismatch of Skills on the Labour Market

- an analysis and solutions provided by training, Luxembourg: Prism Research and

Consulting sarl

Vilhjálmsson, G. (2005), 'Third Age guidance – Iceland'

(http://www.gla.ac.uk/tag/rep1enis.htm)

Documents

Third Age Guidance: research into guidance needs and methodologies