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Thinking Gender.
Perspectives on Gender Equality in UN Peace Operations
Paper to be presented at the Annual Conference of the Swiss Political Science Association,
08-09 January 2009 in St. Gallen
Ulrike Baumgärtner, University of St. Gallen
I. INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................................................. 3
II. THE CONCEPTUAL BACKGROUND ............................................................................................ 5
A. Gender-Related Norms in the International Environment ............................................. 5
1. Gender Studies in International Relations ........................................................................ 5
2. Gender Mainstreaming in the International Security Arena .......................................... 6
3. Relevant Gender-Related Norms for UN Peace Operations .......................................... 8
B. Implementation of Gender-Related Norms in UN Peace Operations .............................. 9
1. Theoretical Approaches to Study UN Peace Operations .............................................. 10
2. Formal Institutionalization ................................................................................................ 10
3. Variations in Understanding Gender Equality .............................................................. 13
III. RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHOD .......................................................................................... 16
IV. CONCLUDING REMARKS .......................................................................................................... 18
V. ANNEX I: RELEVANT ACTORS IN UNITED NATIONS PEACE OPERATIONS ............................... 19
REFERENCES ......................................................................................................................................... 20
2
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
DPKO Department of Peacekeeping Operations
GRP Gender Resource Package
MONUC United Nations Mission in Democratic Republic of Congo (French
acronym)
OSAGI Office of the Special Advisor on Gender Issues and the
Advancement of Women
SC-Res. Security Council Resolution
SRSG Special Representative of the Secretary General
UNMIL United Nations Mission in Liberia
UNTAG United Nations Mission in Namibia
WIIS Women in International Security
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I. INTRODUCTION
Since the adoption of Security Council Resolution (SC-Res.) 1325 in 2000 new gender-related
institutions in the context of peace operations have spread like mushrooms. Every peace
operation led by the United Nations (UN) has a formalized unit with a number of staff
working on gender issues, a dedicated full-time gender advisor, or a gender focal point.
Even peace operations that have been already deployed when the resolution has passed,
such as the UN Mission in Congo (1999), established gender-related institutions in 2000.1 Yet,
does an “outside look” on processes of formal institutionalization really provide us with a
convincing picture of the implementation of gender mainstreaming in peace operations?
Not sufficiently, I would argue. In some peace operations policies for promoting gender
equality have been actively implemented while others have stood aside in this regard. For
example, the UN mission in Liberia became prominent for the presence of female staff in
highest-ranking positions; whereas the UN missions in Congo or Sudan became prominent
for inappropriate behaviour of UN peacekeepers.2
Although the degree of legal or formal institutionalization is most similar in all peace
operations after 2000, the degree of informal institutionalization varies significantly. The
dependent variable of this project, implementation of gender-related norms in UN peace
operations, reveals patterns of variation. For the argument of isomorphism, a prominent
approach of institutionalism, this empirical observation is puzzling. In a nutshell, this
theoretical approach suggests that organizational characteristics are modified in the direction
of increasing compatibility with the normative environment (DiMaggio/ Powell 1983).
In this paper, which is part of my ongoing doctoral project, I argue that decision-makers in
peace operations have different understandings of gender equality. In order to understand
how it is possible that varying degrees of implementation occur, we do have to inquire into
how patterns of formal institutionalization interact with existing cognitive patterns and
beliefs decision-makers in peace operations hold. The “inside perspective” reveals what
senior staff members think gender is about.
1 For detailed information, see http://www.peacewomen.org/un/pkwatch/facts.html, 01/05/2009. 2 For detailed information, see http://www.peacewomen.org/un/pkwatch/pkwatch.html, 01/05/2009.
4
Drawing on sociological institutionalism this project emphasizes the influence of
international norms on political institutions. So far, the literature on norm diffusion has
mainly conceived states as the addressees of socialization processes (e.g. Haas/ Haas 1995;
Finnemore/ Sikkink 1998; Risse et al. 1999; Schimmelfennig 2003; True/ Mintrom 2001).3 This
project, however, focuses on peace operations as addressees of prevailing international
norms. Varying normative prescriptions of how international security can be realized have
been always manifested in the characteristics and mandates of UN peace operations (Paris
2003). Observer missions during the Cold War, for instance, reflect the principle of non-
interference and the guarantee of national sovereignty. The transitional administrations in
the late 1990s constitute a deep intervention in order to build liberal democracies in failed
states. The responsibility to protect human security replaced the principle of state
sovereignty and national security. And more recently, the promotion of regionalism in
international security becomes visible in hybrid operations that are led by various
international organizations: UN, African Union, and/ or European Union. In this project, I
turn to gender-related norms that gain increasingly importance in the conduct of UN peace
operations. In doing so, I seek to contribute to both, the debate on norm diffusion and the
study of UN peace operations.
My argument that variations in implementation result from different understandings of
gender equality of senior staff emphasizes a liberal perspective on norm diffusion (cf.
Barnett/ Coleman 2005; Barnett/ Finnemore 2004). Several factors influence the individual’s
interpretation of the international normative environment: the organizational identities, the
geographic, religious and cultural background, or individual perceptions on the relationship
between men and women. In a comprehensive case study of multidimensional UN peace
operations I seek to draw a fine-grained picture of the processes of norm implementation.
Through expert interviews I try to reveal which cultural settings are in what way decisive for
the senior staff’s understanding of gender equality.
In the following, I will clarify the conceptual background and the research design of my
doctoral project. In the next part, I will outline gender-related norms in the international
3 Cf. Barnett/ Coleman 2005 that study changes in Interpol as International Organization.
5
environment. Whereas, the second chapter highlights the implementation of gender-related
norms in UN peace operations. Finally, I will sketch out the research design and methods.
II. THE CONCEPTUAL BACKGROUND
In the following, I will give some basic clarifications of my research project. For a better
understanding I summarized the different levels of action as well as relevant actors in a
graphic illustration in Annex I.
A. Gender-Related Norms in the International Environment
This part of the paper is structured as follows. First, I define the underlying concept of
gender in social sciences and International Relations. Secondly, I demonstrate how the
concept of gender entered the sphere of international security. And finally, I outline which
gender-related norms are important in the context of UN peace operations.
1. Gender Studies in International Relations
As part of critical social science, gender studies question traditional International Relations
theories. In particular, they doubt whether a distinction between the object of inquiry and the
researcher can be upheld. In their view, the object of inquiry is not objectively accessible, but
pre-constituted by the subjectivist biases the researcher brings to bear.4
In this regard, gender is a social category. It describes what attributes, ways of behavior, and
modes of interaction are ascribed to men and women by a certain group of actors. Attributes,
such as peaceful or aggressive, are socially constructed – not given by nature (Harding 1986;
Locher/ Prügl 2001).5 This project favors this theoretical approach that is strongly related to
constructivist approaches to International Relations.
4 For overviews of feminist perspectives on International Relations, see Finke 2003; Locher 2000;
Tickner 2002; True 2005. 5 For feminist approaches that mostly support essentialist arguments, see Elshtain 1987; Enloe 1989;
Goldstein 2001.
6
Security studies that take gender perspectives into account mostly focus either on rape as
identity producing practice in times of war and in post-conflict environments (e.g. Goldstein
2001; Hansen 2001) or on the role of masculinity in military culture (e.g. Cockburn/ Zarkov
2002; Martin 2005; Mendelson 2005; Seifert 2004; Patel/ Tripodi 2007).
This project takes a broader perspective. It inquires into the social relation between men and
women in multidimensional UN peace operations. These operations act under Chapter VII of
the UN Charta and consist of civilian, military and police units. Thus, they encompass a
variety of activities ranging from military peace-enforcement to civilian peace-building (Call/
Cousens 2008: 4).6 A major part of this project will be to identify the particular organizational
cultures in terms of gender relations. Domination and hierarchy are most important aspects
in this regard. In multi-cultural settings, however, various sources of domination and
hierarchy overlap. Some authors point out that UN peace operations might be perceived as
cultural imperialism where concepts of women’s participation realized in “Northern”
societies are transposed to post-conflict “Southern” societies (cf. Francis 2004). As a result,
competition between international, organizational, and local gender-related norms of
personnel contributing countries may arise (Bunch 2007: 505; Mendelson 2005: 52ff.).
2. Gender Mainstreaming in the International Security Arena
In this section, I sketch out how the political strategy of gender mainstreaming entered the
sphere of international security policies.
A cross-sectoral policy strategy of “Mainstreaming the gender perspective into all policies
and programmes in the United Nations system” was first mentioned in the UN Economic
and Social Council (E/1997/66).7 This general strategy aims at eliminating discrimination
6 I use the broad term "peace operation" because of the multidimensional mandate of these UN
missions. Strictly spoken, peacekeeping operations are established to preserve a stable situation. Under
Chapter VII, however, peacekeepers are mandated to stop wide-spread violent actions and to establish
a stable situation (peace enforcement). Peacebuilding encompass merely civilian measures to rebuild a
society (cf. Boutros-Ghali 1992). 7 Attention to gender equality and the role of women in societies has gradually risen over time. Some
of the foundational documents are, among others, the World Plan of Action for Women (Mexico,
1975), the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women (1979) and
the Declaration of the Fourth World Conference on Women (Beijing, 1995). A good summary of the
various initiatives can be found in “International and Regional Laws and Instruments related to
Security Sector Reform and Gender” (2008), see http://www.dcaf.ch/gender-security-sector-
reform/gssr-toolkit.cfm?navsub1=37&navsub2=3&nav1=3, 12/10/2008.
7
against women and promoting gender equality. Because of its general nature, the concept
encompasses a broad variety of issues concerning the legal status of women (above all, the
right to vote, hold public offices, independent legal statehood from the husband etc.), equal
participation in education and employment, or gender-sensitive health protection (Bunch
2007).8
In 2000 the UN Security Council dealt with the topic of “Women, Peace and Security”. The
SC-Res. 1325 constitute a landmark decision. For the first time, gender issues were addressed
in the arena of international security.9 In concrete terms, three areas of action are highlighted
in the resolution: equal opportunities for men and women to participate in all levels of
decision-making; particular protection of women as part of the civil society; and legal
prosecution of violent acts committed against women. Because the Security Council’s
decisions are binding upon all UN member states this resolution is an important point of
reference.10
Contemporary discussions on human security facilitated the recognition of gender issues in
the UN Security Council.11 The concept of human security emphasizes that the guarantee of
individual’s security must be favored to national security. The recognition of individuals and
social groups as relevant security actors opened up a discursive space for thinking about
gender in the sphere of international security (Väyrynen 2004). Furthermore, the concept of
securitization describes the broadening range of issues that are related to security affairs
apart from military threats, e.g. poverty, human rights, water supply, health protection, or
energy security (cf. Brock 2004; Buzan et al. 1998; Paris 2001; Tickner 1991).
8 For detailed information on various areas of action, see http://www.un.org/womenwatch/,
12/10/2008. 9 In international criminal law gender issues were already acknowledged in 1998. The International
Criminal Court mandated a gender balance among judges and prosecutors. Besides, rape was
declared as war-crime (Carey 2001: 51). 10 The formulation of a SC-Res. was the specific aim of a lobbying network consisting of international
Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs), governments and UN agencies. The NGO Working Group
on Women, Peace and Security was even founded to realize this aim (Shepherd 2008: 387). 11 Cf. the Agenda for Peace (1992), the Report of the Panel on United Nations Peace Operations, so-
called Brahimi Report (2000), the Final Report of the UN Commission on Human Security (2003),
Report of the Secretary-General’s High-Level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change (2004) or The
Human Security Report (2005).
8
The inclusion of a gender perspective in a resolution of the UN Security Council can be
characterized as part of the discourse on securitization. The protection of women questions
the traditional security concept in terms of the relevant actors. Equal opportunities to
participate and the prosecution of violent acts are measures to protect human rights. Its
mentioning underlines the idea that not only military threats are seen as crucial for
guaranteeing international security.
Non only SC-Res. 1325 demonstrates that mainstreaming a gender perspective is no longer
restricted to development policies. Various other documents outline gender-related norms
that are relevant in the context of UN peace operations.
3. Relevant Gender-Related Norms for UN Peace Operations
Additionally to the SC-Res. 1325, the most important documents that address gender-related
norms, rules and procedures are the Windhoek Declaration and Namibia Plan of Action on
Mainstreaming Gender Perspective in Multidimensional Peace Support Operations (2000),
the Gender Resource Package (GRP) of the Department for Peacekeeping Operations (2004),12
the Comprehensive Review of the Whole Question of Peacekeeping Operations in all their
Aspects (2005),13 the In-depth Study on all Forms of Violence against Women (2006), and the
SC-Res. 1820 on Sexual Violence in Conflict Situations (2008).
According to these documents, gender equality is the most important overarching principle.
The empowerment of women through participation at all levels of decision-making is the
dominant gender-related norm in this regard. In more concrete terms, the rules and
procedures for recruiting staff have changed. On every short list of candidates to consider as
Special Representative of the Secretary General (SRSG) one woman should be included (WIIS
2008). In order to attract more women for jobs in peace operations, it is proposed to
introduce more flexible work arrangements for being able to better balance private and work
life. Besides, a military background should not be overestimated for the employment of staff
12 This document is designed to explain the concept of gender mainstreaming to peacekeeping
personnel at Headquarters and in missions. 13 This General Assembly Resolution (A/59/710) is a first comprehensive analysis of the problem of
sexual exploitation and abuse by United Nations peacekeeping personnel in the aftermath of incidents
in the Democratic Republic of the Congo in 2004.
9
in the Department of Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO) because women have more often
civil working experiences (GRP 2004; WIIS 2008).
Gender justice is the second principle that is relevant in this context. The strategy of “zero-
tolerance”, which various international organizations highlight, indicates the norm to
condemn all forms of sexual harassment and exploitation at the workplace.14 Additionally to
preventive measures, such as internal guidelines and campaigns, the rule to ensure legal
prosecution in case of violent acts seeks to realize the overarching principle. Due to the
multilateral character of UN peace operations, however, the implementation of sanctioning
mechanisms is highly complicated. Particularly, the legal prosecution against staff that is not
contracted at an IO is difficult. The personnel contributing country or even the sub-regional
authority (in case of some police units) need to take action.
The third gender-related norm emphasized in the above mentioned documents is the
particular protection of women as part of the local civil society. As in this project gender
relations in UN peace operations are focused, the contact and interaction of UN staff with the
local civil society is of marginal interest. In some studies, however, the interaction with the
local society is mentioned as indicator of the staff’s general attitude towards men and
women respectively. Thus, a clear-cut distinction between gender relations within UN peace
operations and gender relations between international and local people is difficult to uphold.
In this chapter, I outlined various gender-related aspects that comprise the international
normative environment. This environment strongly influences the formulation of strategies
and mandates of UN peace operations. In the next chapter, I will turn to more operational
aspects of how UN peace operations are structured and operate.
B. Implementation of Gender-Related Norms in UN Peace Operations
Before I highlight changes in the formal structure of UN peace operations that are related to
the implementation of gender-related norms, I will shortly summarize the main theoretical
approaches to study this subject matter. Finally, I sketch out varying understandings of
gender equality among key actors of UN peace operations.
14 See http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=21169&Cr=sex&Cr1=abuse, 01/05/2009.
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1. Theoretical Approaches to Study UN Peace Operations
In recent years, the study of UN peace operations has turned from empirically rich analysis
of single operations to theory driven works.15 Due to the fact that this field of interest is
strongly related to practical policy there exists no single dominant theoretical approach.
Scholars from conflict resolution elaborate on the design of peace operations that serve best
the demands to improve the conflict and post-conflict situation in the respective host society
(e.g. Call/ Cousens 2008; Doyle/ Sambanis 2000; Fortna 2004; Greig/ Diehl 2005; Matthies
2002; Paris 2004; Pugh 2000; Sambanis 2008). Others are more interested in peace operations
as form of new governance in areas where state institutions are no longer the prevalent
authority. Their research focus lies on state-building efforts of peace operations and security
sector reform (e.g. Broszka 2006; Chesterman 2004; Debiel et al. 2005; Ebnöther/ Fluri 2005;
Hänggi 2005; Krasner 2004; Milliken 2003; Ottaway 2002; Schneckener 2007; Wolter 2007;
Yannis 2002). As a common feature, all of these approaches treat UN peace operations as
more or less homogenous entities. They do not differentiate between the organizations that
participate. More recently, management as well as practical policy research highlight the
variety of actors that are involved in UN peace operations. They emphasize the need for
better coordination among the actors as well as learning from past operations to increase the
output or effectiveness of the mission (Benner/ Rotmann 2008; Döring/ Schreiner 2008). My
research project goes even further and focuses on individual perceptions and interpretations
of the normative environment. Besides, this project does not focus on the effects of UN peace
operations on the post-conflict situation in the host society. Instead, I focus on the process of
norm implementation and institutional developments of peace operations themselves.
2. Formal Institutionalization
True and Mintrom analyse the diffusion of gender mainstreaming across different state
bureaucracies. In their quantitative study they focus on the creation of new formal
institutions that “scrutinize and reinvent processes of policy formulation and
implementation across all issue areas to address and rectify persistent and emerging
disparities between men and women” (2001: 28). They differentiate between high-level
15 For overview studies on various aspects of UN peace operations, see Bellamy et al. 2004; Bernauer et
al. 2001; Dobbins 2005; Gareis/ Varwick 2003.
11
institutions, e.g. stand-alone government ministries or offices within the head of state’s
department, and lower-level institutions, e.g. bureaus or divisions for gender equality.
Analogous to True and Mintrom, I operationalize formal institutionalization with the
creation of new gender-related institutions both on the higher strategic level and on the lower
operational level of UN peace operations.
On the strategic level, a gender advisor and a focal point on sexual exploitation and abuses
have been established in the Best Practice Unit at DPKO. Besides, the Best Practice Unit of
DPKO launched the Gender Resource Package to explain and standardize the
implementation of the concept gender mainstreaming to all personnel of UN peace
operations. This document defines gender advisor as a job to promote gender perspectives in
all activities of peace operations and to increase the participation of female leaders and
women’s organizations to implement the mandate of the operation. Additionally to this
position of programming gender mainstreaming, the gender focal points are involved in more
concrete personnel issues, e.g. monitoring procedures of recruitment or prosecuting cases of
sexual harassment. All focal points in the UN Secretariat as well as in field missions report to
the Office of the Special Advisor on Gender Issues and the Advancement of Women (OSAGI)
(GRP 2004: 74).
On the operational level, new gender-related institutions have been established, too. As of
May 2008, out of 20 current peace operations, twelve have a dedicated full-time gender
advisory capacity, which could mean either a formalized unit with a number of staff working
on gender issues or a single gender advisor post. In 2000 only two gender advisors were
assigned to peace operations. Additionally, six peace operations have a gender focal point to
monitor the recruitment policy or sanctioning sexual harassment.16
Although the number of new formal gender institutions has impressively grown in recent
years, an independent expert’s assessment concludes that the range of responsibilities given
to gender advisers appears to exceed both their authority and their limited resources (Rehn/
Sirleaf 2002: 66). According to current data, the gender advisory units as well as gender focal
points are still only staffed with one person. All new formal gender institutions are placed in
the civilian component of UN peace operations.
16 See http://www.peacewomen.org/un/pkwatch/facts.html, 12/08/2008.
12
Although gender mainstreaming is not conceived as liberal policy to merely include women
(True/ Mintrom 2001: 33), the increase of the female percentage in all decision-making bodies
is emphasized in all legal documents and strategy papers. Thus, I include statistical data on
female staff in UN peace operations –as far as available– to measure the degree of formal
institutionalization of gender-related norms.
The highest position in UN peace operations is the SRSG. Until now, seven women have
filled this position. Currently, out of 30 peace operations (peacekeeping, political and
peacebuilding missions) there is one female SRSG at the UN Mission in Liberia. 17
As of March 2004, women represented 24 per cent of the 11,000 international and national
civilian staff members. Broken down by grades 16 per cent women work in senior-level
positions (D1-D2), 26 per cent work in mid-level positions (P1-P5) and 24 per cent work in
the general service. Regarding the overall work force, the senior-level positions make up 1
per cent, mid-level position make up 13 per cent and general service make up 86 per cent.
Thus, the representation of women in the civilian unit of peace operation is well under the
50/50 goal (GRP 2004: 70).
The police and military personnel for UN peace operations are deployed individually by UN
member states. Therefore, the survey of the gender balance in military and police services
provided by the DPKO (2006) indicate the female percentage of personnel by country. As of
September 2003, 4 per cent of civilian police positions and around 1.5 per cent of military
personnel positions were held by women (Policy Dialogue 2006: 10). Analogous to the
civilian posts, less women are employed in higher ranks. Comparing to the civilian units of
UN peace operations clearly less women work in the police and military services. A second
finding becomes obvious in this survey: women’s participation varies significantly across
geographical regions of personnel contributing countries. As of March 2006, only Finland,
France, New Zealand and Zambia have a significant number18 of women in both their
national armed forces and their police services. Besides, Canada, Germany, Ireland,
Lithuania and Norway have over 15% female rates in their police services. According to this
survey, “Western” countries have higher female percentages in their UN staff then African,
17 See http://www.peacewomen.org/un/pkwatch/facts.html, 08/12/2008. 18 Over 20% of the armed forces and over 10% of the police are female in these national contingents.
13
Asian or Latin American countries. Zambia is the only African country with high figures of
female participation.19
3. Variations in Understanding Gender Equality
Contrastingly to formal institutions, informal institutions are not quantifiable and not
directly observable. Rather, they can be vaguely described as practices, informal rules,
organizational cultures, working atmospheres, or attitudes towards men or women. In my
research project, I seek to draw such informal gender-related institutions from the analysis of
the discourse on gender equality in UN peace operations. For this, I will study legal
documents (e.g. mission mandates), strategy papers (e.g. GRP), official speeches of UN
senior staff, and conduct interviews. A preliminary analysis of the documents and first
interviews revealed that members of military organizations seem to have a different
understanding of gender equality than members of civilian organizations.
In the mandates of UN peace operations, which are established after 2000, a reference to SC-
Res. 1325 is included. Yet, in the operative clauses, where concrete actions are outlined,
gender equality is mostly reduced to the protection of women as part of the civil society.
Furthermore, most mandates are formulated quite general. Senior staff members are
relatively autonomous in interpreting the operation’s mandate. Gender issues were, for
instance, not mentioned in the mandate of UN Mission in Namibia (1989-1990). But the UN
peace operation serves as positive example for implementing gender mainstreaming (Olsson
2001). This is remarkable as the operation took place before gender-related norms became
prominent in international security and UN peace operations.
In speeches and guidelines of highest UN officials, such as former Secretary-General Kofi
Annan or former Under-Secretary-General for Peacekeeping Operations Jean-Marie
Guéhenno gender mainstreaming is frequently mentioned and particularly addressed in
special reports. Hereby, they refer to all three gender-related norms: equal opportunities to
participate and influence the planning and implementation, recognition of particular needs
and priorities of women and men as well as the formulation of clear binding standards for all
19 For many African countries there are no figures indicated in the survey. The survey is based on a
questionnaire that was sent to 110 troop and police contributing countries, Force Commanders and
Police Commissioners. Obviously, the response rates varied also across geographical regions.
14
organizations and personnel contributing countries to address sexual exploitation and
mechanisms for prosecutions (“zero-tolerance”).20 In the First General Principles and
Guidelines for UN Peace Operations, launched by the DPKO, the SC-Res. 1325 is indicated as
“broader normative debate shaping the international environment” and influencing the
Security Council mandates (2008: 16). Later in the document, the promotion of national and
local ownership is described as success factor. In this regard, “partnerships with national
actors should be struck with due regard to impartiality, wide representation, inclusiveness,
and gender considerations. Missions must recognize that multiple divergent opinions will
exist in the body politics of the host country […]. National and local ownership must begin
with a strong understanding of the national context.” (2008: 39). According to my reading, it
exists a norm competition between the promotion of gender equality and the respect for the
culture of the host country, including possible gender inequalities.
The culture of UN peace operations in general and the organizational culture in military and
police units in particular are described as masculine or even “hyper-masculine” in several
studies. The overall dominance of male staff, the situation to work in an insecure
environment abroad, and the individual socialization in the military are indicated as reasons
for the masculine culture (Martin 2005; Lipson 2007: 16ff.; Patel/ Tripodi 2007). The presence
of female staff in these units have, according to a UN expert commission, remarkable effects
on the organizational culture: male peacekeepers become more reflective and responsible
(Rehn/ Sirleaf 2002: 63), chauvinist attitudes toward women diminish and the likelihood of
sexual harassment within the workplace is reduced (GRP 2004: 64).
According to interviews I conducted with members of the German army, the integration of
female personnel in military organizations is often welcomed because of functional reasons,
e.g. for addressing local women. The protection of women as part of the civil society is seen
as core element of gender mainstreaming. Besides, high-ranking staff members emphasize
the need to immediate action and extensive prosecution of incidences of sexual exploitation
and abuse by single soldiers. Female soldiers are very much concerned not to be treated
differently than their male colleagues and refuse to feminize their military status. As a result,
20 See General Assembly 2005 (A/59/710).
15
particular gender offices are seen – by both male and female military staff – as not helpful for
realizing gender equality.
In civilian organizations the empowerment of women by integrating them into all levels of
decision-making is seen as core element of gender mainstreaming. Separate gender units are
seen as important offices for raising awareness for gender issues and for monitoring
functions. Their limited financial means and restricted access to senior decision-making
bodies is criticized (Rehn/ Sirleaf 2002). There are claims to ensure that on every short list of
candidates to consider SRSG posts one woman need to be included per quota (WIIS 2008).
Besides, in order to attract more women for jobs in peace operations, it is proposed to
introduce more flexible work arrangements for being able to better balance private and work
life.21 Besides, a military background should not be overestimated for the employment of
staff in the DPKO because women have more often civil working experiences (GRP 2004;
WIIS 2008). Thus, gender equality implies a different treatment of men and women and
fundamental changes in the structure and practices of peace operations.
These preliminary conclusions give first hints that different actors involved in UN peace
operations have varying understandings of gender equality. Without doubt, further and
more systematic interviews and research is needed.
21 In the document, published by a women’s lobbying group, the work-life-balance is interestingly
clearly constructed as women’s issue. Obviously, also men who seek to combine family and work life
would profit from flexible working arrangements.
16
III. RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHOD
This project is a case-oriented analyses. It focuses on the question of how gender-related
norms are implemented in multidimensional UN peace operations. The observation of
similar degrees of formal institutionalization (e.g. gender advisors or gender focal points) but
varying degrees of informal institutionalization (e.g. practices or attitudes) of gender-related
norms arouse my interest for further research on this issue. I argue that senior staffs’
understandings of gender equality influence the process of implementation. Several factors,
e.g. organizational culture, geographical background, age etc., influence the individual
interpretation of the international normative environment. Through causal process tracing I
seek to identify the various factors and its interactions that influence the individual
interpretation of gender-related norms and its formal (and informal) implementation in UN
peace operations. The causal chain of norm implementation is depicted through narratives.
The analyses aims at providing a dense description of the ongoing events as well as deep
insights into structures and motivations of individual actors. Document analysis and
interviews are used to receive a fine-grained picture of the critical moments in which various
factors came together to produce the outcome, i.e. the way of implementing gender-related
norms (Blatter/ Blume 2008: 323f.; see also George/ Bennett 2005: 137).
The overall population of possible cases are 13 multidimensional UN peace operations that
have taken place. Currently, there are seven multidimensional UN peace operations active:
UNMIS in Sudan, UNOCI in Côte d’Ivoire, UNMIL in Liberia, MONUC in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo, MINURSO in Western Sahara, MINUSTAH in Haiti, UNMIT in
Timor-Leste.22 Six past operations led by the UN had a multidimensional: UNTAET in
Timor-Leste, UNMIBH in Bosnia and Herzegovina, UNMIK in Kosovo, ONUB in Burundi,
UNAVEM II in Angola, and UNTAG in Namibia.
Using process tracing as method for a detailed analysis, only few UN operations can be
studied. Therefore, a selection of important and interesting cases is needed. For the time
being, the UN missions in Congo and Liberia seem to me very interesting cases referring to
the implementation of gender-related norms.
22 MINUCRAT in the Central African Republic and Chad is a joint operation of the UN and the
European Union and UNAMID in Darfur is jointly led by the UN and the African Union (AU).
17
MONUC in Congo was deployed in 1999 and established gender-related formal institutions
in 2000, the very year of the SC-Res. 1325. It consists of 19,000 uniformed personnel and 3,000
civilian staff members. The Police Commissioner from India leads a mainly African police
force; the Force Commander from Senegal a heterogeneous military force (from African,
European and other countries, such as Pakistan, China, or Russia).The SRSG is from the
United Kingdom and a woman from Algeria serves as Second Deputy SRSG.23
UNMIL in Liberia was deployed in 2003 and is led by a female SRSG from Denmark. Also
the post of Second Deputy SRSG is filled with a woman from Ghana. The civilian component
with 14,500 is much larger than the one in MONUC and almost equal to the military and
police component (16,000 uniformed personnel). The police forces, headed by an officer from
Sweden, as well as the military forces, headed by a Commander from Bangladesh, are
heterogeneous with troops from African, European and other countries, such as China,
Russia, or the USA.24
The characteristics of these two UN peace operations in Africa are very similar. Thus, the
two operations could be suitable for a comparative case study. The other active UN peace
operations are smaller in terms of deployed personnel. Referring to past operations ONUB in
Burundi and UNTAG in Namibia became prominent for the inclusion of gender-related
programs and formal institutions. UNTAG took even place before gender-related norms
were widely mentioned in the mandates and strategies of UN peace operations. The
structure of the two UN operations in Europe differs to the African operations as the military
component was not led by a UN commander but by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization.
Besides, the bulk of the personnel were from European countries. These UN peace operations
could serve as interesting counter-cases to MONUC and UNMIL. But the process of case
selection is not finished yet.
To conclude, I will give a short outlook of the overall structure of my research project.
23 See http://www.un.org/Depts/dpko/missions/monuc/, 01/06/2009. 24 See http://www.un.org/Depts/dpko/missions/unmil/, 01/06/2009.
18
IV. CONCLUDING REMARKS
In this paper, I summarized the main ideas and conceptual clarifications of my ongoing
doctoral project. The study of gender-related norms in UN peace operations implies several
fields of research.
First, this project is related to literature on norm diffusion. The conceptualization of formal
and informal institutionalizations of a prevailing norm is rooted in institutionalist
approaches to International Relations. According to institutional isomorphism organizational
characteristics are modified in the direction of increasing compatibility with the normative
environment. With regard to the implementation of gender-related norms in UN peace
operations, however, this approach does not provide a complete explanation of the varying
degree of informal institutionalization. Thus, the sociological perspective of norm diffusion
is emphasized. It is assumed that the interpretation of normative environment by senior staff
members influence the process of implementation.
Gender studies is the second field of research. This area of academic inquiry studies the
relation between men and women in particular social contexts. In this project the
constructivist approach is favored. It highlights that attributes, ways of behavior, and modes
of interaction are socially ascribed to men and women. In more concrete terms, this project
seeks to identify how senior staff members of participating organizations perceive gender
relations within the organization and constructs gender equality.
Finally, the research project studies UN peace operations. In order to identify the factors and
interactions that produce a particular interpretation of gender equality (and the promotion of
certain way of informal institutionalization of gender-related norms) a detailed analysis of
few multidimensional UN peace operation is needed. MONUC and UNMIL could serve as
suitable cases in this regard.
19
V. ANNEX I: RELEVANT ACTORS IN UNITED NATIONS PEACE OPERATIONS
INTERNATIONAL ENVIRONMENT
OF GENDER-RELATED NORMS
LOCAL CULTURE TOWARDS GENDER RELATIONS &
GENDER EQUALITY
UNIFEM
Security
Council
Secretary
General
Head of Mission
(SRSG)/
Component Heads
strategic level
operational level
Peacebuilding
Commission
Secretariat
- DPKO
- Best Practice
Unit
- Gender Unit
- Gender Focal
Poinrt
ECOSOC
- OSAGI
NGOs Working Group on
Women Peace and Security
Civilian
Unit
- Gender
Advisor
- Gender
focal point
Police
Unit
Military
Unit
20
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