GRMS 1.1_F5_73-92.inddGreek and Roman Musical Studies 1 (2013)
73-92 brill.com/grms
The Writing Tablets and Papyrus from Tomb II in Daphni1
Martin West All Souls College, Oxford OX1 4AL, U.K.
[email protected]
Abstract The author describes the fragmentary writing tablets and
papyrus remnants discovered in one of the Daphni tombs in 1981,
dating from 430/420 bce. He offfers transcriptions of the legible
portions and assesses their possible literary significance.
L’autore descrive i frammenti di tavolette per la scrittura e i
resti di papiro rinvenuti nel 1981 in una delle tombe di Daphni,
risalenti al 430/420 a.C. Egli presenta le trascrizioni delle parti
leggibili e accerta il loro possibile significato letterario.
Keywords earliest Greek papyrus, writing tablets, Daphni
tombs
It is exciting to have found a Greek tomb containing remains of
three diffferent musical instruments, together with writing
implements and various other arti- cles. It is even more exciting
to find in the same tomb written texts of an appar- ently literary
character. In this paper I give an account of these fragmentary
documents and of what it has so far been possible to see on them.
It amounts to very little, no more than a word here and there: no
sensational revelations, nothing like the Derveni papyrus from
northern Greece, which yielded many columns of readable text. But
the Daphni texts are still of exceptional impor- tance as
comprising the oldest Greek papyrus now known (something like a
century older than the Derveni papyrus) and the oldest Greek
writing tab- lets. The tomb is dated to 430/420 bce, and the
written materials will not be much older.
1 See the first footnote to Egert Pöhlmann’s paper earlier in this
volume.
74 M. West / Greek and Roman Musical Studies 1 (2013) 73-92
Almost all surviving Greek papyri and wooden writing tablets come
from Egypt, because the very dry climate of that country allowed
them to survive, while in Greece, Italy, and other lands where
Greek books were current in antiquity they perished. That is why,
until fifty years ago, we had no Greek papyri from before the time
of Alexander, when the Greeks conquered Egypt. Then in 1962 came
the news that a papyrus roll had been discovered in north- ern
Greece, near the Derveni pass, some kilometres north-west of
Thessaloniki. It lay on the edge of a funeral pyre and had been
carbonized by the heat: that is what had saved it from the
decomposition that would have been its nor- mal fate. The Daphni
papyrus and tablets, on the other hand, were preserved through
being in an enclosed marble sarcophagus in conditions of very high
humidity.
The Writing Tablets
Five wooden writing tablets have been preserved or restored (MΠ
7452-5 and A 27047; further fragments are inventoried as A
27045-6). MΠ 7452-5 have been numbered on front and back with white
ink as Α 1/2, Β 1/2, Γ 1/2, Δ 1/2. They are rectangular, and quite
small. Tablets B, Γ, and Δ are of matching size, approxi- mately 10
× 5 × 0.3 cm, and no doubt formed a set; they had holes bored on
one of the long sides, perhaps two groups of two holes, so that
they could be fastened together with a thong or rings to form a
polyptychon. Tablet A is larger, approximately 13.5 × 5.8 × 0.4 cm,
and has no holes, so it appears to have been a separate single
deltos. The restored fragment A 27047, measuring approxi- mately
11.5 × 6.6 cm, again has no holes. Tablets A-Δ are shown on plates
II 9-10, IV 1-3, and the other fragments on plate IV 4.
On one side of A and A 27047, and on both sides of B Γ Δ, the
central part of the surface is chiselled out to leave a writing
area surrounded by a raised frame; this protected the writing
surfaces from rubbing against each other when tablets were bound
together. The writing areas were covered with wax, patches of which
remain. The wax on tablet A is yellowish-brown, that on Β Γ Δ much
redder. Remains of the same reddish wax appear also on the
fragments A 27045/46. The diffference is further proof that tablet
A does not belong to the same set as the others. No wax remains on
the writing area of A 27047. The fact that this fragment was
designed for writing only on one side indicates that it was one of
the outer tablets of a polyptychon, perhaps belonging to tablet
A.
Some remains of writing can be seen on tablets A 2 (plates II 9ab,
11ab, 12a), B 1 and 2 (plates II 10a-c, 12b), Γ 1 and 2, and Δ 1
and 2. It runs parallel to the long
M. West / Greek and Roman Musical Studies 1 (2013) 73-92 75
sides of the frame, along the grain of the wood. On B 1, Γ 2, and Δ
1 the lines run downwards from the hinged side of the tablet, while
on B 2, Γ 1, and Δ 2 they run towards it. (On A there was no
hinge.) The explanation for the divergence is that the user held
the polyptychon with the hinged side at the top and wrote on the
recto tablet downwards; then one lifted the tablet up, wrote on the
verso downwards back towards the hinge, continuing down onto the
second tab- let. In the case of tablet Γ the side numbered 2 was
evidently the recto, and 1 the verso.
Writing tablets of this sort had been used for centuries in Greece
and the Near East, and they continued to be used throughout
antiquity. The design did not change. A well-preserved early
example was recovered from the Ulu Burun shipwreck, dating from
around 1300 bce. The ship appears to have been sailing from Syria
by way of Cyprus and was heading for the Aegean when it sank offf
the coast of Lycia with its large cargo of metal ingots, tools and
weapons, gold and silver jewellery, ivory, glass, pottery, spices,
and various other goods.2 It is a diptych, just two tablets hinged
together at the long side. It has the same rectangular shape as
with the Daphni tablets, and the hollowed-out writing areas, which
the raised edge protected from rubbing against each other when the
diptych was closed.
The Greeks took over this simple invention in the eighth or seventh
cen- tury from the Phoenicians. Their usual word for such a tablet,
δλτος, or in the Cypriot dialect δλτος, is borrowed from the West
Semitic dalt or delt; it is feminine because the Semitic word was
feminine. This was the ‘folding tablet’, the πναξ πτυκτς, that is
mentioned in the Iliad (6. 169) in the story of Bel- lerophon’s
adventures in Asia Minor. Proitos sent Bellerophon to Lycia with a
letter written on the tablet.
As for fifth-century Athens, we may recall the famous cup painted
by Douris around 490 or 480 and showing school scenes (Berlin
2285). In one of the two scenes (plate IV 5) the teacher is
depicted sitting in the centre with his stylus poised over what may
look like a laptop computer but is in fact an open book consisting
of three tablets bound together, a triptychon. The tablets from the
Daphni tomb correspond very nicely with this picture, in that the
writing, as we normally find it in later tablets, ran parallel to
the long sides of the frame, with the hinged side at the top of the
unopened book; the user lifted each tab- let away from him to
expose the next one.
2 On the Ulu Burun wreck see Bass, Pulak, Collon and Weinstein
1990. An excellent image of the tablet may be found on the website
of the Institute of Nautical Archaeology at Texas A&M
University,
http://nautarch.tamu.edu/class/316/uluburun/diptych.jpg.
76 M. West / Greek and Roman Musical Studies 1 (2013) 73-92
Waxed tablets were easily erasable and re-usable, and they were
used for writings not intended to be kept for the long term, for
example for letters (as in the Bellerophon story) and for school
exercises (as on the Douris cup). We have school tablets from the
Hellenistic period on which a boy has copied out his assignment in
a large, clumsy hand. But this is not what we have in the case of
the tablets from the Daphni tomb: here the writing is neat,
well-formed, and microscopically small. It is clearly the work of a
practised hand, and the amount of text written must have been
considerable. Tablet A appears to have had about eighteen lines of
writing fitted into its vertical space of 5.3 cm, with perhaps 90
characters to the line. Tablet B had about fourteen lines on side
A, seventeen on side B, with about 70-80 characters to the
line.
The script used is the Ionic alphabet, with η and ω for long [e:]
and [o:]. Although this alphabet was not offficially adopted at
Athens until 403/2 bce, it was in frequent use in public and
epigraphic texts in Attica in the second half of the fifth
century.3 So it is no great surprise to find it being used in
written documents dating from around 430. The letter-forms (see
figure 1) are similar to those of contemporary inscriptions, with
square epsilon and four-barred sigma.4
The traces of visible text are disappointingly meagre, and it is
hardly ever possible to make out a whole word, let alone two
together. The provisional readings offfered in ZPE 180 (2012), 4-5,
are now superseded thanks to an excel- lent new set of photographs
taken by Athena Alexopoulou in July 2012; my best thanks to her for
sending them to me. Here is what I now persuade myself that I can
see. The line numbers, for fragments not at the upper edge of the
writing area, are estimates and I cannot guarantee their
accuracy.
3 See Threatte 1980, 26-49. 4 I withdraw the statement in Poehlmann
and West 2012, 4 with n. 23, that an abbreviated,
two-bar sigma is also found. From the new photographs I can see
that the letter in question was a normal four-bar sigma.
Figure 1. Letter-forms on the tablets.
M. West / Greek and Roman Musical Studies 1 (2013) 73-92 77
A 2, left and centre (see plate II 11ab) 4 [ c.26 letters ]φιλ υ λ[
5 [. .]μηλ[ ]μβια[ 6 [. . . . .] [ ( )]ροθορο[ ]α[ ]λ[ 7 [. . . .
.]α[ ]ητικ[ ]υ [ 8 [. . . . .]απο[ ]υδ[ ]ι[ ]δα[ ]λαμ[ 9 [ ] [
]οιμο[ 10 [ ]ιλ[
In line 4 perhaps φλου. In line 6 we see perhaps π]ροθορο[cα or
some similar form; or it might be e.g. γ]ρ θορ[c. As there is a
vertical crack through the θ, I cannot exclude a φ, which would
open up other possibilities.
A 2, upper right corner (see plate II 12a) 1 ]δ μαν[ ] ι μα 2
]θοιαγαθω[ ]ν[ 3 ]κλ οccαλω[ ]ιν[ 4 ] [ ]ια[ 5 ]υμεθ[
In the second line it is tempting to recognize an allusion to the
magnificent verse spoken by Herakles in the Hesiodic Wedding of
Keyx when he arrived uninvited at the wedding feast (fr. 264
M.-W.), ατματοι δ γαθο γαθν π δαταc ενται, ‘good men come to good
men’s banquets of their own accord’. It was a famous line, alluded
to by several classical writers.5 If the ]ν[ is rightly read, the
verse was not quoted in full. In the next line perhaps κλεοc (or
Ηρα] κλεοc!), or ε]κλεc or ]κλεc.
B 1 (= recto), left and right edges (see plate II 12b) 1 ]πε [ 2
]ΑΛ[ ]ΠΙΠ[ 3 ] [ 4 ]υρ [ 5 ]ημου[ 6 μ[ ] [ 7 [ ]φ[ ]χθη[ 8 α[
]θωcδ[ ] [ ]υπογοι[ 9 ωcτολλ[ ]μι[ ]ιλικων [
5 Bacchylides fr. 4. 23; Cratinus fr. 182 K.-A.; Eupolis fr. 315
K.-A.; Plato, Symposium 174b.
78 M. West / Greek and Roman Musical Studies 1 (2013) 73-92
The letters in line 2 are large and spidery; they are less deeply
incised in the wax and seem to have been written by a diffferent
hand with a finer point. Further such letters appear just below 5
]ημου[: ]ΑΛΛΑΝ[. (The first two let- ters are on a piece of wax
that has shifted down slightly below the level of the following
ones.)
At the beginning of line 8 [λη]θ δ[ would fit the spacing but can
only be accepted on the assumption that it was indented. (I can
discern no traces in the space before α.) At the end of the line
one thinks of π γον[-; there appears to be no room for further
letters before the edge, but below γο there is what I take to be a
damaged o, followed by a possible trace of υ. I surmise that the
writer wanted to write π γνου, ran out of space, and put the last
two letters underneath.
At the beginning of 9 there appears to be a narrow sigma inserted
after the initial omega. The λλ might conceivably be μ, but the
third stroke crosses the second in such a way as to suggest a
separate letter. If we assume an unmarked elision (as perhaps in B
2. 1 below), we may articulate τ λλ[υ-. At the end, if not Κ]ιλκων,
then perhaps ε]μ [βα]ιλικν or the like. This might possibly
continue the topic of breeding from 8. In these last two lines, at
least, the text seems to be prose.
On B 2 a good deal of the wax surface remains, and writing is
discernible in several areas if one compares diffferent
photographs; sometimes letters that are clear on one are indistinct
or invisible on another. Unfortunately the strings of letters are
nowhere well enough preserved to yield sense.
B 2 (= verso), left half (see plate II 10b) 1 βο ιδουτε[]εχο [ ]
κλεα ιπ[ 2 εμ[ ] [ ]λ[ 3 [ ]αυηι[ 4 ωυ[ ]χ [ ]μμ[ 5 ωκι[ ]κ[ 6 [
]μν [ ]παλιπ [ 7 [ ]ωθ[ ]ανοωδ [ 8 [ ]ν[ ]γλλωευη δοποι[ ] ικ [ 9 [
]ρια[ 10 [ ] ω[ ]χμη[ 11 ιο[ ] μ [ ]λ[ 12 ] αιδα[ 13 ]ιαη[ 14
]ολοα[ 15 [ ]ιλ η[ ]α [ 16 ]ιο[ 17 ]κλω ιο[ ]ολλυτα[
M. West / Greek and Roman Musical Studies 1 (2013) 73-92 79
In the first line possibly βοη δ or βοαι δ, with unmarked elision
as suggested above at B 1. 9. In line 4 we have presumably either [
( Υ[) or an Ionic ω[τ. In 17 apparently λλυτα[ι.
B 2, right half (see plate II 10c) 1 ]ημιουδε αριπη[ 2 ] [ 8 ]αι [
(line-ends) 9 ]κα π[ ] [ ] ιπω [ 10 ]τοε[ ] ω [ 11 ] κυ [ 12 ]ραι[
13 14 ]χυ[ 15 ] ληπ [ 16 ] ο [ Γ 2 (= recto), lines 1-2, two thirds
across ] [ ]νια[ Γ 2, lines 4 to 2 from the foot, three-quarters
across ]μα[ ]του ε [ ]κ[ ]ιπ[
On Δ I can discern only a few letters on each side, just enough to
establish that Δ 1 was the recto (hinge at the top) and Δ 2 the
verso (hinge at the bottom). In the lower left corner of Δ 1, five
lines up from the bottom, I see [ ] μπρολ [, and on the penultimate
line [ ] ιοτ [. On the left margin of Δ 2 I see λ[ in line 3, υ[ in
line 6, and ιππ[ in the third line from the foot.
The Papyrus
I turn now to the papyrus. The story of its condition at discovery
and of its restoration at the National Archaeological Museum in
Athens is told in Egert Pöhlmann’s paper above. The eight frames in
which Antonios Glinos mounted the fragments, and which since 1996
have been kept at the Piraeus Museum, are as follows.
Frame 1: A 27091 = MΠ 7449; see plate IV 6. Several hundred
fragments arranged in rows and graded in size. On a very few of
them a letter or two can be made out.
Frame 2: MΠ 8517; see plate IV 7. Eight rows of small fragments. On
some of them letters or syllables can be made out, but no whole
word.
80 M. West / Greek and Roman Musical Studies 1 (2013) 73-92
Frame 3: MΠ 8518; see plate II 3b. A fairly large piece compacted
from more than one layer. Scattered letters can be seen here and
there.
Frame 4: MΠ 8519; see plate IV 8. Fourteen rows of small fragments.
A few contain one letter or so.
Frame 5: MΠ 8520; see plate II 3a. An assembly of miscellaneous
fragments, of which ten are put together from smaller pieces. I
have assigned numbers 1 to 44 to fragments starting from the left
of the frame. Some contain remnants of several lines of text, but
not always from the same layer. In a few instances a whole word can
be made out or supplemented. In several cases further let- ters
appear between the lines; in the inventory these are taken to be
probable musical notes,6 but they seem in fact to be fragments of
text permeated from an upper or lower layer in consequence of the
damp conditions.
Frame 6: MΠ 8521; see plate IV 9. Nine rows of small fragments,
some bear- ing one letter or so.
Frame 7: MΠ 8522; see plate IV 10. Sixteen rows of small fragments,
a few with letter traces.
Frame 8: MΠ 8523; see plates II 8ab, IV 11. This is the detached
piece that Konstantinos Asimenos photographed in May 1981.
Most of the legible remains of writing are to be found in frames 5
and 8. They do not amount to much. The script is small and neat;
the height of the letters is about 2 mm, only slightly larger than
on the wooden tablets. The letter forms (see figure 2) show some
variation, and it is hard to say positively whether the hand is the
same as on the tablets or a diffferent one. As on the tablets, the
alphabet used is the Ionic.
Here are provisional transcriptions of those fragments from frames
5 and 8 that are large enough to be of possible interest.
6 Ερετριο p. 182: Σ δο μεγλα σπαργματα σζονται μικρ τμματα 7/8
στχων μ σημεα μουσικς πιθανς σημειογραφας στ δικενα, π.χ.
ΑΙΣ/o<\.
Figure 2. Letter-forms on the papyrus.
M. West / Greek and Roman Musical Studies 1 (2013) 73-92 81
Frame 5 = MΠ 8520
Fr. 1 (plate II 7a). The fragment has writing extending over about
eight lines, but it belongs to more than one layer—perhaps four—so
that one sees sepa- rate line-sequences overlapping and out of
alignment.
Lowest layer Next Next Next ]ετ[ ] [ ]ε[ ]ωμ[ ]πον[ ]θ[ ]Χ ]χο[
]οεπ[ ]ε[ ] ο[ 5 ]ορεινε[ ]αζαε [ ]ηλοπιμ[ ] παρι[
Fr. 3 (plate II 5a). The writing is visible only in infrared
images. Two layers are combined, giving paired lines.
Lower layer Upper layer ] ε[ ] [ ] [ ]η ο [ ]κεητο[ ]ξωθ [ ] δ [
]εκαλ ιπ[ ]αιμυ γλ[ 5 ]αρκηε ε[ ]ενηα [ ] [ ]ωυκετι[ ]νω [ ]ιπωιτ [
]γο ιω [ ]αζαπα[ vacat
In line 5 of the lower layer an adjective in -αρκ is probably to be
recognized. Line 6, if rightly read, will have to be supplemented
as κ]ωκτι, that is, κα οκτι contracted as in Ionic, not in Attic;
cf. above on tablet B 2. 4 ωυ[. In line 8 of the upper layer the
uncommon letter sequence might perhaps be resolved as χλ]αζα,
π[χνη, as in Aristotle, Meteor. 388b11 κρταλλο, χιν, χλαζα, πχνη.
Of course there are other possibilities. We have ]αζα also on fr.
1. 6 above.
Fr. 4 ]ι[ Permeated lines from another layer ] τοωελ[ ]τοξ ]νημα[
][ ]ε ]ιξα[ ]ωνα 5 ] παπουδ[ ]κανε [ ]τοκυδεε[
82 M. West / Greek and Roman Musical Studies 1 (2013) 73-92
In line 6, if the last two letters are rightly read, I think we
have to assume an otherwise unattested compound adjective such as
κλυτοκυδε or φθιτοκυδε. This would be a definite sign of poetic
diction (and dactylic rhythm). There is another such sign in fr. 5
(see below), upper layer, line 6 ]ρανιδη, which is almost certainly
a poetic patronymic.7 There is a Τευθρανδη at Il. 6. 13, the
patronymic of a Trojan named Axylos. But much more likely is
Ορανδη, son of Ouranos, which occurs in several places and is used
especially of Kronos.
Fr. 5 (plate II 6ab). The text on the right-hand side of the
fragment (upper layer) overlaps that on the left. I disregard
interlinear letters (permeated text).
Lower layer Upper layer ] δυπ [ ] περη[ ] ινοπ[ ]εε [ ]εκ[ ]δαιιτ[
5 ]αφ[ ] ιμον[ ] ω[ ]ρανιδηπ[ ]κατ[ vacat Fr. 8 ]αππε[ vacat
The reading of fr. 8 is quite clear and unambiguous. The uncommon
sequence of letters again points strongly towards a poetic text,
more specifically an epic or lyric one. In prose it would, I think,
occur only in πππε, ‘O grandfather’, which is indeed found a number
of times in Xenophon’s Cyropaedia but is in general unlikely to be
encountered. In poetry there would be several possi- bilities. Much
the most frequent forms containing these letters are κππεε, κππεον,
‘fell down’. There is also the phrase κπ πεδον ‘in the plain’
(twice in the Iliad); there are forms of ππμπω ‘send away’ (Od. 15.
83, Sappho fr. 27), and there are a couple of other Lesbian forms
in Alcaeus that contain this letter sequence.
Frame 8 = ΜΠ 8523
Here again we have parts of more than one layer of papyrus. The
photographs taken by Asimenos in Athens in May 1981 (plate IV 11)
show the item as it was
7 δηι is excluded in a text of this date by the absence of iota.
Ιδη is theoretically possible; cf. below on ΜΠ 8523 E 3.
M. West / Greek and Roman Musical Studies 1 (2013) 73-92 83
before restoration, with parts of as many as five layers
overlapping and stuck together. In the course of restoration the
layers were loosened, some pieces changed position, and there was
some slight damage at the edges. There was gain as well as loss, as
the operation revealed parts of the text on a lower layer that had
been hidden, while covering up part of the top surface that had
been visible. For the present appearance of the fragment see plate
II 8ab.
Once again the inventory notes the presence of interlinear letters,
in par- ticular in the third line from the top, and speculates that
they might be musical notation.8 In actuality they represent
permeated text from other layers, some- thing that is to be seen
all over the fragment, especially in infrared images.
Here is an attempt to distinguish and transcribe the various
layers, based on comparison of the 1981 photographs with those
taken in the Piraeus Museum in 2010 and 2011.
A: top layer9 B: second layer10 ]αινο[ ] [ ]ιοζον [ ]ωδ[ ]δαγεπο[ ]
[ ] ωτα α[ ] [ ]ιλ [ 5 ]παιπ[ 5 ] [ ] [ ] [ ]οιτοναδ[ ]
λετοπρ[
C: third layer11 D: fourth layer12 ]αιδεμο[ ]ρηα[ ]εμ[ ]τοαν[
]αρχαιουτι[ ]ειαγ[ ]επτα [ ] λ[ ]ε[
8 Ερετριο p. 182: Διαβζονται τμματα 7/8 παλλλων στχων, μ στοιχεα
μουσικς πιθαντατα σημειογραφας στ δικενα. Υψος γραμμτων περ 0.001
μ. Δειγματολογικ ναφρεται: 3ος κ τν νω στχος: ΑΥΙΔ\ΟΣΧ/ΣΙΑ.
9 Plate IV 11, bottom centre; no longer present in the more recent
photos. 10 In the 1981 photos (plate IV 11) this occupies most of
the lower left quadrant, being overlapped
by A. Now (see plates II 8b, IV 11) it is broken into two pieces,
one of which appears as a detached fragment to the left of the main
papyrus, while the other covers the bottom right corner.
11 Lower left quadrant; formerly mostly hidden behind B. 12 Upper
right quadrant.
84 M. West / Greek and Roman Musical Studies 1 (2013) 73-92
E: fifth layer13 Permeated text appearing between lines ] [ ] [ ]
ιτρεπ[ ]ολ ωα [ ]πολυιδα[ ]δοωα [ ]ρεχωμε[ ]υηναμε[ ] ρ [
]ηνπο[]μα[
One can recognize one or two words and possible word divisions, for
example in C 3 the whole word ρχαου. I will comment only on E 3,
]πολυιδα[. There is no compound word or name that it fits, so we
must presumably divide πολ δα[, and then it looks as if we are
somehow concerned with Mt Ida, either the name Ιδα in Doric /
Aeolic form, or the adjective Ιδαος, or the Trojan herald Idaios.
In any case a poetic theme is suggested.
Conclusion
The tomb from which these texts emerged has been referred to since
its dis- covery in 1981 as the Tomb of the Poet. It is certainly a
reasonable assump- tion that the accumulation of manuscripts,
writing implements, and musical instruments indicates that the
deceased was a musician and probably a poet. The instruments, at
any rate, will surely have been instruments that he or she
played.14 The manuscripts will have contained texts that he or she
owned: per- haps read, perhaps copied, possibly composed. To
illustrate their inclusion in the tomb I may quote an epigram
written many centuries later by the satirical epigrammatist
Lucillius (Anth. Pal. 11. 133). It is about a tiresome poet called
Eutychides who had his musical instruments and lyric compositions
cremated with him:
τθνηκ Ετυχδης μελογρφος. ο κατ γααν, φεγετ χων ιδς ρχεται Ετυχδης
κα κιθρας ατι διετξατο συγκατακασαι δδεκα, κα κστας εκοσπεντε νμων.
νν μν Χρων πελλυθε. πο τις πλθηι λοιπν, πε χιδην Ετυχδης
κατχει;
Eutychides the song-writer has died! You there below the earth, run
for it! Eutychides is coming with his songs!
13 Upper left quadrant, overlapped by D on the right and by C
below. 14 I say ‘he or she’ because we do not yet have a definitive
statement of the sex of the skeleton.
The harp may point to a woman. In any case it was a young person
aged about 18 or 20.
M. West / Greek and Roman Musical Studies 1 (2013) 73-92 85
He gave instructions for twelve citharas to be burned with him on
his pyre, and twenty-five boxes of nomes. Now Charon has come to
join you. Where can one go in future, now that Eutychides is all
over Hades too?
We have seen two or three indications of poetic diction in the
texts from the Daphni tomb. It looks as if at least some of them
were in verse, though it is unsafe to assume that they all were. It
is also very doubtful whether there was really any musical notation
on them, as the description in the museum inven- tory in three
cases presumes. Musical notation probably did exist by this time,
and if it were going to appear anywhere, it would be most likely to
be found on the private texts owned by a professional musician. In
the Daphni texts, however, I have not found any clear example of
it, whereas I have found many places where the permeation of text
through layers of papyrus has produced the appearance of letters
written between the lines.
I have also noted traces of Ionic dialect. This might be due to the
author’s being of Ionian provenance; Ion of Chios may be recalled
as an Ionian poet and lyricist living at Athena at this period
(though it cannot be his tomb). But it is at least as likely that
the Ionicisms are due to the use of an Ionian literary genre,
whether verse or prose. For the time being we must be content to
speculate.
Bibliography
Bass, G.F., Pulak, C., Collon, D., Weinstein, J. 1989. The Bronze
Age Shipwreck at Ulu Burun: 1986 Campaign, AJA 93, 1-29.
Pöhlmann, E., West, M. 2012. The Oldest Greek Papyrus and Writing
Tablets. Fifth-Century Docu- ments from the “Tomb of the Musician”
in Attica, ZPE 180, 1-16.
Threatte, L. 1980. The Grammar of Attic Inscriptions, I (Berlin/New
York).
86 M. West / Greek and Roman Musical Studies 1 (2013) 73-92
Plate IV 1a. Tablet B 1 (ΜΠ 7453). Photo E. Pöhlmann.
Plate IV 1b. Tablet B 2, top left (ΜΠ 7453). Photo A.
Alexopoulou.
M. West / Greek and Roman Musical Studies 1 (2013) 73-92 87
Plate IV 2a. Tablet Γ 1 (ΜΠ 7454). Photo E. Pöhlmann.
Plate IV 2b. Tablet Γ 2 (ΜΠ 7454). Photo E. Pöhlmann.
88 M. West / Greek and Roman Musical Studies 1 (2013) 73-92
Plate IV 3a. Tablet Δ 1 (ΜΠ 7455). Photo E. Pöhlmann.
Plate IV 3b. Tablet Δ 2 (ΜΠ 7455). Photo E. Pöhlmann.
M. West / Greek and Roman Musical Studies 1 (2013) 73-92 89
Plate IV 4. Tablet fragments (ΜΠ Α 27045-46-47). Photo E.
Pöhlmann.
Plate IV 5. Douris Cup (Berlin 2285). Photo J. Laurentius.
90 M. West / Greek and Roman Musical Studies 1 (2013) 73-92
Plate IV 6. Papyrus, frame 1 (A 27091 = ΜΠ 7449). Photo E.
Pöhlmann.
Plate IV 7. Papyrus, frame 2 (ΜΠ 8517). Photo E. Pöhlmann.
M. West / Greek and Roman Musical Studies 1 (2013) 73-92 91
Plate IV 8. Papyrus, frame 4 (ΜΠ 8519). Photo E. Pöhlmann.
Plate IV 9. Papyrus, frame 6 (MP 8521). Photo E. Pöhlmann.
92 M. West / Greek and Roman Musical Studies 1 (2013) 73-92
Plate IV 11. Papyrus, frame 8 (ΜΠ 8523). Photo Asimenos.
Plate IV 10. Papyrus, frame 7 (MΠ 8522). Photo E. Pöhlmann.
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