The Use of the Historical Infinitive in Sallust

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THE USE OF THE HISTORICAL INFINITIVE IN SALLUST

by

RUDOLPH J . KNOEPFLE, S.J.

A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE

REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER

OF ARTS IN LOYOLA UNIVERSITY

SEPTEMBER

1942



VITA

Rudolph J. Knoepfle, S.J . , was born inNew York City, New York, August 17, 1914.

He was graduated from St. Xavier HighSchool, Cincinnati, Ohio, June, 1932, and en-tered the Society of Jesus a t Milford Novitiate,Milford, Ohio in September, 1932.

In the same year he enrolled a t XavierUniversity, Cincinnati, Ohio, in the Departmentof Arts, but transferred to Loyola Universityin 1936 when he was registered in the WestBaden College of that University at We'st BadenSprings, Indiana.

The Bachelor of Arts degree with a majorin Latin was conferred by Loyola University,

June, 1939.

During the scholast ic year of 1941 and1942 the writer was engaged in teaching Latina t St. Ignatius High School, Cleveland, Ohio.During the past three years, from 1939 to 1942,he has devoted his time to graduate study inthe f ie ld of the Classics, majoring in Latin.



CHAPTER

I.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION • • • • • • • • •

PAGE. . . . . . . . 1

I I . GRAMMARIANS ON THE HISTORICAL INFINITIVE ••• 11

III . THE HISTORICAL INFINITIVE IN THEBELLUM CATILINAE . • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 27

IV. THE HISTORICAL INFINITIVE IN THEBELLUM JUGURTHINUM • . • • • • • • • • • . • • 49

V. THE USE OF THE HISTORICAL INFINITIVE

AFTER SALLUST. CONCLUSION. •••••••••• 81

TABLES • • • • • • • • • . • • • • • • • • . 86

APPENDIXES • • • • . • • . • • • • • • • • • 120

BIBLIOGRAPHY • • • • • . • • • • • • • • • • 150



T A ~ L E S

TABLE PAGE

I . THE HISTORICAL INFINITIVES IN THE.ORDERIN WHICH THEY OCCUR IN THE PASSAGES CON-TAINING THESE INFINITIVES IN THE BELLUM

I I .

I I I .

CATILINAE . • • • • • • . • • . . • • • .

RELATIVE FREQUENCY OF THE VERBS USED ASHISTORICAL INFINITIVES IN THE BELLUM

CATILINAE • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •

. . .

. . .MEANINGS OF THE VERBS USED AS HISTORICALINFINITIVES IN THE BELLUM CATILINAE • • • • • •

IV. RELATIVE FREQUENCY OF THE VARIOUS TYPESOF VERBS USED AS HISTORICAL INFINITIVESIN THE BELLUM CATILINAE . • • • • • • . . . . .

V. THE HISTORICAL INFINITIVES IN THE ORDERIN WHICH THEY OCCUR IN THE PASSAGES CON-

TAINING THESE INFINITIVES IN THE BELLUMJUGURTHINUM. • • • • • • • • • • • • • • .

VI. RELATIVE FREQUENCY OF THE VERBS USED ASHISTORICAL INFINITIVES IN THE BELLUM

. . .

JUGURTHINUM • • • • . • • . • . • • • • . . . .VII.

VIII.

MEANINGS OF THE VERBS USED AS HISTORICALINFINITIVES IN THE BELLUM JUGURTHINUM • •

RELATIVE FREQUENCY OF THE VARIOUS TYPESOF VERBS USED AS HISTORICAL INFINITIVESIN THE BELLUM JUGURTHINUM • • • • • • • ~

. . .

• • •

86

88

89

94

96:

101

106

119



APPENDIXES *APPENDIX PAGE

A. BATTLE SCENES . • . . . . . . . . . . . . . 120

B. MILITARY TACTICS . . • • . . • . . . . . . . 124

c. HASTE IN PRE-BATTLE PREPARATIONS . . . • • 129

D. TRICKERY, TREACHERY, GUILE, DECEIT 131

E. DISTRESS; DISTRACTED ACTION • • . . . . 134

F. PLUNDERING ACTIVITIES • . . . . . . . . 135

G. DESCRIPTION OF SPEECHES . . . . . . . . . • 136

H. UNCLASSIFIED PASSAGES • . . . . . . • • • • 138

I . HISTORICAL INFINITIVES IN CAESAR'SDE BELLO GALLICO . • • • • • • • • • • • • 146

J . HISTORICAL INFINITIVES IN CAESAR'SDE BELLO CIVIL! • • • • . • . • • • • • • • 148

* PASSAGES FROM THE BELLUM JUGURTHINUM CONTAINING HIS-TORICAL INF.INITIVES AND NOT LISTED IN CHAPTER IV.



PREFACE

Ihave

taken the l iber tyof

t ranslat ingthe quotations taken from P. Perrochat•s ar t ic les ,

"L'Inf in i t i f de Narration en Latin," and, "L'In

'in i t i f de Narration" in the Revue des Etudes

Lat ines .

Some t ranslat ions of the his tor ical inf ini -

t ive passages are my own, others are taken from

the Loeb Edition of Sallust•s works. I have

often taken the l iber ty of revising the·Loeb trans-

lat ion, in part icular by breaking long sentences

into short , crisp sentences. This, I believe,

gives a bet ter tone to the t ranslat ion of the

historical inf in i t ive .

I wish here to acknowledge the generous

help of Father Edgar Smothers, S.J. and Mr. James

Doyle, S.J. in directing th is thesis work, and

the aid of Messers Montville, S.J . , Condon, S.J . ,

~ n d Osuch, S.J. in proof-reading the thes is .



CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

The inf ini t ive , as i t s very name indicates, is opposed

to the definite moods - - the indidative, the subjunctive, and

the imperative. I t differs from these definite moods in this

that i t expresses neither person, nor number, nor time, and

lacks the other characteristics of the defini te moods. Yet,

and this seems to be a peculiar l inguistic curiosity of the

Latin language, the infinit ive is used most frequently in a

construction in which i t stands in the place .of a verb in the

definite moods, namely, the accusative with the infinit ive, in

which the infini t ive expresses one of the most precise notions

- - action, mood, and person by i t s subject accusative and i t s

relation to the main verb upon which i t depends.

This is very far distant fromthe inf ini t ive 's primitive value. Onecan show how such a use originated inconstructions where the infinit ive inthe beginning is merely a simple com-plement with i t s basic indeterminate

value. I t is the subordinate positionof the infini t ive which explains thedevelopment of i t s use. 1

1 P,. Perrochat, "L'Inf iqi t i f de Narration en Latin", R e v u e ~Etudes Latines, publiee par la Societe des E t u d ~ s L ~ t i n e ssous la direction de J.Marouseau, Paris, societe D'idit ion"Las Belles Lettres", 95 Boulevard Raspail,July 1914,IX, 233.

1



However, an even more astonishing type of expression is

that in which the inf ini t ive has the value of a definite ver-

2

bal form in a non-complementary sentence. Here the infinit ive•

does not have the support of an introductory verb. The best

known type of this peculiar construction i_s the his tor ical in

f ini t ive, sometimes called the infinit ive of narration, the in-

fini t ive of description, or the inf ini t ive of inception. I t is

a curious construction since by means of i t a fact , stated in a

narrative or descriptive passage, instead of being rendered by

the normal mood of fact, the indicative, is expressed in an

indeterminate manner, the infini t ive.

From the name •his tor ical inf ini t ive• one might falsely

suppose that th is construction is used only or principally by

the writers of history. Although i t is used most extensively

by these writers, i t is not confined to them. I t is found in

the drama, the sat i re , in the novel, in l e t ters , and in epic

poetry. In the more ar t i f ic ia l and subjective forms of poetry,

such as the lyr ic , the bucolic, the epigram, and the elegy i t

i s not found unt i l a very la te date, at the close of the

Golden and the beginning of the Silver Age authors.

So far as we can judge from thefragments preserved to us, the histor ical infini t ive was widely used bythe early writers of history, in theRepublican drama, and both by Luciliusand Varro in their sat ires. Apparentlyi t was not used in the epics of Naeviusand Ennius, and no trace of i t s use in

this branch of l i tera tureis

found



before the Aeneid. The Republicanauthors who have i t in completelypreserved works are Plautus, Terrence,Cicero, Caesar, and Sallus• . I t alsooccurs frequently in the Bellum !!-ricanum, and three times in the Bel-l!!! Hispaniense. During the Augustan

Age i t is found in Horace, Vergil, andLivy, and a t least once in the ElderSeneca, but not in the other writersof the period. There is a gap ofabout a ~ a l f century, when we donot m e e t ~ a t a ll in the works pre-served to us, and we have evidencethat by the middle of the f i rs t cen-tury A.D. i t was regarded by thegrammarians as a thing of the past .

•••• Yet i t l ived for some centuriesaf ter that , in l i terature, i f not inspeech. The influence of Vergil ser-ved to keep i t in epic poetry, and therevival of interest in Cicero and thearchaic writers brought i t back.intoprose also, while the influence ofSallust is especially marked in thela ter histor ians. Thus the wholehistory of the construction af terAugustus shows quite clearly that i t

was kept up, so far as i t was kept upa t al l , chiefly by the influence uponthe writers of their reading in theearlier authors. 2

3

There is something of natural interest in a construction

such as the historical inf ini t ive . By nature men tend to

express their ideas in the shortest and briefest manner. Fre-

quently we find in a l l languages sentences whose subject or

predicate, or both are not definitely expressed. This happens

_..--------------2 J.J.Schlicher, "The Historical Infinit ive, Part I , I ts

Simple Form (Infinit ivus Impotentiae)", Classical Philology,The University of Chicago Press, Chicago, IX, July, 1914,279.



4

when the thought can be expresaed as a unit or block through

the medium of a grammatical form having a very general value.

That such constructions should be found is not surprising,;

especially in spoken language, for language is made to f i t the

man, not man to f i t the language. There is a psychology behin

the use of such abbreviated forms. Emotion, haste in speaking

laziness, a tendency to economize words which are not indis-

pensable gives r ise to these clipped, concise sentences. This

form of expression, clipped, concise, abbreviated, often ex-

pressed without subject or predicate, is at the base of many

grammatical forms, frequent in spoken language, but often also

employed in written language when the author-is str iving to

catch something of the ease and vivacity of the spoken word.

Such a grammatical structure is the historical infinit ive.

The significant note about the historical infini t ive is

the fact that in a l l probability i t was used by the common

people in everyday l i fe , and a t the same time and more espe

cial ly under Sallust•s pen by the authors of Rome's great

l i terature. Not too much is known about the common speech of

the Romans. We may argue to the use of the historical inf i -

nit ive along these l ines. The historical infini t ive is used

in a very general manner, without reference to time, person,

or number. I t is an abbreviated form that gives a schematic

outliNe of the thought to be expressed. The fact that Plautus

used this infini t ive in his plays, plays which depict the



5

manners, customs, and language of the slaves and the common

people, might lead one to suspect that i t was in common use

among the lower classes. The fact that the great bulk of his

tor ical infini t ives preserved to us are from the writers of the

Golden and Silver Ages only proves that these writers raised a

colloquial form of speech to a form of l i terary and ar t is t ic

technique. There is some discrepancy among the scholars on

this point. I t will not be out of place to give two quota

tions: the one holding that this infinitive was used in the

sermo urbanus of the las t century and a half of the Republican

era, and the other that i t was a spontaneous expression of the

common people.

J . J. Schlicher, in his art icle on the origin of the

historical infini t ive, has this to remark:

In i ts original form the construction is especially characteristicof the refined native idiom of thecapital , the sermo urbanus of the las t

century of the Republic. I t does notappear to have been used much in thelanguage of the masses. Plautus, withmore than three times the bulk ofTerence, has on!y about two-fifths asmany examples.

On the other hand, K. Perrochat says:

I t may seem surprising a t f i rs t

blush that the same form of expressionbelongs at once to spontaneous languageand to a more polished style . However,from this point of view the case of thehistorical infinit ive is not isolated,

3 J.J.Schlicher, ibid.



and styl is t ic special ists declare thatthere is not always occasion to dis t inguish between the familar or even thecommon procedures and the l i terarytechniques: M. Bally remarks that thespontaneous inventions o f ~ s p e e c h andthe inventions of style are derived

from the same state of soul, and revealtechniques quite similar. He. speaksof the principal analogy between thecreations of l i fe and the creations ofl i terature. M.Marouseau has shown theimportance of this remark; the interjection, the oratorical question, the

a p o s t r o p ~ . suspension, hyperbole ••••are these ar t i s t ic or common techniques?Is the metaphor a common or a learned

technique? Cicero observes that i tcharacterizes the language of the peopleas well as high poetry. What of theell ipsis? I t is equally frequent inVirgil and Plautus. What of composition?The slaves of the comedy coin more com-posite words than Ennius •••• 4

6

At least this can be said in general. Whether or not the

historical infinit ive was a form used by the common pe9ple or

only by the more educated, i t s primitive value rested in i ts

spontaneity. There is a common element between a familiar type

of speech, and we presume that the his tor ical inf ini t ive was

such a type, and the l i terary. That common element is the

aesthetic . Spoken or spontaneous language is always potential

ly beautiful , but i t s natural function is not the expression of

beauty so much as the transmission of ideas. On the other hand,

the raison d 1 etre of l i terary effort is the intention to pro-

J4 P.Perrochat, "L'Inf ini t i f de Narration", R e v u e ~ Etudes

Latines, X, 200.



duce an impression of beauty. This aesthetic element is pri-

mary in l i terary language, secondary in the spoken language.

Living language is subjected to the social necessit ies. The,,

ut i l i ta r ian end of the speaker leaves l i t t l e room for the

aesthetic, or at least reduces i t to a secondary level. M.

Perrochat has a penetrating remark on this point:

If i t sometimes happens that themeans employed to ful f i l l this ut i l i -tar ian function carry in them an aes-thetic value, this character is eitheradditional, or unconscious, or unknown

to him who speaks and even to him whol is tens; or indeed, this character isperceived with a vague feeling that i tserves bet ter than another for the fun-ction intended by the expression. Theaesthetic value of the fact of 1anguageis then looked on from the uti l i tar ianpoint of view. Thus that which is anend for the ar t i s t is but the means forthe man who l ives and works. Style imi-ta tes the aesthetic in nature •••• Therelation between familiar and l i teraryvalues of the type of expression can beset down in the following way: Thewriter perceives in a phrase of l ivingspeech a phrase due to special condi-t ions of this speech, the ar t is t ic pos-s ibi l i t ies which i t contains; thephrase remains language, i t is deve-loped ar t i f ic ia l ly and the techniquein the case or certain styl is ts is

overworked. This fact applies in par-t icular to the historical infini t iveas well as to the techniques which ac-company i t in usage; the noun phrase,the asyndeton, chiasma, and anti thesis . 5

I t is generally admitted that the historical infini t ive

5ibid.

7



a

1s more or less equivalent to the imperfect indicative. We

believe with Perrochat that the common element between these

two forms is the notion of infectum. The essential difference

is the temporal notion. In both cases there is question of pas

facts , but the infini t ive does not present.them precisely as

such. The use of a past temporal form, l ike the imperfect,

withdraws the facts far from the reader and, as i t were, slows

down their expression. The use of an. a-temporal form l ike the

historical infini t ive puts the reader in swift and immediate

touch with the facts .

There are two outstanding nuances of the historical in

f in i t ive . One is the notion of infectum which is basic; the

other is the notion of ingressive or inceptive action which

.favored by the a-temporal value of the infinit ive and which

oftentimes may be easily deduced from the context. Often these

two notions co-exist; sometimes one of them is dominant. Even

in the case where the idea of duration imposes i tself to the

exclusion of the ingressive idea, translation by the imperfect

makes the expression lose something of the rapidity and vivid

ness which are due and proper to the a-temporal value of the

inf ini t ive. Thus in many cases, translation by the historical

present will be preferable to translation by the imperfect.

The historical present tends to give the idea translated some-

thing of the coloring of the spoken word, of popular language,

an emotional aspect, as i t were. The use or this infinit ive



9

seems to ins t i l l into the reader a feeling of l iving, personal

experience.

A personal verb form expresses an ensemble of diverse

notions; the notion of action or state, of mood, time, subjec

whose presence deprives the verbal expression of i t s swiftness

and vividness. With the histor ical inf ini t ive, the expression

is much more l ight and swift as regards form and meaning. I t

has no temporal value, merely an aspect or outline of the

thought, and a great independence of the verb in regard to i t s

subject. The readar is placed in immediate touch with the ac-

t ion presented in i t s development, and the swiftness of the

expression is increased by the likeness of a ·form which has no

personal ending. Thus from a popular form of expression, the

historical infinit ive became in the hands of the Roman his-

torian, Sallust , a technique of art , for by means of i t a fact

already achieved in real i ty is presented as being on the way

to accomplishment even at the very moment one is reading about

i t . In some way or other these past facts couched in a gram-

matical or l i terary form l ike the historical infinit ive take

on the a s p e ~ t of living real i ty and seem to be placed before

the eyes of the reader as a t this very moment taking place.

Thus as an ar t i s t ic technique, the histor ical infinit ive

brings out the swiftness of the action, especially when there

is question of multiple and successive actions. With this

infinit ive the effects of succession, accumulation, opposition



are more tangible than with the personal forms of the verb.

The actions are presented swiftly and immediately one after

the other without the delay introduced by the expression of

10

temporal and personal ideas. The contact between the ideas,

therefore, is much more direct and spontaneous. United as i t

often is w i t ~ asyndeton, the histor ical infini t ive will be

seen to be a l i terary technique par e x c e l ~ n c e to render

rapidity, movement, physical or moral agitation, trouble or

confusion.



CHAPTER II

GRAMMARIANS ON THE HISTORICAL INFINITIVE

Since the purpose of this thesis is to attain a more per-

fect knowledge of the his tor ica l inf in i t ive in general, and in

part icular to describe i t s use in the works of Sallust , i t wil

not be out of place to quote several grammarians and their

descriptions of the historical inf in i t ive .

N. Ma4vig, ALatin Grammar.

The present inf in i t ive is oftenused in a peculiar way in the nar-ra t ive style instead of the imperfectindicat ive, in passing from the re la-t ion of events to the description ofa sta te of things that has suddenlycome on and just commenced, and ofact ions and emotions that follow inrapid succession. The propositionremains otherwise unaltered, pre-cisely as i f the indicative had beenemployed. Usually several such in-f in i t ives are found in succession.In th is way of expression the pic-ture of a series of actions rapidlyfollowing each other or a t ransientsta te of things is put before the

hearer or reader without the actionsbeing conceived singly and referredto a particular period of t ime.l

------------ ..--

J.N.Madvig, A Latin Grammar for the Use of Schools, James~ a r k e r & Co., Oxford, 1898, 346.

11



G. G. Bradley, ~ 12 Writing Latin Prose.

In an animated narrative, as theplace of the aoris t perfect is oftentaken by the 'h is toric present ' , sothe 'h is tor ic infinit ive•r i . e . , theinfini t ive used independently af ter

a subject in the nominative, oftentakes the place of the descriptiveimperfect, especially where a seriesor rapid succession of events is de-scribed. I t is a means of introducingvariety into a narrative; and i t isused by the best Latin writers, whenthey wish to give a l ively picture ofpast events, side by side both withthe imperfect, the aorist perfect , and

the histor ic present. Instances willbe found repeatedly in Caesar, Cicero,and Livy. As a rule , a t leas t two orthree such inf ini t ives are used insuccession: •Clamare omnes, ~ in-stare . • "A general cry arose, Lpressed the point .•2

• Gildersleeve, Latin Grammar.

The Inf ini t ive of the Present issometimes used by the historians togive a rapid sequence of events, withthe subject in the Nominative; generally,several Inf ini t ives in succession.The ancient assumption of an el l ips isof coepit, began (Quint. ix, 3, 58)serves to show the conception, althoughi t does not explain the construction,which has not yet received a convin-

cing explanation. A curious parallelis 1de' with the Infinit ive in French.The Final Inf ini t ive 12 ~ ~ ~ mayhelp the conception, as i t sometimesdoes the translation. The HistoricalInfinit ive takes the place of theplace of the Imperfect, is used chiefly

12

2 G. G. Bradley, ~ ~ Writing Latin Prose, Longmans, Green,

& Co., New York, 1929, 70.



3

in rapid passages, and gives the outl ine of the thought, and not the deta i ls ; i t has regularly the sequenceof a Past Tense. The Historical Inf ini t ive is sometimes found after cum,ubi, etc. This usage is c ~ h a r a c t e r i i t i cor-Tacitus.3 ·

A. Harkness, A Complete Latin Grammar.

In l ively descriptions, thePresent Infini t ive, like the Histor ical Present, is sometimes used forthe Imperfect or Perfect Indicative.I t is then called the HistoricalInfinit ive, and, l ike a f inite verb,

has i t s subject in the Nominative.The Historical Infinit ive sometimesdenotes customary or repeated action.4

w. E. Peters, The Syntax ~ ~ Latin ~ ·As in animated narrative the

Present Tense occurs in the sense ofthe Aorist, so the Present Infinit iveoccurs in the sense of the Imperfect.This use of the Infini t ive as therepresentative of a •tense• relationis peculiar. In such an office theInfinit ive is the offspring of vividimagination, of active conception.I t presents the action or state involved in the verb as a matter ofthought or statement. As such i tlacks the •tense• characteristics oftime, number, person. The writer

or speaker in his hurried t ransi t ionfrom one action to another statesthem as simple conceptions, items,

13

• Gildersleeve, Latin Grammar, D. c. Heath & Co., New York,1894. 413.

4A. Harkness, A Complete Latin Grammar, American Book Co.,New York, 1898, 320.



or units in the past without dis t in-guishing them by the ordinary •tense'character i s t ics . This Infini t ive i sassociated with a subject and, par t i -cularly in la te Latin, with conjunct ions as ubi, postguam, et,c. The Inf in i t ive Passive as well ~ s the Inf i -

nit ive Active occur as HistoricalInf ini t ives .5

c. E. Bennett, The Syntax of Early Latin.

Of the many explanations offeredto account for the origin of thisconstruction, none can be regarded assa t i sfac tory. The ear l ies t of theseexplanations goes back to Classicaltimes. Quintil ian, vi i i , 6, 21, refers to older grammarians who explainedVirgil , Aen. xi, 142, "Arcades adportas ruere," as the resul t of anel l ips is . In ix, 3, 58, Q u i n t i l ~ a nis more expl ici t . Commenting on thewords, "Stupere gaudio Graecus," occuring in a speech of Caelius, he adds;''simul enim auditur •coepi t . ' " SoPriscian, xvii i , 48, "sic ergo et apud

~ ~ imperfectum s i t , 'dicere coepi 'E£2 'dicebam', ' scr ibere coepi ' ~1 scribebam'; ~ el l ipsin vetbi •coepi'solent auctores proferre verba inf i -nita , ut Terentius And. 146, · ~i l lud sedulo negare factum.• Deestenim •coepi '; •negare' m •negabam. 111

'

Other verbs were sometimes understoodbesides coepi, eg., Servius on Virg.Aen. x, 458, "ill prior Pal las," says:11subaudis voluit i re." ·In more recenttimes th is theory has been revived

by Janicke who res ts his support lar -gely on the fact that coepi with adependent inf ini t ive often precedes .thehis tor ical inf ini t ive. But as Kretschmer just ly observes, between thefai lure to repeat coepi with succes-

14

5W. E. Peters, The Syntax of the Latin Verb, Anderson Bros.,

Charlottesville, Va., 1898, #139.



sive inf init ives and i ts complete o-mission there is a great difference.Janick& gives no explanation whycoepi alone is thus omitted and whywe do not find instances of the o-mission of other words. Kretschmer

further points out that even i f wesupply coepi with the historicalinfini t ive, there are many cases inwhich this fa i ls to sui t the context,e .g . , Mere. 46, "ob.jurjsare pater 1!!!.9,noctes et ..21.!!.;" Virg ., Aen., i v, 42;

'Bolam .!!.!!! pertidus .!.!!.! . l ! col ere,arcanos etiam t ib i credere sensus;Ad. 836,"i l le suam semper esi t vitamin 2112. i i lConvivi is , clemens, pla-cidus null i laedere os, arridere om-

nibus; sibi vixi t , s ibi sumptum feci t ."

The view of Wackernagel makesthe historical infini t ive originallyan imperative infini t ive. In sup-port he cites the fact that in variousSlavic languages the imperative i t -self is thus used in narration. Theusage is supposed to have arisen byconceiving the occurrence as the exe-

cution of an order. Cf. Trin. , 288.,"quod ~ ~ gueunt tansere, tantum~ habent guo manus abstineant;cetera rape, trahe, fuse, late," wherethe imperatives are ~ q t . i va!'e'iit torapiunt, trahunt, fusiunt, la tent .So also Pseud. l 3 7 , h ~ ~ insenioB! ~ f lagri tr ibae gg! ~ habentconsilia; ~ ~ occasiost, rape,clepe, !..!.!!.!• harpaga, ~ • ..!!!• fuse."Psychologically therefore there is nodifficul ty in the development assumedby Wackernagle. The real difficultyin the way of accepting his theoryis the absence of evidence to showthat Latin originally had the impera-t ive infini t ive, and the fact thatthe imperative i t se l f did not inLatin (as in Slavic) become an in-strument of historical narration.

Wisen explains the historical

15





be expressed by i t . This explains thefrequent shif t from the histor ical infini t ive to the historidal perfect inthe same sentence.6

G. M. Lane, ALatin Grammar.

One use of the present infini t ivein main sentences as a kina of subst i tute for the past indicative requires mention here. In animatednarration, the present infinit ivewith a subject in the nominativesometimes takes the place of theimperfect or the perfect indicative.This infinit ive occurs in almost a l l

writers, for instance, Plautus, Terence,Cicero, Horace, and particularly Sallust ,Livy, and Tacitus. Less commonly i toccurs in Caesar. Usually two or moreinfinit ives are e o m b 1 ~ e d and the inf init ives are freely mixed with indicatives.The subject is never in the second person. This infini t ive is used to sketchor outline persistent , s tr iking, orportentous action, where descriptionfai ls ; as i t merely intimates theaction without notation of time, number,or person, i t is called the Infinit iveof Intimation. I t cannot be adequatelyrepresented in English. The Inf ini t iveof Intimation i s sometimes used withouta subject when emphasis centers in theaction alone. Thus, Sall . Jug. 191.11:" ~ spectaculum horrib1le in campta EA-tentibus, segui fusere, occidi capi --""then a heartrending spectacle in the

open fields, chasing and racing, kil l ingand catching.• I t may be mentioned herethat the infinit ive of intimation issometimes used from Sallust on in relat ive clauses and w i t h ~ · "when." 7

-----------------

17

6 c. E. Bennett, The Syntax .2! Early Latin • ..I!!! Verb, Allyn&:Bacon, Boston, 1910, 419 sq.

7

G. M. Lane, A Latin Grammar, American Book Co., Chicago,1926, 258-59"7



PA. 2265 .D3 "De Infinit ive Historico."

Infinitivum historicum Jol ly, quisolus in eum inquisivit grammaticaecomparativae vestigi is insistens, aprimordiis proxime a b e s s e ~ d e m o n s t r a tt r ibus de causis, primum quia inveniaturin lingua l i tuanica, deinde quia inpraesenti tempore solo usurpatus ipseindicio s i t se ortum esse, priusquamprovenirent ceterorum temporum infini-t iv i , tum quia subjectum ejus non ac-cusative sed nominative exprimatur.Hunc grammatici superiores per el l ip-sin verbi incipiendi quibus Holtzius,per festinationem narrantis, cui nonvacet plus quam meram actionis notionem

indicare; Jolly, vero usum historiaumdeducit ex significatione f inal i , prop-te r quam idoneus fueri t inf ini t ivus adsignificandam novam actionem, ad quamaliquis se vertat , Ego quoque hancvim inesse aenseo in infinit ive historico, id quod eo mihi verisimilfiusest , quia frequentia verbi auxil iar isinaipiendi, quod saepe ponunt historic il a t in i , ubi nobis verbum finitum sim-plex satis est , Romanorum ingenia os-tendit eo speatare, ut translationem,quae f i t ad actionem novam, non solumverbi f in i t i tempore, sed etiam al i te rdiserte designent. Temporum vero dis-crimina carens cum inf ini t ivus historicusquando quid agatur, ipse per se nequeatdenatare, ex sententiarum aerie, quods i t tempus, elucere oportet. Inde f i t ,ut ib i plerumque praesto s i t infini-t ivus historiaus ubi sententiam antece-

dentes coordinatae lector i jam osten-derunt tempus, de quo agitur, quodquetribuengum est inf ini t ive item coor-dinate.

18

I t should be borne in mind that the above descriptions of

---------------8 PA. 2265 .03: Q! Inf ini t ive Absoluto, Chapter 2, #2 "De

Infinit ive Historico. (Tit le page missing - rare work.)



- 19

the histor ical infini t ive delineate the construction's more

general aspects. The grammarians cited are not considering i t

in i t s early and original form, nor only as the writers of the

la te Golden Age and the early Silver Age used i t , nor as i t

was handled by the Latin writers during the inf in i t ive ' s de

cline as an ar t i s t ic form. The grammarians are rather taking

the his tor ica l inf ini t ive in i t s composite aspect, that is ,

they are considering the general force, meaning, usage of the

his tor ical inf in i t ive during the centuries in which i t was in

rather common use. A schematic outline of the various aspects

of the historical inf in i t ive as delineated by these gram-

marians will not be out of place.

1. All the grammarians ci ted agree that the historical inf i -

nit ive takes the place of the imperfect indicative. Hark-

ness, however, and Lane mention that i t may also take the

place of the perfect indicative. This opinion they do not sub

stant ia te , and Bennett gives a general though not a l l embrac

ing argument against i t s use in the place of the perfect in

dicative active. Passages in which the historical infini t ive

occur describe repeated action in past time or a succession of

events. But the perfect indicative does not denote repeated,

successive, continued action, and for that reason would seem

to be ruled out, though occasionally i t might be used in the

place of the his tor ical inf in i t ive .

2. Madvig and Peters describe the his tor ical infini t ive as



20

the passing from the relation of events to the description

of a sta te of things that has suddenly come on and just com-

menced, and is used when the writer or speaker in his hurried

t ransit ion from one action to another statea them as simple

conceptions, items, or units in the past without dist inguish

ing them by the ordinary tense characteris t ics .

3. Madvig, Bradley, Gildersleeve, Harkness describe i t as re-

presenting actions and emotions that follow in rapid suc

cession; or a rapid succession of events described; or a rapid

sequence of events; as denoting customary or repeated action.

4. All indicate the fact of several infini t ives in succesaion

as.·,being usual.

5. Madvig and Bradley describe i t as used to picture a series

of actions rapidly following each other and as a means of

introducing variety and of painting a l ively picture of past

events.

6. Madvig, Gildersleeve, and Lane descrive i t as representing

a transient s ta te of things past before a hearer or reader

without being conceived singly or referred to a part icular

period of time; as indicating not the detai ls but only the o u ~l ine of the thought; as used to sketch or outl ine persistent ,

st r iking, or portentous action where description fa i ls ; as

merely imitating the action without dist inct notation of time,

person, or number.

7. Bradley points out that the historical inf in i t ive is used



side by side with the imperfect, aor is t perfect, historic

present.

21

a. Both Bennett and Lane mention the frequent sh i f t from the

histor ical inf in i t ive to the historic perfect or imper

fect in the same sentence.

9. A few of the cited grammarians remark the obvious fact

that the subject of the historical inf ini t ive , i f expres

sed, is in the nominative case.

10. Lane refers to the fact that the histor ical inf ini t ive

cannot be adaquetly expressed in English.

11. Gildersleeve, Peters, and Lane sta te that the his tor ica l

inf ini t ive is sometimes used, especially ·in Sallust , and

from his time on, in relat ive clauses and w i t h ~ meaning

"when." I t is also used by Tacitus in temporal protasis with

~ . ~ . donee or postguam coordinated with a present or im-

perfect protasis .

13. A few other scattered notions are the fact that the his-

tor ical inf in i t ive lacks tense characteris t ics of time,

number, person; that i t is sometimes used without a subject

when the emphasis centers on the action alone; that is is the

offspring of vivid imagination, or of active conception; that

reflexive uses are rare in early Latin; that ~ e p o n e n t s occur

with freedom; that passive forms do not occur in early Latin,

and that i t is rarely accompanied by a subordinate clause in

the early period.



22

I t will be proper at th i s point to give Schlicher 's theory

on the development of the historical inf in i t ive from i t s early

primitive form to i t s elaboration immediately preceding S a l l u s ~He points out that a defini te change from i t s earl ier form be-

gan about the middle of the l as t century B.C., for up to that

time i t had been a very simple, primitive form of expression.

I t had been used only in main clauses and these did not ordi-

narily have subordinate clauses depending on them. Where such

clauses did occur, they were usually some form of indirect dis-

course, or, sometimes, a substantive clause introduced by ut

o r ~ with the volit ive or optative subjunctive. These types

of clauses serve merely to complete the meaning of the main

verb or to develop i t fur ther . They do not s t r ic t ly modify

i t , or turn i t from i t s course in any way. They do not make i t

more complex, or res t r ic t i t . Thus they are subordinate clau-

ses of the simplest kind so far as thought is concerned.

Brevity and abruptness is the common characteris t ic of the con-

struction. Even simple modifiers are relat ively uncommon and

are confined largely to words which do not so much modify as

intensify the meaning of the verb, and make the action appear

more vigorous, impetuous, and unrestrained.

Schlicher observes that before Sallust the historical

inf ini t ive was confined to a comparatively l imited sphere of

use. Listing these inf ini t ives in five groups, he la ter adds

a sixth which might be called the t ransi t ion group because i t



opened the door to Sallust•s use of the construction in the

wide variety of ways unheard of before his time. He groups

the infini t ives of the long period preCeding Sallust under

these heads, infinit ive-passages which express:

1. EMOTIONS AND THEIR EXPRESSION.

23

2. STRONG OR IMPULSIVE ASSERTION OR EXPRESSION OF ATTITUDE.

3. DISPOSITION OR HABIT.

4. DESIRE, ~ M P L U S E , 4RDENT PURSUIT OF AN END.

5. DISTRESS, EXCITEMENT, DISTRACTED ACTION.

In our present thesis i t will be n e ~ t h e r necessary nor

desirable to give his examples l i s ted under each heading. I

do not think his division i s mutually exclusive, and he seems

to have taken no note of tha t . I shall brief ly synopsize his

own comment on each division. That will give us some inkling

to the meaning of each division. We are more part icular ly

interested in his sixth division.

He notes that the common feature which stands out must

prominently in the early usage of the histor ical inf in i t ive i s

a certain directness and impulsiveness, a cer tain absence of

deliberation and rest ra int , of conscious direction and control .

Instead of the actor proceeding according to a premeditated

plan, dominating his action or controll ing his feeling, the

action and feeling rather take possession of him, and drive

him along thei r own path. The absence of premeditation and



24

control are inherent in Group 1. The infinitive-passages in

Group 2 are characterized by the frequent occurrance of such

strong words as affirmare, Vastidtre, confirmare, clamare,

conclamitare, instare; by the general brevity and abruptness o

the expression, and by the frequent addition of strengthening

words l ike nimio, omnes, sedulo, statim, etc. These character

is t ics point to spontaneous, impulsive action.

In Group 3, the force of the inf in i t ive is often shown by

the context. In Group 4, we again ~ v e strong verbs as well

as vigorous modifiers. The desire or impulse pursues i t s

course toward i t s goal with complete absorption of the actor ' s

interest and effort , and, having no competitors, completely

dominates him for the time. Group 5 cal ls for l i t t l e remark,

for i t requires no argument that distracted and excited action

are not in any important degree under the direction and control

of the actor. The actor is drawn hither and thi ther , accordin

to the various influences or obstacles that press upon him.

The action is regularly manifold in character, and is expresse

by a number of different verbs.

I t is , then, the primary function of the historical in

f ini t ive in i t s original form to express direct , impetuous,

unpremeditated action flowing from a strong implusive feeling

or disposition. Deliberation and direction by the actor plays

l i t t l e , i f any, par t . There is present an element of help

lessness, or, rather, of what in Latinis

called impotentia.



25

aut the most fundamental thing in speech is not the relat ion

of the actor to the reported act but rather the form which the

impression on the writer assumes when he wishes to communicate

i t to others. The specific quality which an act has as such,

for example, impotentia, may become ei ther weakened or inten

sif ied as i t passes through the speakers mind on i t s way to

utterance.

I t may further happen that the speaker is impressed by

the persistence or i r res is t ible momentum of what takes place,

even though the actor may not be swayed by any unusual emotion

or impuLse, but may be acting with entire self-possession.

The feeling of impotentia will then be largely in th \ speaker 's

or in the writer 's own mind. This brings us to Schlicher 's

sixth division of the his tor ical inf in i t ive which is called:

6. PERSISTENT, UNCONTROLLABLE ACTION.

We see in his examples that many are from the las t cen

tury of Roman writers . Cicero and Caesar occur frequently.

Schlicher remarks that when the inf in i t ive has come to be used

in such cases as these, there opens up an opportunity for a

wide extension of the construction to ~ n c l u d e almost any action

or condition, evan when i t is not connected with impaase or

emotion, provided i t either impresses the narrator as due to

the operation of a res i s t less power, or he wishes to represent

i tin tha t l ight . When this point

isreached, there is also



26

no longer the same ban on the passive voice or upon verbs with

stat ic force.

I t was reserved for Sallust to take the step which made

the construction a t once something more than i t had been and

something different . I t is he who, f i r s t of the authors pre-

served to us, used i t boldly and extensively as a l i terary

device for effect . I t is with him, so far as we know, that

the construction ceases to be s t r ic t ly what i t had been before

his time, an inf ini t ivus impotentiae. I t is Sallust who

wishes to impress his readers with persis tent , uncontrollable

action common to warfare, especially the type of warfare waied

in the North African desert by Metellus, Marius, and Jugurtha.

I t is Sal lus t who uses the historical inf ini t ive to express

a wide variety of ,actions in the Bellum Cati l inae.



CHAPTER III

THE HISTORICAL INFINITIVE IN THE BELLUM CATILINAE

In th is Chapter we wish to note.and comment on those pas-

sages in which Sallust uses the histor ical inf ini t ive. We wish

to note what human act ivi t ies are described by th is inf ini t ive.

Is i t used more often to denote one type of human activity

than another? There is one point which we must bear in mind.

sal lust•s two works both begin with the word, Bellum. This

means that logically most of his inf ini t ives will be in pas-

sages which t reat of warfare. However, the f i r s t work which

we shal l discuss, although called the Bellum Catilinae hardly

merits the t i t l e Bellum. The abortive conspiracy of Catiline

was barely a flash in the pan among many bloody and confused

civi l s t r i fes of the las t century of the Roman republic. Now

th is fact is more readily seen when one examines the texts con-

taining the historical inf ini t ive in the Bellum Catilinae and

compares them proportionately with the texts of the Bellum ~ -surthinum. In the la t ter work the vast majority of the texts

deal with the various aspects of warfare, while in the former

the majority portray, strangely enough, the evil conduct of

the cit izens of Rome. We must keep in mind that Sallust was

something of a moralist a t heart, and in his work on Catil ine

27



28

he is constantly dwelling on the moral aspects of Rome and her

citizens. Perhaps he is endeavoring to teach others how to

l ive and rule well by reflection of the past. Be this as i t

may, i t is a fact that the bulk of the infinitive-passages ,

treat of the evil conduct of Rome's cit izens.

We shall examine the infinitive-passages under two head

ings. The f i r s t will deal with those passages depicting the

various operations incident to war; the second, with those

passages which t reat of general peacetime pursuits.

Wherever possible, we shall comment on the quoted pas

sages, bringing out some sal ient points characteristic of the

use of the his tor ical inf ini t ive . We may note the frequent

use of long series of infinit ives to depict rapidity, s w i f t n e s ~movement, physical or moral agitat ion, trouble, confusion. We

may note the effects of opposition. We shall consider the

wide variety of verbs used and the fact that they are often

introduced by words showing their relation to what went before.

This la t ter point is quite a departure from the original,

abrupt, spontaneous introduction of the his tor ical infini t ive.

I t indicates that deliberation on the part of the author, or

even on the part of the actors in the drama being portrayed,

is no longer a Qar to the use of this infini t ive. The his

tor ical infini t ive is no longer the spontaneous emotional out

butst on the l ips of the actor, nor the direct , abrupt sta te

ment of the historian. And yet, despite this metamorphosis of



29

a spontaneous form of speech into an ar t is t ic technique, the

rorm s t i l l retains much or i ts original spontaneity, direct-

ness, and abruptness. We shall try to point out the frequent

use o f ~ · passive, and stat ic verbs; the use of deponents,

frequentatives, and intensives. The use of the former types

of verb was unheard of in the early stages of the histor ical

infini t ive. A reason for th is avoidance is that as a general

rule these types of verb express states or conditions of in-

activity on the part of the actors or in the action being

portrayed. Under Salluat•s pen, passives, esse, and stat ic

verbs could easily be introduced in a long series of histor ical

infinit ives without detracting from the rapidity or the action.

The other verbs in the series serve as a support for these

stat ic , or passive verbs. We shall see how Sallust supports

his inf ini t ives by long ser ies and thus makes an impression of

vigor and rapidity. Often Sallust will introduce his infini-

t ives by words which will give these infinit ives their p r o ~ p e remotional coloring. We shall often note that the historical

infinit ives are coordinated with indicatives, are introduced

by correlative and coordinating words.

All references and a ll cited passages in the following

pages &ave been taken from w. w. Capes' edition1of Sallust .

----------------l W.W.Capes, Q• Sallus t i Crispi .,S! Con,juratione Catilinae

L i b e r ; ~ Bello Jugurthino Liber, edited, with introduction

and notes, The Clarendon Press, Bxford, Second Edition,1897.



30

In the Bellum Catil inae we find the f i r s t passage con

taining the inf ini t ive to be a rather prosaic, colorless state-

ment on early Rome.

6.4Ig i tu r reges populique finitumi bellot e m p ~ a r e , pauci ex amicis auxilio esse:nam ceter i metu perculsi a periculisaberant .

As a resul t , neighboring kings and peoplesattacked them. Few of their friends lentthem aid. The res t were smitten withfear and stood aloof from the danger.

However, in Chapters 24 and 27 we find two passages indi

cating great haste in preparing for war. I t i s here that the

historical inf ini t ive is put to i t s best use.

24.2Neque tamen Catil inae furor minuebatur,sed in dies plura agi tare, arma per Italiamlocis opportunis parare, pecuniam sua aut

amicorum fide sumptam mutuam Faesulas adManlium quendam portare, qui postea princeps fui t be l l i faciundi.

And yet Catil ine•s frenzy did not abate.On the contrary, he increased his act ivi tyday by day; made collections of arms atstrategic points in I ta ly , and borrowedmoney on his own credit or on that of hisfr iends. He sent i t to Faesulae to a

certain Manlius, who afterwards was f i r s tto take the f ield.

27.2Interea Romae multa simul moliri , consulibus insidias tendere, parare incendia,opportuna loca armatis hominibus obsidere,ipse cum telo esse, item alios jubere,hortar i uti semper intent i paratique

essent; dies noctesque fest inare, vi-



gi lare , neque insomniis neque laborefa t igar i .

Meanwhile Catil ine himself was plott ingmany simultaneous actions a t Rome. Hewas llaying t raps for the C.·onsul, plan-ning f i res , posting armed men in s t ra-

tegic places. He himself was armed;ordered others to be likewise prepared;exhorted them to be a ler t and ready. Hekept on the go day and night, took nores t , and was fatigued neither by labornor the loss of sleep.

In this l as t example we have ten inf ini t ives . Each verb

is one that in i t se l f denotes intense ac t iv i ty . Sallust does

not slow up the movement of this passage by opposing the in-

f ini t ives with verbs in the indicative mood. We may well note

the strenuous and feverish act ivi ty delineated by this long

ser ies of histor ical inf in i t ives . This ar t i s t ic technique

of using ser ies , long series of inf ini t ives, without an oppos-

ing verb in the indicative mood brings out the swiftness of the

action, the tremulous haste, and the nervous excitement under

which Catil ine must have been laboring when attempting to or-

ganize his bloody revolution. In the writings of M. Perrochat

we find a paragraph which touches off this point:

With the histor ical inf in i t ive , theeffects of succession, accumulation, op-position are more tangible than with thepersonal form. The actions are presentedswiftly and one immediately af ter the otherwithout delay introduced by the expres-sion of temporal and personal ideas. Thecontrast between them i s thus more direct .United with asyndeton i t will be a tech-

nique par excell•nce uti l ized to render



rapidity, movement, physical and moralagitat ion, trouble and c o n f u s i o n . ~

32

In three passages of the Bellum Catilinae we find Sallust

using the his tor ical infini t ive to narrate or portray a com-

mander or leader exhorting his men.

17.1Igi tur circ i ter kalendas Junias, L.Caesare et c. Figulo consulibus, primosingulos appellare, hortari al ios aliostemptare; opes suas, inparatam rempublicam, magna praemia conjurationis

doc ere.

A c c o r d i ~ y , towards the f i rs t of June inthe consulate of L. Caesar and G. Figulus,he addressed his followers, one by one atf i rs t . He encouraged some, others he soun-ded out. He pointed to his own generousresources, and the unprepared condition ofthe state, and the great prizes of theconspiracy.

21.2•••• Tum Catilina polliceri tabulae novas••••

•••• Then Catiline promised the abolitionof debts ••••

21.4•••• suorum unum quemque nominans laudare ••••

••••He praised each of his own followers

by name ••••

In 17.1 we may note the rapid succession of ~ o u r verbs,

appellare, hortar i , temptare, docere. I t would be quite na-

tural for a leader such as Catil ine was to speak in a very_______ ..________

·2 Perrochat, "L'Inf ini t i f de Narration", X, 208.



33

rapid manner, now promising th i s , now that . The use of these

four verbs as his tor ical inf ini t ives increases one's insight

into Catiline•s character. In 21.2 and 21.4 we may note the

use of single inf tni t ives , something of a rar i ty in Sallust .

If we turn to Table I , page 86, we will note that of the

thirty-one passages which contain historical inf ini t ives in

the Bellum Catil inae only six contain a single inf in i t ive .

Ten infinit ive-passages contain patrs of verbs as inf in i t ives .

Four passages have three inf ini t ives . Three passages have

four inf ini t ives; three, five inf ini t ives; four, six inf in i-

t ives; and one passage, ten inf ini t ives . The use of large

series of inf in i t ives is not unusual, although in i t s earl ier

u s a g e ~ s e r i e s of more than five inf ini t ives is very exceptional.

Perhaps the most pronounced andwell known peculiarity of the his tor i -

cal inf in i t ive is i t s frequent appearancein groups of ser ies, instead of singly.But this also is easily explained. Indeed, i t is very natural, for impulsiveand unpremeditated or emotional actioni s very l ikely to take this form. Theact ivi t ies of a child are of this kind,and i t is chiefly the guiding hand ofpurpose and previous deliberation thatholds us to a single l ine of conduct.

Hence i t is not simply a rhetorical device, but an accurate description ofwhat takes place. If the impulse orfeeling is i trong enough not to beeasily confined or regulated, i t willinevitably find more than one outletto sa t isfy i t s need for expression.The acts will then be closely related.3

.._______________

Schlicher, "The Historical Inf ini t ive, Part I , I ts Simpletorm•, Classical Philology, IX, 288-289.



34

At this point we think i t profi table to quote the other

five passages of the Bellum Catilinae in which the historical

inf ini t ive occurs but once. I t will be advisable to give the

entire passage so that one may see the context in which simple

single inf init ives occur and so form a more accurate estimate

of the use of the single infini t ive.

12.5At hi contra, ignaYissumi homines, persummum scelus omnia ea soci is adimere,quae fortissumi vir i victores rel ique-

rant; proinde quasi injuriam facere iddemum esset imperio ut i .

The men of today, on the contrary, basestof creatures, with supreme wickedness arerobbing our al l ies of a l l that those h e ~ o e sin the hour of victory had le f t them; theyact as though the one and only way to rulewere to wrong.

25.5Verum ingenium ejus baud absurdum: posseversus facere, iocum movere, sermone uti

vel modesto vel molli vel procaci; prorsusmultae facetiae m u ~ t u s q u e lepos inerat .

Nevertheless, she was a woman of no meanendowments. She could write verses, bandyjests , and use language - - modest, tender,or wanton. In fine, she possessed a highdegree of wit and charm.

28.4Interea Manlius in Etruria plebem sol l i

ci tare , egestate simul ac dolore injurtaenovarum rerum cupidam, quod Sullae domi-natione agros bonaque omnia amiserat, prae-terea latrones cujusque generis, quorumin ea regione magna copia erat, nonullosex Sullanis coloniis, quibus lubido atqueluxuria ex magnis rapinis nihil rel iqui

fecerat .



Meanwhile, Manlius in Etruria was workingon the populace who were already ripe forrevolution because of penury and resentmentof the i r wrongs. For during Sulla•s supre-macy they had lost their lands and a ll theirproperty. He also approaehed brigands ofvarious nationali t ies, who were numerous in

that part of the country; and also somemembers of Sulla 's colonies who had beenstripped by prodigal and luxurious l ivingof the last of their great booty.

40.4Haec ubi dixit Allobroges in maxumamspem adducti Umbrenum orare ut sui mt-sereretur: nihi l tam asperum neque tamdiff ici le esse, quod non cupidissume

facturi essent, dum ea res civitatemaere alieno l iberaret .

When Umbrenus had said this , the Allo-broges were f i l led with the greatest hopeand begged him to take pity on them.They declared that nothing was so dan-gerous or diff icul t that they would notjoyfully undertake i t , provided i t wouldrel ieve their country of debt.

60.3Veterani prist inae virtut is memorescommtnus acr i ter instare, i l l i baudtimidi resistunt: maxuma vi certatur .

The veterans, recalling their old timeprowess, advanced fiercely at closequarters. The enemy, not lacking incourage, stood their ground. A terr i f icstruggle ensued.

35

These single infini t ives do not stand alone. They are

coordinated with imperfects, perfects, and historical presents

Note the use of posse in 25.5. I t only occurs once in the

Bellum Catil inae. Posse might be termed something of a stat ic

verb, yet the two infini t ivesi t

governs denote action. The



36

use of series of inf ini t ives has attracted the attention of

most of the grammarians. Schlicher has a good point on the use

of the single infinit ive.

But while these series of inf in i -t ives are certainly striking enough, anda unique and dist inct ive feature of theconstruction, quite too much has been made ofof them in discussions on the subject .Statements to the effect that single inf init ives are very rare, such as have beensometimes made, are far wide of the mark.They are, no doubt, the result of observations made in authors l ike Sal lust andTacitus, who use the construction exten

sively, but whose practice in this part icular is quite exceptional. Both ofthem have several times as many series assingle infinit ives (Sallust about fivetimes as many). (Tacitus has nearly threetimes as many). But in most authors thedifference is not so great, even i f therei s any difference worth mentioning. Insome of them, Cicero, Horace, Livy, andCurtius, for example, the single infini

t ives are more numerous than the series .There are reasons for the use of a

single inf ini t ive which are quite asstrong as those for the use of a series .I t depends very largely on the natureof the action. Verbs of assert ion naturally aim to convey an a ir of f inal i ty .A ser ies would convey just the oppositeimpression. Hence we find verbs of assert ion (nesare, dicere, clamare, af

firmare, etc.) used singly in the greatmajority of cases. A series of suchverbs usually indicates intense excitement.A strong emotion, moreover, l ike joy,surprise, anger regarded apart from theactions in which i t is expressed, leavesl i t t l e room for other emotions side byside with i t , and a single infinit ive is

therefore the most common expression fori t also. 4

4-ibtd::-;;;:--



Schlicher 's observation is borne out admirably in the

Bellum Catil inae. Note the use of verbs of asser t ion, as-37

£Oll iceri , laudare, posse, sol l ic i tare , orare. Even a word

l ike instare may well be used to denote f inal i ty of act ion.

Indeed, in 60.3 there is an a ir of complete f inal i ty . The pas

sage is brief . The inf ini t ive occurs in the f i r s t l ine. The

passage ends with, maxuma.!! cer ta tur . Veteran soldiers do not

hesi tate. When the day of bat t le dawns they rush into the fray

with confidence and spir i t . Thus Sallust with one bold stroke,

instare , gives us the whole picture.

Besides paragraph 60.3 just quoted, there is only one

other place in the Bellum Catil inae where Sallust makes use of

the histor ical inf ini t ive to describe a bat t le scene. This is

somew.hat odd, for in the Bellum Jugurthinum he has more than

twenty passages out of a hundred and five which depict actual

batt le scenes. We shall quote the one passage of the Bellum

Catilinae without comment. We shall reserve comment for

Chapter IV in which we shall see the twenty or more inf ini t ive

passages which describe bat t le scenes.

60.4Interea Cati l ina cum expeditis in primaacie vorsari , laborantibus suocurrere,integros pro sauciis arcessere, omniaprovidere, multum ipse pugnare, saepehostem fer i re , strenui mili t ia et boniimperatoris officia simul exequebatur.

Meanwhile Cati l ine with his light-armed

troops was busy in the van. He aided



those who were hard pressed, summonedfresh troops to replace the wounded,had an eye to everything. He oftenstruck down the foe - - thus performinga t one and the same time the duties ofa valiant soldier and of a ski l l fulgeneral .

The odd thing about the histor ical inf in i t ive passages

38

in the Bellum Catil inae i s the fact that the bulk of them may

be classif ied under the heading of peacetime pursuits . This is

the opposite of wartime pursuits . We may divide th is division,

at least in Sallust•s works, into the conduct of government ,

and into the conduct of the cit izens of that government. Now

the s tar t l ing thing is that of the sixteen passages which con

tain his tor ica l inf ini t ives five relate to the conduct of

government and eleven to the conduct of i t s ci t izens. A s t i l l

more surprising fact is that of the five passages which refer

to the conduct of government no' one refers to the good conduct

and everyone of the eleven infinit ive-passages referring to the

conduct of the cit izens refers only to evil conduct. Perhaps

the his tor ica l inf in i t ive is best suited to the portrayal of

evil , since one of i t s characteris t ics is to give not a defi

ni te , precise picture , a thing generally demanded when one

speaks of a person's good quali t ies , but rather to give the

broad outlines of thought. I t is l e f t to the reader to f i l l in

whatever deta i l his own imagination or knowledge of the subject

being treated might suggest.



We shal l f i r s t see those passages which t reat of the

evil conduct of government.

12.5At hi contra, ignavissumi homines, per

summum scelus omnia ea sociis adimere,quae fortissumi vir i victores rel iquerant; proinde quasi injuriam facere iddemum esset imperio uti .

The men of today, on the contrary,basest of creatures, with supreme wickedness are robbing our al l ies of a l l

that those heroes in the hour of victoryhad le f t them; they act as though the

one and only way to rule were to wrong.

20.7Nam postquam res publica in paucorumpotentium jus atque dicionem concessit ,semper i l l i s reges tetrarchae veotigalesesse, populi nationes stipendia pendere.

For ever since the state fe l l under thejurisdiction and sway of a few powerfulmen, i t is always to them that kings andpotentates are tributary and peoples paytaxes and nations also.

39.2Ei magistratus provincias a l i ~ q u e omniatenere, ipsi innoxii florentes sine metuaetatem agere ceterosque judiciis terrerequo plebem in magistratu placidius t ractarent .

These possessed the magistracies, the pro

vinces and everything else. They themselveswere rich and secure against attack. Theyl ived without fear, and by resort to thecourts ter r i f ied the others in order thatwhile they themselves were in office theymight manage the people with less fr ict ion.

51.30-31Post ubi paulatim l icent ia crevit , juxtabonos et malos lubidinose interf icere,

ceteros metu terrere:i ta

civitas ser-

39



vir tute oppressa stul tae l ae t i t i aegravis poenas dedit .

But afterwards the i r l icense graduallyincreased. The tyrants slew good men andbad al ike a t wil l . The res t they int imi-dated. Thus the nation was reduced to

slavery and had to pay the heavy penaltyfo r i t s fool ish rejoicing.

10.6Haec primo paulatim crescere, interdumvindicari post , ubi contagio quasi pes-t i l en t ia invasi t , civ i tas immutata, im-perium ex justissumo atque optumo crudeleintolerandumque factum.

Li t t le by l i t t l e these vices grew; oc-casional ly they were punished. Final ly,when the disease had spread l ike a deadlyplague, the s ta te was changed and agovernment second to none in equity andexcellence became cruel and intolerable .

Final ly, the l a s t and largest group of our in f in i t ives

may be class i f ied under the t i t l e of the evi l conduct of the

government's ci t izens .

11.4Sed postquam L. Sulla armis recepta republica bonis in i t i i s malos eventus habuit ,rapere omnes, t rahere, domum al ius al iusagros cupere, neque modum neque modestiamvictores habere, foeda crudeliaque incivis

facinora facere.But af ter L. Sulla , having gained controlof the s ta te by arms, brought everythingto a bad end from a good beginning, a l l menbegan to rob and pi l lage . One coveteda house, another lands. The victors showednei ther moderation nor res t ra in t , butshamefully and cruelly wronged the i r fellowci t izens .

40



12.2Igitur ex divi t i is juventutem luxuriaatque avari t ia cum superbia invasere;rapere, consumere, sua parvi pendere,aliena cupere; pudorem, pudicitiam,divina atque humana promiscua, hihi l

pensi neque moderati habere.Therefore, as the resul t of riches,luxury abounded, and greed united withinsolence toot possession of our youngmen. They squandered; se t l i t t l e valueon their own and coveted the goods ofothers. They disregarded modesty,chasti ty, and everything human and di-vine. In short they were utterly thought-less and reckless.

12.5At hi contra, ignavissumi homines, persummum scelus omnia ea soci is adimere,quae fortissumi vir i victores relique-rant ; proinde quasi injuriam facere iddemum esset imperio ut i .

The men of today, on the contrary, basestof creatures, with supreme w ~ k e d n e s s are

robbing oural l ies

ofa l l

that thoseheroes in the hour of victory had le f t

them. They act as though the one andonly way to rule were to wrong.

13.3Sed lubido stupri ganae ceterique cultusnon minor incesserat: vir i muliebria pati ,mulieres pudicitiam in propatulo habere;vescendi causa terra marique omnia ex-quirere; dormire prius quam somni cupido

esset; non famem aut sitim neque frigusneque lassitudinem opperire sed ea omnialuxu antecapere.

Nay more, the passion which arose for lewd-ness, gluttony, and the other attendantsof luxury was equally strong. Men playedthe woman, women offered thetr cbasti ty fora price. To grat ify their pulates theyscoured land and sea. They slept before

they needed sleep. They did not wait for



42

the coming of hunger or th i r s t , of coldor weariness, but a l l these things thei rself-indulgence anticipated.

14.6Nam ut cuiusque studium ex aetate f lagrabat , a l i i s scorta praebere a l i i s canes

atque equos mercari, postremo neque sump-tu i neque modestiae suae parcere, dumi l los obnoxios fidosque sibi faceret .

For, carefully noting the passion whichburned in each according to his time ofl i fe , he found harlots for some or boughtdogs and horses for others. In thisrespect he spared neither expense nor hisown decency provided only he could make

them submissive and loyal to him.

16.2Ex i l l i s tes t i s signatoresque falsoscommodare; fidem, fortunas, pericula,vi l ia habere . • • • • nihilominus insontis sicut sontis circumvenire,jugulare ••••

From their number he supplied falsewitnesses and forgers. He bade themmake l i g h ~ of honor, fortune, anddanger, •••• he nevertheless waylaidinnocent as well as guilty ••••

23.2Huic homini non minor vanitas inerat qaamaudacia: neque ret icere quae audieratneque suamet ipse scelera occultare,prorsus dicere neque facere quicquampensi habebat.

This man w ~ s as untrustworthy as he wasreckless: he could neither keep secretwhat he had heard nor even his own misdeeds. He was utterly regardless of whathe did or said.

25.2Haec mulier •••• psallere sal tare elegantius quam necesse est probrae, ••••



This woman"·• ••• played the lyre anddanced more ski l l ful ly than an honestwoman need ••••

43

For the sake of completeness in Chapter I II we do not

think i t out of place to l i s t here the eight infinit ive-pas-

sages which have not been quoted under one or other of the

several headings given in the earl ier portion of the Chapter.

Early in the Bellum Catilinae Sallust gives us a very neat pic

ture of the early Romans, those whom he considered to be the

only true Romans. In a short passage, replete with verbs of

a nature which of themselves denote speed, rapidity, and mantly

action Sallust endeavors to make us feel and understand some-

thing of the early sturdiness, virtue, and courage of the f i r s t

Romans, something of their abi l i ty to tackle a problem with

dispatch and bring i t to a successful conclusion.Now

this is

in sharp contrast with the laziness, graft , poli t idal j o c ~ i n gand general lack of public spir i t that Sallust claims held

Rome in i t s grip during the las t century of the Republic.

6 .5At Romani domi militiaeque intenti

festinare, parare, alius alium hortari ,hostibus obviam i re , libertatem patriam parentesque armis tegere.

But the Romans, putting forth their besteffort on the home front ~ d in the f ield,uti l ized speed and p r e p a r ~ n e s s , encouragedone an_other, advanced to meet the enemy,protected their l iberty, their homes andtheir parents by force of arms.



We see that the verbs themselves used as histor ical in-

f init ives, test inare, parare, hortari , obviam 1E!• tesere, seem

to add color, vividness, and a sense of strength to the charac

ter of the early Romans. An interesting thing is that Sallust

is able to use some of these ~ e r b s to denote Just the opposite

effect .

There are two passages in the same chapter which paint

a vivid picture of distracted action and dispair .

31.1Ex summa laet i t ia atque lascivia, quaediuturna quies pepererat, repente omniat r i s t i t ia invasit; festinare trepidare,neque loco neque homini cuiquam sat iscredere, neque bellum gerere neque pacemhabere, suo quisque metu pericula metiri .

In the place of extreme gaiety and f r i -voli ty, the f ru i t of long-continued peace,there was

suddenand general

gloom.Men

were uneasy and apprehensive, put l i t t leconfidence in any place of security orin any human being. They were neithera t war nor at peace. Each by his ownfears measured the peri l .

31.3Ad hoc mulieres, quibus re i publicaemagnitudine bel l i timor insolitus incesserat , adflictare sese, manus supplice•

ad caelum tendere, miserari parvos l i -beros, rogitare, omnia pavere, superbisatque delici is omissis sibi patriaequediff icere.

The women, too, whom the greatness ofour country had hitherto shielded fromthe terrors of war, were in a pi t i fu lstate of anxiety. They raised supplianthands to heaven, bewailed the ra te of

their l i t t l e ones. They asked continual



questions. They trembled at everyt.,ng,and throwing aside haughtiness and selfindulgence, despaired or themselves andof their country.

45

In 31.3 we note the use or the frequentative, rosi tare.

since the historical infinit ive so often contains a note of

repeated action, one might suspect that frequentatives would

be used much more frequently. Yet, in the Bellum Catilinae

we find only one other frequentative, vorsari. If we refer

to Table IV we find that two frequentatives are used, and

four intensives. Such a relat ively limited use of these types

of verbs makes i t rather diff icul t to pass any judgment on

their inclusion among verbs used as historical infini t ives.

As mentioned above, one might at f i rs t suppose a much wider

use of these verbs, but the actuali ty precludes further study

along this l ine. Since most frequentatives and intensives

are usually verbs of the f i rs t conjugation, one is l ikely to

at tr ibute the large number of f i rs t conjugation verbs used

to this source. Again, this theory fa l ls down when one sees

that only six of the thirty-seven f i rs t conjugation verbs be-

long to the above mentioned classes. In Bennett 's ~ L a t i nGrammar the proportion of third to f i rs t conjugation verbs

stands approximately six to one. Yet, in the Bellum Catilinae

the proportion of f i rs t to third conjugation verbs is almost

equal; in fact , there are more f i r s t than third conjugation

verbs, thirty-seven of thef i rs t

and only thirty-one of the



46

third conjugation. Just why this is so is hard to determine.

re must keep in mind that Sallust turned a spontaneous expres-

sion into an ar t i s t ic technique. Adapting i t as he did,

using long series, coordinating words, and balancing the in

finitives with indicatives, P.Brmits a much wider use of verbs

than the primitive spontaneous form.

To be sure, neither the frequencyof i t s use, nor the l enpb of the series,though striking, in i t se l f proves a newtreatment of the construction. And yetboth are intimately connected with i t .

The extensive employment of a constructionwhich in i t s native state is only modera-tely common, almost necessarily involvesi t s spread into fields where i t had notbeen used before. That this was actuallythe case in Sallust is shown, f i r s t of a l l ,by the use of a very large number of verbsand expressions of action which would nothave been employed in the early period, orat least but very sparingly and in spec

cia l cases, since they dist inct ly implydeliberate purposes and preparationrather than impulse or emotion. A smallpart of Sallust , about one quarter ofthe passages in the Jugurthine !!£furnishes the following:

Cuncta parare, scrutari ~ ~ -~ ~ hostibus augere, dolis temptare,~ virtutem arrigere, vendere, sedaremotus, animos mollire, trahere omnia,

poll iceri deditionem, metum simulare,consulem ludificare, vineas agere, Aggerem jacere, missitare legatos, ~ -ercitum ductare, centuriones corrumpere,supplementum scribere, auxil ia accersere.

The great majority of these are'nothing more than the various operationsincident to warfare. Evidently, toSallust , the dist inct presence of an

element of calculation and deliberation



of control of his actions by the actoris no longer a bar to the use of thehistorical infini t ive. 5

Two passages depict guile, craft , 'n d treachery.

31.8Ad hoc maledicta al ia cum addaret,obstrepere omnes, hostem atqueparricidam vocare.

When he would have added other insults, • e was shouted down by thewhole body •ao called him t rai tor

and assassin.

47.1Volturcius interrogatus de i t inere,de l i t te r i s , postremo quid aut qua decausa consi l i habuisset, primo fingereal ia , dissimulare de conjuratione; ••••

Volturoius, when he was questioned aboutthe journey and the le t ters and wasf inally asked what his design was and

why he had entertainedi t , f i r s t

invented another story and denied know-ledge of the conspiracy.

47

The following two passages I have l isted under the head

ing of passages expressing joy.

48.1

Interea plebs conjuratione patefacta,quae primo cupida rerum novarum nimisbello favebat, mutata mente Catilinaeconsilia exsecrari, Ciceronem ad Caelumto l l ere:

Meanwhile, af ter the disclosure of theplot , the commons, who a t f i rs t in their

~ - - - - - - - - - - - - -5J.J.Schlicher, "The Historical Infinit ive, I ts Literary Elaboration". Classical Philology, IX, 374-375.



desire for a change of rulers had beenonly too eager for war, faced about anddenounced the designs of Cati l ine, whilethey extolled Cicero to the skies.

51.29Ea populus lae tar i , et merito dicere f ie r i .

Whereat the people rejoiced greatly anddeclared that i t was well done.

48

The f inal passage containing his tor ical inf ini t ives ,

which brings the to ta l in the Bellum Catilinae to thirty-one

passages, we shal l ciassify under the heading of military

tact ics . Although there is only one such passage in the

Bellum Catilinae, we shal l find many more infinit ive-passages

l i s ted under this heading in the Bellum Jugurthinum. The

reason for the paucity of passages dealing with matters in

cident to warfare has been given earl ier in the Chapter.

56.4Sed postquam Antonius cum exercitu adventabat, Cati l ina per montis i te rfacere, modo ad urbem modo in Galliamvorsus castra movere, hostibus occasionempugnandi non dare: sperabat prope diemmagnas copias sese habiturum, s i Romaesoci i incepta patravissent.

When Antonius was drawing near with hisarmy, Catiline marched through the moun-ta ins , moved his camp now towards the ci tyand now in the direction of Gaul. He gavethe enemy no opportunity for bat t le , hopingshortly to have a large force i f the conspirators a t Rome succeeded in c a ~ i n g outthe i r plans.



CHAPTER IV

THE HISTORICAL INFINITIVE IN THE BELLUM JUGURTHINUM

Sallust penned the Bellum Catilinae a few years before

be wrote his dynamic description of the Bellum Jugurthinum. I

believe that during that interval his style considerably im-

proved. At least , in his use of the his tor ical infinit ive this

change is very noticeable. In the Bellum Jusurthinum, Sallust

seems to use the infini t ive to portray scenes and actions much

more suitable to this grammatical and l i terary form. We have

seen how he used a majority of his his tor ical inf ini t ives in

the Bellum Catilinae to depict the evil conduct of the cit izens

and their government. By nature, the historical infinit ive

does not seem geared to such passages. This we can readily see

from i t s forceful use in Sallust•s vir i le depictions of bat t le ,

and in his empathic accounts of the psychological pre-batt le

preparations which provide the infinit ive with vigorous frame

work. I t is then that the inf ini t ive 's true force i s shown;

i t is then that we see i t s nuances of meaning, i t s connotation

as well as i t s denotation.

In the Bellum Jugurthinum we have one hundred and seven

infinitive-passages containing from one to as many as eleven

historical infini t ives. We may consider, f i r s t , the division

49



50

according to the number of infini t ives in each passage.

Number of infini- Total number of Percentage intives in passage. passages. proportion to

total .

1 • • • • • • 22 • • • • 2 1 ~2 • • • . 18 • • • • 1 8 ~3 • • • • • • • 27 . • • • • 2 ~4 • • • • • • • 13 • • • • • • 1 ~5 • • • • • • • l l • • • • • 1 ~6 • • • • • • • 5 • • • • • • ~7 • • • • • • • 6 • • • • • • ~8 • • • • • • l • • • •

9 • • • • • • • l • • • • • •10 • • • • • • • 1 • • • • • • ~l l • • • • • •

•

2

• •• • • • ~

107 1 0 ~

I t i s with interest that we note twenty-two pas

sages containing but one infini t ive, and these constitute ap

proximately twenty-one percent of the to tal number of passages.

Although Sallust has been accused of introducing an excessively

large number of passages containing long series of infini t ives,

s t i l l he does not neglect i ts original briefer form. While on

the subject of long series, we may note that over sixty of

Salluat•s passages contain three or less infini t ives. To have



51

as many as thsee infini t ives in a single passage was not an

uncommon practice in the early days of the historical inf in i-

t ive .

I believe most Latinis ts would prefer the use of series,

rather long series of inf ini t ives , to the use of the single

inf in i t ive . Even though strong verbs are generally used in

these single infinitive-passages, for example, agi tar i , ££a-

rumpere, diff idere, evadere, praedari , res is tere , orare, ~ -~ i t a r e , s t i l l they seem to be orphans in rather long sentences,

usually two to three l ines on the average. They are, however,

often correlated with the indicative, imperfect, perfect ,

or the his tor ical present . . This correlation gives the single

infini t ive some support in these long passages. I t is , however,

noticeable that the majority of these single infini t ives occur

at the end of the sentence, thus giving an a ir of f inali ty or

sharpaess to the entire passage. For example, 30.1 (cf . p. 139

inf . ) , ends, Romae •••• de facto consulis agi tar i ; 38.3 (of • .P•

75 inf . ) , centuriones ducesgue conrumpere; 50.6 (cf. p. 124

inf . ) , inter virgulata evadere •••• ; 67.1 (of. p. 121 inf . ) ,~•••• mittere; 100.1 (cf . p. 127 inf . ) , •••• guadrato

agmine incedere.

Due to the arrangement of the inf init ive passages accord

ing to the action they describe, i t is impossible to group

these single infini t ive passages together as we did in Chapter

Three where there were only f ive such passages. However,



since a l l the historical inf init ives of the Bellum Jusurthinum

are l is ted either in the body of Chapter IV or in the Appen-

dices, one may easily verify the above statements by referring

to the page l isted after each chapter number.

Twenty percent of Sallust•s infinitive-passages contain

pairs of infini t ives. I t is noteworthy that although these

infini t ives occur in rather long passages, averaging three to

four l ines, the two infini t ives themselves are generally group

ed close together, there rarely being more than a half dozen

words intervening. Not only that, they are often correlated;

for example, 39,1 (of. p. 140 infJ, pars dolere •••• pars

timere; 58.2 (of. p. 120 inf . ) , ! l ! l fusere •••• ~ ~capere; 83.2 (of. p. 142 inf . ) , i l le probare partim, ~abnuere.

Another feature of these pairs of infini t ives is the fact

that the verbs have some general relationship in meaning,

either expressing the same idea or opposition. We have in 13.5

(cf. p. 139 inf . ) , timere, •••• spem habere; 15.2 (cf . p. 136

inf . ) , contemnere •••• extollere; 39.1 (of. p. 140 inf . ) ,

dol ere •••• timere; 57.5 (cf . p. 120-inf.) volvere •••• .!!!!-l!r!; 58.2 (of. p. 120 inf . ) , fugere •••• capere; 83.3 (cf .

10p. 142 inf . ) , probare •••• abnuere; and 98.2 (ct . p. 6L; inf . )

remittere •••• instare.

Sallust•s most numerous combinations in the Bellum Jusur

lhinum are the historical inf init ive t r iads. The twenty-seven



passages in which these series occur consti tute approximately

twenty-five percent of the infinitive-passages. Again the

three inf ini t ives are usually closely grouped together giving

a certain conciseness and drive to the ic t ion of the passage.

The use of s ta t ic verbs, of passives, and of esse and i t s com-

pounds appear more frequently. This i s reasonable, since such

verbs, though somewhat foreign to the construction in i t s

ear l ier form, are aided and supported by other dynamic verbs.

rn this group we find four of the ten uses of habere, three of

the nine uses of ~ ~ one of the three uses of posse, and one

of the two uses of f ier i .

There i s something at t ract ive about the use of three sue-

cessive inf ini t ives . There seems to be a rhythmical cadence

in this ser ies , lacking as i t does the abruptness of two in

f ini t ives and the seeming unbalance of a ser ies of four inf in i -

t ives. Let us consider the rhythm and cadence of a few groups

of these inf in i t ives .

11.8 (c t .p .78, inf . ) moliri , parare, habere.

29.8 (cf .p .79, inf . ) vastare, agere, augere.

30.3 (cf .p . l37, inf . ) hortar i , monere, ostendere.

37.4 (cf .p .66, inf . ) agere, jacere, properare.

41.5 (c f .p . l35 , inf . ) due ere, t rahere, properare.

47.4 (cf .p .74, inf . ) abnuere, pol l icer i , expectare.

49.4 (cf .p .78, inf . ) conmonefacere, ostentare, excitare.



76.4 (p.l'29, inf . ) festinare, parare, f ie r i .

79.7 (p. 75, inf .) criminari, conturbare, malle.

92.2 rp.l42, inf.) terre, timere, credere.

54

In short sentences we find the historical infinitives

used alone. In this manner they bear the ful l force of the

indicative. They serve to give the passage a fine sense of

swiftness, earnestness, and action. Where the paragraphs or

sentences are longer, the inflnitives are usually correlated

with other verbs in the indicative.

From the thirteen passages containing four infini t ives

to the two passages containing eleven infinit ives there is a

gradual tapering-off. Series of four or more infinit ives con

s t i tute but thir ty-six percent or a ll the infinitive-passages

in Sallust•s Bellum Jugurthinum. About twelve percent of a l l

the passages contain four infini t ives. An interesting point

is the fact that one of the twelve passages contains three

f i rs t conjugation verbs, five contain two, and six, one.

Perhaps the long rhythm of the ending - ~ is more in harmony

with the series of infini t ives.

There are eleven passages containing .series of five in

f ini t ives . In these passages the infinit ives are generally

scattered throughout the sentences which are as a rule long.

We may note here something that is not found to be common in

those passages which contain four or fewer infini t ives. All



55

but one of the eleven passages depict either batt le scenes,

military maneuvers, or haste in pre-bat t le preparations. This

seems to be quite logical for even when an author l ike Sallust

uses five or more infini t ives, be must have a framework which

of i t s nature can carry such a load. Only actions such as the

above-mentioned seem capable of carrying out sustained, pro

t racted vividness.

Passages which contain six inf init ives number but five.

All express vigorous, excited, distracted action. The v e ~ b sare scattered throughout the passages. They are strong verbs,

as will be seen from the following examples.

12.5 (p.76,inf .) inrumpere, quaerere, interf icere, scrutari ,effringere, miscere.

44.5 (p.79, inf.) vastare, expugnare, agere, mittere,mercari, vendere.

58.3 (p.63, inf.) remittere, frust rar i , ostendere, caedere,fundere, fugare.

59.3 (p. l20, inf. ) sequi, cedere, concurrere, inplicare,perturbari , dare.

94.6 (p. 6l , inf . ) instare, fundere, sauciare, vadere,petere, morari.

Such long passages demand strong, impulsive supporting

action. This holds true for the six passages containing seven

inf init ives, for the one containing eight, one containing nine,

one containing ten, and the two containing eleven histor ical

infinit ives.

We have touched upon the fact that i t is a characterist ic



- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ~ 5 ~ 6 ~of Sallust•s style to use the historical infini t ive in con

junction with the personal forms of the verb in order to bring

out in a tangible way the characteristics of the infinit ive

as opposed to the imperfect, the perfect , and the historical

present. Sallust often opposes the infini t ive, a form supple

and swift, to the p e ~ s o n a l form, more massive and slower. The

infinit ive expresses spontaneous movement, vivacity, activity;

the personal form, slowness, laziness, inert ia . We may give a

concrete example of this opposition which occurs so frequently

throughout the infinitive-passages. This example contains a

series of eight historical infini t ives.

6.1Qui ubi primum adolevit, pollens viribusdecora facie, sed multo maxume ingeniovalidus, non se luxu neque inertiae corrumpendum dedit ,

sed, uti mos gentis i l l ius

est , equitare, jaculari , cursu cum aequalibuscertare, e t, cum omnis gloria ant , ret ,omnibus tamen carus esse; ad hoc pleraquetempora in venando agere, leonem atqueal ias teras primus aut in primis ferire,plurumum facere minumum ipse de se loqui.

In the f i r s t third of the paragraph we have negation and

the verb in the perfect indicative to express pure, simple

action. The remainder of the paragraph, introduced by sed,.........

gives an accumulation of the supple form of the historical in

finit ive rendering in a striking way the notion of act ivi ty ,

repeated actions, and swift movement. Thus we have anar t i s t ic



~ - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 5 - 7 - ·technique consisting in expressing consuming activity by the

accumulation of infini t ives and the opposition of these in

f ini t ives to a personal mood contained in the f i r s t third of

the sentence.The historical infini t ive, therefore, may be considered

in Sallust as a technique of style. I t is frequently connec

ted with other techniques such as the noun phrase, asyndeton,

anti thesis, etc. Sallust seems to have considered i t a form

of expression capable of rendering rapidity, movement, ac

t ivi ty, agitat ion, confusion, the unforeseen, the dramatic and

to have used i t to give his narrative a vivid, dramatic appeal.

In the following pages we shal l see how Sallust renders by an

accumulation of inf init ives the consuming activity of Jugurtha,

(c t . 66.1, p. 72, inf . ) , his ar t i f ices , (c t . 36.2, p. 66, inf . )

the energetic action of Metellus, (cf . 45.2, p. 67, inf . ) , the

activity of Marius the consul and governor, (cf. 84.2, p. 129

inf . ) , the conduct of Sulla, (c t . 96.2-3, p. 141, inf . )

Of the one hundred and seven passages which contain one

or more historical inf init ives, twenty-one depict batt le scenes

twenty-five t rea t of military tact ics on the part of the Ro-

mans or Africans, ten portray haste in the preparations for

bat t le . Strangely enough, eleven passages t reat of guile,

tr ickery, and treachery both of the Romans and of the Numi-

dians. Five passages portray distress or distracted action;

four, the plundering act ivi t ies of armies. In eight passages



58

the historical infini t ive is embodied in paragraphs which in

some way or other give or report speeches or words of encour

agement. The remaining twenty-two passages are diff icul t to

classify under any of the above groups. They are, therefore,

given separately in Appendix H. I t must be admitted that some

of these divisions overlap. This is especially true of the

passages l is ted in Group E, those depicting distracted action.

such action is common to those passages t reat ing of batt le ,

military tact ics , or haste in preparation. However, since the

main action was one of the three mentioned above rather than

the mere portrayal of distress, we have not included them under

the five passages l is ted in Group E.

We have placed half the tota l of any given group of pas

sages in the body of Chapter IV. The other half has been

relegated to the Appendixes. We shall attempt to give brief

comments after each of the eight l is ted groups.



Infinitive-passages in the Bellum Jusurthinum which

depict general batt le scenes.

50.4Numidae a l i i postremos caedere, pars as in is t ra ac dextra temptare, infensiadesse atque instare, omnibus locis Ro-manorum ordines conturbare, quorum etiamqui firmioribus animis obvii hostibusfuerant, ludif icat i incerto proelio ipsimodo eminus sauciabantur neque contraferiundi aut conserundi manum copia erat.

Some of the Numidians cut down the hindermost Romans while a part attacked them

on the r ight and on the le f t , pressingwith vigor and energy, and throwing theranks into general confusion ••••

51.1Ceterum facies totius negoti varia incerta foeda atque miserabilia. Disper-s i a suis pars cedere a l i i insequi, neque signa neque ordines obaervare, ubiquemque periculum ceperat ibi resistereac propulsare, arma tela equi vir i hos-tes atque cives permixti, nihil consilioneque imperio agi, fors omnia regere.

Thus the aspect of the whole affair was

confused, uncertain, horrible and lamentable. Separated from their comrades,some of our men gave way, others attacked.They could neither follow the standardsnor keep their ranks; but wherever eachman had been overtaken by danger, there

he stood his ground and defended himself.Arms and weapons, men and horses, Numidiansand Romans were mingled in confusion.There was no opportunity for advice norcommand; chance held sway everywhere.

51.5Sed ne Jugurtha quidem interea quietuserat: circumire, hortari , renovare proelium et ipse cum delectis temptare omnia,

subvenire suis, hostibus dubiis instare,

59



quos firmos cognoverat eminus pug-nando ret inere .

Meanwhile Jugurtha in his turn was notquiet , but went about and encouraged hismen, endeavored to renew the batt le;in person with the flower of his troopshe t r ied every device, aided his men,charged the enemy where they wavered,and by attacks a t long range held a t baythose whom he had found to be unshaken.

57.4Romani pro ingenio quisque pars eminusglande aut lapidibus pugnare, a l i i suc-cedere ac murum modo subfodere modoscal is aggredi, cupere proelium in

manibus facere.

The Romans acted each according to hisown abi l i ty ; some fought a t long rangewith slings and stones; others advancedand undermined the wall or applied scal-ing ladders, striving to get a t gripswith the foa.

60.1

Ubiquisque legatus

aut tribunus curabat,eo acerrume ni t i , neque alius in al iomagis quam in sese spem habere, pari ter-que oppidani agere: obpugnare aut parareomnibus locis , avidius a l te r i al terossauciari quam semet tegere, clamor per-mixtus hortatione lae t i t ia gemitu, itemstrepi tus armorum ad caelum t e r r i , telautrimque volare.

Wherever any of the l ieutenants or t r i -

bunes was in charge, there was the bi t -terest s t r i fe and no one rel ied more onanother than on himself. The Townspeopleshowed equal courage; men were fightingor making preparations at a l l points, andboth sides were more eager to wound theother than to protect themselves. Therewas a din of mingled encouragement, exul-tat ion and groans; the clash of arms a-rose to heaven; a shower of missiles fe l l

on both sides.

60



92.8-9Nam cum eae paulo processerant, igniaut lapidibus conrumpebantur, mili tesneque pro opere consistere propter iniquitatem loci neque in ter vineas sinepericulo administrare: optumus quisquecadere aut sauciar i , ceter i s metus augeri.

Mantlets were pushed forward with extremedanger and to no purpose. For when theyhad gone but a short distance they wereruined by f i re and stone. The soldierscould not keep their footing before theworks because of the steepness ot thehi l l nor operate within the mantletswithout peri l . The bravest were kil ledor wounded, and the rest gradually lost

courage.

94.6Quod ubi accidi t , eo acrius Romani ins tare , fundere ac plerosque tantum modosauciare, dein super occisorum corporavadere, avidi gloriae certantes murumpetere neque quemquam omnium praedamorari.

Upon th is the Romans pressed on withgreater vigor, routing the enemy, butfor the most part only wounding them.They then rushed on over the bodies ofthe slain, eager for glory and eachstr iving to be f i r s t to reach the wall;not one stayed to plunder.

97.5Qui omnes t repidi inproviso metu actamen vir tu t i s memores aut arma capie

bant aut capientis al ios ab hostibusdefensabant; pars equos escendere, obviam i re hostibus, pugna latrociniomagis quam proelio simil is f ier i , sinesignis sine ordinibus equites peditesque permixti cedere al ius alius obt runcari , multi contra advorsos acerrumepugnantes ab tergo circumveniri; nequevir tus neque arma sat is tegere, quiahostes numaro plures et undique c i r -

cumfusi erant.

61



Our men were a l l bewildered by the un-looked for danger, but nevertheless didnot forget the i r valor. Some took arms,while others kept off the enemy fromthe i r comrades who were arming. A partmounted their horses and charged the foe.

The combat was more l ike an attack ofbrigands than a bat t le . Without stan-dards and in disorder, the horse and footmassed together, some gave ground, othersslew their opponents; many who werebravely fighting against their adversarieswere surrounded from the rear . Valor andarms were insufficient protection againstan o v e r w h e l m ~ i n g enemy who attacked onevery side.

98.1Neque in eo aspero negotio Marius terr i tus

aut magis quam antea demisso animo fui t ,sed cum turma sua, quam ex fortissumismagis quam familarissumis paraverat , va-gari passim ac modo laborantibus suis suc-currere, modo hostis , ubi confertissumiobst i terant , invadere; manu consuleremilit ibus, quoniam imperare conturbatisomnibus non poterat .

In so dangerous a cr is is Mariua was nei-ther frightened nor less conf.iclent thanbefore. With his bodyguard of cavalry,which he had formed of the bravest sol-diers rather than of his most intimatefriends, he went from place to place,now succouring those of his men who werein pressing circumstances, now chargingthe enemy where they were coming on ingreatest numbers. He directed the sol-diers by gestures, since in the generalconfusion his orders could not be heard.

101.11Denique hostes jam undique fusi . Tumspectaculum horribile in campis paten-t ibus: sequi, fugere, occidi, capi,equi atque vir i adf l ic t i , ac multi vol-neribus acceptis neque fugere posse ne-que quietem pat i , ni t i modo ac statim

concidere, postremo omnia, qua visus

62



erat , constrata t e l i s armis cadaveribuset inter ea humus infecta sanguine.

Finally the enemy were everywhere routed.Then there was a fearful fight in theopen plains - - pursuing, f leeing, ki l l ing, capturing; horses and men dashedto the ground, many of the wounded unable ei ther to r ise or remain quiet,now making an effor t to r ise and immediately collapsing. In short , whereverthe eye could reach, the ground wassoaked in blood and strewn with corpses,weapons and arms.

58.3Ceterum ex omni multitudine non amplius

quadraginta memores nominis Romani gregefacto locum cepere paulo quam a l i i editiorem neque inde maxuma vi depelli quiverunt, sed te la eminus missa remittere,pauci in pluribus minus frust rar i ; sinNumidae propius adcessissent, ib i verovirtutem ostendere et eos maxuma vi caedere fundere atque fugare.

But out of the entire number, forty or

less remembered that they were Romans.These gathered together and took possession of a place a l i t t l e higner thanthe res t , from which they could not bedislodged by the greatest efforts of theenemy. They threw back the weapons whichwere thrown a t them from a distance, andi f the Numidians came nearer, they thenshowed their real quali ty, charging themwith the greatest fury, routing andscat ter ing them.

63

Since the Bellum Jusurthinum is a t reat ise on a hard

fought war, i t merits the t i t l e Bellum in a way that the bro

chure on Catiline does not. We find that taenty-one passages

t rea t specifically of bat t les and another twenty-five of mili

tary tac t ics . I f we add to these the ten passages which men-



64

t ion haste in pre-bat t le preparations and the four which t e l l

of the soldiers• plundering act iv i t ies , we see that a majority

of the passages t reat direct ly of war or of act ivi t ies in t i -

mately connected with war.

In these descriptions of bat t le scenes Sallust generally

uses long ser ies of inf ini t ives , ten of them having six or

more. The very nature of the description demands these long

ser ies to give the passage that,tremendous drive so common-

place on the bat t le f ie ld . Schlicher observes that Sallust

supports his inf ini t ives splendidly and never compels them to

do service in ordinary si tuat ions. When the time to st r ike

comes, he leads forth a l l his reserves l ike a general on the

f ield of bat t le . The great length of his series is for the

most part due to a feeling that is was good strategy to back

up his sweeping squadrons by others and s t i l l others, in order

to drive the attack home. I t is thus in large part that he

produces the impression of vigor and rapidity for which his

style is noted. An outstanding example of this style is

51.1 (cr . p. 59, sup.).

In 101.11 (cf . p. 62, sup.) Sallust in portraying the

defeat and giving us a general view of the bat t le f ield ut i -

l izes , almost with the same value, noun phrases, historical

inf init ives without subjects, such as segui, fugi, occidi,

~ a p i , or with subjec.ts, Multi, negue fusere posse negue

guietem pat i , B!!1 ~ ~ statim concidere. These techniques





66

There are twenty-five infinitive-passages which depict

or describe general military tact ics. We shall quote twelve

of them in the body of the thesis and thirteen in Appendix B.

36.2At contra Jugurtha trahere omnia etal ias deinde alias morae causas facere,poll iceri deditionem ac deinde metumsimulare, cedere instanti et paulo post,ne sui diffiderent, instare: i ta bel l imodo modo pacis mora consulem ludificare.

Jugurtha, on the contrary, t r ied in everyway to gain time, inventing one pretext

af ter another for delay. He promised tosurrender and then feigned fear, gaveway to the consul 's attack and then, thathis followers might not loose courage,attacked in his turn. Thus he baffledthe consul now by the delays of war,now by those of peace.

37.4Quod quamquam et saevitia temporis et

opportunitate loci neque capi nequeobsideri poterat - - nam circum murumsitum in praerupti montis extremo planit ies limosa hiemalibus aquis paludemfecerat - - tamen aut simulandi gratiaquo regi formidinem adderet, aut cupidinecaecus ob thesauros oppidi potiundi,vineas agere, aggerem jacere, a l i ~ q u equae incepto usui forent properare.

He was unable to take either the town or

lay siege to i t because of the inclemencyof the weather and the strength of i tsposition; for a l l about. the walls, whichwere bui l t along the edge of a steep c l i f f ,was a muddy plain, of which the winterrains had made a marshy pool. Yet, aitherwith the idea of making a fD!nt, in orderto frighten the king, or because he wasblinded by a desire to possess the townfor the sake of i t s treasure, he brought

up the mantlets, constructed a mound, and



hasti ly made other preparations tor assault .

45.2Praeterea transvorsis i t ineribus cot id ie castra movere, juxta ac s i hostesadessent vallo a t q u ~ fossa munire, vigil ias crebras ponere et eas ipse cumlegat is circumire, item in agmine inprimis modo modo in postremis, saepein medio adesse, ne quispiam ordineegrederetur, ut cum signis frequentesincederent, miles cibum et arma portaret .

Moreover he broke camp every day forcross-country marches, for t i f ied i t witha palisade and moat just as i f the enemywere near, and set guards a t short in

tervals, inspected them in person at tended by his l ieutenants. On the marchtoo he was now with those in the van,now in the rear, often in the middle ofthe l ine, to see that no one le f t theranks, that they advanced in a bodyabout the standards, and that the soldiers carried food and arms.

46.6

Neque Metellus idcirco minus,s ~ d

par i te r ac s i hostes adessent, mUnitoagmine incedere, la te explorare omnia,i l la deditionis signa ostentui credereet insidi is locum temptare.

None the less, exactly as i f the enemywere close a t hand, Metellus advancedwith his l ine protected on a ll sides,and reconnoitered the country far andwide, believing that these indications

of submission were a pretence and thatthe enemy were seeking an opportunityfor treachery.

50.2Deinde ipse pro re atque loco sicut imonte descenderat, paulatim procedere,Marium post principia habere, ipse cums inis t rae alae equitibus esse, qui inagmine principes fact i erant.

67



Then as the circumstances and si tuat iondemanded, he advanced slowly in the sameorder in which he had come down from themountain, keeping Marius behind what hadbeen the front l ine , while he himselfwas with the cavalry on the l e f t wing,which had now become the van.

55.8Eo tempore Jugurtha per coll is sequi,tempus aut locum pugnae quaerere, quaventurum hostem audierat, pabulum etaquarum fontis, quorum erat penuria,conrumpere, modo se Metello interdumMario ostendere, postremos in agminetemptare ac statim in col l is regredi,rursus al i i s post al i i s minitari , ne-

que proelium facere neque otium pati ,tantum modo hostem ab incepto ret inere.

Meanwhile Jugurtha would follow alongthe hi l l s , watching for a suitable timeor place for bat t le . He spoiled thefodder and contaminated the springs,which were very few, in the places towhich he had heard that the enemy weredoming. He showed himself no• to Marius

again to Metellus, made an attempt onthe hindermost in the l ine and at onceretreated to the hi l l s . He threatenedothers, and afterwards others, neithergave bat t le nor le i the enemy res t , butmerely prevented them from carryingout their plans.

74.1I t inera praefectosque in dies mutare,modo advorsum host is , interdum in s o l ~ -tudines pergere, saepe in fuga ac postpaulo in armis spem habere, dubitarevir tu t i an fidei popularium minus crederet:i ta quocumque intenderat res advorsaeerant .

He changed his routes and his officialsfrom day to day; now went forth to meetthe enemy, now took to the desert; oftenplaced hope in f l ight and shortly af ter -

wards in arms. He was in doubt whetherto t r u s ~ less to the courage or to the

68



good fai th of his countrymen: thuswherever he turned, he faced adversity.

88.2Sed Marius inpigre prudenterque suorumet hostium res pari ter adtendere, cos-noscere quid boni utrisque aut contraesset, explorare i t inera regum, consiliaet insidias eorum antevenire, nihil apudse remissum neque apud i l los tutum pat i .

But Marius watched the conduct of hisowm men and of the enemy al ike untiringlyand sagaciously; learned what was to theadvantage or'disadvantage of both sides;observed the movements of the kings andanticipated their plans and plots, a l-

lowing his soldiers no relaxation andthe enemy no security.

94.2Igi tur praegrediens L1gus saxa et siquaevetustae radices eminebant laquets vin-ciebat, quibus adlevati mili tes faciliusescenderent, interdum timidos insolentiai t ineris levare manu, ubi paulo asperiorasoensus erat, singulos prae se inermosmittere, deinde ipse cum illorum armissequi, quae dubia nisui videbanturpotiasumus temptare ac saepius eademascendens descendensque, dein statimdigrediens, ceter is audaciam addere.

Then the Ligurian led the way, fasteningropes to the rocks or to old projectingroots, in order that with such help thesoldiers might more easily make the as-cent. Sometimes he lent a hand to those

whom the unusual nature of the routealarmed, and where the ascent was unusual-ly diff icul t , he would send men aheadone by one unarmed and then follow him-sel f , bringing the arms. He was f i r s tto try places which i t seemed dangerousto attempt, and by often climbing andreturning the same way, and then a t oncestepping aside, he lent courage to theres t .

69



- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 7 - 0 - - ~98.2Iamque dies consumptus erat , cum tamenbarbari nihi l remittere atque, u ti regespraeceperant, noctem pro se ra t i , acriusins tare .

And now the day was spent, yet thebarbarians did not a t a l l relax thei reffor ts , but thinking that darknesswould favor them, as the kings had de-clared, they attacked with greater vigor.

100.4Neque secus atque i t e r facere, castramunire, e xcubitum in portas cohortis exlegionibus, pro cas tr is equites auxi-l ia r ios mittere, praeterea alios super

vallum in munimentis locare, vigi l iasipse circumire, non tam diff ident iafuturum quae imperavisset, quam u timili tes exaequatus cum imperatorelabor volentibus esset .

He himself was armed and a le r t , and hecompelled the soldiers to follow hisexample. With the same care that heshowed in making his march he for t i f ied

his camp, sent cohorts from the legionsto keep ward a t the gate and auxiliarycavalry to perform l ike duty before thecamp. In addition he stationed otherson the ramparts above the palisade.

101.7Quod ubi milites accepere, magis atroci-ta te re i quam fide nunti i terrentur ,simulque barbari animos to l lere et inperculsos Romanos acrius incedere.

When our men heard th is , they wereshocked rather by the horror of the deedthan because they believed the report ,while a t the same time the barbarianswere encouraged and charged upon theappalled Romans with greater vigor.



71

In this group of passages we again note the plural i ty

of inf in i t ives . They are quite natural since many of the mi

l i tary tact ics described require a variety of subordinate

actions. Strong verbs are common.

In 94.2 (c t . p. 69, sup.) we have a good example ot

another of Sallust•s devices, the formation of ser ies in which

the inf in i t ive is used in co-ordination with indicatives. I ts

use is often at t r ibuted to the "inconcinnity• which Sal lus t

favored. This i t se l f is a str iving for effect , result ing in a

somewhat ar t i f i c ia l and premeditated form of expression. The

colors are la id on with foresight and calculation, the inf i -

nit ive being placed where i t will produce the desired effect

in i t s relat ion to the res t of the passage.

In 98.2 (c t . p. ~ . sup.) we have the his tor ica l inf i -

nit ive used in a subordinate "cum inversum" clause. Sallust

is probably the f i r s t to use the histor ical inf ini t ive i t se l f

in subordinate clauses. This indicates that what was once a

spontaneous form of expression i s now employed in surroundings

which are the resu l t of analysis and deliberation rather than

impluse. As Schlicher points out, Sallust did not carry this

practice very far , for in spi te of his freedom in the use of

the his tor ica l inf ini t ive , he had a t rue feeling for i t s pos

sible functions and i t s l imitations and did in fact confine i t

to loosely attached clauses, such as the continuing relat ive

and the "cum inversum•.





At the same time the consul was careful , Just as i f he had no officers,looking out for everything, beingeverywhere present, and aistributingpraise and blame where each was deserved.

105.4Igi tur se quisque expedire, arma atquete la temptare intendere, timor aliquantussed spes amplior quippe victoribus etadvorsum eos, quos saepe vicerant.

Therefore each man prepared himself,t r ied his arms and weapons and was onthe aler t . There was some anxiety, butgreater confidence, as was natural tovictors in the presence of those whom

they had often vanquished.

73

In this group of passages there is evidence of another

feature characteristic of Sallust . The infini t ives are care-

fully introduced by words and phrases showing their relation

to what has gone before. "Nam, sed, igi tur , eo modo, contra

ea, i ta , tamen, deinde, itaque, tantum modo, interim, ad hoc,

ex eo tempore, praeterea, neque idcirco minus, simul, per idem

tempus, denique," and the l ike are quite common. They are

far more common in Sallust than the purely intensifying modi-

f iers of the early period. This indicates that the actions

expressed by the historical infinit ives are not longer re

presented as breaking in suddenly and swaying the situation

for the time being, as they did in the earl ier period of the

construction, but that they have their work in the narrative

carefully assigned to them in subordination to the whole. The

manipulation of the matter by Sallust is thus distinctly ap-



74

parent.

Oddly enough, eleven of the infinitive-passages in the

Bellum Jusurthinum deal with t r ickery, treachery, guile and

deceit of men. Again, we shall quote five representative ex

amples and relegate the remaining six passages to Appendix D.

11.8Itaque ex eo tempore i ra et metu anxiusmoliri parare atque ea modo cum animohabere, quibus Hiempsal per dolumcaperetur.

So from that time, f i l led as he was withfear and rage, he schemed and plannedand thought only of the means by whichhe might out t i t Hiempsal.

38.1At Jugurtha cognita vanitate atque inper i t ia legati subdole ejus augere amentiam, missitare supplicantis legatos,ipse quasi vitabundus per saltuosa locaet tramites exercitum ductare.

Jugurtha, however, well aware of the presumption and incapacity of the actingcommander, craf t i ly added to his infatuation and constantly sent him suppliantenvoys, while he himself, as i f t rying toavoid an encounter, le i his army throughwoody places and by-paths.

47.4

Quos item u ti priores consul inlectosad proditionem domum dimittebat, regipacem quam postulabat neque abnuereneque poll iceri et inter eas moras promissa legatorum expectare.

These envoys too, l ike the former ones,the consul persuaded to turn t ra i torsand sent home, neither refusing nor promising the king peace for which he asked

and meanwhile waiting for the envoys tofu l f i l l their promises.



38.3•••• Centuriones ducesque turmarumpartim u ti transfugerent conrumpere ••••

•••• He bribed the centurions and thecommanders of cavalry either to desert

60.5Quod, ubi Mario cognitum est nam isin ea parte curabat - - consulto leniusagere ac diffidentiam re i simulare,pat i Numidas sine tumultu regis proelium visere.

When Marius perceived a l l this ( for hewas in charge at that point) hepurposely slackened his efforts and

feigned discouragement, allowing theNumidians to witness their king'sbat t le undisturbed.

79.7Postquam Cyrenenses aliquanto poster iCres se esse vident et ob rem conruptam domi poenas metuunt, criminariCarthageniensis ante tempus domodigressos, conturbare rem, den1queomnia malle quam vic t i ab1re.

Now when the men of Cyrene realizedthat they were somewhat belated andfeared punishment for their fai lurewhen they returned, they accused theCarthaginians of having l e f t homeahead of time and refused to abideby the agreement. In fact they werewill ing to do anything r a ~ e r than gohome defeated.

• • • •

75

In this following section we shall see three of the five

passages which describe distracted action. As we mentioned a t

the beginning of the Chapter, dis t ress and distracted action

played an important role in other infinit ive-passages, espe

cial ly those dealing with bat t le scenes and haste in prepara-



76

t ion. However, we deem i t necessary to give a special section

to these five infinit ive-passages since they do not f i t into

any of the above mentioned divisions. The two passages not

quoted here will be found in Appendix E.

12.5Qui postquam in aedis inrupere, divorsiregem quaerere, dormientis al ios , al iosoccursantis in terf icere , scrutar i locaabdita, clausa effringere, st repi tu ettumultu omnia miscere; cum interimHiempsal reper i tur occultans se tuguriomulieris ancil lae, quo ini t io pavidus

et ignarus loci perfugerat.

They rushed into the house, scattered insearch of the king, slew some of the household in their sleep and others as theyoffered resistance. They ransacked a l l

hiding places, broke down doors, and f i l -

led the whole place with noise and confusion. Meanwhile, Hiempsal was foundhiding in the cel l of a maid-servant,where in his f i r s t terror, he had takenrefuge, as he was u n a c ~ u a i n t e d with thepremises.

38.5Mili tes Romani perculsi tumultu insol i toarma capere a l i i a l i i se abdere, parste r r i tos confirmare, trepidare omnibuslocis .

The Roman soldiers were alarmed by the

unusual disturbance. Some seized thei rarms; others hid themselves, a partencouraged the fearful . Consternationreigned.

112.2Neque post id locorum Jugurthae dies autnox ulla quieta fui t ; neque loco nequemortali cuiquam aut tempori sat is credere,civis hostisque juxta metuere, circum

spectare omnia et omni st repi tu pavescere,alio a tque al io loco saepe contra decus



regium noctu requiescere, interdum somnoexcitus arrept is armis tumultum facere,i ta formidine quasi ve;cordia exagitar i .

But thence forward Jugurtha never passeda quiet day or night; he,put l i t t l e t rus tin any place, person, or time. He fearedhis countrymen and the enemy al ike, wasalways on the watch; star ted a t everysound. He spent his nights in differentplaces, many of which were i l l -sui ted tothe dignity of a king. Sometimes on being aroused from sleep he would utteroutcries and seize his arms. He washounded by a fear that was a ll but madness.

Another evidence of Sallust•s manipulation of the con

struct ion is his very frequent use of such distinguishing

77

and coordinating words as: pars - pars; partim - partim;

~ - m o d o ; ~ - a l i i ; e tc . , to offset the various in f i

t ives against each other.

In 38.5 (cf . p. 76, sup.) we have an excellent example of

this technique, " ~ capere a l i i , a l i i ~ abdere, p a r s ~ -r i tos confirmare, trepidare omnibus locis ." A group of acts

by different persons, related in some way, but often contrasted

among themselves, are thus bound together in a single whole.

There are eight passages in which the his tor ica l infini-

t ive i s used to describe a speech of a military commander or

other personage. We shal l quote four here, and four in

Appendix G.

33.3At C. Memmius advocata contione, quam

quam regi infesta plebes erat et pars





tha t the Romans had no camp or fortressas a refuge, but must rely upon thei rarms ent i rely .

113.2Postea tempore et loco consti tuto incolloquium uti de pace veniretur,Bocchus Sullam modo modo Jugurthaelegatum appellare, benigne habere,idem ambobus pol l icer i .

Afterwards, when the time and place wereagreed upon for holding the peace con-ference, Bocchus addressed now Sulla andnow the envoy of Jugurtha, received bothcourteously and made them the same pro-mises.

79

There are four passages which describe the plundering by

an army. As has been our custom, we shal l quote two of them

here and the remaining two in Appendix F.

20.8

Ceterum qua pergebat urbis agros vastare,praedas agere, suis animum hostibus ter -rorem augere.

Wherever he went he destroyed the country-side, snatched booty, increased confi-dence in his own followers, struck terrorinto the hearts of the enemy.

44.5Lixae permixti cum militibus diu noctuque

vagabantur et palantes agros vastare,vi l las expugnare, pecoris et mancipiorumpraedas certantes agere eaque mutare cummercatoribus vino advecticio et a l i i s

ta l ibus, praeterea frumentum publice da-tum vendere, panem in dies mercari; post-ramo quaecumque dici aut f ingi queuntignaviae luxuriaeque probra in i l lo ex-ercitu cuncta fuere et al ia amplius.

Camp followers and soldiers ranged about



in company day and night. In their

forays they laid waste the country,stormed farmhouses, and vied with oneanother in amassing booty in the form ofcat t le and slaves, which they barteredwith the traders for foreign wines andother luxuries. They even sold the grainwhich was allot ted them by the state andbought bread from day to day. In short,whatever disgraceful excesses result ingfrom idleness and wantoness can be men-tioned or imagined were a l l to be foundin that army and in others besides.

Sallust•s use of the histor ical inf in i t ive amounts

80

largely to the creating of an i l lusion by the ski l l fu l use of

various devices. His use of ~ a n d the passive is excel-

lent , for almost invariably they occur in the course of a

series which is introduced by words of dynamic force. His

inf in i t ives invariably portray the rush and vigor of the scene

in hand, and his accu•ulation ofmomentum

in the use of seriesis a unique preparation for the explosive act which iS the

real province of the his tor ical inf in i t ive .







83

various emotions account for most of them.

Vergil deserves special mention, for due to his inclusion

of his tor ical inf ini t ives in his epic, his la ter imitators

continued the use of th is form in their poetry. Vergil has

two his tor ical inf in i t ives in the GeDrgics and thir ty in the

Aeneid. Only eight of these contain single inf ini t ives . This

small proportion places him in the same bracket as Sallust and

Tacitus. His preference for series ~ f inf ini t ives may be ex

plained as due to the weight and dignity which the greater

fullness of the series carries with i t . Thus a ser ies of his-

tor ical infini t ives is eminently adaptable to the epic.

Schlicher has a fine summary of Livy•s use of the his

tor ical infini t ive which deserves to be given in fu l l .

In summing up Livy•s aase, we maysay that he gives the impression of oneemploying a construction which was notnative to him. His usage from the s tar ti s composite, showing dist inct imitat ionof both Cicero and Sallust in importantpar t iculars . There is considerable wavering in his method, as is shown by thechanges which his use of the constructionundergoes in the course of his work. Hehas none too firm a grasp of the fundamen

ta l force of the construction, as i s evident from the way in which he handles thepassive voice a n d ~ · I t is evidentalso from his large use of stat ic verbs,and especially from the nature of certainforms of expression which he developedand used a great deal, for example, thesingle infini t ives dicere and crederefollowed by long and elaborate passagesof indirect discourse. That is to say,

the types of the historical inf in i t ive



which are most dist inct ively his own ares ta t ic and analytic in thei r character ,and have l i t t l e aff in i ty with the ori ginal dynamic and impulsive force of theconstruction.l

84

Tacitus appears to have been a pupil of Sallust in his

ear l ier works. He favors long ser ies of inf in i t ives . In some

passages there is a str iking internal s imilar i ty to passages

containing the his tor ical inf ini t ive in the Bellum Jusurthinum

However, Tacitus, as he grew older, made his style more per-

sonal, and his strong individuali ty asserted i t se l f . His use

of the his tor ica l inf ini t ive, l ike his use of the language as

a whole, gradually became a thing peculiarly his own. Tacitus

in his l a t te r works, veers away from the long series. He

becomes especially adept a t using the his tor ical inf ini t ive

to depict panic and demoralization.

Our discussion of the use made ofthe construction by Tacitus has shownpret ty clearly that he shaped i t and adapted i t vigorously to his own individualstyle of thought and expression. In thedegree in which he did th i s , he made i tdi f f icul t for anyone to succeed him inthis practice, and, as he lacked imitatorsas a histor ian, he had none here. Theperiod of imitat ion had begun some timebefore him; indeed, he had himself beenan imitator in his early works. But asa mature man he gives the impression ofa creative force in the midst of the

---------------1 J . J . Schlicher,"The Histor ical Infini t ive, I ts Literary

Elaboration", Classical Philology, IX, 385-386.



decline. This la t te r period, waiaa, sofa r as our construction is concerned,was to continue several centurieslonger . l

85

Tacituswas

the las t of the greatRoman

classical authorsWith his death further development of the his tor ical inf ini-

t ive ceased.

As for Sallust , we find that while he extended the use

of the his tor ical infini t ive into f ields which i t had not pre

viously occupied, he did so with due regard to i t s original

force and i t s poss ib i l i t ies . He retained the construction

to express direct and strenuous action. He presented his

actions swiftly and immediately, one af ter the other, and used

the inf init ive to express rapidi ty , movement, physical and

moral agi tat ion, trouble, and confusion. His long ser ies were

never cumbersome and he generally adhered to the use of the

shorter ser ies . Sallust was an innovator, a s ty l i s t , and as

such he did much to add vivacity and color to Roman l i tera ture

2 ibid, 391-392.



TABLE I

THE HISTORICAL INFINITIVES IN THE ORDER IN WHICH THEY OCCUR

IN THE PASSAGES CONTAINING THESE INFINITIVES IN THE

BELLUM CATILINAE

6.4 temptare esse

6.5 fes t inare parare hor tar i obviam i re tegere

10.6 crescere vindicar i

11.4 rapere t rahere cupere habere facere

12.2 rapere consumere pendere cupere habere

12.5 adimere

13.3 pat i habere exquirere dormire opperire antecapere

14.6 praebere mercari parcere

16.2-3 commodare habere circumvenire jugu1are

17.1 appel1are hor tar i temptare docere

20.7 esse pendere

21.1 po1licer i

21.4 laudare

23.2 re t icere occul tare

24.2 agi ta re parare portare

25.2 psa11ere sa l tare

25.5 posse

27.2 molir i tendere parare obsidere esse iubere hor ta r i

fes t inare v ig i lare fa t igar i

86





TABLE II

RELATIVE FREQUENCY OF THE VERBS USED AS HISTORICAL INFINITIVES

IN THE BELLUM CATILINAE

I II III IV

temptare habere tegere dorm i re essefestinare invasere crescere opperire obviam i rparare habere rapere _ circumvenire essehortari habere trahere; moliri possevindicari praebere cupere metiri essemercari habere rap ere fer i re c a g e p e ~ e

commodare doc ere consumerejugulare pol l icer i pendereappellare obs idere 31'$ puperehortar i jubere adimeretemp tare habere facerelaudare pavere pat ioccultare tenere exquirereagitare ter rere antecapereparare movere pare ereportare providere penderesal tare ret icere z":!-

parare psal lerehortar i tenderefest inare crederevigi lare ger:erefa t igar i tenderesol l ic i tare diff iderefestinare obstreperetrepidare agereadfl ictare fingeremiserari to l l ere

rogitare interf icerevocare facereorare succurreredissimulare arcessereexsecraridareins tarevorsaripugnare

36 16 31 6 588



TABLE III

MEANINGS OF THE VERBS USED AS HISTORICAL INFINITIVES IN THE

BELLUM CATILINAE

adfl ic tare

agi tare

appellare

commodare

dare

dissimulare

exsecrari

fat igari

festinare

hortari

ins tare

jugulare

FIRST CONJUGATION

.31.3 to dis t ress , d i s ~ u i e t , aff l ic t .

24.2 to put in constant motion, to drive a b o u ~

17.1 to cal l , name; to address, accost.

16.2 to make f i t , adapt; to furnish, lend.

56.4 to give.

47.1 to dissemble, disguise, conceal.

48.1 to curse, execrate.

27.2 to waary, t i re , fatigue, importune.

6.5 to 'beg•Q. ~ a p i b d r a g , ~ o a t . h t o t h a s t e n27.231.1

6.5 to urge, encourage, exhort.17.127.2

60.3 to be at hand, to approach; to pursue.

16.2 to cut the throat , to ki l l , murder, slay.

89



laudare

lae tar i

merca.ri

miserari

occul tare

orare

parare

portare

pugnare

rogitare

sal tare

sol l ic i ta re

temptare

trepidare

vigi lare

vindicare

vocare

vorsari

to praise, commend, extol.

51.29 to rejoice.

14.6 to buy, purchase.

31.3 to deplore, bewail, pi ty .

23.2 to hide, conceal.

40.4 to speak, to beg, entreat , implore.

6.5 to prepare, furnish, procure.24.2

27.2

24.2 to bear, carry, convey, bring.

60.4 to f ight , combat, give bat t le .

90

31.3 to ask or inquire frequently or eagerly.

25.2 to dance with pantomimic gestures.

28.4 to rouse, excite, inci te, inst igate,urge.

6.4 to t ry , prove, attempt, attack.17.1

31.1 to be in anxious, confused motion.

27.2 to be awake, to keep watch, to watch.

10.6 to lay legal claim to; to demand; topunish, to avenge.

31.8 to ca l l , summon.

60.4 to turn hither and th i ther .

2Frequentit ives;

5Intensives;

4 Deponents; 2Passives.







succurrere

tegere

tend ere

trabere

to l lere

1 Deponent.

circumvenire

dormire

metiri

fer i re

moliri

opperire

3 Deponents.

esse

obviam i re

posse

93

60.4 to run under; to hasten to help.

6.5 to cover, conceal, hide; to shield.

27.2 to stretch, extend; to direct one's31.3 course, to aim; to endeavor.

11.4 to draw, to drag; to plunder.

48.1 to raise , l i f t ; to remove; to destroy.

FOURTH CONJUGATION

16.2 to come around, surround, encircle.

13·.3 to sleep.

31.3 to measure, to measure out.

60.4 to st r ike .

27.2 to set in motion; to displace; to under-mine.

13.3 to wait.

OTHERS

6.4 to be.20.727.2

6.5 to go to meet.

25.5 to be able.



TABLE IV

RELATIVE FREQUENCY OF THE VARIOUS TYPES OF VERBS USED IN THE

BELLUM CATILINAE

First conjugation verbs

second congugation verbs

Third conjugation verbs

Fourth conjugation verbs

Others

Total number of verbs used

as historical infinit ives

Deponents 11

exsecrarihortari (3)laetar imercari

miseraripoll icer ipatimetiri

to curseto exhortto rejoiceto buy

to pityto promiseto suffer, permitto 18e&sure

37

16

31

6

5

97

moliri to set in motion, to undermine

Passives 4

-94







38.5

39.1

39.2

41.5

41.9

43.3

44.5

45.2

46.1

46.6

47.3

49.4

47.4

50.2

50.4

50.6

51.1

51.4

51.5

53.7

55.2

55.3

55.4

55.8

oapere abdere oonfirmare t repidare

do1ere t imere

soribere aooersere fes t inare

duoeret rahere

rapere

invadere po11uere vastare habere

scr ibere aroessere parare

97

vastare expugnare agere mutare vendere mercari

movere munire ponere oiroumire adesse

d1ff1dere

incedere exp1orare credere temptar i

mittere orare dedere

oonmonefaoere ostentare exoi tare

abnuere po1lioeri expeotare

prooedere habere esse

oaedere temptare adesse ins tare oonturbare

evadere

oedere insequi observare res i s te re propulsareagi regere

orare hor ta r i esse

oiroumire hor ta r i reaovare temptare subvenireins tare ~ · r e t i n e r eadventare facere

decernere agere esse

n i t i fes t inare cavere meminisse

praedari

sequi quaerere corrumpere ostendere temptare



regredi mini tar i facere pa t i re t ine re

57.4 pugnare succedere subfodere aggredi cup ere

57.5 vo1vere mittere

58.2 tug ere cap ere

58.3 remi t tere f ru s t r a r i ostendere caedere fund erefugare

59.3 sequi cedere concurrere inp l icare per turbare

60.1-2 n i t i habere agere obpugnare parare sauciaretegere t e r r i vo1are

60.4

60.5

monere hor ta r i s igni f icare n i t i agi ta re

agere simulare pa t i

60.7 r e s i s t e re

64.2 mirar i monere esse debere placere

64.5 grassar i abs t inere habere 1oqui

66.1 parare fes t inare cogere af fec tare conmunirere f ice re conmercari ad1icere temptare pa t iagi ta re

67.1 t rep idare

67.1 mit tere

67.2

69.2

70.1

70.5

72.2

posse obtruncar i

caedere fes t inare capere posse

quaerere fa t igare

accusare t e s t a r i monere

credere metuere circumspectare pavascererequiescere facere exagi ta r i

73.4 esse

73.5 exagi tare arcessere celebrare

98

dare













pat iabnuereprocederelaederearcesserecogereacriberefacereadtenderecognoscerepati

avorteresequisinerecredereconsist erecaderetraheremitteresequiaddere

succederedicerecanerefugerefunderevaderepet ereaccipere

reddererepetereagerelaederepatiescenderecederetegerefaceresuccurrereinvadere

consul ereremi t terestrepereagereincederefaceremitt eretegereostendereto l l ere

incederesequifugereoccidicapini t i

concidereintendere

104







dare

dict i tare

dubitare

ductare

equitare

exagitare

exagi tar i

exspectare

explorare

expugnare

exsultare

fatigarefest inare

f rustrar i

fugare

grassar i

hortar i

inplicare

59.396.2

84.1

74.1

38.1

6.1

73.5

72.2

47.4

46.688.2

44.5

98.6

70.1

39.255.366.169.276.4

58.3

58.3

64.5

30.351.451.560.4

59.3

to give.

to say often, to rei terate; to boast.

to doubt, to waver.

to lead.

to r ide on horseback.

to drive anything from i t s posit ion;to disturb, to excite.

to be excited; to be hounded.

to wait for, to expect, to wait.

to seek out; to reconnoiter.

to take by storm.

107

to leap up frequently; to rejoice m u c h ~

to weary,t ire,fat igue; to rack (animum).

to be in rapid motion; to hasten, hurry.

to be cheated, deceived, t r icked.

to put to f l ight ; to drive away.

to advance, proceed; to proceed violently

to encourage, exhort, inci te; to har-rangue an army before bat t le .

to enfold, entangle; to confuse, perplex.







signif icare

simulare

temptare

temptari

t es ta r i

trepidare

tu tar i

vagari

vas tare

volare

abstinere

augere

augeri

cavere

60.4

36.260.5

46.650.451.555.866.194.2

105.4

23.146.6

70.5

38.567.1

76.3

98.1

20.841.944.5

60.1

110

to give a sign, indication; to notify.

to represent, imitate; to feign,to counterfeit .

to touch, feel, handle; to tes t , t ry,tempt.

to be tested, t r ied , tempted.

to bear witness; to give evidence, asser t .

to be in anxious, confysed motion.tq be agi tated.

to protect , preserve, watch, keep.

to wander about, ramble, rove.

to empty; to lay waste, ravage, devastate.

to fly; to move rapidly.

SECOND CONJUGATION

64.5 to hold back; to keep away from.

20.8 to make to increase; to str ike (terrorem).38.1

92.8 to be increased.

55.3 to guard against, to avoid.



deb ere

dol ere

habere

monere

movere

miscere

placere

pol l icer i

providere

ret inere

tenere

ter rere

timere

64.2 to owe, to be obliged.

39.1 to suffer pain, to grieve, to bewail.

7.6 to have.

11.813.541.950.260.164.574.184.2

113.2

72.2 to fear , to be afra id .111.2

30.2 to remind, to admonish, to warQ.60.464.270.5

45.2 to break camp, e .g . , movere castra .

111

12.5 to mix; to confound, confuse; to disturb

64.2 to please, be agreeable; to be sat is f ied

36.2 to promise.47.4

113.2

100.3 to lOok forward to .

51.5 to bold back, to bold fas t , to detain.55.8

82.2 to bold, to res t ra in .

94.3 to t e r r i fy .

13.5 to fear39.192.2



videre

abdere

abnuere-

accersere

accipere

addere

adlicere

adtendere

agere

agi

aggredi

amplecti

arcessere

arr igere

avortere

112

87.2 to see; to have ~ h e power to see.

THIRD CONJUGATION

38.5 to put away, withdraw; remove; to hide.

47.4 to refuse by motion of head, to deny.~ . 339.2 to fetch or cal l , to summon.

96.2 to take; to receive, accept.

94.2 to give to; to inspire.

66.1 to al lure , entice; to draw to oneself.

88.2 to st retch to , to direct at tent ion toward

6.1 to set in motion.7.6

20.837.444.5

55.260.160.576.396.298.6

51.1 to be set in motion.

57.4 to go to , approach, at tack, attempt.

7.6 to surround, encircle; to love, esteem.

43.3 to fetch or cal l ; to summon.73.584.2

23.1 to erect , l i f t up; to excite, animate.

89.1 to turn away; to remove; to diver t .





decernere

dicere

ducere

diffidere

effringere

escendere

extollere

evadere

facere

fugere

fund ere

incedere

insequi

intendere

in terf icere

invadere

11455.2 to decide, to decree; to decide judicial

ly .

94.4 e.g. , male- to revi le.

41.5 to lead.

46.1' to have no confidence; to dlspair .

12.5

97.5

15.2

50.6

6.136.253.755.857.472.275.1087.197.5

100.4

58.294.5

101.11

58.394.6

46.6100.1

101.7

51.1

105.4

12.5

41.998.1

to break open; to break off .

to climb up, to ascend; to mount.

to l i f t up, to raise up; to praise .

to go out; to become; to resul t .

to make, to do.

to f lee , to take to f l ight .

to pour out; to rout, defeat, scat ter .

to walk, march; to advance.

to follow after ; to pursue with host i leintent .

to s t retch out; to direct efforts , bea ler t .

to ki l l .

to enter; to attack, a s s ~ l t , invade.1\



irrumpere

jacere

laedere

loqui

mittere

ni t i

ostendere

occidi

pat i

pavescere

pergere

pet ere

polluere

ponere

procedere

115

12.5 to break in , burst into, rush in .

37.476.3

to throw, cast , hurl; to build, erect .

84.196.2

6.164.5

47.357.567.195.2

100.4

55.360.160.4

101.11

30.355.858.3

101.6

to hurt , injure, damage; to at tack.

to speak.

to send, le t go; to throw.

to support oneself on anything; to leanupon; to st r ive , endeavor.

to show, display, exhibit .

101.11 to be ki l led.

60.5 to suffer , bear, endure; to permit, allow66.182.288.296.255.8

72.2 to be t e r r i f ied .

74.1 to continue; to proceed with.

94.6 to reach towards; to aim at; to attack.

41.9 to befoul, defi le , pol lute.

45.2 to put,place; to stat ion men for bat t le .

50.2 to go forth, go before, proceed, advance.



quaerere

rap ere

reddereref icere

reg ere

regredi

remittere

repetere

requiescere

res i s t ere

scribere

sequi

sinere

strepere

subfodere

succedere

succurrere

tegere

12.5 to seek, to search for .55.870.1

41.5 to snatch, to drag away hast i ly.

116

96.2 to restore, requite, repay whatis

due.66.1 to make again; to ref i t ; to repair .

51.1 to guide, direct ; to rule.

55.8 to go back; to re t reat .

58.3 to send back; to throw back.98.2

96.2 to s t r ive af ter again; to attack again.

72.2 to res t , repose; to sleep.

51.1 to remain standing; to res i s t , oppose.60.7

39.2 to write; to enroll soldiers .43.386.2

55.8 to follow; to pursue.59.391.494.2

101.11

91.4 to put down; to permit, allow, suffer .

98.6 to make a loud noise, ra t t le , clash.

57.4 to pierce underneath; to undermine.

57.4 to go under; to approach.94.3

98.1 to run or go under; to hasten to help.

60.1 to cover; to protect; to shield.97.5

101.4



117

t o l l ere 101.7 to lift up, ra i se , elevate .

t rahere 36.2 to draw, to drag along.41.593.1

t r ah i 83.3 to be dragged along.

vadere 94.6 to go, walk, hasten, rush.

vendere 32.3 to s e l l , to bar te r .

44.5

volvere 57.5 to ro l l , revolve , turn around, twis t .

FOURTH CONJUGATION

acci re 84.2 to ca l l to , summon, fetch .

ad i re 89.1 to come to , to approach.

antevenire 88.2 to come before, to ant ic ipa te , to prevent96.2

conmunire 66.1 to fo r t i fy thorougbly on a l l sides.

circumire 45.2 to go around, to enclose, to surround.51.5

100.4

circumvenir i 97.5 to be surrounded.

expedire 105.4 to disentangle; to provide, to prepare .

fe r i re 6.1 to s t r ike , knock, beat , h i t , smite.

l en i re 91.1 to make mild, to a l l ev ia te , mit iga te .

moll i re 33.3 to make pl iable , sof t , supple.

moli r i 11.8 to se t in motion; to undermine; to t o i l .







APPENDIX A

PASSAGES FROM THE BELLUM JUGURTHINUM CONTAINING HISTORICAL

INFINITIVES AND NOT LISTED IN CHAPTER IV

BATTLE SCENES

57.5Contra ea oppidani in proxumos saxavolvere, sudes pi la , praeterea picemsulphure et taeda mixtam ardentia mittere.

The townsmen met thei r attacks by rol l ingdown stones upon the foremost and hurlingbeams, pikes, and torches made of burningpitch and sulphur at them.

58.2At nostr i repentino metu peraillsi s ibiquisque pro moribus consulunt: a l i ifugere a l i i arma capere, magna parsvolnerati aut occisi .

Our men were struck with a sudden panicand sought safety each according to histemperament; some fled, others armed themselves; nearly a l l were kil led or wounded.

59.3Quibus i l l i f re t i non, u ti equestri proel io solet , sequi, dein cedere, sed advorsis equis concurrere, inplicare acperturbare aciem: i ta expeditis pedi

t ibus suis hostis paene victos dare.

For the Numidian horsemen, trusting tothis infantry, did not al ternately advance and re t reat , as is usual in a cavalry skirmish, but charged a t ful lspeed. They rushed into our bat t le-l ine and broke i t . Thus with theirl igh t armed infantry they a l l butconquered thei r enemy.

120



60.4Eos, u ti quaeque Jugurthae res erant ,laetos modo modo pavidos animadvor-teres ac, s icu t i audiri a suis autcerni possent, monere a l i i a l i i hor-t a r i aut manu signif icare aut ni t i

corporibus et ea hue et i l luc quasivitabundi aut jacientes tela agitare .

As Jugurtha 's fortunes shif ted, you mightsee them now joyful , now alarmed; actingas i f their countrymen could see or hearthem. Some shouted warnings, othersurged them on. They gesticulated or swayedtheir bodies, moving them this way and thatas i f dodging or hurling weapons.

60.7Nostri primo resis tere , deinde, ubiunae atque al terae scalae conminutae,qui supersteterant adf l i c t i sunt,ce ter i quoquo modo potuere, pauciin tegr i magna pars volneribus con-rec t i abeunt.

At f i r s t our men res is ted. Then, asladder af ter ladder was shattered andthose who stood upon them were dashedto the ground, the res t made off asbest they could, some few unharmed, butthe greater number badly wounded.

67.1Ad hoc mulieres puerique pro tec t is

aedificiorum saxa et al ia quae locuspraebebat certatim mittere.

Moreover, women and children from the

roofs of the houses were busily pel t -ing them with stones and whatever elsethey could lay hands on.

67.2I ta neque caveri anceps malum nequea fortissumis infirmissumo generir e s i s t i posse: juxta boni maliques trenui et inbelles inul t i obtruncari.

I t was quite impossible to guard

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against the double danger and bravemen were helpless before the feeblestopponents. Side by side valiant andcowardly, strong and weak fe l l withoutstr iking a blow.

69.2

Equites peditesque repente signo datoa l i i volgum effusum oppido caedere,a l i i ad portas fest inare, pars turr is

capere: i ra atque praedae spes ampliusquam lassi tudo posse.

Then on a sudden the signal sounded andsome of the cavalry and infantry beganto cut down the crowd which was pouringfrom the town. Others hurried to the

gates, while a part took possession ofthe towers. Anger and desire for bootytriumphed over their weariness.

95.4Interim omnibus Romania hostibusqueproelio in tent is , magna utrimque vipro gloria atque imperio his i l l i spro salute certantibus repente a tergosigna canere: ac primo mulieres etpueri , qui visum processerant, fugere,deinde u ti quisque muro proxumus erat ,postremo cuncti armati inermesque.

In the meantime, while a l l the Romansand a l l the enemy were intent uponthe confl ict , and both sides were exer-cising themselves to the utmost, theone for glory and dominion, the otherfor safety, suddenly the trumpetssounded in the rear of the foe. Then

the women and children, who had comeout to look on, were f i r s t to f lee,followed by those wao were nearest thewall, and finally by a l l , armed andunarmed al ike .

101.4Interim Sulla, quem primum hostesat t igerant , cohortatus sues turmatimet quam maxume confert is equis ipse

al i ique Mauros invadunt, ceter i in

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50.6

APPENDIX B

MILITARY TACTICS

i t a numero priores , s i ab pensequendohost is deterrere nequiverant, disjec-tos ab tergo aut lateribus circum-veniebant; sin opportunior fugae col l isquam campi fuerat , ea vero consuetiNumidarum equi faci le inter virgulataevadere, nostros asperi tas et inso-lent ia loci ret inebat .

Thus even i f they had been unable tocheck the enemy's pursuit ,with theirsuperior numbers they cut off thestragglers in the rear or on thef lanks. I f the h i l l proved to be morefavorable for their f l ight than theplains, there too the horses of theNumidians, being acquainted with theground, easily made their escape amidthe thickets , while the steep and un-familiar ground proved a hindrance toour men.

55.4I ta quo clar ior erat , eo magis anxiusera t , neque post insidias Jugurthaeeffuso exercitu praedari; ubi frumentoaut pabulo opus erat , c o h o r ~ e s cum

omni equitatu praesidium agitabant;exercitus partem ipse, reliquos Marius

ducebat.

Hence the greater his fame, the morecaution he showed. After Jugurtha 'sambuscade he no longer ravaged thecountry with his army in disorder.When he required grain or fodder, anumber of cohorts stood on guard alongwith the cavalry. He led part of thearmy himself and Marius the res t .

124



83.3Eo modo saepe ab utroque missisremissisque nunti is tempus pro-cedere et ex Metelli voluntatebellum intactum t rahi .

In this way, while messengers were

continually being sent to and fro,time passed and, as Metellus wished,the war remained at a s tandst i l l .

87.1Sed consul explet is legionibus cohor-tibusque auxi l iar i i s in agrum fer-tilem et praeda onustum proficisci tur ,omnia ib i capta milit ibus donat, deincastel la et oppida natura et vir is

parum munita aggreditur, proeliamulta, ceterum levia, al ia a l i i s locisfacere.

The consul, af te r having f i l led upthe ranks of the legions and thecohorts of auxi l iar ies, marched intoa dis t r ic t which was fer t i le and richin booty. There he gave to thesoldiers everything that was taken,and then attacked some for tresses andtowns not well defended by nature orby garrisons, fighting many bat t les ,

but sl ight ones and in various places.

87.2Interim novi mili tes sine metu pugnaeadesse, videre fugientes capi autoccidi, fortissumum quemque tutissumum,armis libertatem patriam parentesqueet al ia omnia tegi , gloriam atque

divi t ias quaeri.

Meanwhile the raw soldiers learned toenter bat t le fearlessly and saw thatthose who ran away were either takenor s lain , while the bravest were thesafes t . They realized that i t was byarms that l iberty, country, parents,and a l l else were protected, and gloryand riches won.

125



89.1Sed consul, uti s ta tuerat , oppidacastel laque munita adire , partim vial ia metu aut praemia ostentandoavortere ab hostibus.

But the consul, as he had planned,appeared before the fort if ied townsand strongholds, and in some casesby force in others by intimidationor bribery took them away from theenemy.

91.1Ceterum in i t inere cotidie pecusexercitui per centurias item turmasaequal i ter distr ibuerat et ex cori is

utres uti f ierent curabat, simulinopiam frumenti lenire et ignarisomnibus parare, quae mox usui forent.

Now every day during the march Mariushad dis tr ibuted cat t le equally amongthe cen\*ries and the divisions ofcavalry, taking care that bot t lesfor water should be made from hides.Thus a t the same time he made good

the lack of grain and without reveal-ing the purpose provided somethingwhich soon was to be useful .

91.4Deinde ipse intentus pr9pere sequineque milites praedari sinere.

Then he himself quickly followed,keeping on the a ler t and not allowingthe soldiers to plunder.

94.3 'Marius ubi ex nunti is quae Ligusegerat cognovit, quamquam toto dieintentos proelio Vumidas habuerat,tum vero cohortatus mili tes et ipseextra vineas egressus, testudineacta succedere et simul hostem tor-mentis sagit tar i isque et funditoribuseminus terrere.

126







APPENDIX C

HASTE IN PRE-BATTLE PREPARATIONS

43.3Ig i tur diff idens veter i exerci tuimili tes scribere, praes idia undiquearcessere, arma t e la equos et ceterainstrumenta mili t iae parare •• .•

Accordingly, being dis t rus t fu l ofthe old army, he enrolled soldiers ,summoned auxil iar ies from every side,

got together arms, weapons, horsesand other munitions of war ••••

75.10•••• Nihilo segnius bellum parare;item nostr i facere •

• . . • They none the less made dil igentpreparat ions for bat t le ; our men didthe same.

76.4Contra haec oppidani fest inare parare,prorsus ab utriusque nih i l relicumf i e r i .

The townsmen for the i r part hastenedthe i r preparations; indeed, nothingwas l e f t undone by either side.

84.2

Interim quae bello opus erant primahabere, postulare legionibus sup-plementum, auxi l ia a populis et re-gibus sociisque arcessere , praetereaex Latio fortissumum quemque, pleros-que mili t iae paucos fama cognitosaccire , et ambiundo cogere homines

129



emeritis st ipendiis secum prof ic isci .

All the while he gave his f i r s t a t-

tention to preparation for the war.He asked that the legions should bereinforced, summoned auxil iar ies from

foreign nations and kings, besidescal l ing out the bravest men fromLatium and from our al l ies , the greaternumber of whom he knew from actualservice, a few, only by reputat ion.By special inducements, too, he per-suaded veterans who had served their

time to join h is expedition.

86.2lpse interea mili tes scribere ••••

He himself in the meantime enrolledsoldiers ••••

130





were a great number in Utica - - a t

the same time disparagingly andboastfully •••• i f but half the armywere given to him, within a few dayshe would have Jugurtha in chains.The war was being deliberately dragged on by the commander-in-chief, a

man who reveled in the power of vain ,proud ru le .

70.1Per idem tempus Bomilcar, cujus inpulsu Jugurtha deditionem, quam metudeseruit , inceperat, suspectus regiet ipse eum suspiciens novas res cupere, ad perniciem ejus dolum quaerare , die noctuque fatigare animum;

denique omnia temptando socium s ib iadjungit Nabdalsam, hominem nobilemmagnis opibus, carum acceptumquepopularibus suis , qui plerumque seDrsum ab rege exercitum ductare et omniares exsequi soli tus erat , quae Jugurthae fesso aut majoribus adstrictosuperaverant; ex quo i l l i gloria opesque inventae.

At this same time Bomilcar, who hadinduced Jugurtha to begin negotiationsfor surrender which he la te r discont inued through fear , being an objectof suspicion to Jugurtha and himselflooking on the king with suspicion,was desirous of a change of rulers .He therefore began to cast about fora stratagem by which to effect theruin of Jugurtha, and racked his brainday and night. Finally, while trying

every device he won the support ofNabdalsa, a man of rank, wealth, anddis t inc t ion, who was very popular withhis countrymen. This man w ~ s in thehabit of exercising a command independently of the king and of attending to a l l business which Jugurthacould not t ransact in person when hewas weary or engaged in more importantduties. In th is way he had gained

fame and power.

132



73.5Praeterea sedit iosi magistratus volgumexagitare, Metellum omnibus contio-nibus captis arcessere, Mari virtutemin majus celebrare.

More thanth is ,

seditious magistrateswere working upon the feelings of thepopulace, in every assembly chargingMetellus with treason and exaggeratingthe merits of Marius.

107.3I l l e lacrumans orare ne ea crederet;nihi l dolo factum ac magis ca l l id i ta \eJugurthae, cui videl icet speculantii t e r suum cognitum esset .

The young man begged Sulla with tearsnot to believe such a thing. He in-sis ted that the si tuat ion was due tono treachery on his par t , but to thecunning of Jugurtha, who had evidentlylearned from spies of thei r expedition.

111.2Ad hoc metuere ne fluxa fide usus

popularium animos avorteret , quiset Jugurtha carus et Romani invisierant .

Moreover he feared that i f he showedtreachery he would al ienate his sub-jects to whom Jugurtha was dear andthe Romans hateful .

133



APPENDIX E

DISTRESS; DISTRACTED ACTION

47.3Inter haec negotia Jugurtha inpensiusmodo legatos supplices mittere, pacemorare, praeter suam liberorumque vitamomnia Metallo dedere.

While th is was going on, Jugurtha witheven greater insistence sent suppliantenvoys; begged for peace; and offeredMetellus everything except his ownl i f e and that of his children.

67.1Romani milites, inproviso metuincer t i ignarique quid potissumumfacerent, t repidare.

The Roman soldiers , being bewilderedby th is unexpected per i l and not

knowing what to do f i r s t , were throwninto disorder.

134



41.5

APPENDIX F

PLUNDERING ACTIVITIES

Namque coepere nobili tas dignitatempopulus l ibertatem in lubidinemvortere, s ibi quisque ducere trahereraper e.

For the nobles began to abuse theirposit ion and the people thei r l i -berty. Every man for himself robbed,pil laged, plundered.

41.9I ta cum potentia avari t ia sine modomodestiaque invadere, polluere etvastare omnia, nihi l pensi nequesanct i habere, quoad semet ipsa prae-c ip i tav i t .

Thus, by the side of power, greed

arose, unlimited and unrestrained,violated and devastated everything,respected nothing, and held nothingsacred unt i l i t f inal ly brought abouti t s own downfall.

135



15.2

APPENDIX G

DESCRIPTION OF SPEECHES

Deinde utrique curia egrediuntur.Senatus statim consul i tur . Fautoreslegatorum, praeterea senatus magnapars grat ia depravata Adherbalisdicta contemnere, Jugurthae virtutemextollere laudibus: grat ia voce,denique omnibus modis pro alienoscelere et f lagi t io sua quasi pro

gloria nitebantur.

Then both part ies l e f t the House andthe matter was at once laid beforethe Senate. The part isans of theenvoys, and a large number of theother senators who had been corruptedby thei r influence, derided the wordsof Adherbal and lauded the virtues ofJugurtha; exerting their influence,the i r eloquence, in short every pos-sible means, they labored as dil igen-t ly in the defence of the shamefulcrime of a foreigner as though theywere str iving to win honor.

23.1Jugurtha ubi eos Africa decessissera tus est , neque propter loci naturaCirtam armis expugnare poteet, valloatque fossa moenia circumdat, turr is

ext rui t easque praesidi is firmat,praeterea dies noctisque aut per vimaut dolis temptare, defensoribusmoenium praemia modo modo formidinemostentare, suos hortando ad virtutemarr igere, prorsus intentus cunctaparare.

136



30.3At C. Memmius, cujus de l iber ta teingeni et odio potentiae nobi l i ta t i ssupra diximus, in ter dubitationem etmoras senatus contionibus populum advindicandum hor tar i , monere ne rempublicam, ne libertatem suam dese-

rerent , multa superba et crudeliafacinora nobi l i ta t is ostendere: pro-reus intentus omni modo plebis animumincendebat.

But while the senate delayed andhesi tated, G. Memmius, of whose inde-pendence and hatred of the power of thenobles I have already spoken, urged theassembled people to vengeance, warned

them not to prove false to thei r coun-try and thei r own l iber t ies , pointed outthat many were the arrogant and crueldeeds of the nobles. In short , he didhis utmost in every way to inflamethe minds of the commons.

84.1At Marius, ut supra diximus, cupien-tissuma plebe consul factus, postquamei provinciam Numidiam populus juss i t ,

antea jam infestus nobi l i t a t i , tumvero multus atque ferox instare , sin-gulos modo modo universos laedere,dict i tare sese c o n s u l a ~ u m ex vict isi l l i s spolia cepisse, al ia praetereamagnifica pro se et i l l i s dolentia.

Now Marius, as we have already said,was chosen consul with the ardent sup-port of the commons. While even before

his election he had been hosti le to thenobles, as soon as the people voted himthe province, Kumidia, he attacked thearistocracy persistently and boldly,assail ing now individuals, now theentire party. He boasted that he hadwrested the consulship from them as thespoils of victory, and made other re-marks calculated to glorify himselfand exasperate them.

137



6.1

APPENDIX H

UNCLASSIFIED PASSAGES

Qui ubi primum adolevit , pollensviribus decora facie sed multo maxume

ingenio validus, non se luxu nequeinert iae conrumpendum dedit , sed, u ti

mos gentis i l l ius est , equitare, ja -cular i , cursu cum aequalibus certare,et cum omnia gloria anteire t , omnibustamen carus esse; ad hoc pleraquetempora in venando agere, leonem a t-que al ias feras primus aut in primisfer i re , plurumum facere minumum ipsede se loqui.

As soon as Jugurtha grew up, endowedas he was with physical strength, ahandsome person, but above a l l with avigorous in te l lect , he did not allowhimself to be spoiled by luxury or

idleness, but following the custom ofthat nation, he frequently rode, hehurled the javelin, he ran races withhis fellows. Although he surpassedthem a l l in renown, he neverthelesswon the love of a l l . Besides th is , hedevoted much of the time to the chase.He was, i f not the f i r s t , a t leastamong the f i r s t to str ike down thel ion and other wild beasts. He dis-t inguished himself, but spoke l i t t l eof his own exploi ts .

7.6Ig i tur imperator omnia fere res aspe-ras per Jugurtham agere, in amicishabere, magis magisque eum in diesamplecti, quippe cujus neque consilium

138



neque inceptum ullum frustra erat .

Thus the commander-in-chief entrustedalmost a l l the di f f icul t enterprisesto Jugurtha. He admitted him into hiscirc le of friends, and day by day heldhim in greater esteem as one whosecouncil or whose undertakings neverfa i led.

13.5Tum Jugurtha patra t is consi l i is , postquam omnis Numidiae potiebatur, inotio facinus suum cum animo reputans,timere populum Romanum neque advoraasiram ejus usquam nis i in avari t ia nobi l i t a t i s et pecunia sua spem habere.

Now that Jugurtha had ful f i l led hisplans and held a l l Numidia under hissway, he had a few spare moments toponder his crime. Thus he began tofear the Roman people and considerthat he could make no headway againstthei r wrath except through the greedof the nobles and by means of his own

wealth.

30.1Postquam res in Africa gestas quoquemodo actae forent fama divolgavit,Romae per omnia locos et conventusde facto consulis agi tar i .

When the news was circulated in Rome

of what had happened in Africa and how

i t was brought about, the consul'sconduct was discussed wherever men

gathered together.

32.3Fuere, qui auro conrupti elephantosJugurthae t raderent, a l i i perfugasvendere, pars ex pacatis praedasagebant: tanta vis avari t iae inanimos eorum velut i tabes invaserat.

Some were induced by bribes to return

his elephants to Jugurtha, others sold

139



him his deserters , and a part plun-dered those who were at peace with us.So strong was the love o! money whichhad attacked their minds l ike a pes-t i lence.

39.1Pars dolere pro glor ia imperi, parsinsol i ta rerum bellicarum timere l i -berta t i , Aulo omnes infes t i ac maxumequi bello saepe praeclari fuerant,quod armatus dedecore potius quammanu salutem quaesiverat.

Some grieved for the glory o! theempire, others, who were unused tomatters of war, feared for their free-

dom. All men, especially those whohad often gained renown with war,were incensed a t Aulus, because witharms in his hands he had sought safetyby disgrace ra ther than by combat.

46.1Interea Jugurtha ubi quae Metellusagebat ex nuntiis accepit , simul deinnocentia ejus cert ior Roma factus,diff idere suis rebus ac tum demumveram deditionem !acere conatus est .

Jugurtha meanwhile learned throughmessengers what Metellus was about.At the same time he received word fromRome that his opponent was incorrup-t ib le . Therefore he began to loseheart in his cause and for the f i rs ttime attempted to arrange a genuinesurrender•

53.7Ac primo obscura nocte, postquam haudprocul inter se erant, strepi tu veluthostes adventare, al ter i apud al terosformidinem simul et tumultum facere,et paene inprudentia admissum facinusmiserabile, ni utrimque praemissiequites rem exploravissent.

I t was now dark night. At f i r s t , *hen

140



the armies were not far apart , thesound, as of a host i le force approach-ing, caused fear and confusion on bothsides. The mistake might have led toa deplorable catastrophe, had not thehorsemen who were sent out by both

sides to reconnoiter discovered whatthe si tuat ion was.

55.2Itaque senatus ob ea fe l i c i t e r actadis immortalibus supplicia decernere,vitas trepida antea et sol l ic i ta debel l i eventu laeta agere, de Metallofama praeclara esse.

The senate accordingly voted a thanks-giving to the immortal gods becauseof these successes, while the community,which before this had been in fear andanxiety as to the outcome of the war,gave i t se l f up to rejoicing.

70.5•••• In quis, mollitiam socordiamquevi r i accusare, tes tar i deos, perquos juravisset, monere ne praemia

Metelli in pastem convorteret •

•••• In this he upbraided the man

for his weakness and cowardice,cal led to witness the gods by whom

he had sworn, and warned him notto exchange ruin for the rewardsoffered by Metellus.

73.4Imperatori nobil i tas , quae anteadecori fui t , invidiae esse, at i l l ia l t e r i generis humilitas favoremaddiderat.

The general 's noble rank, which beforeth is had been an honor to him, becamea source of unpopularity, while to

Marius his huwble origin lent in-creased favor.

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83.3Rursus imperator contra postulataBocchi nuntios mitt i t ; i l le pro-bare partim, al ia abnuere.

Upon th i s , Metellus again sent envoysto object to the demands of Bocchus,who part i ly heeded and partly re-jected his remonstrances.

92.2Omnia non bene consulta in virtutemtrahebantur, mili tes modesto imperio habi t i simul et locupletes adcaelum ferre , Numidae magis quammortalem timere, postremo omnes,socii atque hostes, credene i l l i

aut mentem divinam esse aut deorumnutu cuncta portendi.

All his raSh acts , even when i l l -advised, were regarded as proofs ofhis abi l i ty . The soldiers, who werekept under mild discipline and atthe same time enriched, extolled himto the skies. The Numidians fearedhim as i f he were more than mortal;al l , in short , friends and enemiesalike, believed that he either pos-sessed divine insight or that every-thing was revealed to him by favorof the gods.

93.1At Marius multis diebus et laboribusconsumptis anxius trahere cum animosuo omitteretne inceptum, quoniamfrustra erant , an fortunam opperiretur,

qua saepe prospeee usus fuerat .

After Marius had spent many days ingreat labor, be was anxiously consi-dering whether he should abandon theattempt as f ru i t less or await thefavor of fortune, which he had sooften enjoyed.

94.4

At Numidae saepe antea vineis Roma-

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norum subvorsis item incensis, noncas te l l i moenibus sese tutabantur,sed pro muro dies noctisque agi tare,male dicere Romania ac Mario vecordiam objectare, milit ibus nostr isJugurthae servitium minari, secundisrebus feroces esse.

But the Numidians, since they hadoften before overturned the mantletsof the enemy and set f i re to them, nolonger protected themselves withinthe walls of the for t ress , but spentthe day and night outside, revi l ingthe Romans and taunting Marius withmadness. Emboldened by thei r successes, they threatened our soldiers

with slavery at the hands of Jugurtha .

95.3Igi tur Sulla gentis patr iciae nobil isfu i t familia jam prope extincta ma-jorum ignavia, l i t t e r i s Graecis etLatinis juxta atque doctissumi eruditus, animo ingenti , cupidus voluptatum sed gloriae cupidior, otio

luxurioso esse.Sulla, then, was a noble of patriciandescent, of a family almost ;reducedto obscurity through the degeneracyof his ancestors. He was well versedal ike in G r e ~ c i a n and Roman le t ters ,of remarkable mental power, devotedto pleasure but more devoted to glory.

96.2-3

Ad hoc mili tes benigne appellare, mul-t i s rogantibus a l i i s per se ipse darebeneficia, invitus aooipere, sed eaproperantibus quam aes mutuum reddere,ipse ab nullo repetere, magis id la borare ut i l le quam plurimi deberent,joca atque ser ia cum humillumis agere,in operibus in agmine atque ad vigi l iasmultus adesse neque interim, quodprava ambitio solet , sonsulis aut oujus-

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quam boni famam laedere, tantummodo neque consilio neque manupriorem alium pat i , plerosque ante-venire.

Moreover he was courteous in hislanguage to the soldiers , grantedfavors to many at their request andto Qthers of his own accord, unwill-ing himself to accept favors andpaying them more promptly than a debtof money. He himself never askedfor payment, but rather strove tohave as many men as possible in hisdebt. He talked in jes t or earnestwith the humblest, was often withthem at thei r work, on the march, and

on guard duty. But in the meantimehe did not, l ike those who are actua-ted by depraved ambition, try to un-dermine the reputation of the consulor of any good man. His only effor twas not to suffer anyone to outdo himin counsel or in action, and as amatter of fact he surpassed almost a l l .

98.6

Dein crebris ignibus fact is plerumquenoctis barbari more suo laetar i exul-tare , strepere vocibus et ips i ducesferoces, quia non fugerant, provictoribus agere.

Then af ter building many f i res , thebarbarians, as i s their usual habit ,spent the greater part of the nightin rejoicing, in exultat ion and innoisy demonstrations, while even their

leaders who were f i l led with confidencebecause they had not been put to f l ight ,acted as i f they were v ~ c t o r i o u s .106.6Quod postquam auditum est , tum veroingens metus nostros invadit; crederese proditos a Voluce et ins idi iscircumventos.

Upon hearing th i s , the Romans were at

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las t seized with great fear; theybelieved that they had been betrayed byVolux and led into a t rap.

,111.2Rex primo negitare, cognationem af-f initatem, praeterea foedus inter-venisse.

At f i r s t the king refused, sayingthat relat ionship and kinship forbade,as well as the t reaty.

113.2I l l i par i ter lae t i ac spei bonaepleni esse.

Both al ike were joyful and ful l ofgood hope.

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APPENDIX I

PASSAGES CONTAINING HISTORICAL INFINITIVES IN CAESAR'S

DE BELLO GALLICO

I 16.1Interim cotidie Caesar Aeduos fru-mentum quod essent publica pol-l i c i t i f lagi tare .

Meanwhile Caesar was daily demandingthe grain which had been publically

promised.

I 16.4Diem ex die ducere Aedui: conferri ,comportari, adesse dicere.

The Haedui put him off day af ter day,declaring that the corn was beingcollected, was being brought in ,was at hand.

I 32.3Nihil Sequani respondere, sed ineadem t r i s t i t i a t ac i t i permanere.

The Sequani made no reply. They con-tinued in the same sullen si lence.

I I 30.3Ubi vineis act is , aggere extructo,turrim procul constitui viderunt,

primum i r r idere ex muro atque in-crepitare vocibus quod tanta machi-natio ab tanto spatio instrueretur:

When our mantlets had been pushed upand a ramp constructed, and whenthey saw a tower set up in the dis-tance, they f i r s t of a ll laughed atus from the wall, and loudly railedus for erecting so great an engine

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a t so great a distance.

I I I 4.1Brevi spatio inter jecto, vix ut eisrebus quas constutuissent collo-candis atque administrandis tempusdaretur, hostes ex omnibus partibussigno dato decurrere, lapides gaesa-que in vallum conjicere.

After a short interval - - so shortthat i t scarcely allowed time to com-plete the disposit ton and arrangementsdetermined upon - - the enemy, upon agiven signal , charged down from a l lsides, and hurled volleys of stonesand javelins against the rampart.

I I I 4.2Nostri primo integris viribus for-t i t e r repugnare neque ullum frustratelum ex loco superiore mittere, utquaeque pars castrorum nudata de-fensoribus premi videbatur, eo oc-currere et auxilium ferre, sed hocsuperari quod diuturnita te pugnaehostes defessi proelio excedebant,a l i i

integris viribus succedebant ••••At f i r s t the Roman troops repelledthem gallantly with strength unimpaired,and discharged not a missile in vainfrom thei r higher posit ions. I f anyseemed to be hard pressed, they spedth i ther - to render assistance. Butthey were at a disadvantage, becausewhen any of the enemy, wearied by thelong continuance of the bat t le , re-t i red from the fighting l ine , otherswith strength unimpaired would stepinto their places ••••

v 33.1Tum demum Titurius,qui nihi l ante pro-vidisset , t repidare et concursare co-hortisque disponere ••••

Then indeed, as he had anticipated

nothing, Titurius was alarmed. He ranhither and thi ther posting cohorts ••••

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APPENDIX J

fASSAGES CONTAINING HISTORICAL INFINITIVES IN CAESAR'S

DE BELLO CIVIL!

I 64.2Totis vero cas tr is mili tes c ircular!e t dolere hostem ex manibus dimit t i ,•ellum necessaria longius duci; cen-turiones tribunosque miiitum adireatque obsecrare, ut per eos Caesarcert ior f iere t , ne labori ·suo neu

periculo parceret: paratos esse se-se, posse et audere ea t ransire flu-men, quo traductus esset equitatus.

And now throughout the camp the mengathered in groups, indignantly com-plaining that the enemy were allowedto s l ip from their hands, and thatthe war was being needlessly protrac-ted to an undue length. They went to

the centurions and military tribunes,and besought them to assure Caesarthat he was not to shrink from ex-posing them to labor and per i l . "Weare ready," they said, "we can andwe dare to cross the r iver by theway the cavalry passed over."

II 20.1Hoc vero magis properare Varro, utcum legionibus quam primum Gadis con-tenderet , ne i t inere aut t ra jectuintercluderetur: tanta ac tam se-cunda in Caesarem voluntas provin-ciae reperiebatur.

And th is made Varro hurry a l l the moreto reach Gades with his legions assoon as possible, that he might not

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be cut off from his route or fromthe crossing, so great and enthu-s ias t ic did he find the feeling ofthe province in favor of Caesar.

I I I 12.2

I l l i vero daturos se negare nequeportae consuli p r a e c ~ s u r o s neques ibi judicium sumpturos contra atqueomnia I ta l i a populusque Romanusjudicavisset .

But they refused to give them or toshut their gates against the consul,or to decide anything for themselvesthat should be contrary to the de-cision of the whole of I taly and of

the Roman people.

I I I 17.5Libo neque legatos Caesaris recipereneque periculum praestare eorum, sedtotam rem ad Pompeium rej icere; unum

instare de indut i is vehementissimequecontendere.

Libo neither receives Caesar's envoys

nor guarantees them from peri l , butrefers the whole matter to Pompey.One point he u r g e s ~ a b o u t the truce,and contends for i t with the utmosteagerness.

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150

BIBLIOGRAPHY

TEXTS

Sallust : c. Sallust i Crispi de Conjuratione Catilinae Liber,De Bello Jugurthino Liber, edited by W. w. Capes,Oxford, The Clarendon Press, 1897.

Sallust : Sal lust , with an Engl1ish Translation by J . C. Rolfe,

The Loeb Classical Library, London, William Hei

nemann; New York, G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1920

Caesar: Caesar, c. Iul i Caesaris Commentariorum pars poster ior qua continentur Libri I I I De Bello Civi l icum Libris Incertorum Auctorum De Bello AlexandrineAfrico Hispaniensi, recensuit brevique adnotationecr i t i ca ins t ru i t , Renatus da Pontet, Oxonii, ETypographeo Clarendoniano, Londini, 1900.

Caesar: De Bello Gallico, Scriptorum Classicorum Biblio

theca Oxoniensis, Oxford, The Clarendon Press.

PERIODICALS

Perrochat, P.: "L' Inf in i t i f de Narration en Latin," Revue~ Etudes Latines, Vol. IX, 1931, pp. 233-236.Publiee par la Societe des Etudes Latinessous la direction de J . Marouseau, Paris,95 Boulevard Raspail , 1931.

Perrochat, P.: "L' Inf in i t i f de Narration,n Revue des EtudesLatines, Vol. X, 1932, pp. 187-220.

Perrochat, P.: "A Propos de L'Inf in i t i f de Narration, TaciteImitateur de Salluste dans L'Agricola," Revuedes Etudes Latines, Vol. XIII, 1935, pp. 261-265.



Schlicher, J . J . :



Bennett, c. E.:

Bradley, G. G. :

Gilder s l eve,

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"The Historical I n f i n i t i ~ e . I I t s SimpleForm (Infini t ivus Impotentiae.)" ClassicalPhilology, Vol. IX, July, 1914, pp. 279-294.

"The Historical Inf in i t ive . I I I ts Literary Elaboration," Classical Philology,

Vol. IX, October, 1914, PP• 374-394.

"The Historical Inf in i t ive . I II Imitationand Decline," Classical Philology, Vol. X,1915, pp. 54-74.

GRAMMARS

The Syntax of ~ Early Latin. The Verb.Boston, Allyn & Bacon, 1910, pp.-u9-423.

Aids to Writing Latin Prose. New York,Longmans, Green,& co. , 1929, p. 70.

Latin Grammar. New York, D. c. Heath & Co.,

Documents

The Use of the Historical Infinitive in Sallust