The United States in World Affairs, 1965 by Richard P. Stebbins; Documents on AmericanForeign Relations, 1965 by Richard P. StebbinsReview by: Julius W. PrattThe American Historical Review, Vol. 72, No. 3 (Apr., 1967), pp. 1124-1125Published by: Oxford University Press on behalf of the American Historical AssociationStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1846887 .

Accessed: 28/06/2014 12:02

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range ofcontent in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new formsof scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

.

Oxford University Press and American Historical Association are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize,preserve and extend access to The American Historical Review.

http://www.jstor.org

This content downloaded from 91.238.114.210 on Sat, 28 Jun 2014 12:02:31 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

I124 Reviews of Books

ington for policy decisions that affected the war, or moves smoothly to the truce tent or fighting front to show how the policy was implemented. He accomplishes these shifts with amazingly little confusion. His handling of the dialectic, propa- ganda, and frustrations of the conference table, where first Admiral C. Turner Joy and later General William K. Harrison carried the load for the UN, is indeed dramatic. The study is rich in object lessons and case studies that illus- trate the difficulties American officers may encounter in negotiating with Asiatic Communists. The tough negotiations over the handling of prisoners of war is especially well done.

This volume is certainly a worth-while contribution to the politico-military history of what may well become the pattern of conflict in the future-the limited war. Lessons learned in the Korean truce talks may yet get a trial in Vietnam.

University of Arkansas JAMES J. HUDSON

THE UNITED STATES IN WORLD AFFAIRS, I965. By Richard P. Steb- bins. (New York: Harper and Row for the Council on Foreign Relations. I966. Pp. ix, 430- $6-95-)

DOCUMENTS ON AMERICAN FOREIGN RELATIONS, I965. Edited by Richard P. Stebbins. With the assistance of Elaine P. Adam. (New York: Harper and Row for the Council on Foreign Relations. I966. Pp. xxi, 498. $9.50.)

A YEAR that began under favorable omens, following the defeat at the polls of the reputedly adventurous Barry Goldwater, was soon to see his successful rival embark upon courses that seemed adventurous to cautious minds. In February President Johnson initiated the bombing of North Vietnam and soon thereafter began the large-scale build-up of American combat troops in South Vietnam. At the end of April he landed troops in the Dominican Republic, justifying the step, first, as vital to saving the lives of foreigners, later, as needed to prevent a Communist take-over. Both measures called forth storms of protest abroad and some voluble dissent at home. The war in Vietnam halted what had ap- peared to be a promising detente with the Soviet Union, but did not prevent the US and the USSR from cooperating in the UN Security Council to stop the India-Pakistan hostilities. Intervention in the Dominican Republic alienated many friends in Latin America, and although the OAS consented, with no votes to spare, to assume nominal sponsorship of the occupation, Washington failed completely in its attempt to persuade the sister republics to join in creating a stand-by international force to meet similar emergencies in the future. In the Dominican affair the US was fortunate; the cease-fire eventually held. Before the end of the year the provisional government of Hector Garcfa Godoy was functioning without open resistance, and Latin American antagonism to the US had moderated. In Vietnam, on the other hand, despite Johnson's repeated offers of "unconditional negotiation," the war continued to escalate on both sides, recalling an earlier warning by Senator Mike Mansfield that the struggle might develop into an "open-end war." As between the official view of the war as one of aggression by Hanoi and the contention that it is basically a South Vietnamese

This content downloaded from 91.238.114.210 on Sat, 28 Jun 2014 12:02:31 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Americas I I 25

civil war, Stebbins leans to the former. Indeed, he goes all the way with the State Department, quoting from Marshal Lin Piao's September article a descrip- tion of Vietnam as "a testing ground" in the world-wide struggle between Com- munism and "U. S. imperialism." Other disquieting events of the year were the announcement by President de Gaulle of his intention to withdraw France from the integrated NATO command; the defeat of the United States in its attempt to penalize nonpayment of assessments for UN peace-keeping undertakings; and the postponement of the "Kennedy round" of tariff negotiations. On the more hopeful side of the picture were the shattering of the myth of "monolithic" Communism, the repudiation of Chinese Communist leadership in Indonesia and in several African states, and the maintenance or restoration of peace in the Congo, Cyprus, and Kashmir. Though I965, hailed by U Thant as the Interna- tional Cooperation Year (ICY), had done more to justify its acronym than its name, the author concludes that there was much in the year's record "to balance the obvious disappointments and justify a belief that the efforts put forth by the United States had not been wasted."

The volume is written with the smoothness, comprehensiveness, and objec- tivity that we have long since come to expect in this series. The documents in the companion volume are well selected to support and fill out the narrative. A new feature is a "Cumulative Index, i96i-i965," which provides a fourfold listing of all documents in the five volumes under titles, subjects, authors and addressees where appropriate, and place of origin. As a minor criticism, one could wish that the documents included were less exclusively American. For instance, excerpts from De Gaulle's press conferences of February 4 and September 9 and from Lin Piao's September article would be as enlightening for American prob- lems and policy as many of the items of domestic origin.

University of Notre Dame JULIUS W. PRATT

MINNESOTA AND THE MANIFEST DESTINY OF THE CANADIAN NORTHWEST: A STUDY IN CANADIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS. By Alvin C. Gluek, Jr. ([Toronto:] University of Toronto Press. I965. PP. Xi, 311. $7.50-)

THIS valuable book enlightens one of the murkiest and most misunderstood episodes in Canadian-American relations: the struggle to determine the destiny of the Canadian Northwest. The struggle has largely been ignored by American historians, with the notable exception of Theodore Blegen, who traced out the curious career of James Wickes Taylor, and it has been much misunderstood by Canadian historians, who have tended to see in it just one more example of American manifest destiny trying to take over Canada.

Professor Gluek has devoted many years to unraveling the complicated story with the aid of the British, Canadian, and American archives. No one before him has had such a command of all the available source materials, and no one has approaclhed the subject with such a broad North American rather than nationalistic attitude. For him, "the history of the British Northwest was inex- tricably bound up with that of the American Northwest" from I821 to I870, the period with which he is concerned here. And he has irrefutably demonstrated

This content downloaded from 91.238.114.210 on Sat, 28 Jun 2014 12:02:31 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions