THE SOCIAL AND SOLIDARITY ECONOMYIN THE AGE OF DECENT WORK

02 INTRODUCTION03 A partnership for solidarity alternatives

04 CROSS-CUTTING05 Is the social and solidarity economy emancipatory?07 Creating a balance of power10 Redefiningwealth,theeconomyandpolitics12 The social economy: why and how to “create a movement”?

15 WORDS FROM THE SOUTH16 Bolivia: The contradictory aspects of a “revolution”18 Change: between declarations and achievements20 Transforming the economy: starting with women and women workers21 Solidaritywiththepoorest,theenvironmentandfuturegenerations

22 Burkina Faso: From alternating to alternatives24 Access to health for all25 Tensionsbetweensecuritypolicyandsocialpriorities27 Making social protection operational

28 Burundi: Breaking the deadlock30 TradeunionsfacedwiththechallengeofDecentWork31 Issuesandchallengesofrestructuringthecoffeesector34 The right to health at a crossroads

36 Colombia:Insearchofajustanddignifiedpeace39 Tradeunionisminanageofviolence41 Tradeunionismunderthreat42 Rebuildingpeaceanddemocracyintheterritories43 A different economy for a different Colombia

44 Morocco: A two-speed country46 Openinguptheeconomicvision47 Womenattheheartofthestrugglefordignity48 Bread,womenanddignity49 Demonstrationthroughsolidarity50 Another way to demonstrate

52 Palestinian territories: young people in search of a future55 Palestinianterritories:overworkedyoungpeople

58 Democratic Republic of Congo: The hope of a real changeover?61 “Theimportantthingisnothavingrights,buthavingthemapplied”62 “Aneconomyofresistanceagainstunfairpoliciesandlaws”

66 Senegal: The challenge of an emerging social protection system68 Thedualchallengeofjobsandsocialprotection70 Issuesandchallengesofaccesstohealthcare72 Thechallengeofyouthandtheenvironment

73 SUMMARY OF THE SOLSOC PROGRAMME74 Partners as a lever for change

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THE SOCIAL AND SOLIDARITY ECONOMYIN THE AGE OF DECENT WORK

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BelgiumSOLIDARIS

FGTBGENERAL FEDERATION OF BELGIAN LABOUR

FOSFONDS VOOR ONTWIKKELINGSSAMENWERKING

IFSI/ ISVIINTERNATIONAL TRADE UNION TRAINING INSTITUTE

AYNICIVIL ASSOCIATION

FUNDDASURSOUTHERN DEVELOPMENT FOUNDATION

PASOSFOUNDATION FOR PARTICIPATION AND SUSTAINABILITY

REMTEBOLIVIAN NETWORK OF WOMEN TRANSFORMING THE ECONOMY

Bolivia

ASMADEASSOCIATION SONGUI MANEGRÉ/DEVELOPMENT AID

UCRBUNION OF LORRY DRIVERS OF BURKINA FASO

UMUSACUNION OF HEALTH MUTUALS IN THE CENTRAL REGION

ADISCO SUPPORT FOR INTEGRAL DEVELOPMENT AND SOLIDARITY IN THE HILLS

FEBUTRA BURUNDIAN FEDERATION OF FOOD INDUSTRY WORKERS

CNAC-MURIMA W’ISANGINATIONAL CONFEDERATION OF COFFEE GROWERS’ ASSOCIATIONS OF BURUNDI

PAMUSABPLATFORM OF MUTUAL HEALTH INSURANCE ACTORS IN BURUNDI

ColombiaATIINTERDISCIPLINARY WORK ASSOCIATION

IPCPOPULAR TRAINING INSTITUTE

MoroccoAFAQ WOMEN OF THE NEIGHBOURHOOD ASSOCIATIONS OF GREATER CASABLANCA INITIATIVE

AJR REGIONAL YOUNG PEOPLE FROM NEIGHBOURHOOD ASSOCIATIONS INITIATIVE

IFAAP TRAINING AND SUPPORT INSTITUTE FOR LOCAL ASSOCIATIONS

PalestineMA’AN DEVELOPMENT CENTER

PAC POPULAR ART CENTER

PGFTUPALESTINIAN GENERAL FEDERATION OF TRADE UNIONS

DR CongoCENADEP NATIONAL CENTRE FOR DEVELOPMENT SUPPORT AND POPULAR PARTICIPATION

CRAFOPCOMMITTEE FOR THE RESURGENCE AND SUPPORT OF RURAL WORKERS

DIOBASSAPPROACH FOR INTERACTION BETWEEN GRASSROOTS ORGANISATIONS AND OTHER SOURCES OF KNOWLEDGE

GREEN SENEGALENVIRONMENTAL RESEARCHAND STUDY GROUP

OYOFAL PAJ

SOLS

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BelgiumSOLIDARIS

FGTBGENERAL FEDERATION OF BELGIAN LABOUR

FOSFONDS VOOR ONTWIKKELINGSSAMENWERKING

IFSI/ ISVIINTERNATIONAL TRADE UNION TRAINING INSTITUTE

AYNICIVIL ASSOCIATION

FUNDDASURSOUTHERN DEVELOPMENT FOUNDATION

PASOSFOUNDATION FOR PARTICIPATION AND SUSTAINABILITY

REMTEBOLIVIAN NETWORK OF WOMEN TRANSFORMING THE ECONOMY

Bolivia

ASMADEASSOCIATION SONGUI MANEGRÉ/DEVELOPMENT AID

UCRBUNION OF LORRY DRIVERS OF BURKINA FASO

UMUSACUNION OF HEALTH MUTUALS IN THE CENTRAL REGION

ADISCO SUPPORT FOR INTEGRAL DEVELOPMENT AND SOLIDARITY IN THE HILLS

FEBUTRA BURUNDIAN FEDERATION OF FOOD INDUSTRY WORKERS

CNAC-MURIMA W’ISANGINATIONAL CONFEDERATION OF COFFEE GROWERS’ ASSOCIATIONS OF BURUNDI

PAMUSABPLATFORM OF MUTUAL HEALTH INSURANCE ACTORS IN BURUNDI

ColombiaATIINTERDISCIPLINARY WORK ASSOCIATION

IPCPOPULAR TRAINING INSTITUTE

MoroccoAFAQ WOMEN OF THE NEIGHBOURHOOD ASSOCIATIONS OF GREATER CASABLANCA INITIATIVE

AJR REGIONAL YOUNG PEOPLE FROM NEIGHBOURHOOD ASSOCIATIONS INITIATIVE

IFAAP TRAINING AND SUPPORT INSTITUTE FOR LOCAL ASSOCIATIONS

PalestineMA’AN DEVELOPMENT CENTER

PAC POPULAR ART CENTER

PGFTUPALESTINIAN GENERAL FEDERATION OF TRADE UNIONS

DR CongoCENADEP NATIONAL CENTRE FOR DEVELOPMENT SUPPORT AND POPULAR PARTICIPATION

CRAFOPCOMMITTEE FOR THE RESURGENCE AND SUPPORT OF RURAL WORKERS

DIOBASSAPPROACH FOR INTERACTION BETWEEN GRASSROOTS ORGANISATIONS AND OTHER SOURCES OF KNOWLEDGE

GREEN SENEGALENVIRONMENTAL RESEARCHAND STUDY GROUP

OYOFAL PAJ

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A PARTNERSHIP FOR SOLIDARITY ALTERNATIVESVERONIQUE WEMAERE,DIRECTOROFSOLSOC

The Solsoc Non-Governmental Organisation (NGO) emerged fromamovementofsolidaritywithSpanishrepublicanfight-ers and their families, during the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939).Eightyyearslater,itcontinuesitsactionandreflectionindefenceofeconomic,social,culturalandpoliticalrights.Inpartnershipwithorganisationsrepresentingthemostvul-nerablepopulationsdeprivedoftheirrightsinboththeSouthandtheNorth,itimplementsprogrammestocombatexclu-sionandimproveaccesstobasicsocialservices,whilealsogiving them a voice.

Solsoc supports the struggles for the respect of humanrightsand international law,aswellas initiativestoreducesocial, economic, environmental and gender inequalities.Itsactionisorganisedaroundthe“DecentWork”agendaoftheInternationalLabourOrganisation(ILO).Thisisbasedonfour pillars: promoting employment, guaranteeingworkers’rights, extending social protection and encouraging socialdialogue.TheyarepartoftheUnited Nations 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development.

“Popular education, network partnerships and capacity building are at the heart of the strategy of Solsoc and its partners”

InBelgium,Solsocworkstocallthepoliticaldecision-makerstoaccountandmobilisethesocialbaseinjointsocialistaction.It benefits from thefinancial1, technicalandpolitical supportof the FGTB (General Federation of Belgian Labour) and theUNMS(NationalUnionofSocialistMutualCompanies)healthmutuals.TogetherwithtwoorganisationswhichlikeitselfarerootedinBelgianjointsocialistaction,FOS(FondsvoorOntwik-kelingsSamenwerking)andIFSI/ISVI(InternationalTradeUnionTrainingInstituteoftheFGTB),ithelpedtocreatetheCommonStrategicFrameworkforDecentWork.

The collaboration between these three organisations is based onsharedvalues: thestruggleforbetterworkingconditionsandwagesforworkers,aswellasbetterlivingconditionsandsocialservicesthroughinternationalsolidarity. Together,theyhavedrawnupanactionprogrammetopromotethecomple-mentarityofexperiencesandexpertise,withtheaimofbuild-ingviableandsustainablesolidarity,political,socialandeco-nomic alternatives to the globalised economic competition model,bystrengtheningsocialmovements.

People’seducation,networkpartnerships(seeappendix)andcapacity building are at the heart of the strategy of Solsocanditspartners.Whenencouragedatalllevels,theyfacilitateemancipationandindividualandcollectiveaction,aswellastheparticipationofactorsandpopulationsindecisionsthataffectthem.Solsoc’sprogrammeisthereforeashowcasefortheactionof itspartnerstoa largeextent. Itmakesthe linkbetween defending the recognition of social protection and DecentWorkasuniversal rights, establishingmutual healthhealth mutuals to ensure universal health coverage and,finally,expandingthesocialandsolidarityeconomyasaneco-nomic alternative to the conventional economic model.

Thanksto itsbelief in itspowertoprofoundlytransformtheeconomy,andinstilanemancipatorydimensiontothenotionof “work”,Solsochasput thesocialandsolidarityeconomyattheheartof its interventionstrategies,anditsconceptofDecentWork.Bygivingavoicetothosewhodailyplayarolein this transformation, thispublicationsetsout thecase formovinginthisdirection.Wehopeitwillconvinceyou!

1 SolsocalsoreceivesfinancialsupportfromP&Vinsurance,Multipharma,socialistparliamentarygroups,theBelgiangovernment, theWallonia-Brusselsfederation,theBrusselscapitalregion,Actiris,CNCD11.11.11,etc.

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IS THE SOCIAL AND SOLIDARITY ECONOMY EMANCIPATORY?AURÉLIE LEROY,RESEARCHOFFICERATTHECENTRETRICONTINENTAL–CETRI

Thesocialandsolidarityeconomy(SSE)isgrowinginpopular-ityaroundtheworld.Ithasbecomemoreattractiveandvisibleascountrieshavebeencaughtupineconomiccriseswhichhave had devastating effects. The plethora of innovative leg-islation,publicpoliciesandsocialpracticesunderscoresthetrend for “organising the economy differently”.

In its most advanced form, it is seen as bringing aboutchangeandshakingupperspectivesbytakingtheeconomyoutofitssupposedindependence,by“re-embedding it” in the completerangeofrelationships–bothsocialandpolitical–that form a society. The economy is then no longer at the ser-viceofthe individualand“selfish”commercial interest,butofpeopleasawhole,withaviewtoachievingsocialjustice,equalityanddemocracy.

However,someofthecriticismlevelledattheseinitiativeshasbeendeprecating,withpeoplepreferringtodescribethemasstrategiestoadapttoanunfavourablecontext,ormeasurestocompensateforcutstopublicspending.Intheend,itis(sothey claim) a paid plan “for the deserving poor”and,aboveall,abeneficialsituationfordisinvestedStates.

Inreality,theSSEpartofadynamicofresilience,adaptationand transformation, and confronts the dilemma of autono-my-manipulation. This does not invalidate the system, butrefutes the simplistic view that it mechanically seeks toachieve the ideal of emancipating women and men.

GENDER: OPPORTUNITIES AND RISKSThepowerofsolidarityinitiativesisevenmoreacutewhenitcomestogenderequality.Womenarenumericallyover-repre-sentedinasectordescribedbyIsabelleGuérinas“female”,butnotnecessarily“feminist”.TheSSEundeniablyhasemancipa-torypotential,butthepracticesofthissectorarenot“neutral”withregardtothesex-baseddivisionoflabour,thedifferenti-atedvaluationoffemaleandmalework,andthesimplificationofcertainvalues,suchassolidarity,empathyorself-sacrifice,whicharesociallyattributedtowomen.

Women’s organisations in the South which are involved inorganic agriculture projects in Mindanao, in the Philippines,and others which are active in urban market committees inBukavu, in the Democratic Republic of Congo, testify to thisambivalence.Themainobjectiveofthesegroupsistoenhanceeconomicpowerinordertosafeguardhouseholdlivingcondi-tionsinhostilecontexts.Increasingincomeorproductionisattheheartofwomen’sinvolvementinthesecollectiveprojects.

Theprospectoffinancialautonomy,howeverlegitimateandcentralitmaybe,onlypartiallymeetsthechallengeofeman-cipation.Thenotionofempowerment,at thecrossroadsofpopular education and feminism, has been translated as aprocessofacquiringpowerattwolevels:theindividualandthecollective.By focusingexclusivelyonpersonal, liberat-ing empowerment and the sole capacity of women to take action, these initiatives may ultimately mobilise the sameeconomic principles as the market. And therefore disem-power economic and political actors, while perpetuatingpatriarchal and inegalitarian rationales.

The utilitarian and instrumental approach of “pro-women” strategies(micro-finance,smart economies,conditionalcashtransferprogrammes,etc.)iscommoninthefieldofdevelop-ment, including in theSSEsector. It leads toanoverloadofwork,andthehyper-empowermentandexhaustionofwomen.Theadditionalinvestmentin(productive)economicactivitiesisnotcounterbalancedenoughinmentakingcareofdomes-ticandchildcaretasks(reproductiveactivities),therebyjeop-ardisingthetransformativepotential–aswellasthesustain-ability–oftheseinitiatives.

Despitewhatatfirstglanceappearstobeanegativeobserva-tion,itisundeniablethattheSSEalsooffersroomformanoeu-vretopromoteequality.TheexamplesfromthePhilippinesandtheCongoshowthatwomen“use”andtakeadvantageoftheseopportunitiestoberecognised,riseupanddemandjustice.

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In Bukavu, the women we met believed that it was in their“interest” to get involved in this type of activity. In addition to enhancingtheirentrepreneurialcapacity,notonlydotheypooltherisks,butalsotheresourcesandresultsinviewofthesevereshortcomings in terms of social protection. The local anchoring –within their local territory–and theproximitybetween themenandwomeninvolvedalsocreatelinks,encouragemutualassistance,andgivemeaningtotheirengagement.

Thevisibilityinthe“public”sphereofexperienceandknowledgetraditionally held by women in the “private” sphere also allows foradecompartmentalisation,arequalification,inthesenseofapositivere-evaluationof“their”spacesand“their”roles.Theythereforegainself-confidence,andthustherecognitionofmenandothermembersofthecommunity;theseareessentialcon-ditions for the positive development of gender relations.

Inthisprocessofconsolidation,bothpersonalandcollective,theyultimatelycreateallianceswithsocialmovements,inpar-ticularwomen’smovements,withwhomtheysharecommonconcerns. Behind the principal mission to improve living con-ditions,thisconvergencemakesitpossibletoattackcentresofpoweranddefendtherightsofthemostvulnerable,therebygivingtheSSEabroaderpoliticaldimensiontoitsstruggle.

GATEWAYThesearchforincomeoremploymentiswomen’sgatewayto theSSE.But this is not theonly springboard for eman-cipation. The actions of resistance which they develop throughtheseinitiatives(againstneo-liberalpolicies,patri-archalnorms,racialdiscrimination,etc.)haveenabledthem–morethaninotherpublic,official,masculinisedplaces–to enhance their capacity for initiative, and their power ofaction and decision-making. Thanks to these initiatives,they feel they havemore recognition, and aremore “shel-tered”fromlife’sdailystruggle.

“In reality, the SSE falls within a dynamic of resilience, adaptation and transformation”

Thesolidarityinitiativesopenupawholerangeofsocio-eco-nomicandpoliticalpossibilities.Thewomeninnovate,exper-iment,and re-energise themselves.Theycombine theareasofactions–collaboration,confrontation,formalisation–withthesurroundingsocialandpoliticalpartners.Theopportuni-tiesarereal,butfragile,sincepreservingthefoundingvaluesand principles is a constant challenge.

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CREATING A BALANCE OF POWERINTERVIEWWITH TANGUI CORNU,JOINTPRESIDENTOFTHEFGTBHORVAL

What are the main challenges for the FGTB Horval and the trade union struggle in Belgium?

Tangui Cornu:Idon’tknowwhetherHorvalhasdifferentchal-lenges to theother [tradeunion] centres.For four years, theunionshavebeenhighlightingthefactthatthereisaproblemofpurchasingpower.Yetittookactionbythe“yellow vests” [the socialmovementstarted inwinter2018]whoblockedmotor-ways,refineries,etc.forpeopletostopandthinkthatmaybeitwastrue;thattherewasaproblemofpurchasingpower!

Justgotoasupermarket,watchhowpeoplefilltheirbaskets,andyoucanseestraightawaywhoiswho.Bylookingatcon-sumption,wecanvisuallyidentifythepeoplewhoareindiffi-cultyattheendofthemonth,andothers,forwhomshoppingissimplyafactoflife.ThisgovernmenthasensuredthatBel-giansocietyisbothmoreunequalandmoredivided,betweenthose with money and all the rest. And the people in between arepulledtowardsonesideortheother.And,ingeneral,theyarepulledtowardsthelessfortunateside…

Sotheissuesareallaboutpurchasingpower.Andthispopsupinalltheotherissues.WhenIstartedmycareer,westartedwithafull-timepermanentcontract.Today,thereishardlyanyyoungpersonwhodoesnotstart theircareerwithoutgoingthroughatempingagency.Formonths,evenyears.Anddur-ingthisperiod,theyhavenostability;neitherlegalnorfinan-cial.Theycannotbuildafutureforthemselves.Furthermore,afterhavingbuiltupasystemoverdecadesthatallowspeo-pletostopworkingatanagewheretheycanenjoylife,todaytheretirementageisbeingpushedback,removingalmostallopportunitiesforcareerbreaksandearlyretirement.

These are therefore financial issues, but they are found inallthequalitativeissues.Ittakesmebetweenthreeandfourhours every day to come to work in Brussels; if that’s thecase forme, it’s thecase formanyotherpeople.This timeiswastedtime,whichcausesstress,andthisstressistrans-latedintoillness.Besidesthepaceandatmosphereofwork,there are therefore a whole range of elements that clearly affect the health of workers.

You have recently demonstrated against the Belgian government, which you claim is in cahoots with employers. But isn’t it the tripartite model itself which is in crisis?

Firstly,thereisnotripartitemodel,butabipartitemodelbetweenthesocialpartners,withathirdactor,theState,whichcaninter-veneasanarbitratororbyfacilitatingthings.Weachievedthat.Notalwayseasily…Anditdidn’tmeanthatwenecessarilyhadtheabilitytochangelaws,buttheylistenedtous.

Nowwehavearight-winggovernment,whichhastakenupallthepointsthattheFEB[FédérationdesEntreprisesdeBelgique;theemployers’body]hadinitsmemorandum.Asfarasweareconcerned,thismeanswearedealingwithagovernmentledbyemployers.Agovernmentthatconsidersthat,sinceitiselected,itcandowhateveritwants,andthateveryoneelsejustneedstogetonboard;itisanauthoritarianvisionofsociety.

“And what is a trade union? It is an organisation that is capable of creating a balance of power”

Isitreallystillinourinteresttositaroundthetabletoreachaconsensus?EitherweagreewiththeFEBorthereisnoagree-ment.Wehavespentfouryearsinabiasedsituationinwhich,ifwehadmeetings,itwasjustforshow.So:1.thereisnotri-partism;2.withthepolicythatexistsinBelgiumtoday,thereisnolongerevenabipartitesystem,sinceoneoftheparties,theFEB,hasdecidedtomovetheconsultationforumsdirectlyto the government level.

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The three Belgian trade unions are part of the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC). Don’t we lose in struggle what we gain in unity?

AllEuropeancountrieshavefoundthemselvesconfrontedwithausteritypolicies,withtheEuropeancommunityattheepicen-tre.IfwewanttohaveatradeunionattheEuropeanlevel,weneedonethatfederatesalltheothertradeunions.Andwhatisatradeunion?Itisanorganisationthatiscapableofcreatingabalanceofpower.ButmostEuropeanandevenglobalstruc-tures often behave like lobbies. Nonetheless, we have nevermovedourboundariesinlinewithalobbyingrationale;unlessweareanNGOandwearetalkingtoconsumers.Thatmeansthatwehave a relatively limitedmilitant activity.Weare cur-rently debating whether to change that.

“There is a link between the quality of products and the way they are produced”

Why and how are you engaged at the international level? How do you cooperate with countries where the informal economy predominates and trade unions are at the margins?

Whenwe come to the end of a congress of the FGTB or insocialist bodies, we sing the ‘Internationale’. So we already realisedalongtimeagothatpeopleneedtogrouptogethertobestronger.Ourstruggleisnotonlythestrugglestakingplaceinacompany;thetradeunionstruggleisfirstandforemostastruggleforatypeofsocietyinwhichpeoplearenotexploitedbyotherpeople,wherevertheyareintheworld.

Wehave projects in LatinAmerica andAfrica,whereBelgiancompaniesrubshoulderswitheachother.However,dependingonwhethertheyareinBelgiumoranothercountry,thesecom-paniesdonothavethesamesocialpolicy.Whenatradeunion-ist isdismissed,accusedof terrorismorattacked,wedefendhimorher,andwemakesurethisdefenceisboostedthroughsocialmedia.Andweworkhardtomakeourpartnerstheessen-tialinterlocutorswithcompanymanagement.Inshort,wetrytobuildsupportforsocialandpoliticaldemocracy.

Theunderlyingquestion is:whatdowedo if themajorityofworkers are in the informal sector? Starting at the formal level –wealwaystaketheformalsectorastherearbase–wetrytoworkwithinformalworkers,togetthemtogrouptogether,sectorbysector,tothinkaboutsocialprotection–thisiswhatislackingthemost–sothattheytoocanbesick,old,andnothavetobewithoutmeansofsubsistence.However,thesolu-tionthatworkershavefoundforthisissocialsecurity,comingtogether, entering into a collective dynamic, creating socialmovements;thatiscreatingabalanceofpower.

This balance of power that you are trying to build by linking the national and international levels, is it also related to what you mentioned earlier; purchasing power and qualitative issues?

Tocreateabalanceofpower,itisfirstnecessarythatworkersunderstand that their employer is only a cog in the politicalsystem,andthattheyareawareoftheirsituation;theyhavenocontrolovertheireconomy,decisionsaremadeatanotherlevel. Ifwewantto influencecompanypolicy,thereisnootherwaythantocreatedynamicsatthegloballevel.Assuch,itisneces-sary to federate at the international level.

Thereisalinkbetweenthequalityofproductsandthewaytheyareproduced.Ifyoulookataperson’snameplate,youcanseewhotheyare.That’sahugesimplification,but…Whenthereisalotofsubcontracting,thereisusuallyacompanypolicythatalsohasanimpactonthequalityofproducts.Forexample,inabattoirs, where there are very frequent problems, the work-ers do not react in the same way. The work is done differently dependingonwhetheryouarefromthecompanyorfromout-sidethecompany.Ifacompanyhasnorespectforitsproducts,ithasnorespectforitsworkers,becauseitisthesameration-ale:costsaredrivendowntomakeasmuchmoneyaspossible,withnoregardforproductsorworkers.

of global work is in the informal sector

In Europe

In emerging and developing countries on the

American continent

In Africa

OF TOTALWORK

IN THE INFORMALSECTOR

THE INFORMAL SECTOR

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REDEFINING WEALTH, THE ECONOMY AND POLITICSINTERVIEWWITHISABELLE GUÉRIN,DIRECTOROFRESEARCH ATTHEINSTITUTEFORDEVELOPMENTRESEARCH(IRD)

What is the feminist economy?

Isabelle Guérin:Itisaneconomythatputstheissueof“socialreproduction”backattheheartofitsconcerns,definedinthebroadestsenseastherangeofactivitiesnecessarytosustainlife,startingwithcaringandconnectingactivities.

Alargepartofgenderinequality,aswellastheinconsisten-ciesofthecapitalistmodelinwhichwelive,comefromthe“productive”biasofourmethodsofcalculatingwealth:onlyactivitiesthatcanbetradedonamarketcontributetovaluecreation. This approach has wide-ranging consequences. It makes caring and connecting activities invisible,yettheseare absolutely essential to so-called productive activities(workersdonotcomeintotheworld“ready-made”,asMarxsaid),andassuchitdenigratestheessentialroleofwomen,sincetheyaretheoneswhoareprimarilyinchargeofcaring,regardlessofthecountry.

This approach leads to atomised, hyper-individualistic andmaterialistic societies, where individual fulfilment and free-domaremeasuredintermsofthecapacitytoownandcon-sume.Finally,theapproachthreatenstheveryexistenceoflifeandourplanet,sincecaringalsocoversthepreservationandmaintainingofnaturalresources.

Do you question the idea that the social and solidarity economy (SSE) is “naturally” an opportunity for women’s emancipation?

There are no statistics available, but it is clear thatmanySSE initiatives are initiated andmanaged by women and/or intended forwomen. In France, for example, one of thefewcountrieswherefiguresareavailable,weknowthattwothirds of employees in the SSE are women. At the globallevel,ifwelookmorecloselyatcertainsectors,weseethatthereisastrongfemalepresence.Thisisthecase,forexam-ple, for collective catering, sanitation and waste recoveryservices,certainformsoffairtrade,mutualhealthfundsandcredit-savingssocieties,barterclubsandsocialcurrencies,or even innovative social protection initiatives.

Butthefactthattheseareprimarilymadeupofwomendoesnottellusanythingabouthowtheseinitiativestacklegenderinequality.Itmaybethatitisasecond-rateeconomy,withlowpay,andresponsibleforsupplyingwhatthestateorthemar-ketcannotprovide,foralowprice.Unfortunately,partoftheSSEhasalreadyfallenintothistrap.

“A lever to overcome this false distinction between production and reproduction”

Is the link between “production” and “reproduction” (sufficiently)takenintoaccountbytheSSE?

Unfortunately, thequestionof “reproduction” is still theweaklinkoftheSSE,especiallywhenitbecomesinstitutionalisedandthesubjectofpublicpolicy.A“productive”biasalwaysprevails.Thisisthecaseinmanycountries,evenwhenfeministmove-ments championed the SSE in its early days, like in Quebec.Nonetheless,theSSEcouldactasalevertoovercomethisfalsedistinctionbetween“production”and“reproduction”.

Atthemicro-locallevel,anumberofSSEinitiativescontinuethisstruggle.Theydeviseinnovativewaysofpoolingso-calledreproductive tasks (preparing meals, childcare, domesticwork, recovering waste, etc.), but also valorising them andhaving themrecognised for their truevalue.This revalorisa-tion isbasedonvarioustechniquesatmultiple levels,start-ingwithwomenthemselves,theirfemaleandmaleentourage,and ending with political decision-makers in order to obtain fairremunerationfortheseactivities,whichareinthecollec-tive and general interest.

This struggle to redefine wealth, based on local initiatives,is essential. It is sinuous, chaotic and very slowbecause ittouches thevery foundationsofoursystemsof representa-tion.But it is theonlywaytobreakwiththeproductivebiasthatunderminesoursocieties.

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Feminist economics and the SSE are part of the same political reinvention. Is this different approach to politics understood and valued?

Indeed,SSEinitiativesinventorreinventalternativemodesofpoliticalactionanddemocraticaction,basedondebateanddialogue(whichalsoincludesconflict),whichsometimescan-not avoid certain forms of radical opposition. These deliber-ationsareessentialforvariousreasons.Theymakeitpossi-bletoadapttolocalrealitiesandconstraints:people,locally,decide for themselves on priorities and possible responses.

Moreover,itisrareforwomentodecidetooverthrowthecap-italist or patriarchal system. Rather, they opt for pragmaticapproaches,butwhichneverthelesshavethepotential,inthelong term, to contribute to radical struggles by their abilitytochangeoursystemsofrepresentation.Thisisthesecondbenefitofdeliberation.Changingnormscannotbeimposedordecreed,butdebatinganddiscussingthemcanhelp.Discus-sionsarealsoessentialbetweenSSEinitiativesandtherestoftheworld,throughpublicdebateonissueswhichupuntilnowhave been seen as private.

However,hereagain, theseformsofpoliticalaction,outsidetheusualmodesofrepresentativedemocracyoropposition,attractlittleinterestandareoftendisparaged,evenbyvariousfeminist movements that consider that only paid employment and/orradicalismcanovercomegenderinequality.

How can the potential for change of these initiatives be highlighted?

Recognisingtheseinitiativesfortheirtruevalueisessential.The productive bias helps to keep them invisible. Becausethey are often small-scale, locally-anchored, and economi-callyweak, itwould appear that they havenopotential forchange. Above all, it is vital not to advocate for a “scalingup”, which is the buzzword of most decision-makers. It isprecisely because they are rooted in territorieswhere theyare set up and are meaningful that these initiatives canadequately respond to specific needs. And it is preciselybecausetheirhorizonisindeterminate,asaresultofongoingdiscussionsanddeliberations,thattheseinitiativescanhavethe potential for change.

“These forms of political action, outside the usual modes of representative democracy or opposition, attract little interest and are often disparaged”

Confiningthemto“bestpractice”thatcouldbereplicatedonalargescaleisthereforedoomedtofailure.Decision-makers,socialmovementsandresearchersneedtogetoutofthispro-ductivebias.Theseinitiativesarepartofalarge-scalestrug-gletoredefinewealth,economicsandpolitics.Itwillbelong,butthesurvivalofoursocietiesandourplanetdependsonit.

12 Social enterprises include deliberation at the core of pro-ductive actions, translate political activism into pragmaticactions,anddeependemocracythroughtheactiveparticipa-tionofcitizensinpoliticaldecisionsand,byextension,ineco-nomicissues.Thusdefined,thesocialeconomycanbeseenasaneverevolvingcitizen’smovement.Thisrequiresbroad-eningthebaseanddevelopingalliances,ontheonehand,anddeepeningthelinksbetweenthevaluesandpracticesofsocialenterprises, on the other. Or, at a time of increasing crises, “to create a movement” and “organise the economy differently”.

WHAT WE HAVE IN COMMONWhatpotentiallyunitesthisdiverserangeofsocialeconomyactors?Threeelementsareparticularlyimportantinouropin-ion:makingworkmeaningful;democratisingbusinessesandtheeconomy;producingandconsumingdifferently.Thefirstelementstandsoutinparticulargiventheincreaseofwork-re-lated suffering in recent decades.We need to question themeaningofwork,whichisrelatedtoissuesofrights:therighttowork,socialsecurity,food,etc.

Thesuccessionofeconomiccrisesinrecentyearshascalledintoquestionthesecondelement.Wewanttolinktheissueofdemocracyinbusinesseswiththatofbusinessesinademoc-racy.Itisnotonlycompanies,butalsotheeconomyandsoci-ety itself that need to be democratised. Implementing partic-ipatory practices in certain social enterprises may be related to the transformation of the workplace into a potentially dem-ocratic and political place.

The methods of production and consumption invented andimposedbytheWestontherestoftheworldarenotsustain-able, and their consequencesare alarming. Facedwithgrow-ingsocial inequalities,over-consumptionbysomepeopleandextremepovertyenduredbyothers,aswellasincreasinghealthandenvironmentalproblems,webelievethatitispossibletopro-duce,distributeandconsumedifferently.Basedontheconceptof“respect”–forcustomers,workers,suppliers,environment,etc. – and not “profit”, the social economy aims tomeet thesocialneedsandaspirationsofthelargestnumberofpeople.

2019 is the 100thanniversaryoftheInternationalLabourOrgani-sation(ILO).Theaimsitpursues–promotingandimplementingDecentWork,socialprotectionforall,etc.–resonatewiththeoutlookandchallengesof thesocialeconomy. (Wegenerallyuse the terms “social economyand social enterprise”,whicharefoundinthecurrent legalframeworksinFrench-speakingBelgium,andrarelytheterms‘socialandsolidarityeconomy’;especiallyastheseoriginatefromtheFrenchcontext,andareincreasinglyusedbytheacademicworld).

Themeaning,qualityand,ultimately,thereinventionofworkare indeed some of the challenges faced by social economy actors.Byassuminganecessarilypartialpointofview,thatof SAW-B, a federation of social economy enterprises inFrench-speaking Belgium, we would like to present a briefoverviewoftheseissues.

A UNIQUE VISIONOfcourse,SAW-Bisbasedontheethicalprinciplesenshrinedin theWalloon Decree of 2008 on the social economy, andcan be found in the indicators of the network of Europeanresearchers on social enterprises, EMES. But the thrust ofourworkgoesfurther.Thisisthankstoourvisionofasocialeconomy that goes far beyond the simple role of repairing the socialdamagecausedbycapitalism.Forus,thesocialecon-omyisavectorofsocialtransformation.Inthissense,itcon-stitutesautopianidealofafuturesociety,basedonpracticesand mechanisms already in place.

Therootsofaprojectlikethisonecanbefoundinthe‘asso-ciationist’ project,therangeoflabourpracticesfromtheearlynineteenthcentury,whichplayedapioneeringroleinbuildinga just and united society. This project linked cooperatives,associations,mutualsocietiesandtradeunions.Insodoing,itcloselycombinedtheeconomic,socialandpoliticalspheresfor collectiveemancipation.Today, oneof thechallenges inthisnewphaseofcapitalismistoavoidmanipulation,trivial-isationandcapturebytheStateandthemarket,andtoinflu-encethechoicesofsociety,bytakingbackandreinforcingtheemancipatory potential of the social economy.

THE SOCIAL ECONOMY: WHY AND HOW TO “CREATE A MOVEMENT”?QUENTIN MORTIERANDFRÉDÉRIQUE KONSTANTATOS,COORDINATORSATSAW-B

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Thewilltocreateamovementimpliesadualapproach;ambi-tiousandcritical.Aquantitativeandqualitativeleapforwardisneededfromthecurrentsituationtotransformsociety,thesocial economyandourselves.But thisalso requires inces-santandnecessaryworkwithallthestakeholders,question-ing,criticalanalysis(deconstruction),redefining,experiment-ingandputtingforwardproposals(construction).

SEARCH, GET A FOOTHOLD, TRANSFORMInrecentyears, thequestionofevaluatingthe impactofthesocial economy has emerged with a bang. Simply accepting the requirementsand toolsofevaluation from thecapitalistfinancialworldastheystandistantamounttosubjectingour-selvestoexternalstandards.Itisimperativethatwedemandthatnotoolsareimposed,andthatthereisajointapproach.We have helped create a collective space for questioning,research and experimentation. The work thus carried outtodayopensupprospectsintermsofspin-offsandadvocacy.

Based on various ongoing projects, another issue hasemerged: the territorialisation of the social economy. Recent researchconductedwithalargenumberofsocialenterprisesshowsthatoneoftheuniquefeaturesofthesocialeconomyis its re-territorialisation 1.

Assuch,experimentssuchastheonefor ‘foodbelts’ (therearenowseveralinFrench-speakingBelgium),whicharebasedon developing strong cooperation between multiple actorswhowerepreviouslyisolated(farmers,associations,traders,processors,craftsmen,citizens,consumers,localelectedoffi-cials,etc.)inordertogivetheinhabitantsofagiventerritoryaccesstoorganicfood.Theseexperimentsmakeitpossibletorelocatetheproductionandconsumptionoffood,butalsotorebuildlocalties,withoutfallingintoparochialism.

“Transform society, the social economy and ourselves”

The question of “how” the disparate group of social econ-omyactorsshouldcreateamovementisobviouslyfarfromresolved… In the context of worsening environmental andsocialcrises,italsobecomesaquestionofthemajortypesof social transformation. The social economy oscillates betweentwoapproaches,touseErikOlinWright’stypology:the attempt to tamecapitalism;andtheattempttoerode and break the system from within.

Theapproachoutlinedheretendstomovefromthefirsttypeto the second. There remains a third approach on which we needtopositionourselves.Whatcanweproposetothepeo-plewhoare taking to thestreets in increasingnumbers, inparticulartoaskthequestion–whichis importanttous–ofdeepeningdemocracy,andwhocallfora“transformation through disruption”?

1 CharlotteMoreauetQuentinMortier,L’économie sociale en pratiques, Projet SECOIA: pratiques spécifiques aux entreprises d’économie sociale et analyse des impacts générés,2017,www.ces.uliege.be/wp-content/uploads/2018/04/rapport_secoia_web.pdf.

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THE CONTRADICTORY ASPECTS OF A “REVOLUTION”Ontheonehand,thereisthereductionofinequalityandpov-erty,thereaffirmationontheinternationalsceneofthecoun-try’s sovereignty and multi-ethnic (“plurinational”) identity–withEvoMorales,apresidentofIndianorigin,atthehelm–and the implementation of large-scale social programmes. All of which has been achieved by implementing an original strategy,basedonanalternativeformofdevelopment,whosetitlehasautopianringtoit:Buen Vivír.

On the other hand, in contradictionwith its environmentalclaims, there is the overexploitation of natural resources,thehighestpovertyrateonthecontinent,adependenceonthe international market in general and Chinese imports in particular(onefifthofthetotal),theco-optingorcaptureofsocialorganisationsbytheState,andamaninpowersince2006,whointendstorunforthethirdtimeinthe2019elec-tions, therebydefyingtheoutcomeof the2016referendumandtheConstitution.

ThesearethetwoconflictingsidesofBolivia,whichdividepub-lic opinion, bothnationally and internationally.AlthoughEvoMoralesremainsverypopular,hismethodofgoverningandhislongevityinpowerarealarming,recallingthetraditionalfigureof the “caudillo”, a charismatic leader towhom thepower ofinstitutionsmust be subordinated. Above all, the popularityofthecaudillodependsfirstandforemostonthestabilityandgoodsocio-economicperformanceofhisregime.Since2015,poverty has stagnated or even increased (and remains almost twiceashighinruralareascomparedtocities),andtheendofthecommodityboomisstartingtobefelt….

The transition to Buen Vivír,respectforMotherEarthandthepluraleconomy-whichincorporatesthediverseformsofeco-nomic organisation implemented by the Bolivian state: com-munity, state, private, social and cooperative, etc., has notmovedbeyondpayinglip-servicetotheidea,whichappearstobeascreen formuchmoreconventionaleconomicpoli-ciesanddevelopmentstrategies,basedontheexportofnat-uralresources(mainlygas,oil,mineralsandsoya),withlittleor no processing.

Asaresult,socio-environmentaltensionsarehighandagri-culturecontinuestoexpand,causingdeforestationatarateof270,000haperyear,accordingtotheEconomicCommis-sion for LatinAmerica and theCaribbean (ECLAC). (Trans-genic) soybean production is the main culprit. Between2005 and 2015, the land area devoted to thismonocultureincreasedbynearly40%,accordingtotheNationalInstituteofStatistics.Furthermore,thisexpansionwenthandinhandwith the exponential use of chemical fertilisers (includingthe controversial glyphosate).

At present the divided political opposition has no credible alternativeprojectandthesocialmovements–whichbroughtEvoMoralestopower in2006–arefragmentedandpolarisedbetweenopponentsandsupportersoftheregime.Thechallengeistobeabletostrengthenanduniteonanautonomousbasis.

The Solsoc programme, in collaboration with FOS and with the support of the FGTB-Horval, focuses on Decent Work and social protection, by incorporating gender equity and respect for the environment. It is implemented by the four Bolivian partner organisations: the Bolivian Network of Women Transforming the Economy (REMTE), the Development Foundation for the South (FUNDDASUR), the Civil Association (AYNI) and the Participation and Sustainability Foundation (PASOS). The programme aims to strengthen their capacities, help create alliances, promote lobby-ing and the transformation of these organisations into veritable vectors of change, capable of creating Decent Working and living conditions for workers and producers, in particular young people and women.

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CHANGE: BETWEEN DECLARATIONS AND ACHIEVEMENTSINTERVIEWWITHJUAN CARLOS BAPTISTA,PROGRAMMEDIRECTOR ATFUNDDASUR(DEVELOPMENTFOUNDATIONFORTHESOUTH)

What is the situation of the workers supported by Funddasur? Has it improved under the thirteen years of Evo Morales and his government?

Juan Carlos Baptista:Wesupportworkersinbothurbanandruralareas. Inurbanareas,wesupport twoworkers’unionsinthefoodandhotelsector,andinruralareas,organisationsofsmallruralproducers.Withthefirstgroup,wefocusontheissueofDecentWork,withthesecondgrouponthesocialandsolidarity economy (SSE). These small-scale producers areworkersintheinformaleconomy,i.e.theyare,ininvertedcom-mas,outsidethelabourlawsandallthatthisentails.Idonothavetheexactfigures,butIcansafelysaythat80%ofworkersare in the informal sector. OneoftheweakestpointsoftheprogrammeoftheincumbentPresident,andwhichhaschangedthe leastoverhisterminoffice,istheissueofemployment.Thereisagovernmentpro-gramme,“Myfirstjob”,foryoungpeople,wherebythegovern-mentpayspartoftheirwages.Butit’stoosmalltoreallymakea difference. Around 2012, there was a significant drop inunemployment,butfrom2015-2016onwards,unemploymentgrewagain. Thiswasobviously linked to the slowingof theeconomy,withtheendofthecommodityboom.Thishashadadirectimpactonpublicinvestment,andconsequentlyontheliving conditions of workers.

Why is employment one of the weak points of the current policy?

Thegovernmenttakesvarious‘political’measures.Itenactslaws to strengthenworkers, promote DecentWork, etc. Butthat is precisely the point, they are just laws, they are nottranslatedintoimplementingregulations,andevenlesssoatthe operational level.

For example, the double bonus [“doble aguinaldo”] forwork-ersintheprivateandpublicsectors,tobepaidwhenBoliviaexperiencesannualgrowthofat least4.5% -whichwas thecasefor2018.Thishasasevereimpactonmedium-sizedandsmallbusinesses,becausethecountry’sgrowthisnotdirectlylinkedtotheirincome.Asaresult,manyofthemgobankruptbecause they cannot afford tomeet their legal obligations,implementthismeasureandpaythebonus.

“But it is a rationale of scholarships and not of social policies!”

What is the social protection situation in Bolivia?

Social protection policy is enshrined in the Government’sDevelopment Plan [2016-2020] and in its Dignified Bolivia strategy,withobjectivesincludingtheeradicationofpoverty,exclusion,marginalisation,etc.Initsrationaleofwealthredis-tribution,thegovernmenthasimplementedactions,bycreat-ingscholarships,particularlyforschoolchildrensothattheydonotdropoutofschool,forpregnantwomen,forthedisa-bled,etc.There isalsohealthmutual forchildrenunder theageof12.Thisisallpartoftheumbrellaofsocialprotection.Butitisarationaleofscholarshipsandnotofsocialpolicies!Justyesterday,theChamberapproveduniversalhealthinsur-ance.Intheory,fromthisyearonwards,thissystemwillstarttobeimplemented.Everyonesuspectsthatthisispoliticallymotivated,inviewoftheelectioncampaign.Thegovernmentsays it will invest 200 million bolivianos[25millioneuros],butexpertsagreethatitneedstoinvest2billion!Thishighlightsthe fact that the current health system is highly deficient. Assuch,ifweexpandcoveragewithouthavingtheresources,wewillprovidelowqualitycare…evenif,intheoreticalterms,the ideaofuniversalhealthmutual for thepoor, or those inruralareaswhodonothaveaccesstohealth,islikeadream!

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Have inequalities decreased in recent years?

Theurbanpopulationcontinues togrow,due to thedifficultsituation in ruralareas.Access tobasicservices,waterandelectricityhasincreasedandimproved,butthegapbetweenurbanandruralareaspersistsorhasevenincreased.Anotherdifficulty is that the urban environment does not have thecapacity to cope with migration and provide services to all thosepeoplewholeavethecountrysidetosettleinthecity.As for gender relations, they have evolved slightly, as haswomen’saccess toservices, their levelofparticipation,etc.Allthishasimproved,butlevelsofviolenceremainveryhigh.

What is the trade union situation in Bolivia?

Theunionshavebeenco-optedpolitically.TheBolivianWork-ers’Central,forexample,nolongerrepresentstheneedsanddemands of the labour sector. It is completely alignedwiththegovernment.Currentorformerunionleadersaremovingintogovernmentpositions…Forexample,thecurrentMinisterofLabourisaformertradeunionleader.Themainchallengeistacklingthismismatch,andforunionstogobacktodoingwhattheyweresetupfor.

What is the reality of the plural economy in general, and the social and cooperative economy in particular?

TheConstitutionspecifiesfourtypesofeconomies,includingthecommunityeconomy.Butthiscommunityeconomy,initsessence,lackskeyelementsoftheSSE,eventhough,inruralareas, itcovers importantsolidarityactions(e.g.minga [col-lectivework for social purposes]).But there is noclear andcoherentproposalfromthegovernmenttosupportthistypeof economy in practice. Therehasbeenadistortionof thecooperatives,primarily intheminingsectorwhere theyare verymuchpresent,whichnowmore resemble themanagement of companies, with avertical structure, and which are camouflaged behind themask of a cooperative.

Inthebeginning,whenEvoMoralescametopower,thegov-ernment was the standard bearer for the social economy and thecommunityeconomy.Andtherewasastrongmovementin support of the SSE, fair trade, etc., but over time it hasdilutedandlost itsstrength.Wearetryingtomaketheele-mentsoftheSSE,oftheCommunityeconomy,morevisible,toshowtheirpillars,forexampleassociativeproductionandmarketing,fairtrade,etc.However,theorganisationswithintheseeconomieshavesig-nificantsocialandcommunitycapital.Theyremainoutofthereachofthegovernment’spolicies.Theironlywaytoprogressis to implement their practices. And what they do have is only thankstotheirorganisation,theircollectivework.Inaddition,theycontributetothenationaleconomyandsupportalargepartofagriculturalproductionandtheruraleconomy.

“The idea of universal health insurance for the poor, or those in rural areas who do not have access to health, is like a dream!”

2019 is an election year. Evo Morales is running for re-election. Is there a credible alternative project on the side of the opposition?

There are three important elements. 1.Essentially,thereisnocredibleprojectforwhichthepubliccanvote.Inareferendum,themajorityrejectedthepossibil-ityofMoralesrunningforre-election.Thisgeneratedasocialawareness.Sincethepresidentistryingagain,theywillvoteagainstit.Butnotforanalternativeortheinterestingprojectofacandidate;justtoavoidcontinuity.2.Systematically,astheelectionsapproach,thereisapolari-sation of organisations depending on whether they are pro or anti-government.3.Theoppositionremainsfragmented,withoutacommonpolit-icalproject thatcouldunite them.Theonly thing thatbringsthem together is their opposition to Morales being re-elected.

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TRANSFORMING THE ECONOMY: STARTING WITH WOMEN AND WOMEN WORKERS INTERVIEWWITHGRACIELA RAQUEL LOPEZ QUINTEROS,COORDINATOROFREMTE (BOLIVIANNETWORKOFWOMENTRANSFORMINGTHEECONOMY)

What does it mean to be a trade unionist and a woman – a woman trade unionist – today in Bolivia?

Graciela Raquel:Beingawomanandatradeunionistisnotaneasytask!Itisabattlegroundagainstcapital,colonialism,andpatriarchy.InBolivia,despitelegalprogressandourcontribu-tiontothecountry’seconomy,mostwomencontinuetoworkinthemostprecarious,leastproductivejobs,withmajorwagegaps, fragile rights and the permanent threat of violence,includingbothworkplaceviolenceandsexualharassment.The informalsectoraccountsformorethan70%ofwomenworkers.InBolivia,thereisanorganisationalfabricatalllev-els,andthe informalsectorhas itsownformsoforganisa-tion.Butthereisnoplatformtorepresentalltheseworkers.Thatiswhywedemandedalabourcode,whichalsoincludesinformalworkers, allBolivianworkers, rather thana labourlaw,whichonlyconcernsemployees.Butwehavenotbeensuccessfulupuntilnow.Forwomenworkers,theunionistheretodefendtheirrightsandinterests,butitalsoaplacewherethemachopowerrela-tions of the male management staff are replicated.

Has there been any major progress for women workers under the Morales governments?

Since2009,wehavebeenworkingonamendingtheGeneralLabourLaw,whichisaveryoldlaw,butunfortunatelywehavenot beenable tomake significant progress in incorporatingwomenworkers’ rights into it. This is due to the legal com-plexity,withtheplethoraoflaws,revisionsandamendments,butthereisalsoapoliticalproblem,ofpoliticalwill.Themainchallenge today is that the state applies the laws.

Do the different types of solidarity economies inBoliviahavespecificimportanceforwomen?

Alternativeeconomies(feministeconomies,communityecon-omies,solidarityeconomies,etc.),basedonethicalandrecip-rocallinks,bringtogetheralargenumberofwomen.Thecom munityeconomyisthecornerstoneofthisumbrellaofalterna-tives.But themainproblem is that thegovernmentdoesnotreallytakeaninterestintheseinitiatives,doesnotissuelawstostrengthenthem,torecognisetherightsofworkersandwomenwho work there and who lack any social protection. This raises thequestion:whatisourgovernment’soutlook?Alternativeeconomiesareinitiativeswhicharestillundercon-struction, created by people themselves, but without themthinkingabouttheirrights.Thisalsoraisesquestionsforus.For example,we support agro-ecological producers.We tellthem: “That’s great, you’ve improved people’s diet. You are offer-ing healthy and high-quality food. But what about you? Do you have a pension, do you have more rights? Have you overcome pov-erty, improved your living and working conditions?”.

The name of your union, REMTE, refers to the transformation of the economy by women. Why?

Whytransformtheeconomy?Just lookatthecurrentsitua-tionofthecapitalistsystem!Feministmovements,basedontheoretical reflections and organisational forms of peasant,indigenousandcommunityeconomiesintheSouth,haverein-vigoratedthecriticismsofthecapitalisteconomy.Currently,women’smovementsarestrengtheningatthegloballevelandaredemonstratingthepossibilitiesofanti-capitalist,anti-co-lonialandanti-patriarchalstruggles.

“For women workers, the union is there to defend their rights and interests, but it also a place where the macho power relations of the male management staff are replicated”

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“The associations have agreed to use natural fertilisers and crop control. There is a concern about natural resources; especially water, which is the most important element for agriculture and livestock and which, in recent years, has been threatened by pollution from mining activities and the city”

SOLIDARITY WITH THE POOREST, THE ENVIRONMENT AND FUTURE GENERATIONSINTERVIEWWITHADELA PALACIOS,PROJECTMANAGERFORTHERIOCHICOAREA,PASOS

What role do women play in the initiatives of the solidarity economy with which you work? Dotheyoccupyaspecificrole?

Adela Palacios: The organisations with which we work have articles of association which recognise the same rights and obligations for men and women. Women’s participation inmanagementpositionscanvary; theyoftenhavenoexperi-enceandhavedifficultyinmanaging.Wesupport,guideandtraintheminleadershipandentrepreneurialmanagement,tostrengthen their participation and their organisations.Traditionally,inagriculture,womenhaveprimarilytakencareof growing, post-harvest activities and selling. They are theoneswho take part in the fairs. For example, once aweek,theygodowntothecityofSucretoselltheirproducedirectlytoconsumers.Weshouldalsohighlighttheroletheyplay innegotiatingpricesinthemarkets,asintermediaries.

What makes an initiative successful and sustainable?

We have seen that organisations where women and youngpeoplearewell integratedare, ingeneral,more likely tosur-vive in the long term.Another condition is that the activity,thechosen“business”isviableandprofitablequickly.Iftheyarenot, thesubsequentproblemsaremoredifficult tobear. It alsoneeds tobe clearwhat eachpartner’s owncontribu-tionis,aswellastheirobligationsandduties.Finally,resourcemanagement,leadershipandrelationshipswithintheorgani-sationclearlyhaveaninfluence.

Have women’s conditions improved under the presidency of Evo Morales?

The government has implemented national programmes to support productive organisations. However, gender aspectsare rarely taken into account. There are some specific pro-jectsforwomen’sorganisations,withvaryingresults.Trainingisgenerallyrareandofpoorquality,andsupportforprojectsispracticallynon-existent.

You talk about a solidarity and “clean” economy; why?

The main economic activity in the area is the productionoffruitandvegetables.This iscarriedoutusingcleanpro-duction techniques, i.e. the associations have agreed tousenatural fertilisersandcropcontrol.There isaconcernaboutnaturalresources;especiallywater,whichisthemostimportantelementforagricultureandlivestockandwhich,inrecentyears,hasbeenthreatenedbypollutionfromminingactivitiesandthecity.Moreover,aCommitteetosafeguardnaturalresourceshasbeensetup.Ithasmobilisedvariouscommunitiesandishighlydynamic.Cleanproduction isa recognisedqualityof the localproduceonthemarket,and itbenefitsthecity’sconsumers. It istheironlysourceofhealthyfood.Assuch,solidarityisdemonstratedbetweenproducersandconsumers,butalso,withinorganisa-tions,bygivingprioritytothepoorestfamilies,andbyencour-aging mutual support and collective work. Finally, solidarityalso takes intoaccount theenvironment,goodconditions foragricultureandlivestock,andfuturegenerations.Familieswantfuturegenerationstobenefitfromtheresourcesandproductionconditions they have.

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The Association Songui Manegré / Developent Aid (ASMADE), the Union of health mutuals in the central region (UMUSAC) and the Union of Lorry Drivers of Burkina Faso (UCRB) are working together to extend social protection and promote Decent Work, especially for young people and women. The Solsoc programme supports them, facilitates the convergence and networking of actors, and strengthens them, so that they represent a veritable force for mobilising and claiming their social, political and economic rights.

AttheendofOctober2014,BlaiseCompaore,whohadbeenheadofstatesince1987,wasoustedfrompowerbyapopularuprising,whichwasprimarilymadeupofyoungpeople.The“Sankarageneration”–fromThomasSankara,alsoreferredtoasthe“AfricanCheGuevara”,thepresidentwhowasmurdered27yearsearlier–seemedtohaveturnedthepageonauthori-tarianism,andopenanewpathtohope.AftertheArabspring,theBurkinaspring?

Lookingbackafterfiveyears,ithasbeenabitterexperienceforthepopulation.Alternatinghasnotresultedinanalterna-tive,andthesocialsituationremainsdire.Oneofthepoorestcountriesintheworld,nearthebottomoftheHumanDevelop-mentIndex(HDI)–183rdoutof198countries–BurkinaFasois dependent on the internationalmarket and vulnerable toboth economic and climate shocks.

Agriculture – more than 70% of the population lives in ruralareas–ishighlydependentonrainfall.However,rainfalltrendsare declining under the pressure of climate change – eventhoughthepopulationsoftheSahelarealreadyamongthemostexposed–therebyincreasingfoodinsecurity.What’smore,thisvulnerabilityisalsoeconomic,duetoitsconcentrationonalim-itednumberofcommodities:oil,cottonandespeciallygold.

Cottonandgold account for nearly 85%of all the country’sexports, and oil, on average, accounts for a quarter of itsimports.ButtheBurkinaStatehasnocontroloverthehighlyvolatilepricesof these rawmaterials.Caught in theviciouscycleofanundiversifiedeconomywhichhasnoprocessingindustries, dependent on imports of industrialised goods,income fromgoldandcotton, andfluctuations inoil prices,thecountrybecameindebted…forcedtoturntotheInterna-tionalMonetaryFund(IMF),whichimposeditsconditions.

Inaddition,since2015,BurkinaFasohas faced increasinglyfrequent and deadly jihadist terrorist attacks throughoutits territory.Military spending is increasing, asare tensionsbetweenethniccommunities,attheexpenseofsocialpoliciesthatarebetterable,inthelongterm,toensurethelong-termsecurityofgoodsandpeople.Inaddition,theimplementationofbasichealthcoverageforallBurkinese,asymbolicissueinbuildingsocialprotection,risksbeingunderminedandputonthebackburnerduetoalackofresourcesandpoliticalwill.Socialdiscontentisgrowingagainstthecostofliving,thelackofaccesstohealthandbasicsocialservices–whicharecon-stantlybeinghollowedoutinthepursuitofaliberalpolicy–andthegovernment’s inabilitytocounterterroristattacks.Withaweakenedsocialfabric,thesecuritythreatandadeterioratingsituation,BurkinaFasoisgoingthroughdarktimes.But,asthehighlypolitically engaged rapperSmockey, co-founderof the‘Balaicitoyen’,sang inOctober2014: “On passe à l’attaque, on passe à l’action. Aussi longue est la nuit, le jour fera son appari-tion” (Wemove toattack,wemove to takeaction.Nomatterhowlongthenightis,daywillcome).

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ACCESS TO HEALTH FOR ALLINTERVIEWWITHINOUSSA OUEDRAOGO,COORDINATOROFTHEUNION OFHEALTHMUTUALSINTHECENTRALREGION(UMUSAC)

What is the employment situation for young people, who are the majority of the population?

Inoussa Ouedraogo:Whatisobviousisthatthegovernmentwillnotbeabletoprovideemploymentforalltheseyoungpeople.Inordertoabsorbasmanypeopleaspossible, theStatehasimplementedanumberofmeasures, includingsocialprotec-tionfloors;inotherwords,anumberofstrategiestoensureaminimum level of social protection, pending comprehensiveand broad coverage.

Is there a policy to formalise employment? Are unions involved?

Tradeunions?Anewoneissetupeveryday!Thereisaconflictatthemomentbecausetheadministration is intheprocessof formalising private companies. But they do not want to,becauseoncetheyareformalised,theyhavetopaytaxes,etc.NotonlyareyoulistedintheState’sfiles,butyouhavetobe“legit”; forexample,payworkers theminimumwage–evenif it is notmuch here in Burkina Faso– 33,000 CFA francs[around€50].Inreturn,theStateprovideslimitedresourcestodevelop.Butmanypeopleprefertoremainintheshadowstoruntheirbusinesses.

“Ultimately, it should allow 16 million Burkinese to get treatment at a lower cost”

What are the challenges of the campaign for Universal Health Coverage?

Ultimately, it should allow 16millionBurkinese to get treat-ment at a lower cost. At the moment we are waiting for it to be launched,becausethereisaproblem.Forittobeagenuinesuccess,all themunicipalitiesneed tobecoveredbyhealthmutuals. Out of around 360municipalities in Burkina Faso,justover200arecovered.

What is the main obstacle?

Themainobstacleisfinancial.TheWorldBank,whichissup-portingthisprocess,saysthatthereisnomoremoneyuntilwestarttheoperationalphase.Butit’sonethingtosupporttheprogramme,anothermatterentirelytoimplementit!InBurkinaFaso,thecostoflivingishigh.Ontheonehand,thestateisobligedtolevytaxes.Thepriceoffuelhasjustgoneupagain,andpeoplecameonthestreetstoprotest.Ontheotherhand,youneedtopaycivilservants…Butthemainproblemfortherulingpartyrightnow,giventheterroristattacks,issecu-rity.Asaresult,thefundsthatwereplannedtofinancesocialsecuritymaybereallocatedtosecurity…

How does your organisation work in this campaign?

Ourmissionistopromotecommunity-basedhealthinsurance,which allows people to access health care at a lower cost. Whatwearehelpingtodoistoavoidsituationswherepeoplewhohadpreviouslysoldtheirgoatsinordertobecaredforinhealth centres have to do the same thing again. Many people pay their registration fees to themutual insurance companyinthefirstyear,andthefollowingyear,andafterthattheyareunabletopaytheirfees.Notbecausetheydon’twanttoortheydon’tunderstand the importanceofmutualhealth insurance,butbecausetheycan’tmanageitfinancially.That’swhywesetuparevolvingfundsothat,withtheprofits,peoplecanpaytheircontributions;andsothat theyunderstandthat theycanpaycontributionsinadvance,beforetheygetill.Andinsolidarity.

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TENSIONS BETWEEN SECURITY POLICY AND SOCIAL PRIORITIESINTERVIEWWITHDOUSSA DRAMANE,PERMANENTSECRETARY OFTHEUNIONOFLORRYDRIVERSOFBURKINAFASO(UCRB)

What is the UCRB and what does it do?

Doussa Dramane:TheUCRBistheUnionofLorryDriversofBur-kinaFaso,whichunitesall thecountry’s lorrydrivers.Wearefortunate tohaveonlyoneunion for lorrydrivers.Wedefendtheir moral and material interests.Weareaffiliatedtoacentralorganisation,theConfédérationSyndicaleBurkinabé (ConfederationofTradeUnionsofBur-kinaFaso-CSB).Itiswiththissametradeunioncentrethatwecarryoutourlobbying.Justlastweek,wesubmittedarequesttoreviewour2011agreement,torevisethesalaryandallow-ancecomponents.Thedriversfeltthat,giventhecurrentcostofliving,itwasratherlowandneededtoberevisedupwards.Wearecurrentlylobbyingforthis.Negotiationswithmanage-mentareexpectedtostartsoon.

“The major problem is still social security”

What is the situation of lorry drivers in Burkina Faso?

It’snottoobad.Therewasatimewhenthesectorwasveryinformal. The main problem that lorry drivers faced was the lackofalegalbasistoregulaterelationsbetweenworkersandemployers.In2011,wewereabletoobtainacollectiveagree-ment.Wehavealsostrengthenedourstruggle,witha lotoflobbyingwiththeauthorities.Wewerefacedwithsalaryprob-lems and safety problems.It’snowstarting togetbetter, becomingmore formalas timegoeson.Weareseeingstructuredandformalcompaniesbeingset up, in the true senseof theword,withworkers benefitingfromaminimumwage,socialsecurity,etc.Themajorproblemisstillsocialsecurity.Manydriversworkwithoutit.ButIthinkthisproblemisbeingsolved.So,thingsarestartingtolookbetter.

What are the causes of the current social unrest in Burkina Faso?

The causes are quite deep-rooted. In 2014, we had justemerged from the uprising in Burkina Faso,which saw thefallofa27-year-oldregimeseenascorrupt.Withthesupportoftradeunionsandyoungpeople,wewereabletoleadthisuprising. You know, after 27 years in power, the practicesweresodeeplyrootedineverydaylifethatpeoplewereusedtoacertainease…Andnow,withthenewregime,wehavefirstmovedtoatransition.Wethenelectedourpresident,whohasalotofdifficultygoverning.ThemainproblemrightnowinBurkinaFasoremainsthesecu-rityproblem.Wearebeingattackedfromallsides,especiallyintheNorthandEast,byterroristswhoareattackingfamilieseveryday.Soit’saverydeepproblem.

Does the security problem takes precedence over social problems?

Ithinkthesecurityproblemremainsthegovernment’spriorityrightnow.Thepublic,theworkers(throughtheunions)organ-ised variousmarches, rallies, etc. But, in his last speech, ourpresident asked thewhole population to form a united front. Itisasifwehadmadeapactwiththeunionstocallatruce,sothatwecouldfocusonsecurityissues,whicharereallygrowing.Butthetradeunionswerealsomakingdemands,hereandthere,about reclassification conditions, working conditions, livingconditions,etc.ButIthinktheunionsunderstoodthatsecurityisparamount,becausethesituationisstartingtogetworrying.

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MAKING SOCIAL PROTECTION OPERATIONALINTERVIEWWITHJULIETTE COMPAORÉ,COORDINATOROFASMADE (ASSOCIATIONSONGUIMANEGRÉ/DEVELOPMENTAID)

ASMADE is an NGO that aims to improve the living and working conditions of people in Burkina Faso. One of ASMADE’s main areas of intervention is the environment. How do you work in this respect, and what is the challenge?

Juliette Compaoré:Weworkinlinewithourstrategicobjectivesofunderstandingandmanagingtherisksassociatedwithcli-mate change, and supporting the emergence of responsibleandengagedyoungpeople.Inthiscontext,ourNGOhassetupanagro-ecologicalfarm,whichprovidesaspaceforpracticalwork,butalsoallowsustobrainstormonenvironmentalman-agement,agriculture,breeding,etc.Forus,itisaspringboardtopromote good practices at the national level in the agro-ecolog-icalfield,andinmanagingtheeffectsofclimatechange.

The third National Social Protection Forum was held in 2018. What is it about?

Indeed, this forumwas organised by the Permanent Secre-tariat of NGOs of Burkina Faso, SPONG, of which ASMADEis thepresident. Thepurposeof this forumwas to drawupa mid-term assessment of the implementation of the oper-ational plan for social protection; to seewhat progresshadbeenmadeandwhatfuturechallengeslayaheadtomakethispolicygenuinelyoperational.Don’t forget thatBurkinaFasoformalisedanationalsocialprotectionpolicy in2012,undertheimpetusandwiththeparticipationofcivilsociety.

For a social protection policy to be effectively implemented, it requires a willingness on the part of the State and the collective strength of civil society. Are these two elements there?

InthecaseofBurkinaFaso,thereisnoshortageofchallengesorneedsintermsofsocialprotection,because,aswesayinour country: “everything is a priority”! We can say that thecommitment is there because thepolicy hasbeenadopted,anoperationalplanhasbeenincorporated,apermanentsec-retariathasbeensetup,etc.Wethereforebelievethatthereis a strongpolitical commitment, even if,whenweseehowresources aremobilised and the priority choices of budgetallocationaccordingtothevariouschallenges,socialprotec-tion still often takes a back seat.

There also needs to be collective action on the part of civil society. We believe that SPONG, which brings together256NGOs, does not only limit itself tomobilising itsmem-bers,butservesasagateway,asaspaceformobilisingothercivil society actors. Collective participation and action are essential.Wealsoneedtoknowwhatthepublicactuallyfeelsthroughthispolicy.Wehavealsocarriedoutalternativestud-ies to provide a different perspective than that of the State regardingtheaccomplishments,tomakeitpossibletoassesstheeffectiveness,ornot,ofthispolicy.

“Social protection still often takes a back seat”

Ithinkthatthereisanothertypeofactor,apartfromcivilsoci-etyandtheState,whichcanparticipate:thevarioustechnicaland financial partners who support Burkina Faso in imple-menting social protection policy. Sowethinkthat,overall,theframeworkisthere,alltheactorsare there and they are aware of the need to coordinate their interventions. There is still a need to strengthen synergies and coordination.Andtoimprovethemonitoringtoolsputinplaceto capitalise on all interventions, and use themmore effec-tively.Finally,significantresourcesstillneedtobeputinplaceto make all the aspects of this policy operational.

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Health and social protection are included in strategic ori-entation2of theNDP: “developing human capital”.However,community-based health mutuals and the solidarity econ-omy are barelymentioned, and no strategy of support andcollaboration is outlined. This is all the more problematicsince inBurundi,healthmutual isbasedona juxtapositionoftheMedicalInsuranceCard(CAMinFrench)andcommuni-ty-basedhealthmutuals,andthisjuxtapositionisabrakeonthe development of the latter.

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BREAKING THE DEADLOCK

The Solsoc programme in Burundi focuses on the four pillars of Decent Work. With three of its partners, the Association Support for Integral Development and Solidarity in the Hills (ADISCO), the Consultation platform for Mutual Health Insurance Actors (PAMUSAB) and the National Confederation of Coffee Growers’ Associations of Burundi (CNAC-MURIMA W'ISANGI), and with the support of Solidaris Mons-Wallonie Picardie, Solsoc supports 27 mutual health health mutuals and cooperatives. It builds their capacities, the quality of their services, their autonomy and their advocacy for better social protection. In addition, in collaboration with the FGTB-Horval, Solsoc supports the Burundian Federation of Workers in the Food Industry (FEBUTRA), which brings together nine unions in the formal and informal agri-food sector.

This small landlocked country in Central Africa, one of thepoorestcountriesintheworld(three-quartersofBurundianslive below the poverty threshold), with a life expectancy ofless than 58 years has been in political crisis since President PierreNkurunziza’sdecisionin2015torunforathirdtermandhisre-election,whichhasfurtherworsenedsocialconditionsforthepopulation.

This situation is all themoredifficult asa result of interna-tional sanctions and a withdrawal of donors and the private sector,whilethecountryisstructurallydependentonimportsandinternationalfinancialaid.BurundihastriedtocovertheshortfallbyturningtotheEast–AsiaandtheMiddleEast–inorder tofindalternativedonors (India,Chinaand theUnitedArabEmiratesaccountforaroundathirdofitstrade),buthasbeenunsuccessfulinitsefforts.

TheBurundianeconomy isbasedessentiallyonagriculture,which is by far the main source of employment and food. Itisfamilyagriculture,withthemaincashcropsbeingcoffeeand tea.Theagricultural sector,with very limited resourcesandinfrastructure,isdependentonrainfallandvulnerabletoclimate shocks. Hence its low productivity, dependence onpricefluctuationsontheworldmarket,andthescaleoffoodinsecurity(itaffects1.7millionBurundians,andabout56%ofchildrensufferfrommalnutritionaccordingtotheUN).

PierreNkurunziza’sannouncement thathewillnotstandasa candidate in the 2020 elections has helped allay the fears ofthepopulationandinternationalbodies.However,seriousandrepeatedhumanrightsviolations,politicaltensions,andtheresurgenceandmanipulationoftheethnicissuecontinuetobeasourceofseriousconcern. Inanycase, thepoliticaldeadlockisacatalystforsocialandeconomicproblems,andsolvingtheserequirespoliticalchange.

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TRADE UNIONS FACING THE CHALLENGE OF DECENT WORKINTERVIEWWITHTHARCISSE GAHUNGU,PRESIDENT OFTHEFEDERATIONOFTRADEUNIONSINTHEAGRI-FOODSECTOR(FEBUTRA)

What are the conditions of the men and women working in the informal sector?

Tharcisse Gahungu:Theconditionsareveryharsh,character-isedbyprecariousemployment,lowincomes,theabsenceofanysocialprotectionormechanismfordialogueonlivingandworking conditions. Labour legislation does not recognisethem.Theydonothaveaccesstoawholerangeofservices,includingmicrocredit,etc.Themainchallengesforthemarerelated to their conditions, and can be summarised as theproblemsofmeetingminimumDecentWorkstandards.

How do the workers organise themselves in Burundi?

In the informal sector, which includes most workers, espe-ciallywomen,theyarenotwellorganised,ornotatall.Somepeople have formed associations or cooperatives, but notmany.Veryfewareaffiliatedtoatradeunion.Workersintheformalsectorareorganisedintotradeunions,primarilystructuredbycompanyandrarelybysector.Never-theless, attempts to organise sectoral federations such asFEBUTRAcanalsobehighlighted.

What are their principal demands?

Inthefirstinstance,workersdemandthatlegislationthatrec-ognises their right to organise freely, defend their interestsandbargaincollectivelyisobserved.ILO(InternationalLabourOrganisation) Conventions no. 87 (on freedom of association) and no. 98 (on the right to organise and collective bargaining) havebeenratifiedbyBurundi.Thedemandsareoftenrelatedtolivingandworkingconditions:wages,socialsecurity,cov-erageofbasicneeds,etc.AtFEBUTRA,weaimtostrengthenthecapacitiesofourmem-berunions,sothatwecanhaveagreaterimpactonpoliciesthataffect the interestsandrightsofworkers,andthatpro-moteafairanddignifieddistributionoflabourincome.

How is consultation with the government and employers organised?

From a trade union point of view, the situation is not easy,employersdemandextremeflexibility.Wehavealreadybeenarrested and imprisoned for organising a staff gathering at a teaplantation.Paradoxically, itwasgoodpublicity forourunion,anditincreasedthenumberofunionmembers!Thechallengesareimmense.Nevertheless,wemanagetofinda forumfordiscussionwithall thesocialpartnerswithin theNationalcommitteeforsocialdialogue.Thereareregularcon-sultations.Withinthesebodies,workerssitonanequalfootingwithemployersandgovernmentrepresentatives.Forthetimebeing,relationsbetweentheGovernmentandthetradeunionscanbedescribedasgood,butweremainvigilant.

“The demands are often related to living and working conditions: wages, social security, coverage of basic needs, etc”

What can be done to improve the conditions for workers?

Wegiveprioritytosocialdialogueandincludingallstakehold-ers to address problems calmly, propose consensual solu-tions and consequentlymake progress on employment andsocialprotection.Ontheotherhand,thesocialandsolidarityeconomy is a niche to be invested in. Cooperatives and health mutualscanplayanimportantroleinimprovingsocialprotec-tionandaccesstomicrocreditforworkers,especiallythoseinthe informal sector.

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THE ISSUES AND CHALLENGES OF RESTRUCTURING THE COFFEE SECTORINTERVIEWWITHMACAIRE NTIRANDEKURA,ADVOCACYOFFICERATTHENATIONALCONFEDERATION OFCOFFEEGROWERS’ASSOCIATIONSOFBURUNDI(CNAC-MURIMAW'ISANGI)

What is the role of the social and solidarity economy (SSE) in Burundi? Does it contribute to changing people’s situations?

Macaire Ntirandekura:Burundihasacapitalisteconomythatensuresthattherichgetricherandthepoorgetpoorer.Thiscontextdoesnothelpthepoorestpopulationstogetahead.The ‘écosol’ [solidarity economy] has beenwell received bythe90%ofthepopulationthatlivesfromagriculture.

“Coffee growers should not be poor, because it is coffee that brings foreign exchange into our country!”

Ifwhatwedoispositive,thereareimmediatespill-overeffects,since the country is very small. We are already seeing theimpact at the population level: creating a cooperative allowspeople to “help each other”. At the level of our organisations,the principles of the solidarity economy are well established. Theaddedvalueisnotyetsignificant,butpeoplefeelthattheremay be a slight improvement for the members of cooperatives.Some of the principles of the solidarity economy were already implementedinthecountry,solidarityitselfinparticular.ADISCOandtheCNAC[NationalConfederationofCoffeeGrowers’Asso-ciationsofBurundi]have identifiedanopportunity in thesoli-darityeconomyfortheruralmovementtohavepowerandhaveitsownvoice.Coffeegrowersshouldnotbepoor,becauseitiscoffeethatbringsforeignexchangeintoourcountry!

You mentioned the CNAC. Can you tell us a bit about its history and the privatisation of the coffee sector?

Beforeprivatisation,allactivitiesrelatedtothecoffeesectorwerecarriedoutandsupervisedbytheState.Coffeegrowerswouldharvesttheircoffeecherries(aredorpurplefruitpro-ducedbythecoffeetree,whichhascoffeebeansatitscore),takethemtothewashingstationandwaittobepaid,know-ing that the State needed to maintain price levels. The State thenhandledtheprocessingandmarketingthroughOSIBU,which was a State entity. Everythingchangedwiththeneo-liberalstructuraladjustmentpolicies of the 1990s. The government was obliged to withdraw from the coffee sector and adopt the privatisation strategy to obtaindebtrelief.Manygovernmentfundswentintothesectorwhile,accordingtotheWorldBankandthe IMF[InternationalMonetaryFund],thesectorcouldbeself-sufficient.In 1995, a decree of the President of theRepublic enshrinedthe privatisation of the coffee sector. “Anyone can work in the coffee sector, from production to marketing”. Privatisation was therefore imposed. The state’s hands were tied. From thatmomenton,wesawthatcoffeegrowers(whopreviouslycon-sidered that the State owned the coffee) needed to organise themselves to have their place and a framework to expressthemselves within privatisation. It was during this period, in1997,thatthefirstassociationsforcoffeegrowersweresetup. TheCNACwassetupin2004.The vision of the growers’ associationswas that producersneeded to step in where the government was backing away and disengaging. As such, in the decision-making bodiesof thecoffeesector,coffeegrowersneeded tohaveaplacetodefendtheir interests.Finally, theyhadtoorganisethem-selvestocontrolthesector,fromproductiontoexport.

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Do coffee growers control the sector?

Lobbyingwascarriedout in this respectand theCNACwassuccessfulin2007,whenthePresidentpubliclydeclaredthatcoffeenowbelongedtoproducers,fromproductiontoexport.And all the other actors in the sector were service provid-ers. TheCNAC took the bull by the horns and shook thingsup.PeoplewhoboughtcoffeeinBurundiwerenothappy,butthe exporters, in reality, were agents for themultinationals! The CNAC dismantled the system for marketing coffee.

“If they bought the stations without the consent of the CNAC, the same thing would happen to them: they would buy the building, but they would not buy coffee from the growers”

SOGESTAL, a mixed company (the State is a shareholder),was not the owner of the coffee. All coffee had to be collected andmarketedattheleveloftheOSIBU,andnoonecouldbuycoffeewithoutgoingthroughthe“exporters”association,theABEC.Sincecoffeegrowersnowownedtheirowncoffee,wesetupamarketingcommission.Thesemultinationals,whichwork closely with theWorld Bank, were surprised, becausenowhereelsedocoffeegrowersenterthemarket!

In this struggle, the challenge of the washing stations was key, wasn’t it?

Yes.Privatisationmeantthesaleofthewashingstationsandcuringfactories[aprocesstoremovethecoffeebeanfromitsparchment,athinfilmthatsurroundsthebean].Andcof-feegrowersstartedtotrytobuywashingstations.However,inorder tobuyone,oneof theconditionsof thespecifica-tionswastocontribute1milliondollars.Noneofthecoffeegrowers had that kind ofmoney! The CNAC, supported byADISCO,INADES[INADES-formation,pan-Africannetworkofassociations], Solsoc, IRED [Innovations and Networks forDevelopment], etc. lobbied the government and the WorldBank aggressively to remove this condition. And it set upcoffeegrowers’cooperatives,whichcouldhaveaneconomicactivityandbuywashingstations.Oneofthefirstprivatecompaniestopurchasewashingsta-tionswasWebcor (Switzerland).AstudywascarriedoutbyOSIBUintosettingupadistributiongridthatwaseffectiveandprofitableforallstakeholdersinthesector.Thisstudyarguedthat72%ofthepriceofcoffeeshouldgotogrowersaftermar-keting, and the remaining28%shouldbedistributedamongotheractors/serviceproviders.Webcordidnotrespectthisdistribution.Inthefirstyear,therewasaproblembecauseintheotherregions(notyetprivatised),coffee growers had received a higher price for coffee than thosewhohadsoldtheirproductiontoWebcor.SotheydecidedtostopdeliveringthecherriestoWebcor,whichwasforcedtocloseandresellthewashingstationsithadpurchased.

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Atthetime,theCNACwrotetothepartiesinterestedinbuyingthewashingstations,explainingthatiftheyboughtthestationswithouttheconsentoftheCNAC,thesamethingwouldhappentothem:theywouldbuythebuilding,but theywouldnotbuycoffeefromthegrowers.Thisputthemoffandallowedcoffeegrowers’cooperativestopurchasetheirownwashingstations.

And what is the situation of the coffee sector and coffee growers today?

At themoment, 50 cooperatives own awashing station, andthese cooperatives have created the Consortium of coffeegrowerscooperatives(COCOCA),whichboughtthecuringfac-toryatHoramama.COCOCAisalsoresponsibleformarketingthecoffee.Wethereforecontroltheentiresectorthesedays[fortheshareofthecoffeethatbelongstoCNACmembergrowers].Withregardtopricesettingforproducers:thecoffeeremainsthepropertyofthegrowers,meaningthataftermarketing, iftherearesurpluses, themembersof thecooperativesshareintheseprofits.Thisisoneoftheprinciplesofthesolidarityeconomy.Wealsohopetosetupaqualitycentreforcoffeegrowers.Wehavealwaysworkedonthequalityofthecoffeesince,togetgoodprices,youneedqualitycoffee.Butatthecooperative level,noteverythingisperfect.Thereare problemsof governance andmanagement, but also thesearch for quality. Somepeople think that having large vol-umesismorebeneficial.ButtheCOCOCAhasqualitystand-ardsandcertifications(organic,fair trade),whichallowsustoobtain attractive prices.

What is the situation with the privatisation policy? And what challenges still remain?

Weweresuccessfulinobtainingareviewoftheprivatisationstrategy. The national coffee advocacy platform has been createdtoincorporateallstakeholdersinthecoffeesector,andprovincialplatformsarealsobeingsetup.Ifsomethingneeds to be improved within the sector, we work togetherto draw up proposals and solutions. For example, at themoment there is thequestionofhow tochange legislationthat has become obsolete.But some challenges remain. Even though the privatisationstrategyhasbeenreviewed,ithasnotyetbeenimplemented.Atthesector level, there isa lackofclarityregardinggovern-ment policy for the coffee sector. The privatisation was carried outonapartoftheState’sassets,butthereisstillanotherpart:77washingstationsthathavenotyetbeensold,andinwhichtheStateisashareholder.ThisisaproblembecausetheStatecannotcontrolthesectorandatthesametimebepartofit!

On the other hand, there are private companies that haveboughtwashingstations,buttheyarenotsurewheretoposi-tionthemselvesintheprivatisationpolicy.Wedon’tknowyetwhether the government will re-nationalise the sector or com-pletetheprivatisation.Finally,noteveryoneworksonanequalfootingbecauseincompanieswherethestatehasshares,ifaproblemarises,itcanintervenetorectifythesituation,whileothercompanieshavetomanagewithoutstatesupport.Thedistributiongrid,whichspecifiedthat77%ofexportrev-enueshadtogotocoffeegrowers,hasbeenscrapped.Thereisnowaframeworkforsettingtheproducerprice,butthefig-uresusedinthistablearenottransparent.ThepriceissetinFebruary,whenthecoffeeisstillgrowing,whilethemarketingisdoneinAugust-September-October.Wearethereforepaidat theFebruary pricewhile the pricefluctuates; pricesmayincreaseordecrease.Itisnotreallypossibletocalculateafairandequitablepriceforallstakeholders.Inaddition,manytradershavenot followedtheemergenceofnewprivatecompanies in thecoffeesector,anddonotknowhow the associative movement was set up. They joined thecooperative movement to look after their personal interests firstandforemost.Theydonothaveafeelingforthemovementanddonotservethegeneralinterest.Weneedtorevitaliseandreconsolidate the associative movement at the grassroots level.

What place do women have in this sector?

InBurundi, theculture isstill fairly traditional.Awomancan-notrepresentthehouseholdifherhusbandispresent.Andyet,coffeeisafamilycrop.Ofcoursewomenaregrowerstoo,buttheyarerarelyseenoutsidetheorchards.Ontheotherhand,women generally do not get elected to decision-making bodies. Wealsoneedtoraiseawarenessamongmentomakeprogress.Today,theassociationmovementforcoffeegrowersencour-ages men to give part of the coffee trees to their wives so that they have access to the market and a certain representative-ness in the associations.We’re starting to see that, but it’sjust the start. An association of women who produce theirowncoffee,the“women’s”coffee,hasbeensetup.Thisispro-cessed separately in thewashing stations, and ismarketedseparately,topromotetheirinitiative.Thiscoffeegetsagoodpriceinternationally.Assuch,theCNACistryingtopromotewomen’sleadershipanddemocracy.

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THE RIGHT TO HEALTH AT A CROSSROADSINTERVIEWWITHESPÉRANCE KANEZA,EXECUTIVESECRETARY OFTHECONSULTATIONPLATFORMFORMUTUALHEALTH INSURANCEACTORS(PAMUSAB)

When and how did health mutuals emerge in Burundi?

Espérance Kaneza: Mutual companies are a fairly recentmovement in Burundi. The first ones appeared at the endof the 1990s, at the initiative of the Archdiocese of Gitega.In2008,newmutualist initiativesweresetup, including thewell-knownCNAC(NationalConfederationofCoffeeGrowers’AssociationsofBurundi),whichaimedtofacilitate itsmem-bers’accesstohealthcare.In 2010, the country’s five main health mutuals decided tocoordinate their efforts by creating the Platform of MutualHealthInsuranceActorsinBurundi(PAMUSAB).Thisallowedustospeakwithonevoicewiththeauthorities,butalsotohar-moniseourmanagementandservicestomembers.

What do the health mutuals represent today?

Ourhealthmutualscurrentlycoverthecountry’s18provinces,and91municipalitiesoutof119.Thismeansthattheyguaran-teeaccesstohealthcarefor justover18,000households,oraround90,000people.However,thepenetrationrateremainslow,at2.39%ofourtargetgroup,theruralandinformalsector.

Why is the percentage of members so low?

Becausemembershipisvoluntaryandit isdifficultformostpeopletothinkaboutsocialprotection,tosetmoneyasidetocoveranunpredictable risk.Family incomesareso lowanduncertainthatspendingchoicesareguidedbyarationaleofday-to-day survival. And then there is the competition fromtheMedicalAssistanceCard,theCAM,whichismanagedbytheMinistryofHealth.

TheCAMwaswidelydistributed in2017andcoversagood25%oftheruralpopulation.Itgivesholdersaccesstohealth-care for a flat rate of 3,000 Burundian francs [€1.50] peryear and a user fee of 20%. The annual contribution to thecommunity-based health mutuals has been harmonised at22,500francs[€11]forahouseholdofsixpeople.

But in that case, what is the added value compared to the CAM?

Firstly, thequalityof careandaccess tomedicines.Unlikeabeneficiaryof theCAM,amemberofahealthmutualcangotoanyapprovedhealthfacility,whetherpublicorprivate.Mem-bersofhealthmutualsbenefitfrombetterattentionandaccesstomedicines,ashealthfacilitiesareconfidentthattheywillbereimbursedontimebythehealthmutuals,whichisnotthecasewiththeMinistry,astheCAMisinsufficientlyfunded.Thenthereis‘intermutual’,whichallowsmemberstoreceivecarewherevertheyareinthecountry,andnotjustwithintheterritoryofthemutualinsurancecompanyofwhichtheyaremembers. There is also access to related services in certain healthmutuals,suchasaccesstofundsforincome-generat-ingactivities.Qualityisalsofosteredthroughassessmentsofpatientsatisfactionandqualityofcare.Thehealthmutualsalsocarryoutprevention,awareness-rais-ingandhealtheducationactivities.Amemberwhofallsillgetstreatmentimmediately,whereasbeforetheymighthavewaitedseveral days, resulting in a worsening of the illness and anincreaseinthecostoftreatment.Finally,whereasCAMmem-bersnevermeetup,healthmutualscontributetosocialcohe-sion and solidarity, by organising various activities to bringpeople together. This strengthens resistance and resilience in a complicated socio-political environment.

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Can the social and solidarity economy foster the development of health mutuals?

Weseethathealthmutualsthatareendorsedbycooperativesor tontines have better coverage and a higher rate of renewal ofcontributions.Thisisrelatedtotheincomethatmemberscanearnfromit,butnotonlythat.Thesenseofbelongingandsocialconnectionalsoplayanimportantrole.Whenyouareamemberof a healthmutual, there is a relationship that iscreatedbetween themembers.Whenamemberofahealthmutualgetssick,theyalwayshavepeoplearoundthem,theyarecaredforinthefirstinstance.Thesameistrueforthemembersofcooperatives.Apartfromthecooperative’smainactivity,otheractionsaredeveloped,suchastontinesorcleaningupsourcesofdrinkingwater.Itisacompletecommunitywhichismobilised.

What is the potential of health mutuals in implementing universal health coverage?

Thepotential issignificantandreal,but italldependsonthegovernment’s decision whether to integrate health mutualsintotheUniversalHealthCoveragesystem(CSUinFrench).Theefforts to create synergy within the framework of PAMUSAB hasbeendecisiveandgiveusalotofhope.

“Our health mutuals currently cover the country’s 18 provinces, and 91 municipalities out of 119. This means that they guarantee access to healthcare for just over 18,000 households, or around 90,000 people”

Talking of which, what is the situation with the CSU process?

The national policy for social protection reserves a place for healthmutuals.Wehelpedrevisethesocialprotectioncode.Wearewaitingfortheadoptionofthenewlawcodetomakeprogressindraftingalawonhealthmutuals.WeworkcloselywiththeMinistryofHumanRights,SocialAffairsandGenderto develop and implement social protection with the participa-tionofhealthmutuals.Wetrytodoeverythinginourpowertonegotiatethepositionofhealthmutuals.Thisiseasyonsomeissues,difficultonothers,particularlyregardingtheCSU.

Where exactly is the deadlock?

Various discussions are ongoing regarding the architectureoftheCSU.Threeproposalsareonthetable, twoinfavourofhealthmutuals and one in favour of the CAMwithout healthmutuals.There is thereforeadiscrepancybetween these twoapproaches. It is a conflict between theMinistries of Healthand the Ministry for social protection, who disagree on themanagement of the project. It is a political question ratherthan a technical one. The Ministry for Social Protection is in favour of health mutuals. But theMinistry of Health isn’t. ItisinfavouroftheCAM,andsincetheyaretheoneswhoman-ageit,theydonotwantittobedelegatedtohealthmutuals.TheproblemwiththeCAMisitstargetpopulationanditsfund-ing. Today, everyone can join the CAM and benefit from freeaccess,whereastherearesectorsofthepopulationthatshouldnotbenefitfromit,butshouldbeinsuredthroughahealthmutualforexample.Thesocialprotectionpolicyclearlyspecifiesthatpeoplewillneedtogothroughacategorisationsysteminordertoimplementuniversalhealthcoverage.Sincethegovernmentisdraggingitsfeet,weatPAMUSABhavetakenthelead.Wearelaunchingapilotprojectinamunicipality,involvingtheMinis-tryforsocialprotection,whichinvolvesdevelopingamodelofcategories and criteria with a coverage system adapted to each stratum,andwhichdemonstratestherelevanceofhealthmutu-alsinthemanagementofhealthinsurance.

Health mutuals have established close relations with cooperative and rural movements. What is the situation with the trade union movement?

In collaboration with the Fédération syndicale du secteuragroalimentaire (Federation of Trade Unions in the Agri-Food Sector) (FEBUTRA), we have alreadymade a diagno-sisofDecentWorkandsetupanationalmulti-stakeholdernetwork for social protection that includes PAMUSAB andtwotradeunionorganisations,theConfédérationdessyndi-catsduBurundi(ConfederationofTradeUnionsofBurundi)(COSYBU)andtheConfédérationsyndicaleduBurundi(TradeUnionConfederationofBurundi)(CSB).Wearedrawingupanactionplantoextendthehealthmutualstothemembersofthese confederations. Other organisations of the solidarity economy have expressed their willingness to join the net-work.Thankstothisworkofunitinghealthmutuals,cooper-ativesandunions,wehopetosucceedinouradvocacyworkand make concrete progress in implementing a CSU with a keyroleforourcommunity-basedhealthmutuals.

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IN SEARCH OF A JUST AND DIGNIFIED PEACEOn24August2016,theColombiangovernmentandtheRev-olutionaryArmedForcesofColombia(FARC)signedapeaceagreement to end the longest armed conflict in the conti-nent’shistory(52years).ButColombiaisstillatwar;awaragainst all those who believe in another model of society. And“post-conflict”hasbeenreducedtoasalesargumenttoattract foreign investors.

Assuch,accordingtoDefensoría del pueblo(aninstitutionthatmonitors public authorities and ensures respect for humanrightsinparticular),423socialleadersanddefendersofhumanrightsweremurderedbetween1January2016and30Novem-ber2018.Inaddition,accordingtotheInternationalTradeUnionConfederation (ITUC),Colombia remainsoneof the tenworstcountriesintheworldforworkers’rights,andtheleadingcoun-tryintermsofthenumberoftradeunionistskilled.

Thepastweighsevenmoreonthepresent,asthetotalnum-berofmurdershasnotbeencalculated.During theconflict,263,000peoplewerekilled,45,000wentmissingandnearly7 million were displaced. However, the causes – land con-centration,whichisoneofthehighestintheworld–andtheactors–aroundthree-quartersofthehumanrightsviolationswerecommittedbyparamilitariesand/orarmed forces–ofthesecrimesremainunchangedandarestillpresent.

Warhasbeen–andcontinuestobe–thepricetopayfora developmentmodel. Specifically, it is the price that therulingclass,whichderives itspower from landconcentra-tionandnatural resources,and fromstatecapture,makesColombiansocietypayfornotcompletingagrarianreform,nottouchingitsprivilegesandnotchanginginequality.Thesituation of Colombians, primarily peasants, indigenouspeople andworkers, is bleak. And it is gettingworsewiththe spread of neo-liberalism and disregard of the agreement signedbytheDuquegovernment.

Informalwork,precariousness,illnessandaccidents(therearearound 1,800 accidents at work every day) and liberalisation–mainlyintheformofoutsourcing(“tercerización”1)–charac-terise the reality of work. Two-thirds of workers lack basic social protection, and the informal economy (nearly 56% of employ-mentaccordingtotheWorldBank)isfirstandforemostades-perate alternative so as not to fall into poverty.

Althoughanti-unionviolencehasdecreasedsomewhat, is itnotalsobecausethewarhasdoneitsjobandfearremains?But not to the point of paralysing all the socialmovementsthatcontinuetostruggleforajustanddignifiedpeace.

1 Amechanismformakingworkmoreflexible,wherebyanemployertransfersthedraftingandsigningofemploymentcontractstoathirdparty, so that there is no direct link between the company and the workers.

Through these two partner organisations, the Interdisciplinary Work Association (ATI) and the Popular Training Institute (IPC), Solsoc develops the mobilisation and action capacities of social movements to help build a new Colombian nation that respects human rights and international law. In collaboration with FOS, IFSI and FGTB Horval, Solsoc is also involved in strengthening three trades unions, Ustiam, Sintra 14 and Sinaltrainal, in order to create Decent Working and living conditions for workers in Colombia.

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of Colombians are trade union members

Between 01-01-2016 y el 31-12-2018

social leaders were killed

TRADE UNIONISM IN COLOMBIA

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TRADE UNIONISM IN AN AGE OF VIOLENCEINTERVIEWWITHCARLOS OLAYA,HEADOFRESEARCHANDTRAININGATSINALTRAINAL (NATIONALUNIONOFFOODINDUSTRYWORKERS)

What is the general situation of workers in Colombia today?

Carlos Olaya: We are confronted with a diverse situation forworkers. The vastmajority of thenewgenerationofworkersno longer have access to collective bargaining and agree-ments,onlyhave“rubbishcontracts”andoutsourcedcontracts(“tercerización”),withlowwages(theminimumwageisaround250 euros). Instability, poverty and the suppression of rights–ofassociation,bargaining,etc.–paintaverydarkpicture.

“Workers are in a one-against-two situation, facing an alliance of employers and the state”

You seem to suggest that there were more rights in the past?

There were more rights because the unions were stronger.Today,theyarediminishedandweakenedinsofarastheyhavenotbeenable tocapture thisnewgenerationofworkers,oronlypartiallyandnotverywell.Ontopofthis istradeunionrepressionandthemediacampaigntodenigratetradeunions.Therehasbeenageneraldeteriorationofrights;notonlydoesthisaffectworkersintheirworkplaces,butalsointheirlivingenvironmentsandintheirhumanrights.

What is the situation of women?

Discrimination is even stronger towards them. In general,likeeverywhereelseintheworld,Colombianwomenworkers–manyofwhomaresinglemothers– receive lowerwagesthanmen, andareassigned to themostdifficult, degradingandunskilledtasks.Theyalsofaceharassment–psychologi-calandsexual–fromemployers,butalso,unfortunately,frommaleworkers. Inshort, theyarepoorer,moreexploited,andhavelesstimeandfewerrights.Theiraccesstotradeunionsisthereforemoredifficult.

In Colombia, we are confronted with a double paradox: there are more than 5,000 trade unions, but they cover less than 5% of workers, while two-thirds of workers are in the informal economy…

Thatneedstobeclarified.Ofthese5,000unions,onlyaroundhalf exist on paper. Then, over the past fifteen years, therehasbeenanexplosioninthenumberofunions.JustfortheCoca-Cola company in Bogota, there are 17 unions…. withonly200workers.This iscalledthe“unionmerry-go-round”;theyareonlysetuptoprotectthemselvesagainstdismissal.Finally,tradeunionsarepartofaculturethatdatesbacktothe19thcentury,whichisoneofcaciquism–withthe“perpetual”leader–andofinterferencebypoliticalforces,whichseektocontrolsocialorganisations.Thegeneraltrendintradeunion-ism is towards fragmentation and “patronage”.The situation of informal workers is difficult. They have anunskilled job, which is not even temporary, but occasional.They are often self-employed and earnmuch less than theminimumwage.Theyareobligedtogooutonthestreetanddoabitofeverything;everythingtheycando,everythingtheyfind to do.Given that they are highly dispersed, and do nothavefixedworkinghoursand locations, it isverydifficult toorganisethem,butitremainsamajorchallenge.

You mentioned trade union repression; in what way does that happen?

It isexpressed invariousways.Oneof them isparamilitaryandmilitary repression,which aims to systematically elimi-natetradeunionleaders.Especiallyinthreeareas:extractiveindustries(mining,oil,agribusiness,etc.),multinationalsandthepublicsector(telecommunications,education,etc.).The second most important manifestation of this repres-sionhasbeenintimidationandthreats.Basically,itcomesdown to: “Te mueres o arreglas”[youdieoryoutakecareofthings].Andtakingcareofthingsmeansthatyougoaway–toanothercityorintoexile,butyouleavethecompany–orfacetheconsequences.

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Thisviolenceisnotvisible,butitisonamassivescale.Ithasdispersedorganisationsandneuteredtheirresistance.Thisisalsothereasonwhymurdersoftradeunionistshavedeclinedinrecentyears.Itreflectsabalanceofpower,wherebossesdonotfeelobligedeithertoresorttoextremeviolenceornegoti-ate.Labourdisputesaresettledinthecourtsbymanagement.Workersareinaone-against-twosituation,facinganallianceof employers and the state.

Can you tell us a little bit about your struggle against Nestlé and Coca-Cola?

Violence and assassinations accompanied the paramilitaryescalation, especially after 1995.WithinCoca-Cola, the per-secutionwasbrutal:theideawasthatitwaspossibletoendthe unions, to resolve labour disputes by force. There wasalsoalegalparttothisstrategy,withthedismissalofaround15tradeunionleaderswithinNestlé,andaccusationsofter-rorismagainstaboutadozenothersatCoca-Cola;theywouldbeimprisonedforayear,beforeitcouldbeprovedthattheywere framed.But thedamagewasdone….Finally, there isastrategyofdividingthetradeunions,collectiveredundancies(around 10,000 workers at Coca-Cola), outsourcing of workandturningcompaniesintosatellites,bysettingupbranchesandsubcontractors.Inotherwords,avery,verybitterwar.

Weconductedaglobalcampaignat the international level,whichhadhugerepercussions.WesucceededinimpugningCoca-Cola;notonlyovertheproblemofanti-unionviolenceinColombia, but also the issueof thecompany’s in-housepolicy.Nestlé andCoca-Cola agreed to come to the nego-tiating table. But we did not reach a general agreement. Thisdoesnotmean that thereareno longeranyconflicts.Under global pressure, themost radical forms of violencehavebeendefused.However, theyhavenotdisappeared–norhasfear;theyremain“onstandby”.

What has changed with the Peace Agreements?

Everything carries on as before. We are faced with a veryrapidlychanginglabourenvironment,understrongpressure,which is tantamount toharassment,andaseriesofgovern-mentmeasures–tax,pensionandlabourreforms–thatmakeworkersevenmorevulnerable.

And in this situation, what is your strategy?

Weareworkingtocreatewhatcouldbecalledaspaceforcon-vergence.Theideaistobuildastronginter-professionaltradeunion, and an autonomous social bloc, which involves tradeunions,butgoesbeyondthat,andengagesthepopulationonissuesthataffectthembeyondlabourissues.Butthisrequirestime,andstandinguptotheviolenceandcultureofcaciquism[thetraditionalfigureofthecacique refers to a notable person exercisingdefactocontroloverthepoliticalandsocial lifeofthepopulationatthelocallevel].

Sugarcane cutter and member of the Sintracatorce trade union, in Palmira in the Valle del Cauca.

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TRADE UNIONISM UNDER THREATINTERVIEWWITHEFREN CUELLAR,TRADEUNIONISTFROMSINALTRAINAL

What was the reason you set up the union within La Colombina?

Efren Cuellar: The company withheld the part of wages which wasduetoworkersformedicaldisabilities,whilethenumberofsickpeoplewasgrowing.Andtheemployers’uniondidnotimplement the mechanisms for accessing the health sys-tem,andorganisedtheoutsourcingofproductionprocesses.Worsestill, itwasstealing fromtheworkers: ithadsetupafuneralfundfortheworkers,andwasembezzlingthefunds.The sick workers then decided to organise themselves.

From the moment you set up the union, what happened?

Thecompanypunishedus.Today, Iamnolongerallowedtowork. Iarriveat thecompany,mymobilephone is takenoffme,and Ihavetostayalone, inanempty room,doingnoth-ing all day long,with a camera fixed onme. If I get up anddon’tappearonthevideoforawhile,asecurityguardcomestoseewhat’sgoingon.Everyday,alldaylong.AndIhavebeenthreatened. Four times. The first time, an anonymous letterwaspostedinmymailbox.

“Inside the factory, they threaten to fire you, and outside, they threaten to kill you”

What did that letter say?

Stoptheunionoryouwilldie.

What about the other threats?

Another letter, accusations and intimidation on WhatsApp,andIwasevenapproachedinthestreet,twice.Thelasttimewasamonthago.Twomen,onamotorcycle,stoppedandtoldme I was going to die.

Did you report these incidents?

Yes,tothespecialiseddepartmentintheFiscalía[Prosecutor’sOffice];adepartmentsetuplastyearpreciselybecausetherewasan increase inviolenceagainstsocial leaders.Thefirsttwocomplaintswerefiledaway,eventhoughthenamesofthepeople fromtheemployers’unionorganisation involvedhadbeengiven,andtheywererecognised.Theothercomplaintswere investigated. The Fiscalíarequestedthatthepolicevisitfromtimetotime,onceaweekoronceamonth.

Apart from their presence, were the police any help?

Theygivetechnicaladviceonwhatyoucouldcall“self-preser-vation”;suchaslookinginthestreetbeforegoingout,chang-ingyourrouteregularly,notgoingoutalone,etc.

Are you afraid?

Yes,ofcourse….

How do you manage on a daily basis?

It’sverydifficult…Allthishasaffectedmyhealth.Ihaveanxi-etyproblems,Ihadabreakdown…

Do you feel supported by your family, friends, union colleagues?

Ilivealonewithmyyoungchildren,sointhatrespect….Ihavethesupportoffellowunionists,becauseeveryonehasbeenthreatened.Iwenttoseetheoccupationaldoctors,buttheytold me that my health problems had nothing to do with the threats. Iwenttoseethecompany’smanagement,andtheresponse was: “No one asked you to be a trade unionist”. Itisnotonlythreats;itisalsoharassment,intimidation,pres-sure.Insidethefactory,theythreatentofireyou,andoutside,theythreatentokillyou

1 EfrenCuellarhasbeenworkingasamachineoperatorintheValledelCaucasubsidiaryofthefoodgiantLaColombinasince1997. InApril2017,hewasoneofthefoundersoftheSinaltrainalunionwithinthecompany.

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REBUILDING PEACE AND DEMOCRACY IN THE TERRITORIESINTERVIEWWITHLUZ NELY OSORNO,VICE-PRESIDENT OFTHEPOPULARTRAININGINSTITUTE(IPC)

IPC works in Medellín and Antioquia; what is so special about these regions?

Luz Nely Osorno:TounderstandMedellín,youneedtoextendtheterritorialcontexttothedepartmentofAntioquia,ofwhichMedellínisthecapital.AntioquiawasoneoftheepicentresoftheinternalarmedconflictinColombia,whichisreflectedinthenumber of assassinations, large-scale forced displacements,landgrabbingfrompeasants,etc.Awholerangeofabusesthatmakeitoneofthemostunequalregionsinthecountry.Moreover,sincethesigningofthePeaceAgreements,Caucahasbeenthedepartmentwiththehighestnumberofassassi-nations. The people reclaiming their lands and defending their territories,etc.arethosemostatrisk.MedellínissimilartoAntioquiaintermsofinequalityandinse-curity,whichhavelongmadeitthemostviolentcityinColom-bia,eventhoughithasbeen“sold”ontheinternationalsceneasthemostinnovativecity,thankstoitsinfrastructure.

What is the situation with the Peace Agreements today?

TherehavebeenvariousundertakingsbytheSantosgovern-menttoensurepeace.Awholeinstitutionalstructure(SpecialJurisdictionforPeace,TruthCommission,CommissionfortheSearchforMissingPersons,etc.)hasbeensetup.However,the implementation of this policy shows the weaknesses of a Statewhichhasbeenco-optedbyactors,bothlegalandille-gal,whoareopposedtothepeaceprocess.

Arewereallyinapost-conflict situation in Colombia?

No, and even though there is a debate on this subject inColombia,wespokeout,alongwithotheractors,assoonasthePeaceAgreementsweresigned, tosaythat theydidnotnecessarilymeanwewere entering a post-conflict chapter.What started was a post-Agreement scenario, because noteverythingthatfuelstheconflictinColombiahadbeennego-tiated(thedevelopmentmodel,theminingindustry,etc.)andtheAgreementshadnotbeenmadewithallthearmedactors,includingtheELN[NationalLiberationArmy;theotherhistor-icalguerrillagroup].

“The SSE opens the possibility that the people returning to their lands can stay there, create living conditions for their families, and move forward in building territorial peace”

The point on the Integral Rural Reform in the Peace Agreements relates to the solidarity economy. What is the relationship between the solidarity economy and agrarian reform, and beyond that, with peace? And how does the IPC link them together in its work?

The impossibilityofaccessing land,whetherdue todispos-sessionorforotherreasons,preventsalternativeproductionexperimentsbeingcompletedonsmall andmediumscales.Thepeaceprocessopensup thepossibilityof transformingthe ruralenvironmentandgivingsocialandsolidarityecon-omy(SSE)initiativespotential.The IPChasbeendeveloping itsstrategy formore thansix-teenyearswiththedisadvantagedurbanpopulationofcertaindistrictsofMedellín,whichareblightedbyconflict,andwithlandless peasants and victims of dispossession in the Uraba region.TheSSEopensthepossibilitythatthepeoplereturn-ingtotheir landscanstaythere,create livingconditionsfortheirfamilies,andmoveforwardinbuildingterritorialpeace.Thatisourstrategy:tohelprestoretherightsofthesepeopleandgeneratesustainableconditionssothattheycanliveandremainintheirneighbourhoodsorontheirland.

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A DIFFERENT ECONOMY FOR A DIFFERENT COLOMBIAINTERVIEWWITHJULIANA MILLÁN,CO-DIRECTOR OFTHEINTERDISCIPLINARYWORKINGASSOCIATION(ATI)

How and why did ATI come to incorporate the social and solidarity economy?

Juliana Millán:Asanorganisation,ATIdiscoveredSSEstruc-turallymorethaneightyearsago,but intuitively longbeforethat,throughitsworkonfoodsovereigntyandautonomy.Wesupported indigenous and peasant communities, who hadsucceeded in implementingautonomous formsof foodpro-duction and distribution within their communities. But thisautonomywaslostwhentheyenteredthemarket.

“To reinvent the SSE, not only from the grand academic theories, but also from the reflections and struggles of other peoples and communities”

We needed to learn and reflect on building a sustainablealternative system. This meant confronting the need for and challengesoftransformingtherulesandsocialfabricwithinwhichtheeconomyfunctions.Duringthisprocess,ATIdiscov-eredthetheoreticalandpoliticalreflectionontheSSEinLatinAmerica, as well as practical proposals for building thesesocial fabrics. We realised we needed to reinvent the SSE,notonlyfromthegrandacademictheories,butalsofromthereflectionsandstrugglesofotherpeoplesandcommunities,and from what they were doing and proposing.

What is the current context, post-Peace Agreement?

The disagreements and inconsistencies of the new govern-ment regarding the implementation of the Peace Agreements are a step backwards in all respects. There is political chaos and issuessuchasterritorialdevelopment, thereplacementof illegal drug crops, land restitution or developing prioritypublicpoliciesforfamily,peasantandcommunityagriculturehavebeenfrozen.Andrightnow,thefar-rightparty,themostpowerful party in thegovernment, is presentinga reform toCongresstogivemorepowertotheexecutiveattheexpenseofpopularandcitizeninitiatives.

The dismantling of the Agreements and their implementation meansthereturnoffearasameansofexertingpressure,sty-miethecapacityofsocialorganisations,allowanevengreaterconcentrationofpower,andmakeitimpossibletoshowthatitispossibletobuildadifferentworld.

The Colombian government did not vote in favour of the declaration of peasants’ rights at the UN, even though Colombia is a traditionally rural country? How do you position yourself faced with this?

Theelitethatcurrentlyhasthemajorityingovernmentandpar-liamentderivesitspowerfromlandconcentration.Itisnotsur-prisingthatthiselite,withaveryright-wingpoliticaltendency,isnotinterestedinrecognisingruralexistenceasasocial,eco-logical,economic,integratedandsustainablewayofliving.

Ourtaskisnottolosewhathasbeenachievedinthepastinbuildingsocialprocesses,whichnotonlyillustratepossiblealternativeworlds, butmake thema reality, throughalter-nativeformsofeducation,care,production,justiceand,ingeneral,living.

The country owes a debt to rural communities; part of thisdebt is that theyought to be recognised. This presupposestheimplementationofadifferentiatedpolicythatguaranteesnotonlyawayofliving,butalsoformsofsocialappropriation,constructionandreproduction.Oncethishasbeenachieved,and in conjunctionwith indigenous communities and thosedescendedfromAfricans,thechallengeremainsofensuringthat these policies are actually implemented through com-prehensiveruralreform,whichclearlyinvolvesterritorialreor-ganisation,allowingallsidestoliveinruralareaswithdignity,withouthavingtocompeteforlandandcontroloftheterritory.

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As a stable country and popular tourist destination, which,unlikeitsneighbours,hasbeenrelativelysparedfromterror-ism,Morocco enjoys a positive image. Poverty is declining,growthisontrackandthefreetradeagreementwiththeEuro-peanUnion (EU) is supposed to bolster this virtuous circle.However,acloserlookrevealsamuchmorecontrastedcoun-try.Informalemploymentdominates,inequalitiespersist,anddemocratisation is still not on the agenda.

The tree of macro-economic indicators hides a forest of social issues: access to water, electricity, public services,etc. The official figures only partially and partly reflect thedailylifeofmostofthepopulation.Thisisreflectedinthegapbetweenperceivedpoverty,especiallyinruralareas,whichisincreasing–oneintwopeopleconsiderthemselvespoor!–and its statistical decline.

Moreover,thelatestreportoftheMoroccanEconomic,SocialandEnvironmentalCouncil (CESE inFrench)questioned thecountry’sdevelopmentmodelandthenon-inclusivenatureofthecountry’sgrowth - ina languagethat isclearlycautiousand self-censored, referring to various “dysfunctions” (alle-giancetothekingdomisaprerequisite).WhilenearlyoneintwoMoroccansisunder25yearsofage,theyouthunemploy-ment rate (26.5% in 2017) is almost three times higher than the nationalaverage,andishigherthan40%inurbanareas.

Thesituationisevenmoreproblematicforwomen.TheCESEreportrefersto‘the eviction of women’fromthelabourmarketand, ingeneral,emphasises ‘the lack of an integrated public policy to reduce gender inequalities’. The result is discrimi-nationinaccesstohousing,health,education(theilliteracyrateforwomenisalmosttwiceashighasthatformen),etc.,and greater poverty.

Despitetheincreaseinbasicmedicalcoverage(60%accordingtotheMinistryofHealth),thehealthsystemistwo-speedandinequalities in access to care due to socio-economic factorsactually increased between 2012 and 2015, according to the2017assessmentoftheMedicalAssistanceScheme(RAMEDinFrench).Thesmallshareofthepublicbudgetallocatedtohealth(around6%),territorialdisparitiesandstaffshortagesinthegov-ernmentexacerbateratherthancorrecttheseinequalities.

Wecanobviouslyhighlighttheunder-utilisationofthesocialandsolidarityeconomy(SSE)anditsmanipulation,intheserviceofaneo-liberaldevelopmentstrategy.Thescatteredpublicactionsand institutions, aswell as the lack of resources and credits,reflectandreinforcethe lackofpoliticalwill.Thedraft frame-worklawfortheSSE,whichhasbeenontheState’sagendaforthreeyears,isoneofthemosttellingmanifestationsofthis.

Ontheothersideofthebeneficialimagethattheregimeistry-ingtosell,theseshortcomingsandinequalitiesarefuellingaYa Basta,whichsurfacessporadically.Forexample,Moroccohasbeenshakenupinrecentyearsbyamulti-facetedsocialawak-ening,drivenbymajorpopularmobilisations,particularlyinTheRif,which,beyondtheirdifferences,havesimilardemandsforsocialjusticeanddignity.

Fifteen associations and twenty SSE initiatives from six popular districts of Greater Casablanca are supported by the joint programme of Solsoc and its three Moroccan partner organisations: the Women of the Neighbourhood Associations of Greater Casablanca Initiative (AFAQ), the Young people of the Neighbour-hood Associations of Casablanca Initiative (AJR) and the Training and Support Institute for Local Associations (IFAAP). The projects implemented respond to the needs of people in these neighbourhoods, especially young people and women, and provide a basis for relaying their concerns to the public authorities.

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OPENING UP THE ECONOMIC VISION INTERVIEWWITHABDALLAH SOUHAIR,PRESIDENTOFREMESS

The Moroccan Social and Solidarity Economy Network (REMESS) has been operational since 2006. What is its background?

Abdallah Souhair:REMESSwassetupbyagroupofcoopera-tives,associationsandresourcepersonswho,duringtheWorldSocial Forum in Porto Alegre, in Brazil, saw examples of thesocialandsolidarityeconomy(SSE)andhadtheideaofcreatingthisnetwork,withthesupportoftheIntercontinentalNetworkforthePromotionoftheSocialandSolidarityEconomy(RIPESS).Likeallcivilsocietyorganisations,ithashaditsupsanddownsoverthepast13years.Icandividethisperiodintotwostages;setting-up and construction, where REMESS worked at thenationallevel,thenattheinternationallevel,especiallyinAfrica.Duringthisstage,gaininga territorial footholdwassomewhatneglected. A new team, ofwhich I am a part, came from theregionsin2015totrytoworkwithaterritorialvisionandbuildbridges at the regional level in Morocco. This is the second stage. Twelve hubs, one for each region of the country, have beensetup.ThismeansthattwelveregionalREMESSentitieshavebeencreated.WetriedtoincorporatethevariouscomponentsoftheSSEineachcase.However,wedidn’toverlooktheinter-nationaldimension,butwefocusedontheterritorialaspect,trying to invest in this dynamic.

Has the institutional landscape of the SSE changed over the past 13 years?

TherehasbeenanappropriationandinstitutionalisationoftheSSEsincetheearly2000s,withlawspassed,institutionscre-ated,includingthecreationofasocialeconomysecretariatin2011,theorganisationoftheCongressin2015,etc.Theseareelements that demonstrate the link between the State and civil societyactors.Butcivilsocietyismuchmoreadvancedthantheinstitutions,ifwemakeacomparisonintermsofdynamism,approach,products,etc.Theinstitutionsarestillcatchingup.

What is the reason for this lag?

Itistheappropriationandconceptitself,thebasisonwhichSSEisenvisaged.Itisatooltoremedyandcorrectsocialdivisions,atooltofightpoverty,socialexclusionandalldivisions;divisionscausedbythesesameStatepolicies.It’sastickingplaster.Fromourside,theSSEisasectorthatcancreatewealth,thatcancreateemployment;itisnotasparewheel!ButfortheState,itisatoolforquickfixesandstickingplastersolutions.Andtheresultsreflectthisnotion.WhatmakestheSSEsounfortunateis this political vision. And even if it differs from one govern-menttoanother,thereisnopoliticalwilltopromotethissector.

“The SSE is a sector that can create wealth, that can create employment; it is not a spare wheel!”

Is lobbying to promote this sector one of REMESS’ main challenges?

Yes, it is a major focus. It is a question of getting lawsenacted, but alsoof ensuring that theyactually reflect thevalues andprincipleswe embody. For example, the frame-work law on the social economy. A draft law was already pro-ducedin2016,withthesupportoftheFAO(FoodandAgricul-tureOrganisationoftheUnitedNations).ButitisheldupinMorocco’slegislativebodies.Ourmissionistoadvocateforthis legislation to be enacted. Wealsoadvocate for the fair trade law,especiallynowthat,with the social and economic crisis, social movements aredevelopinginTheRif,inZagora,elsewhere,orwiththesmallgrocersstrikebecauseofthe2019financiallaw(itintroducesthe obligation to keep electronic accounting and invoicing,reviewstheturnoverceilingtobenefitfromadvantages,etc.).Ourmissionistobeatthesamelevelasthesocialmovementsthatchallengeus,becauseSSEcanbeoneofthesolutionsoftheseactors,amongothers.

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WOMEN AT THE HEART OF THE STRUGGLE FOR DIGNITYINTERVIEWWITHKENZA CHAAIBY,COORDINATOROFTHEWOMEN OFTHENEIGHBOURHOODASSOCIATIONSOFGREATERCASABLANCAINITIATIVE(AFAQ)

You work with women in the working class neighbourhoods of Casablanca. What is their situation? What are their main expectations and demands?

Kenza Chaaiby: Thesewomen live in a situation of poverty,marginalisation,exclusionandviolence. In theseneighbour-hoodsandslums,thepatriarchalmentalityisstilldominant.AndwomeninCasablanca’sindustrialdistrictsareexploitedascheapworkers,withoutrightsorsocialprotection.All thesewomen demand equality, freedom, a dignified life,DecentWorkandincomethatguaranteesthemdignity,aswellastherighttoparticipateinpubliclifeandtomakedecisionsregardingpublicpolicies.

“An alternative economy that must play a role in ensuring social justice”

You have set up a collective and participatory monitoring mechanism regarding discrimination against women. What is it about?

AFAQ has set up ten labour branches in the local districts.Theyweresetupbyrepresentativesofneighbourhoodasso-ciations,socialandsolidarityeconomy(SSE)initiatives,localtradeunionsectionsanddevelopmentandhumanrightsasso-ciations.Theirroleistomonitorandevaluatepublicpolicies,localdevelopmentprojectsandmunicipaldevelopmentplans,ensuring that the principle of fairness and equal opportuni-tiesandthegenderapproacharerespected.Andtospeakoutagainst thevarious formsofdiscriminationagainstwomen,by questioning political party leaders, elected officials andpublicauthoritiesaboutsuchphenomena.

There are laws on the social and solidarity economy in Morocco. Do they meet your expectations? If not, how do you position yourself in relation to them?

Weshould acknowledge thatMorocco ismakingprogress inpromulgatingstrategiesrelatedtothisissue.Examplesincludethe law on cooperatives and the draft law on the social and sol-idarity economy (SSE). These are ambitious laws,which aimtodevelopaframeworkanddefineitsscope.Thereisalsothenationalstrategy2018-2028,whichisdesignedtoincreasethecontributionoftheSSEtothecreationofwealthandjobs.Ourstrategy is topressure thegovernment to treat theSSEnot only as a sector that compensates for the role of the state in job creation and generatingwealth, but also as an alter-native;analternativeeconomythatneedstoplayarolethatguarantees social justice, a fair distribution of wealth, andcontributestothedemocratisationofthestateandsociety.

Morocco has signed a free trade agreement withtheEuropeanUnion;doesthisbenefit or disadvantage the SSE?

The signing of this agreement in 2000 was designed to attract investment,createjobsandimprovethecompetitivenessofthelocaleconomic fabric.Butunequalexchangeswith theEuro-peanUniondonotbenefittheSSE.AndtheycannotdosogiventhelackofprotectionofthelocalmarketagainstthedumpingofcompetitiveandcheapEuropeanproducts, theabsenceofanystrategytoimprovetheaccessofcooperativeproductsandMoroccanSSE initiatives to theEuropeanmarket,andfinally,giventheveryfragilityofSSEinstitutionsandactors.

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BREAD, WOMEN AND DIGNITYINTERVIEWWITHMOUNIA LAMRANI,MANAGER OFTHECHHIWATEBLADICOOPERATIVE

Can you give us an overview of your cooperative and its members?

Mounia Lamrani:Therearetenofus–agroupofwomen,withthreemen–workinginthispastry,bakeryandcateringcoop-erative,butweusedtoworkasanassociation.Ithasbeenayear since we formed the cooperative. The women here are oftenindifficultsituations;widows,divorcees,orneithermar-riednordivorced…Forwomenwholivealone,thesituationismoredifficult:rentsaretooexpensive,childrenhavetogotoschool,transportisdifficult,etc.TherearealsotwowomenfromGuinea.Wehaveanagree-mentwithanassociationthatworkswithmigrants;wesup-plythemwithacateringservice.Theyaskeduswhynotgivetraining to some of these young migrants, why not teachthemwhatyoudo?

Howdidthesewomenfindout about the cooperative?

It’swordofmouthintheneighbourhood;we’reknowninthearea. I counted that there have already been four genera-tionsofwomenindifficultsituations–widows,divorcees–in the association.

Isn’titdifficultforpeopleindifficultsituations to come here to work?

No.They learncooking, catering, andat thesame time, theywork. And a crèche is organised to look after their children. Andweorganisemeetings;we invitepsychologistsanddoc-tors,whofollowupthesewomen.Wehaveanagreementwithaspecialisedassociation,whichworkswithwomenindifficultsituationsandhaslawyers.Wetrytoworkonthesocialskillsofthesewomen,andshowthemhowtosay“yes”and“no”.Before,theydidn’tknowhow.Weorganiselobbying,andwiththehelpofthepsychologistsandlawyers,wemanagetofindsolutions.

There are two Guineans and one Berber, women indifficultsituations…isn’tthereanytension?

No, there isno tensionatall.Forexample, theBerber ladydidnotspeakArabicwhenshecame,butwiththeGuineans,theyunderstandeachotherverywell;theyspeakwiththeirhands!Wehavejustdrawnupanagreementwithanassoci-ationthatworkswithdisabledpeople;threeofthem,intheirsecondyearofhotelmanagement,willcomehere todoaninternship,learnaboutgroupworkandthestepstobetakentosetupacooperative.

What is the salary?

The salary is almost the same for everyone, because theyworkmore or less the same number of hours, from8am to4pm-4.30pm;2500dirhampermonth[230euros].Wehopeitwillberaisedto3,000dirhamsoon-Inch’Allah.Andthisyear,for the first time, we were able to pay insurance [sickness,accident,etc.]forallworkers!

How do the inhabitants of the neighbourhood view you?

Verypositively.Theneighbourhoodiswellawarethatwehaveaverygoodproduct,verygoodhygieneandverygoodservice.WehavechangedtheirviewofGuineans,ofAfricans…Some-timespeoplecometobuybread,seethatthereareGuineans,andaskquestions.Webringthemintotheworkshop.Theyseehowthesewomenandyoungpeoplework,andsay“welldone”!Wehada surprise visit from thehygienedepartmentof theprefecture, whichwas visiting all the establishments in theneighbourhood.Itwasthefirsttimeforus.Anddoyouknowwhattheytoldus?Thatwewerethebest,andtheygaveustenoutoften!Everythingisclean.Everyonehereintheneighbour-hood knows about this aspect. And word-of-mouth bringsother customers from further afield. We don’t only work tosellthings,it’saboutourhealth,andourneighbourhood,ourfamily,ourchildrenandourfriendswhoeat.Andweeattoo! Youwon’tfindanycockroachesormicehere;it’slikehome.

"We don’t only work to sell things, it’s our health, and it’s our neighbourhood, our family, our children and our friends who eat"

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DEMONSTRATION THROUGH SOLIDARITYINTERVIEWWITHHASSAN DAFIR,COORDINATOROFTHETRAINING ANDSUPPORTINSTITUTEFORLOCALASSOCIATIONS(IFAAP)

Most employment in Morocco is informal. Is the social and solidarity economy (SSE) a response to this situation, a bridge towards formalisation?

Hassan Dafir: In the working class neighbourhoods, there isalackofformaljobsandthereareproblems.Thereisalotofunemployment.Weareworkingonvocationaltrainingandset-tingupcompaniesthatareeconomicallyviableandthatrespectprinciples. We show that there is actually the possibility ofincorporatingtheassociation-baseddynamic,solvingspecificproblems,suchasemployment,socialprotection,andrespond-ing topeople’s interest.However,gettingpeople interested isveryimportant,becauseitisthegatewaytomobilisation.It isa frameworkofspecificproposals, fromwhichweadvo-cate,toconvincetheStatethatthisdimensionneedstobeinte-gratedasanotherwayofsolvingtheemploymentproblem,andnotgetstuckinthe“employer”rationale,intheentrepreneurialspirit,wheretheonlypossibilityistoformalisetheinformal.

Are these demonstration efforts towards the State bearing fruit? Is it more receptive?

There is a willingness to strengthen the SSE to addressemployment within vulnerable groups, and there are goals:increasethecontributionoftheSSEtoGDP,expandthenum-berofactors,etc.That’stheintention,buttherealityisratherdifferent.TheSecretaryofState for theSSE is linkedto theMinistry of Tourism,Air Transport andHandicrafts. In prac-tice,thefieldofactionoftheSSEisfocusedonthetourismsector;promotinghandicrafts,presentinglocalproducts,etc.ThisequatestoreducingtheSSEtoorganisingcertaincom-plementary tasks of large companies. Forexample,theStatehasgrantedthestatusof‘auto-entre-preneur’ to itineranttraders,organised intoassociationssetupbytheprefecture,byputtingtheminamarket, inamoreconfinedsalesspace.Theiractivityiscomplementarytothatoftheleadingfamilies,whocontrolthemarket,whoowntheMarjanestores,thesupermarkets,andwherepeopledomostoftheirshopping;theyremainlockedinasituationofcomple-mentarity.Wehavenottransformedthemarket,wehavenothelpedthemorganisethemselvesandturnthemselvesintoacooperative, to allow them togo further thanhavinga littlemoney on a day-to-day basis.

How then can the SSE be developed so that it can be institutionalised without being manipulated?

WearelobbyingtoensurethattheframeworklawfortheSSEis adopted, and that the SSE becomes national policy. It istheState’sresponsibilitytocreatejobs.Ourroleistoworkinproximity on social and solidarity links,meet certain needsinneighbourhoods,andthereforediversifythewaysinwhichpublicpoliciessolveproblems,includingthatofemployment.

Theofficialfiguresandpronouncements give a very positive image of Morocco. Has the country changed for the better?

Yes,ithasdefinitelychanged.Intermsofinfrastructure,thereisaclearimprovement.Butwhodoesthisimprovementserve?Forexample,thereisamajorprojecttotransformCasablancainto a services andbusiness city.Whomade this decision?Neither the elected officials nor the public. Andwithwhichfunds?Aboveall,whowillbethebeneficiaries?Slumdwellersarepushedouttotheoutskirts,workersleavetogetclosertothefactories,pushedfurtheraway.Andinthecity,industries are being replaced by service activities, which donotofferasmanyorthesametypeofjobs.Thisautomaticallychangesthesociologyofthepopulation.WhoismovingtoCas-ablanca?Thepeoplewhohavethequalificationsforthesejobsand the means to pay higher rents. It is a two-speed Morocco.

“This equates to reducing the SSE to organising certain complementary tasks of large companies”

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ANOTHER WAY TO DEMONSTRATEINTERVIEWWITHAMINA ZAIR,PRESIDENTOFTHEWOMEN OFTHENEIGHBOURHOODASSOCIATIONSOFGREATERCASABLANCAINITIATIVE(AFAQ)

What is everyday life like for women in the working class neighbourhoods of Casablanca?

Amina Zair:Firstly, lookingat thewholepicture,wecanseethecomplete inequality ingeographic terms, in thedistribu-tionofwealth,and in the implementationofpublicpolicies.If you focus on theworking class neighbourhoods, you seepoverty,marginality,illiteracy.Therearenogardens,nopublicspacesforwomenandchildren,notransport,nosportsclubs,wastecollectionispatchy,etc.Andifyouzoominevenmore,youseethatthereareseveralcategories ofwomen; the housewifewho thinks she knowsnothingandisworthnothing;thewomanwhoworksinindus-try;thewomanwhoworksinaneconomicinitiative…Butforall these women, there are no good working conditions orrespectfortheirfundamentalrights.Andallarevictimsofhar-assmentandviolence,whetherverbalorphysical.

“And all are victims of harassment and violence, whether verbal or physical”

Does the social and solidarity economy (SSE) meettheneedsofthesewomenmorespecifically?

Yes, the priority need of these women is to have a stableincome.That iswhyAFAQsupports them, toprovide train-ing,bringthemtogetherinaneconomicinitiative,strengthentheirmanagementcapacities,andfindsolidaritymeansandtools,tomeettheirneeds.Therehasbeenanevolution.ThewomenwithwhomAFAQworks nowhave a stable income, a lifewhich, in invertedcommas, is more favourable. There has been a changein behaviour, and they have managed to integrate otherwomen.Thisisbecausewearenotonlyaimingforaneco-nomicreturn,butalsothegeneralinterest,inordertohaveaninfluenceinneighbourhoods.

Aren’t these women facing resistance from families, from men?

Atfirst, therewasstrong resistance fromfathers,husbandsandevenbrothers.Butwework in parallelwith themen, tointegrate them,andexplain thatour initiativewill notaffecttheirpositionsasmen, so that theyacceptand respect thefact that women go out, work and have their own income.On the contrary, it will help to improve the family situa-tion, to give the family stability, at least economic stability. Andthewomenchange,throughtraining,theirwayofdiscuss-ingthings,managingconflicts,andlookingafterthechildren. Allthisisreflectedinlifeinsociety.

What about state policy in the area of the SSE?

The State has developed various policies, invested a lot ofmoney,invitedinternationalspecialiststomajorevents,etc.,butwithoutastrategy,withoutaclearvision,withouttakingintoaccounttheMoroccancontext…andithasthereforebeenineffective!Itmakesgrandannouncements,suchasthecre-ationof500,000jobsinthesocialeconomy.ButistheStatepreoccupiedwithjustabsorbingtheunemployedorcreatingdecentjobswithgoodworkingconditions?

In recent years, Morocco has been shaken by various social movements. Is the SSE linked to them, or unrelated?

Theywerenotisolatedmovements,becausetheSSEispartofthe social landscape. The decisions taken by the government are a step backwards in relation to what has been achieved. Theyaredecisionsagainstthepublic,whichthreatenthelivesofthepoor.Themostrecentexampleisthefinancelaw,whichaffects cooperatives. ItcanbesaidthatwiththeSSE,womendemonstrateintheirown way. It is a way of telling politicians that we have man-aged to improve things,when theyhavenotevenbeenabletogiveusanyhope.Awayofsaying:“we are here, we are living and we have developed something that brings us together and is in our image, and that meets our actual needs”!

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YOUNG PEOPLE IN SEARCH OF A FUTURE

War (low and high intensity) and colonisation; this is thedaily reality faced by Palestinians for the past 50 years. Theterritoryandthepoliticalfieldaredivided,theeconomyhas been throttled and is dependent, the social and envi-ronmental situation has atrophied. The Israeli blockade,controlandmilitaryincursionsundermineanyprospectofdevelopment,includingagriculturaldevelopment.

The situation is particularly problematic in Gaza, the42-km-long coastal strip, which, according to the UN, hasthehighestunemploymentrateintheworld(54%)andwheremorethantwo-thirdsofPalestinianssufferfromfoodinsecu-rity.Andsocio-economic indicatorscontinuetoplummet,totheextentthattheUNwarnedin2017thatGazawillbecome“uninhabitable”by2020.1Ingeneral,youngpeople,themajority–two-thirdsofthepopulationareyoungerthan29–aretheprimaryvictims.Buttheyarethemainhopeforchange.

Following the Oslo Accords, the establishment of a Pales-tinianAuthority in 1994 rapidly collidedwith authoritarian-ismandcronyism,thesplitbetweenHamasandFatah,and,above all, the continuation of Israeli settlement activity.ThearmedIntifada,thelarge-scalepeacefulmarchesoftheMovement of 15  March [2011], which was designed to blowthewindoftheArabspringintoPalestiniansociety,thewarwagedbyIsraelagainsttheGazaStripin2014,andtheGreat Marches of Return in 2018 are the main stages of the cycle of violence and protest in recent years.

Inaninternationalcontextoftheincreasingpowerofright-winggovernments,primarilyinIsraelandtheUnitedStates,thePal-estinianAuthority’seconomicandpoliticaldependencecontin-uestogrow,andturnagainstthepopulation.Ontopofthisareunemployment(around30%;twiceashighasinIsrael),regularviolationsofrightsandpoliticaldeadlock,whichwouldappeartojeopardiseanyprospectsforthefuture…

Facedwithinternaldivisions(geographical,political,cultural),violationsoffreedomofmovement,expressionandassocia-tion,andthedualchallengesof Israeli repressionandpoliti-calconfiscationbyFatahandHamas,thehopeofPalestinianyouth liesaboveall in theirowncapacities formobilisation;mobilisation from which they can assert their autonomy,developsharedvalues,defendtheirrightsand,ultimately,gen-eratepolitical,socialandeconomicchange.

Inthissense,theGreat Marches of Return,despitethemassrepression–between30Marchand31July2018,164Pales-tinianswerekilledand17,000woundedbyIsraeliforces(atthesametime,oneIsraelisoldierwaskilledandnineotherswounded)–mark,atthesametimeasarejectionof“ghet-toisation”,arenewalofthetermsofthestruggle,aswellasanaffirmationof the autonomyand initiativeof the socialactorsoutsidetheparties.

1 Unlessotherwiseindicated,thedataarefromtheUnitedNationsOfficefortheCoordinationofHumanitarianAffairs(OCHA).

Through its support for three partner organisations, MA’AN Development Centre, Popular Art Centre (PAC) and the main Palestinian trade union, the PGFTU, Solsoc aims to strengthen the capacities of young people and women as a priority. In collaboration with the General Federation of Belgian Labour (FGTB), Solsoc supports workers in the quarries and stone industries so that, with a view to Decent Work, they can obtain better working conditions. In general, the Solsoc programme aims to ensure that Palestinians in general, and young people and women in particular, have better access to their social, political, economic and cultural rights, including through training, awareness-raising, networking, alliance and advocacy work.

of young people are unemployed of young people are unemployed

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YOUTH UNEMPLOYMENT IN PALESTINE

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OVERWORKED YOUNG PEOPLEINTERVIEWWITHGHADIR ZAINEH(MA’ANDEVELOPMENTCENTRE), RAMI MASSAD(PAC)ANDGHADA HASAN ALI ABU GHALYOUN(PGFTU).

of young people are unemployed of young people are unemployed

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Nearly one in two young Palestinians is unemployed. What is the reality of unemployment in the country?

Ghadir Zaineh: First, ifwe talkaboutunemployment ingen-eral,therateis30%[44%inGaza].Butifwetalkaboutyoungpeoplewithhighereducation,thisraterisesto45%.Andthesituation is evenworse forwomen: only 7% ofwomenwholeaveuniversitywork.Therearealsoculturalreasonsforthis;sometimes, aswomen, they do not have the opportunity towork inaspecificfield.But, inanycase, therearenotmanyjobsandthelabourmarketissaturated.

Do many young people study? What is the situation of the education system?

Ghadir Zaineh:WehavethehighestlevelofeducationintheArabcountries.Mostyoungpeoplegotouniversity.Thatcansometimes create problems or a mismatch: many people fol-lowthesameroutes.Everyyear,wehavea largenumberofyoungpeople leavinguniversitiesasengineers,economists,doctors,etc.The labourmarket issaturatedwith thesepro-fessions,andtheseyoungpeoplecannotfindemployment;allthemoresoasPalestineisasmalllabourmarket.Thatiswhyweneedtofocusonvocationalandtechnicaltrain-ing,butalsoonagriculturalwork,toencourageyoungpeopleto follow these courses rather than always the same studyroutes.Itmayalsobethatpeoplesometimeshaveanarrowoutlook;theywanttobebossesorcivilservantsorworkinalargecompany,andtheyloseinterest,ignoreorunderestimatetheimportanceofagriculture,vocationalandtechnicaljobs.

So where do they work?

Rami Massad: It is the public sector that offers the mostjobs.Andbesides,peopleprefertoworkinthepublicsector.Thehoursandworkingconditionsarebetter,andyouhavemore advantages.

Ghada Hasan Ali Abu Ghalyoun: Otherwise, people look forsmall jobs or just something to do. Or, given the economicdifficultiesandproblems,theygotoworkinIsraelandinthesettlements.Buteventhosewhoworktheredosounderverydifficultconditions,withoutprotection,withoutrights…

Ghadir Zaineh: Theywork longhours for lowwages, in veryharshconditions,withoutinsuranceiftheygetsickorinjured…

Ghada Hasan Ali Abu Ghalyoun:TheyshouldbeprotectedbyIsraeli labour rightsand tradeunions,but theydonotenjoythisprotection.Andiftheygetinjured,theyrushtothenearestcheckpointtocrosstheborderagain…

Why do so many Palestinians have to work in Israel and in the settlements?

Ghadir Zaineh: The reason why so many people go to work in the settlements is the high unemployment rate, the lack ofopportunitiesinthelabourmarket,andlowwagesthatdonotmatch the high cost of living in Palestine. So they go to work inthecolonies.Andeveniftherearerisks,iftheydonothavesocialprotection,norights,atleasttheyhaveahighersalarythat allows them to live better. This isoneoftheproblems: inPalestine,wehavedifficultyfinding workers in certain sectors because most of themwork in the settlements. There, all unskilled positions aretaken by Palestinians.

Ghada Hasan Ali Abu Ghalyoun:EithertheyworkinPalestine,inadifficultsituation,withlowwages,ortheyworkinIsrael,attractedbyhigherwages,butwithoutanyguarantee,withoutknowingwhatcanhappenfromonedaytothenext,or theyleave.Especiallyyoungpeople;theyemigrate,theygotolookforthejobtheycan’tfindhere.

Is there a minimum wage in Palestine?

Rami Massad:Yes.Itis1,450shekels[justunder350euros].ThisisalmostthreetimeslessthaninIsrael,whereasthecostof living issimilar!Theproblem is thatoureconomy iscon-nected to the Israeli economy. So we have low salaries with a high cost of living. Between 40,000 and 60,000 Palestinians work in Israeli set-tlements. Compared to Israeli workers, they are discriminatedagainstintermsofwages,socialsecurityandworkingconditions.

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Ghada Hasan Ali Abu Ghalyoun:Often,remunerationislowerthan expected, lower than what was indicated on paper orwhat they were told. And they are often day workers. Palestin-iantradeunionscannotdefendthembecausetheyaresubjectto Israeli law.

“Don’t blame the workers!”

How is the Palestinian Authority reacting to this situation?

Ghada Hasan Ali Abu Ghalyoun: It is opposed to Palestinians working inthesettlements.Buttheydon’tofferanyalterna-tives, andPalestinians aren’t overjoyed to have to go there.Don’tblametheworkers!The Palestinian Authority says it does not agree that Pal-estiniansshouldworkinthesettlements,thattheybecomeworkersfortheIsraelis,andevenparticipateintheconstruc-tionof thesettlements.Butat thesame time,whenPales-tiniansturntotheirgovernment,whatdotheysee?Thereisnoinvestmentinprojectstosupportjobs,youngpeopleandtheagricultural sector. There is no environment conduciveto employment, to small-scale entrepreneurs; nothing thatencouragespeopletostay….

Rami Massad: The Palestinian government depends on inter-national support, and 60% of its budget depends on taxes.That’swhypricesarehigh,everything isexpensive.Andwehavea liberaleconomicpolicyanda freemarket;notapro-ductive economy. In the government budget, only 2% is setaside for agriculture,whilePalestine is anagricultural land!Health,education,etc.,eachaccountforlessthan6%ofthebudget.Thatistheproblem:thereisnosocialpolicy,nosocialeconomy policy. Morethanhalfofthebudgetisdevotedtosecurity.Follow-ingthePeaceAccords,ourgovernmenthasbeenreducedtoplayingasecurityrole-securingtheterritoryandprevent-ing terrorism–anda functional role–providing services(educationalandother).

What about social organisations?

Rami Massad:Thesituation isnoteasy,buttherearesocialmobilisations.Inparticulartoincreasetheminimumwageto2,450 shekels [around580 euros].Another campaignof thetradeunions,socialorganisations,etc.,isrelatedtothesocialsecuritylaw.It’snewinPalestine…

Ghadir Zaineh: The government wants to take inspiration from whatishappeninginJordan.Butit isachallenge;thereisalackofstudiestoseeifitissuitableforPalestinianworkers.

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Rami Massad:Thereisalsoanimplementationissue.Forexam-ple,theminimumwage,adoptedin2011,wasnotapplieduntil2015.ItistheresponsibilityoftheMinistryofLabourtoorganiseimplementation.Buttheproblemisthatinthisministry,thereareonly80people inchargeof inspections.This isnotenoughtovisiteverycompanyand,inanycase,theyhavenoauthorityoverthem.Inaddition,workersareafraidoflosingtheirjobs.

For you, what would be an alternative economic policy?

Ghadir Zaineh: It isuptothegovernmenttocreatejobs,byinvestingincommunitiesandincreasingthebudgetforagri-culture,socialprotection,supportingprojectsandencourag-ingpeople to followvocational training,go to the landandwork inagriculture.Mostofourproductsare importedandwehavenoexports.Weimportmostofourfood,whichcostsusalotofmoney.Thegovernmentneedstoinvestincommunitiesandcreateanenablingenvironmentforinitiativesthatinterestyoungpeople,suchasagriculturalcooperatives,women’scooperatives,etc.

Rami Massad: It is a fact that we are in an economic crisis. The main challenge is to change the allocation of the govern-mentbudget,andtostrengtheneconomicandsocialpolicies.Itisastrategicissue.Butweneedtofacethesituation.Ithasbeen four years since the government stopped hiring newemployees in thepublicsector.Ontheotherhand,40,000to45,000peopleworkinNGOs.Buttheydependoninternationalaid.Andaidfinancingisfallingordryingup.Wehave18,000studentsgraduatingfromuniversityeveryyear.Therearenojobsfortheminthepublicsector,NGOshavestartedtocutbackonstaff,andtheprivatesectorcannotabsorbthem.That’swhywe talkedabout vocational trainingand the socialeconomy;itcouldbethesolution,tocreatejobs,etc.

In the current situation, is the government reorienting towards the social economy?

Ghadir Zaineh:No,notyet.Onthecontrary,infact.Anewlawforcooperativesisbeingdrafted,becausetheoldoneismorethanfiftyyearsold.Thegovernmentdoesnotencouragepeopletoworkincooperativesandthesocialeconomy;itmakesthingsmorecomplicated,moredifficult,withmorechargesandtaxes.

Rami Massad: It’s a financial issue: the government needsmoney,moremoney,somoretaxes,tocoverthelossofinter-nationalaid.Theywantahighertaxrateonprofits;thiswoulddestroy the process rather than reorient it.

Could elections be an opportunity for a policy change?

Rami Massad: It has been more than ten years since the last elections. And because of the Palestinian division in Gaza,Fatah and Hamas have stopped working together. All lawsarenowsignedbythePresident,andhehassignedmorethan130 over the past three years. ThedivisionbetweenFatahandHamasconcernstheoccupa-tion: not the social economy. The social economy is not part of theirprogramme.Theyareright-wing, liberalparties.Andtheleft-wingpartiesaresoweak…inreality,thecivilsocietyorgan-isations are stronger than these political parties.

“The government needs to invest in communities and create an enabling environment for initiatives that interest young people, such as agricultural cooperatives, women’s cooperatives, etc”

But in this context, does international aid really help?

Ghada Hasan Ali Abu Ghalyoun: All of the donors are a great helptous.Butnotforverylong.

Ghadir Zaineh: International aid has created dependency. The Palestinian government is dependent on this interna-tionalaid.Thatiswhatweareseeingtoday.Whentherearecutsinfunding,thereisacrisis.Andwehavenoalternatives,we have no plan B and no money that comes from Palestine.

Rami Massad:Someofthesedonorssendaidorfood,buttheseare not investments. This is the main approach of international cooperation.Palestineismadetobeahumanitarianandnotapoliticaltopic;notastruggleforfreedom,astruggleforland.

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Artisanal miner in the Kasulo district in Kolwezi, a former residential district where residents used to dig on their land and in their homes before it was declared an artisanal mining zone.

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THE HOPE OF A REAL CHANGEOVER?Therecentpresidentialandlegislativeelections,heldunderchaoticconditionsandtwoyears late,gaverisetoanunex-pected scenario. The declared winner, Felix Tshisekedi,knownas“Fatshi”,isnotthecandidateoftheoutgoinggov-ernment,eventhoughitappearedtohaveblockedeverything.Butnorishethecandidatewho,inalllikelihood,wonthemostvotes in the polls.

What is most surprising is that, with the exception of thedefraudedcandidate,allparties–politicalactors,civilsociety,theinternationalcommunity–turnedablindeyetotheelec-toralprocessandweresatisfiedthattherepresentativeoftheoldest opposition party was proclaimed president, relievedthatachangeovertookplacewithoutviolence.Itwasaques-tionofkeepingupappearances.Andtheworstwasavoided.EventheyoungpeopleofLucha,oneofthemostactiveandrad-icaloppositionmovements,areplayingthegamebylaunching“fatshimétrie”,astrategyofcitizenvigilancethatinvolveseval-uatingthenewpresident’sobservanceofhiscommitments.

It is no exaggeration to say that the challenges are huge.Buildingdemocracyandtheruleoflawdeterminesthesocialand economic issues. The Democratic Republic of Congo(DRC)isthesecondlargestcountryonthecontinentandthethird largest in termsof population (84million inhabitants). The richness of the soil (80 million hectares of arable land) andtheCongolesesubsoil(1.100mineralsandpreciousmet-als)arewellknown.Butas isoften thecase, thegeologicalblessingisactuallyacurse.

Mining activity is predatory on the environment and social rights, including those of the more than 2 million miners. Corruptionandmismanagement,thepillageofresourcesandillegal exports keep themining sector’s contribution to thestatebudgetbelowwhat itshouldgenerate.Asfor theagri-culturalpotential,itattractsthegreedofagribusinessesthatmonopolise peasant lands. 50 million hectares of tropical rainforestarecontrolledbycommercialcompanies,includingfor the planting of oil palm trees.

Despitethiswealth,publicspendingremainsstructurallylow.Itwasneverhigherthan16%ofGDPintheperiod2011-2015,duetoinsufficientrevenues.Thismakesitdifficulttofundtheexpenditurenecessarytoprovidepublicservices,andevenforthefunctioningoftheadministration.Asaresult,households,more than 75% of whose income comes from the informal economy,continuetosupportalargepartofsocialspending,andhaveextremelyprecariouslivingconditions.

Morethanhalfofthepopulationlivesbelowthepovertyline,andtheDRCisranked176thoutof188countriesontheHumanDevelopment Index (HDI).Women are themost affected bypoverty (the gender inequality index is among the highest)and are also the primary victims of the conflicts that have plaguedthecountrysincethe1990s..

Improvingworkingconditionsandfightingforbetter social protection, especially for young people and women, are the objectives of the four partner organisations of the programme: the National centre for development support and public participation (CENADEP), the Committee for the Resurgence and Support of Rural Workers at the Equator (CRAFOP), the Diobass Platform in Kivu, and the Network for the Promotion of Democracy and Economic and Social Rights (PRODDES). Supported by Solsoc, they strengthen the organisational, mobilisation and lobbying capacities of mutual health health mutuals, farmers’ and youth movements and market committees to pave the way for the SSE andallowthemtomonitorandinfluencepublicpolicies.

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of workers in the informal sector

between and

of total employment

Jobs considered as

"vulnerable" represent

Job distribution

primary sector(agriculture)

secondary sector(industrial)

tertiary sector(services)

primary sector(agriculture)

secondary sector(industrial)

tertiary sector(services)

EMPLOYMENT IN DR CONGO

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“THE IMPORTANT THING IS NOT HAVING RIGHTS, BUT HAVING THEM APPLIED”INTERVIEWWITHJEAN-PIERRE KIMBUYA,GENERALSECRETARY OFTHETRADEUNIONCOUNCILOFPUBLICANDPRIVATESERVICES(COSSEP)

What are the main issues regarding the working conditions of Congolese workers?

Jean-Pierre Kimbuya:Thereisalonglistofworkers’rightsthatarenotrespected.Iwillfocusontwomainissues:wagesandsocialprotection.Theprecariousnessofsalariesinthepublicadministration means that most civil servants cannot make ends meet. Many public companies (the SCPT [CongolesePost and Telecommunications Company], SONAS [Nationalinsurancecompany],Gécamines[GeneralQuarryingandMiningCompany]…)areseveralmonthsinarrearsintheirwagepay-ments. Postal and telecoms employees had to strike again at thestartof thisyear todemandpaymentofmore than fourmonths’wages!Intheprivatesector,butalsoinsomepubliccompanies,theminimumwageisnotapplied.

“This is the major challenge: obtaining the measures to implement the texts on social security and family allowances”

Themajorityofworkersdonotenjoysocialprotection,exceptfor teachers in Kinshasa, Lubumbashi and Mbandaka whohaveamutualhealthmutualscheme(MESP)andcompulsoryhealth insurance. Someofficials inKinshasa can access theLisungi healthmutual schemeandvoluntarily contribute toahealthmutualschemethatisdifficulttoresist.Apartfromthat,despitethecreationoftheNationalsocialsecurityfundforcivilservants(CNSSAP),publicofficialsdonotyethaveaccesstosocialprotection,healthcoverageortherighttoapension.

This is the major challenge: obtaining the measures toimplement the texts on social security and family allow-ances.Andthesituationisevenmoredifficult intheinfor-maleconomy,wherelowandirregularincomesaretheruleandnosocialinsuranceexists.

What role could the social and solidarity economy (SSE) sector play? Can it contribute to Decent Work?

TheSSEplaysaroleinCongolesesocietyinsofarasitallowscitizens toaccesscertainserviceswhicharenotofferedbythe formal economy, in particular through the creation ofcooperatives bringing together certain categories of profes-sions.ItcanonlycontributetoDecentWorkiftheworkersintheinformalsectororganiseandlinkupwithtradeunionsorother representativeorganisations interested in their cause.That way, they can participate and strengthen collectiveaction and bargaining.

How do workers organise themselves to defend their rights?

In the formalsector, theyareorganised into tradeunionsorprofessionalcorporations.Workersintheinformalsectorspo-radicallyorganiseintoassociations,asisthecase,forexam-ple,withtheDriversAssociationofCongo(ACCO).Themaindemandsrevolvearoundtheminimumwageandsocialsecu-rityforpublicandprivatecompaniesgovernedbytheLabourCodeand,asregardspublicadministrations,aroundthepayscalesnegotiatedinthejointcommittees.

How is consultation with the government and employers organised?

FortheprivatesectorandallworkersgovernedbytheLabourCode,thistakesplaceattheleveloftheNationalLabourCoun-cil (CNT),atripartitebodybringingtogetheremployers,work-ers’ representativeorganisationsand thegovernment (Minis-tryofEmployment,LabourandSocialSecurity). Inthepublicservice,itisthroughjointgovernment-tradeunioncommittees.

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“AN ECONOMY OF RESISTANCE AGAINST UNFAIR POLICIES AND LAWS” INTERVIEWWITHMASUDI WAKILONGO KISALE,PERMANENTSECRETARY OFTHENETWORKFORTHEPROMOTIONOFDEMOCRACYANDECONOMICANDSOCIALRIGHTS(PRODDES)

What types of economic initiatives can be described as social and solidarity in the DRC?

Masudi Wakilongo Kisale: Congolese society has many soli-darity traditions in the social and economicfield: for happyorunfortunateevents,forbirths,weddingcelebrations,intheeventofillnessordeath,andcountrywork.Mostlocalsocie-tieshavetheirpracticesofcollectiveworkandmutualassis-tanceamongpeasantsortohelppeopleinsituationsoffragility(esale inBembe,burhabaleinMashiinSouthKivu),basedonthecultureofUjamaa[SwahilitermputforwardbyformerTan-zanianpresidentJuliusNyerere,todesignateanAfricanpathto socialism, basedon the linksbetween the individual andsocietyandthecommunity].Shortly after independence, other initiatives emerged,includingmoziki and likelembainKinshasa.TheMoziki often bring togetherwomenwhoare involved in the same trade,whomeetandcontributeinsuchawaythat,ifoneofthemfacesanunexpectedcost, shecancomeandborrow fromthecommonfund.The likelemba operate on the same prin-ciple,exceptthattheamountraisedateachmeetingisallo-catedtothemembersinturn.These tontine practices proliferated in the 1990s, contrib-uting to discussions on regulating micro-finance institu-tions (IMF). InSouthKivu, the2000ssawthedevelopmentofmutualsolidaritycompanies(MUSO)andvillagesavingsandcreditassociations(AVEC).Itisinthiscontextthatthesocialandsolidarityeconomy(SSE)inCongoisembedded.All thesedynamics,whichcameaboutfrompopularresist-ance initiatives in the informal sector,without any legal orlegalbasis,areitsbreedingground.Afterthesecameallkindsofotherpopulareconomicactivi-ties:agriculturalcooperatives–marketgardening, livestockand service cooperatives –, artisanal mining cooperatives,the fishmongers’ synergy, the quados (roadside tyre repair-ers),cuttingandsewingworkshops,beauty,hairdressingandbeautysalons,brickmakingcompanies,mutualhealthhealthmutuals, techno-malewa, i.e. makeshift restaurants, neigh-bourhoodorvillage-basedmutual insuranceschemes,hotelworkers’unions,urbanmarketcommittees,etc.

Isn’t there a risk of confusing the informal economy with the SSE? What makes them different?

Solidarity is people coming together to solve a common prob-lemorcarryoutacollectiveproject.Theyallhavethesamerightsandduties,andbenefitequallyfromtheactivity.Thatisthedifference.Forourpart,atPRODDES,withtheorganisa-tionswesupport,wehavedrawnupachartersettingouttheprinciplesoftheSSE:fairsharingofincome,democraticandtransparentfunctioning,solidarity,autonomyandintegrationinto the rationale of a social movement. Now,thechallengeisformalisation.Thereisnolegalframe-workfortheSSE.Tostrengthenthemselves,tomovetowardsthe principles of the SSE, organisations need to formalisethemselves,integratetheseprinciples,payaminimumwageto their workers, provide minimum conditions such as anemploymentcontract,jobsecurityandabasisforsocialpro-tection.Thisalsorequiresregistrationintheregisterforbusi-nessesandpropertyloans.Butideally,weneedtoobtainanappropriate legal framework.

“All these dynamics, which came about from popular resistance initiatives in the informal sector, without any legal or legal basis, are its breeding ground”

Are you not afraid that formalisation will ultimately stifleSSEinitiatives,throughexcessivestandards,bureaucracy, tax payments or “hassle”?

It is a serious problem.When there is formalisation, you areassigned a tax number, you are immediately obliged to paythetax.Asecondproblemistheplethoraoftaxregimes:theregisterforbusinesses,SMEpatent,allthatthatrepresentsintermsofdaily,monthlytaxesthatentrepreneursneedtopaytothetownhall,themunicipality,theprovince,thestate.Entrepre-neursoftenprefertoremainintheinformalsectororjustpaythepatentratherthanformaliseandfindthemselveswiththetaxnumberthatexposesthemtoalotofhassle[requestsformoneyfrompublicandprivateagentsto“facilitate”activities].

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What should they do then?

This iswhatall the lobbyingwedowith townhalls,munici-palitiesorprovincialassembliesisabout,toobtainfacilitiesor incentivesforSSE initiatives,so that theyarenot treatedasprofit-makingenterprises.Weexplain that thesearepeo-ple who have come together on low incomes to solve their lifeproblems.Someauthoritiesare receptivewhenwehavelobbiedtogetherwithothercivilsocietyorganisations,findingappropriate channels to reach those responsible and get the right decision from them. Forexample,inBukavu,policeofficerssealedthedepotsofthe UrbanMarket Committees (CMU) on the grounds thatthey did not pay certain taxes. The CMUs took steps andmanaged to include their demand in the specifications ofcivil society. They were received by the mayor. They man-agedtoobtainadecisionaskingtheMinistryfortheEcon-omytorespecttherulesandnotto“invent”taxes,andtoldthepolicetonolongersealthedepots.Sincethen,theyhavenot had any more police harassment.Morebroadly, it isaquestionofpolitical vision.Wedonothave many politicians with a social and solidarity ideology. Thechangeofpresidencygivesushopeinthatrespect,thattheSSEwillbepartofgovernmentpolicy.Thenewpresidentandhispartyhaveprogressivetendencies,thisisanoppor-tunitythatweneedtoseize.

Is the SSE a valid alternative to the informal economy?

Asignificantproportionofbusinessandmoneytransactionscirculate in the informal economy, which involves nearlythree-quarters of the population. If it were well-structured,thissectorcouldbeasourceofhope.TheSSEisapreferredway to do this. Unfortunately, most of these transactionsdonotbenefit froma legal framework that favoursandpro-motes,throughincentives(anationalsupportfund,technicalassistance,etc.),taxfacilities(anappropriatenomenclature,exemptionsfromdumpingandunfaircompetitionfrommul-tinationals),soas toencourageentrepreneurs in thissectortoformalisethemselves,inaccordancewithILORecommen-dation 204 on the transition from the informal to the formal sector.TheSSEprovidesaframeworkforthisformalisation,providedthatithastheappropriatelegalinstrumentstodoso.

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How does the SSE contribute todignified/DecentWork?

Masudi Wakilongo Kisale: The SSE is undoubtedly a leverfor social, economic and financial inclusion. Many womenentrepreneursintheSSEtestifythattheiractivitieshaveena-bledthemtoacquiresocialstatus(consideration),tobenefitfromassistanceduringahappyorunfortunatefamilyevent,to buy land, to cultivate their fields or to pay theirmonthlyrent…Allthingsthatarenotguaranteedbyworkintheformaleconomy,whichistraditionallycapitalist,withlittleattentionpaidtoworkers,theirworkingandlivingconditions.Forwork-ingclasshouseholds, theSSE isaneconomyof resistanceagainstunfairandunrealisticpoliciesandlaws.IntheSSEcompanieswhichwesupport,welookaftervari-ousaspectsofDecentWork.Weareinvolvedinthepoliticalprojectofuniversalhealthcoverage.Weensurethathalfofthe amount of the contribution to amutual healthmutualscheme is included in the wages of workers in the SSE. Weworkonmanagementandproductionmethodstoimproveworking conditions. We are in the process of developingstandardemploymentcontractsthatguaranteeaminimumnumberofrightsforworkers intheSSE.TheSSEthereforecontributestotheimplementationoftheILOconventionsonDecentWork:minimumwage, safety atwork, extension ofsocial protection to themost vulnerablepeopleworking inthe informal economy.

What is the place of women in the SSE?

Women,who every day are looking forways to supplementtheir income and that of the household, are the backboneoftheSSE.Invariousareassuchasmarketgardening,foodprocessingoraccesstoenergy(woodandembers),theyareveryentrepreneurial.Theconstantexpansionoftheoutskirtsof cities offers a promising and constantly developing market for these initiatives. IncompaniesintheSSE,womenalsoplayanimportantroleinmanagementanddecision-making.Inmostcases,internalreg-ulationsprovideforgenderquotasforparticipationinbodies.However,strengtheningtherole,empowerment and capacities ofwomenremainsapriorityinthefaceofculturalconstraints.In addition towomen, we also need to highlight the role ofyoungpeople–womenandmen–intheSSE.Theyrepresentapoolofpotentialentrepreneursthankstotheirstrengthandenergy.Allittakesistoprovidethemwithsufficientresourcestoachievethis!Therearebusinessincubatorsthatpoolfunds,spaceandcapacitytosupportyouthentrepreneurship.

How are companies in the SSE organised?

Theyareorganisedintourbanfederationsandlocalnetworks.Anetworkingexperiment isunderwaybetweenactorsintheSSE active in agricultural production, food processing andtheenergysector.Atthenationallevel,thereisnotyetaSSEmovementperse.Weareworkingonthiswiththedissemina-tionoftheSSECharterandbysettingupanad hoc working groupwithincivilsociety.We look for linkswith tradeunions,NGOsandsocialactorswho have a vision of social change, who resist and createmovements to findanswers to the variousdemandsof civilsociety, including the fight against youth unemployment,improving incomes, creating solidarity jobs, the financialinclusionofwomen,accesstoqualityhealthcare,energy,etc.

“The SSE is an economy of resistance against unfair and unrealistic policies and laws”

Are these movements an important force in Congolese society?

The role and work of CSOs is well established! The emer-genceandconvergenceofcitizenmovementsisanessentialentrypoint.Wehavealreadyaskedthenewpresidentaboutimproving the living conditions of the Congolese people,aboutanecessarysocialchange.Ourprincipaldemandsarebinary in nature: firstly, political, for a genuine democraticchangeover,aguaranteeofcourageoussocialpoliciesandcivicrenewal;andsecondly,socio-economic,toimprovethesocial conditions of the Congolese people. The alliance of civilsocietyactors,citizenmovements,ruralorganisations,tradeunions,associations,NGOs,companiesintheSSE…isthe key to this change.

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THE CHALLENGE OF AN EMERGING SOCIAL PROTECTION SYSTEMTheAfricanUnion,aswellasotherinternationalbodies,hasinrecentyearsmadevariouscommitmentstothesocio-eco-nomictransformationofthecontinent,withthecommonfac-torofextendingandstrengtheningsocialprotection.Withinthis, access tohealth isparamount. In this sense, thechal-lenge made by the Senegalese State is symbolic.

Senegal, themoststablestate inWestAfricawith regularlyheldelections,nolongerhesitatestopresentitselfasafutureemergingcountry.Butpovertyremainshigh,formalemploy-mentisscarce(lessthan40%ofnon-agriculturaljobs)1,demo-graphicgrowthissignificant(62%ofthepopulationisunder25yearsofage),genderinequalitiesarehigh(morethanonein fourwomen has suffered physical violence, according tothe latest continuous demographic and health survey), andaccess to rights is limited. These are all challenges regarding the implementation of social protection for all.

In2013,anambitiousprogrammetosetupUniversalHealthCoverage(CMU)waslaunched.Theobjectiveistoguarantee,inthelongterm,accesstocare,includingforthemostvulner-able,byallowing themto receive free treatment.Toachievethis,theStatereliesoncivilsocietyorganisationsandavastnetworkofmutualhealthhealthmutuals,whichareexpectedtoalignwitheachotherandexpand,tocovereverymunicipal-ityinthecountry.Ifthischallengeissuccessful, itwouldbearevolutionforSenegal.Andabenchmarkforothergovern-ments in the region.

Theprogrammeenvisagedthat75%ofthepopulationwouldbecoveredby2017.ButslightlylessthanoneSenegaleseintwocurrentlyhashealthinsurance.Ontopoftheconstraintsinherent in the process, there are structural problems: thescale of the informal sector, territorial inequalities (Dakar,whichrepresents0.3%ofthecountry’sterritoryandaccountsfor 80%of its economic activities), the limits of the alreadyhighly indebtedStatebudget,etc. Inaddition, thisCMUpro-gramme highlights the discrepancies and contradictions in the development strategy.

Attracting investment,creatingafavourablebusinessclimate,boostinggrowth…allobjectivesattheheartofthePlan Sénégal Émergent (Emerging Senegal Plan),whichusedtiredneo-liberalpreceptsandtendedtoreproduceanon-inclusiveeconomicpol-icy.Thisisevidencedbythefocusontheminingandhydrocar-bonsector.However,althoughthisrepresentsmorethanathirdofexports,itonlycovers0.3%oftotalemployment!Ontheotherhand, Senegalese agriculture in the broadest sense,which isprimarilyfamily-based,employs60%oftheworkingpopulation.

Social protection for all Senegalese means tackling not only employment and poverty problems, but also those of foodinsecurity, thedegradationofnatural resources, inequalitiesand the country’s dependence on the international market,and,consequently, focusingfirstonthedynamics,demandsand proposals of social organisations and movements.

Together with these two Senegalese partners, the Environmental research and study group (GREEN) and the network of health mutuals in the Kaolack region, Oyofal Paj, Solsoc works to extend social protection and improve the rights of workers, particularly young people and women, in the informal economy and in the rural environment. To this end, the programme aims to strengthen mutual health health mutuals, as well as their regional structures, networks of social and solidarity economy initiatives and youth movements. The challenge is that they constitute a representative mobilising force, able to promote and ensure the extension of their social, political and economic rights.

1 Unlessotherwiseindicated,alldataarefromtheRepublicofSenegal,Plan Sénégal Émergent,2014.

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THE DUAL CHALLENGE OF EMPLOYMENT AND SOCIAL PROTECTIONINTERVIEWWITHIBRAHIMA FALL,PROGRAMMEDIRECTORFORGREENINSENEGAL

What is the situation regarding youth employment and the informal sector in Senegal?

Ibrahima Fall:Youthemploymentisakeyissue,withwhichwehave been confronted for years. The politicians have not yet foundthenecessarysolutiontothissocialproblem.Alltheseyoungpeoplewhocometolookforwork,andwhodon’tfindany, areacause for concern for theState, for their familiesand for the city.Forus, youthemployment today isaproblem thatneeds tobetackledatthelevelofthecentralgovernment,theprivatesector and support organisations such as ours. I think thattheprivatesectorinSenegaldoesnothaveenoughresourcesoropportunitiestotakecareofmostoftheseyoungworkers. Itneedstobesupportedmoretogeneratemorejobs.The informal sector is characterised by its precariousness.Precariousness in thesense that it isnotwellstructuredororganised.Policy should bemore oriented towards a betterformalisation of employment frameworks, better care forpeople in the informal sector, and better social protection. The new programmes that are focused on health,with Uni-versal Health Coverage (CMU), should have been furtherstrengthenedcomparedtothe informalsector,sothatmostofthepeopleinitarewellcaredfor,atleastfromahealthper-spective. Theymustalsobeable toputmoneyaside,so thatafterretirementtheyatleasthaveaminimumincometosurvive.But everythingdependson the framework in place, and thestrategiesdevelopedbythepublicauthorities.Thefirststepsarebeingtaken….

Do you have a positive assessment of social protection policy so far?

Yes,thereisagoodsocialprotectionpolicy,butit isslowtotakeoff,becausetheprogrammeisstillfacingdifficulties,andfromamonetarypointofview,ithasarealcost.ButthereisagoodsymbiosisbetweenthecentralState,localcommuni-tiesandcivilsocietyorganisations,becauseitisamajorchal-lenge,whichisfeltbyallthedifferentactors.

How are workers organised and what are their demands?

At theworker level, themostwidespreadmodel is the unionmodel.Itisfortheformalsectorand,insomecases,forinfor-malnetworks.Butitisaverysmallfringecomparedtotheover-all mass of workers. Informal workers are in associations and groupswhicharenotyetwellstructured.Butthetradeunioncentres have farmore resources, aremuchmore structured,andalsohaveadirectdialoguewiththepublicauthorities.The demands are first and foremost about improving theemploymentframework.Itisalsoaboutthelinkbetweensal-ary and standard of living.With the inflation of living costs–sugar,milk,oilorrice–,transport,housing,etc.–wagesdonot allow workers to live a decent life.

“The basic right is parental authority. And, in general, the parental authority is the man”

What about gender inequalities in Senegal?

Aworkingmancantakecareofhiswifeandchildren,fromamedicalperspective. Ifmywife is ill, thereare facilitiespro-vided by the health system. I can bring her in for hospitalisa-tion;shewillbetakencareof.Butawomancan’tdothesamefor her husband. These discriminations can have repercus-sionsonsalaries,familyconditions,etc.It isevenmorepronounced intermsof rightswiththefamilycode.Thebasicrightisparentalauthority.And,ingeneral,theparentalauthority istheman.Therehavebeenmanydemon-strationsinrecentyearstoreviewthisfamilycode,whichgivesprioritytomen.Buttherearemanyobstacles,religious,social,etc.,thatmaketheStatereluctanttoreformthefamilycode.It is true that in the newConstitution, there are new rights. Butthedifferenceismorepronouncedinthefamilycode, interms of care, representativeness, non-recognition and thefamily workload borne by women.

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What are the main challenges for the 2019 elections? Employment? Social protection? Other issues?

Civil society organisationshaveworkedhard to ensure thatthe Universal Health Coverage (UHC) policy is institutional-ised.Thiswasan initiativeof thePresidentof theRepublic,andwedonotwantachangeofregimetocallintoquestionthis approach. We want it to be institutionalised by a law,whichIthinkwillsoonbepassed.That’sthefirstchallenge:toensureinstitutionalisation.TheCMUisapolicythatispraised,butitisfarfromperfect.Therearemanyquestions,tofurtherstrengthenitandbeabletomakethenecessaryadjustments.Weneedtothinkaboutways and means of finding additional funding channels toinjectmoremoney,forexample,intocommunity-basedhealthmutuals,tomakethemmorereliable.

“That’s the first challenge: to ensure institutionalisation”

Thereisplentyofdebateaboutthestrategiestobepursuedto increaseyouthemployment. I think that it isachallenge,alongsideenvironmentalprotection,controllinginflationandagriculture,thatwillcentralisethedebate.Thepoliticalactorsare well aware that there are two important segments of the electorate:youngpeopleandwomen.Youngpeoplemakeupmore than30%of thepopulation,andmore thanhalfof thepopulation are women. So whoever wins over these youngpeopleandwomenissuretowintheelections!

What kind of actions do you initiate regarding these issues and the election campaign?

Our action, in general, is more focused on training, aware-ness-raising, support and integration of young people orwomeninlocaldecision-makingspaces,sothatthepositionof organisations is heard by local decision-makers. That is the first aspect. The secondaspect is everything related tofollowinguptheseactions,becausetheyareactionsthatareintended to get these decision-makers to make commitments. Wewanttobeabletodevelopstrategiestobetter followupthesecommitmentsandpublicpoliciesinthefieldsofeduca-tion,health,socialprotectionandagriculture.IntheThièsregion,wehavestartedtobuildthefoundationsofcivilsociety,aprocessthatisalsotakingplaceatthenationallevel.Wehaveidentifiedconcerns,whichwehighlight.Andthemainconcernisyouthemployment.Thesecondiseverythingrelatedtowomen’saccesstofactorsofproduction–whetherland,fertilisers,seeds,processingtools,etc.–thatcanleadto greater empowerment.Thesefoundationsofcivilsocietyareaprocesstakingplaceat the regional and national levels. All civil society actors are broughttogetheratthelevelofeachregiontoplantheworkandidentifythedifferentstrands.Inourregion,sevenpriorityareashavebeenidentified:employment,takingwomen’sneedsintoaccount,agriculture,environment,fisheries,mining,quarryingand mining management. Before the presidential elections,civilsocietyorganisationswillpresentacomprehensivedocu-ment;thiswillbetheircontributiontotheelections.

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ISSUES AND CHALLENGES OF ACCESS TO HEALTH CAREINTERVIEWWITHLOBÉ CISSOKHO,COORDINATOROFTHEOYOFALPAJNETWORK OFMUTUALHEALTHHEALTHMUTUALSINTHEKAOLACKREGION

What is the situation of access to health care in Senegal?

Lobé Cissokho: We should remember the context… 80% ofthe Senegalese population works in the informal and ruralsector.Andthese80%hadnomedicalcare,nomoneytopayforhealthservices.Weneededtoorganiseourselvestotakecharge of the health expenses of our populations. This iswherethemutualhealthhealthmutualsweresetup,withverylowcontributoryparticipation.Today,alargepartofthepopu-lationhasjoinedthemutualhealthmutualsschemes,contrib-utesand,thankstocertainvalues,solidarityandmutualaid,manages to get care.

“All over the world, health is said to be a right. Where is this right? Is this right for the rich and not for the poor?”

Butpovertyisanobstacle.Somepeoplewanttojoinamutualhealth mutual, but they do not have the means; especiallywomen and young people in rural areas. There is also thesocio-culturalfactor.Whensomeoneissick,theyaresenttothehealerortheymedicatethemselves,becauseitischeaper.ButthatalsomeanstheStatehasnotplayeditsrole.Allovertheworld,healthissaidtobearight.Whereisthisright?Isthisright for the richandnot for thepoor?Mutualhealthhealthmutualsprovideasolution,butnotacomprehensivesolution;atimidsolutioninaway.TheStateneedstotakechargeoftheinformalandruralsector,offeringtrulycomprehensivecover-agetothispopulation.

Are mutual health health mutuals dispersed or connected to each other? Are they aligned with public policy?

Inthepast,mutualhealthhealthmutualswerenotaligned,andtherewasnotaveryefficientsystemoforganisationandoperation.Buttoday,theyarealigned,andthereisastrongpolitical will in Senegal for equity in terms of care, and toensure decentralisation: healthmutuals are organised andoperate from the basic level, in each municipality, to thenational level.

“With the commitment of the State, with the redistribution of resources, we can really achieve widespread coverage”

What is the penetration rate of these mutual health health mutuals today?

Previously,theratewasaround20%,buttoday,itis46%.AndifItaketheexampleofourregion,Kaolack,weareat52%.Thesearesomeprettysignificantleaps!Whenpeopleareinformed,alongwithincentives,theycanjoin.TheStatepays50%ofthecontribution.Andforthosewhocannotcontribute,theStatecovers the full amount of affiliation and the contributions.Thisiswhathasboostedtheincreaseinthenumberofmem-bersofmutualhealthhealthmutuals.That’swhy I say thatwithstrongpoliticalwill,with thecommitmentof theState,with the redistribution of resources, we can really achievewidespread coverage.

What is your assessment?

Topreventmaternalandinfantmortality,theStatehasimple-mented a policy of free access for children aged 0 to 5 years (also for persons over 60 years old; caesarean sections forwomen,etc.),whichenables thesechildrennotonly tohaveabirthcertificate, toberegistered inthecivil registry–thisisaconditionforfreeaccesstohealthcare–butalsotobevaccinated.So, it isapackage that makes it possible to say that inSenegal,wewillachieveaneffectiveCMU(UniversalSickness Coverage).

We can therefore say that the assessment is positive. But,there is alwaysa “but”: healthmutuals commit themselves,buttheyhavetowaitayearforthegovernmenttopaythemthesubsidy,andno-onefromthe informalsectorhas joinedthemutualhealthhealthmutuals.Thereisalackofinforma-tion.Healthstaffshouldinformpeople,buttheydon’t.Whenpeoplearrive,becausetheydonothaveabirthcertificateorvaccinationcertificate, insteadoftellingthemthattherearewell-definedcriteriaforbeingabletobenefitforfree,theyaretoldtopay.Weneedto improvecommunication,sothat thewholepopulationisinformed.

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THE CHALLENGE OF YOUTH AND THE ENVIRONMENTINTERVIEWWITHVORÉ GANA SECK,DIRECTOROFGREENSENEGAL

InSenegal,whatspecificchallenges are young people facing?

Voré Gana Seck:Ofthe14millioninhabitants,halfareunder18yearsofage.Everyyear,300,000youngpeopleenter thelabourmarket.Theyareoftenwithoutqualifications,anddosmalljobs.OrtheyprefertogotoSpain,Libya,etc.Werealisedthat,inthevillageswherewework,itisoftenwomenwhostay;youngpeopleprefertomigratetothecities,tobestreetven-dors,ortoleavethecountry.Howcanweretainthem?Thefirstchallenge is thereforeyouthemployment.Howcanwe ensure that the State providesmore support for educa-tion?Ithasmadeeffortsandsetuplarge-scaleprogrammes;themost recent was the Delegation for Rapid Employment(DER).Butwehavereservationsbecause it’stoopoliticised;ifyou’reintheparty,you’remorelikelytohaveaccesstoit…Therearealsoscholarshipsforfamilies;givingmoneyeverythreemonthsisgood,butitisnotasolution.

“A country where the young people leave is a country where hope leaves”

In Green Senegal,a“youth”programmehasbeensetup.Thefirststep is to train themandbuild theircapacities,withprioritygiven to promising sectors: agriculture, fisheries, livestock,etc.Butforus,it’snolongerjustaquestionofworkinginagri-cultureforthreemonthsayear;that’snotasector.Weneedtoinvestinthehydraulicsector,sothatfarmershaveaccesstowatertogrowallyearround.Weneedtocontrolthefactorsofproduction–land,energy,inputsandwater–andhaveaddedvalue,inordertoredirectyoungpeopletowardsemployment,so that they can find agricultural professions, and not justagriculturalactivities.Wecouldinvestinthesepromisingsectors.Rice,forexample.Thisisanimportedcommodity.Wehaveaprogrammethatpro-videsforself-sufficiencyinrice.Butdowehavetheinfrastruc-turetobeabletoprocessit,tobeabletoorganisethewholesector?No.WecontinuetoimportricefromThailandorelse-where,whereasthevalueoflocalriceshouldbeappreciated!

In this context, what role can the social and solidarity economy play?

Forus, thesocialandsolidarityeconomy(SSE) isofcrucialimportancebecauseitmakesitpossibletofightpovertyandkeepyoungpeoplehere.Acountrywhere theyoungpeopleleaveisacountrywherehopeleaves.Andwewanttheyoungpeople to stay. If wewant to reverse the trend, we need tofocusonyoungpeople.But the SSE cannot develop if there is desertification,decreases in rainfall, etc. The SSE can only be based on ahealthyenvironment.Weneedtoproduceand,todothis,oursoils need to be protected and fertile. That’swhywe optedfor agro-ecology at the outset. And we want undergroundresources–forexample,oil–togobacktothepeople.Wewanttoinvestinagriculture;inthe“greeneconomy”(envi-ronmental protection, the fight against globalwarming, localproduction, etc.) and in the “blue economy” (seas, fisheries,integratedcoastalmanagement,etc.).Weoptedfortheenviron-mentalongtimeago.Atthebeginning,weweretoldthatitwasalltodowith“whites”,whereastheenvironmentisoursurvival!

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PARTNERS AS A LEVER FOR CHANGE At Solsoc, we rely on a partnership strategy with actors for social change who share our values and vision. In both the North and South, this collective work with our partners aims to better safeguard the respect of economic, social, cultural and political rights, ensuring access to basic social services, social protection and the Social and Solidarity Economy (SSE) as one of the possible alternatives.

IN THE NORTHSolsochas joinedforceswithtwoorganisationsthatsharethe same values: FOS (Fonds voor Ontwikkelingssamen-werking), which is the Flemish counterpart of Solsoc, andIFSI/ISVI,theInstitutdeFormationSyndicaleInternationale(International Trade Union Training Institute) of the FGTB(GeneralFederationofBelgianLabour,aBelgianunionaffili-ated to the socialist movement).Inaddition,SolsocworksinpartnershipwithSolidarisandtheentirenetworkofsocialisthealthmutualstopromoteuniver-sal health coverage and access to health for all in Solsoc’spartner countries. It also provides these countries with thesupportandcommitmentof theFGTB,which is reflected instrategies to strengthen trade union organisations and pro-moteworkers’rights.

IN THE SOUTHSolsoc differentiates between two categories of Southernpartnersinitsprogramme:associatepartners,ofwhichthereare currently 24, directly supported through funding, jointworkatthethematic,methodologicalandstrategiclevelandboundarypartnersortargetgroupsoftheprogrammeben-efittingfromthesupport,guidanceandfinancingofthepro-grammebytheassociatepartners.Theboundarypartnersareassociations,groups,cooperatives,networksofhealthmutuals, trade unions, etc… identified by the associatedpartners as actors of social change. Together, the associ-atepartnersandboundarypartnerswillmobilisearoundtheissuesoftheprogramme.A third category of partners, strategic partners, collaboratewithintheprogrammeorshareitsobjectives.

BOLIVIAAYNI (Civil Association) is an NGO working to improve the situationofruralproducers inBolivia.AYNIseekstobuildthecapacityoflocalcommunities,byinterveningwithinthecommunities themselves, including by providing itswork-force, equipment, or by participating in capacity buildingand monitoring events. ayni.org.bo

FUNDDASUR (Southern Development Foundation) aims tostrengthentradeunionsattheindividualandcollectivelevelin the food and hotel sector and rural producers’ organisa-tions,sothattheycanfullyexercisetheirsocialandeconomicrights,enjoybetterworkingandlivingconditionsandaccessto social protection.

PASOS(FoundationforParticipationandSustainability)isaSocialDevelopmentFoundationthatdevelopsproposalsforsustainableandinclusivedevelopmentatlocalandregionallevels. As such, PASOS seeks to address the problems ofpoverty,inequality,climatechangeandtherightsofthemostvulnerablepopulations.pasosbolivia.org

REMTE(BolivianNetworkofWomenTransformingtheEconomy) isanetworkofsocialorganisationsthatfightfortheeconomicempowerment of women (especially the most excluded anddisadvantaged),therebyaimingattheappropriationofcertainsectorsoftheeconomybywomenandtheconstructionofmorehumane,equitableandsustainableeconomicalternatives.remte-bolivia.org

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BURKINA FASOASMADE (Association SonguiManegré/Development Aid) isanNGOworkingforthedevelopmentofBurkinaFaso.Itworkstopromotesocialrights(health,education,foodsecurity,etc.)and supports grassroots organisations in translating theirinitiatives into concrete projects. It is primarily involved inhealthpromotion,bysettingupmutualhealthhealthmutuals,inreproductivehealthandthefightagainstwomen’spoverty.ongasmade.org/new/index.php

UMUSAC (Union ofHealthMutuals in theCentral Region) isanetworkofmutualhealthhealthmutuals thatcontributes,throughtechnical,materialandfinancialsupport,tothedevel-opmentofhealthmutualsandtheirawareness-raisingactiv-ities.

UCRB (UnionofLorryDriversofBurkinaFaso)isatradeunionfederationthatcontributestotherecognitionandrespectoftherightsoflorrydriversandfightsagainstchildtraffickingin this sector. The organisation also works with the federa-tionsofbakers,theenvironment,tourismandhotels,andtheagri-foodsectortojointlycreateatradeunionplatformthatactivelydefendsworkers’rights.

BURUNDIADISCO (Support for Integral Development and Solidarity inthe Hills) is a Burundian NGOwhosemission is to supporttheemergenceanddevelopmentofagenuinenationalsocialmovement to benefit the poorer sections of the population.ADISCOthereforecarriesoutactionstosupporttheself-pro-motion of rural workers, mutual health insurance, or thestrengthening of civil society. adisco.org/adisco

CNAC-MURIMA W’ISANGI (National Confederation of Coffee Growers’ Associations of Burundi) is a Burundian non-profitorganisation,whosemembersaresmall-scaleproducersoper-ating plantations ranging from 100 to 5.000 coffee trees. The CNACrepresents,lobbiesforanddefendstheinterestsofcof-feegrowers. Italsodevelops relationsofsolidarity,exchangeandtechnologytransferbetweencoffeegrowers’associations.

FEBUTRA(BurundianFederationofFoodIndustryWorkers)isa federationof tradeunions in theformaland informalagri-foodsectorwhosemissionistodefendtheinterestsofBurun-dian workers in the agri-food and related sectors.

PAMUSAB (Platform of Mutual Health Insurance Actors inBurundi)bringstogetherBurundianNGOsandmutualhealthhealth mutuals. The objective of PAMUSAB is to promote,professionaliseanddefendmutualhealthhealthmutuals inBurundisothatallsegmentsofthepopulationhaveaccesstoqualityhealthcare.pamusab.org

COLOMBIAATI (InterdisciplinaryWorkAssociation) is anNGOfighting fortherespectofhumanrights,socialjusticeandthestrengtheningofdemocracy.TheATIworksinparticularontheissuesoffoodsovereigntyandautonomy,therighttofoodandtheSSEfortheagri-foodsector,theenvironment,territoriesandhumanrights.ati.org.co

IPC (Popular Training Institute) is an institute investigatinghumanrightsissues,providingsupporttovictimsofconflict,training and legal assistance to enable victims of violations to assert their rights. It also carries out important politicaladvocacywork. Today, the IPC focuses its activities on thepost-conflict context, through issues of respect for democ-racy,humanrightsandpeacekeeping.ipc.org.co

Sinaltrainal (National union of food industryworkers) is anationalunionworkingtodefendeconomic,social,culturaland labour rights in the agri-food sector. Sinaltrainal is a“boundarypartner”ofSolsoc.

MOROCCOAFAQ (Women of the Neighbourhood Associations of GreaterCasablanca Initiative) supports and accompanies local struc-turesanddynamicswithintheworkingclassdistrictsofCasa-blanca.Itorganisestheadvocacyprocessatregional,nationalandinternationallevelsaroundgenderandSSEissues.Itsmis-sionistocreatewomenleadersintheneighbourhoodsandraisepublicawareness,particularlyontheissueofgenderequality.

AJR (Regional Young People from Neighbourhood Associ-ations Initiative) supports and accompanies local organi-sations and young people belonging to various progressivepoliticalsensitivities,andstrengthenstheirassociations.AJRaccompanies themwithin social forumsandparticipates indebateforumsofcivilsocietyanddialogueforumswithpublicauthoritiesonissuesrelatedtoyouth,theassociativemove-ment and the social and solidarity economy.

Chhiwate Bladiisafoodcooperativewhichcameaboutthroughlong-termworkandcollaborationbetweenIFAAPandKhotwa(Casablanca Neighbourhood Association). It allows youngwomen inneedtobetrained in thefieldsofpastry,cateringand marketing of traditional Moroccan products. ChhiwateBladiisa“boundarypartner”.

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IFAAP(TrainingandSupportInstituteforLocalAssociations)supports and trains themanagement staff of associations,aswell asneighbourhoodassociationsworking in thecom-munity inCasablancaandMorocco. ItensurescoordinationbetweenthevariouspartnersoftheMoroccoprogramme.

REMESS(MoroccanNetworkoftheSocialandSolidarityEcon-omy) is the leading Moroccan network open to the different components of the SSE (cooperatives, associations, healthmutuals, foundations,economic interestgroupsandprofes-sional unions). REMESS is a “strategic partner” of Solsoc.remess.ma

PALESTINEMA’AN Development Centre is a development and training NGO. It works in the poorest and most marginalised regions to improvepeople’squalityoflifeandstrengthentheirabilitytomanage the development of their communities.MA’ANalsoimplementsvariousprojectsinagricultureandfoodsecurity,women and youth empowerment, community developmentand the environment. mann-ctr.org

PAC (PopularArtCentre) isanNGOseeking tocreateacul-turalenvironmentwhichisconducivetocreatingacloselinkbetweenart,cultureontheonehand,andthePalestinianpop-ulationontheother.ThePACthereforeseekstoconsolidatePalestiniancitizenshipandidentitythroughart.popularartcentre.org

PGFTU is the main union in Palestine. It organises aware-ness-raising/training workshops on the Labour Code, andoccupationalhealthandsafetymeasures,andtrainsspecial-istsinthesector.Inaddition,itcarriesoutpoliticalactionstoimproverespectforworkers’rights.

DR CONGO CENADEP (National Centre for Development Support andPopular Participation) is a development NGO that helpsorganisethemostdisadvantagedpopulations,inurbanandruralworkingclassareas,inordertostrengthentheirpoliti-calweight.CENADEPsupportscommunityprojectsthatpro-motesocialchange,sustainableself-promotionandreducedependency, but also democracy through the participationofbroadersegmentsofthepopulation.cenadepasbl.org

COSSEP(TradeUnionCouncilofPublicandPrivateServices)isatradeunioncentrebringingtogethertradeunionsofteach-ers,professionalandmanagerialstaff,thepressandjudges,withmorethan30,000fullmembers.COSSEPisapartnerofIFSI,anda“strategicpartner”ofSolsoc.

CRAFOP(CommitteefortheResurgenceandSupportofRuralWorkers)supportscommunitiestoimprovetheirlivingcondi-tions.CRAFOPsupportstheestablishmentofamutualhealthmutual schemewhosemainbeneficiaries arepeasants andunderprivilegedpopulationsinitsareaofaction.

DIOBASS (Approach for Interaction between Grassroots Organisations and Other Sources of Knowledge) is a net-work of peasant organisations, research groups focusedon peasant action, research centres, NGOs, educationalinstitutionsandexpertsaimedatstrengtheningthesocialdynamics of rural and urban areas, by creating citizenspacesforexchangeandconductingactionsinthefield.diobasskivu.org

PRODDES(NetworkforthePromotionofDemocracyandEco-nomic and Social Rights) aims to strengthen civil society organisations in order to participate in the social, politicalandeconomicchangeoftheDRC.Amongotherthings,PROD-DES co-leads the Citizen Observatory of Governance andSocio-economicRights. Itworks inpartnershipwithvariousnational and international organisations on issues of socialprotection,universalhealthcoverageandthesocialandsol-idarityeconomy.PRODDESisa“boundarypartner”ofSolsoc.

SENEGALGreen Senegal is a research and development organisation that supports grassroots community peasant organisationsin the social and solidarity economy and environment sector. Itsobjectiveistocontributetofoodsecurityandfightpovertyby strengthening social and solidarity economy initiatives. Inaddition,itcarriesoutawareness-raisingactivitiesamongyoungSenegalesepeople.

Oyofal PajisanetworkofhealthmutualslocatedinKaolackthatincludesmorethantwentycommunity-basedhealthmutuals,threedepartmentalunionsandtheKaolackRegionalUnion.

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Responsible editor VeroniqueWemaere,Solsoc RueCoenraets,68 1060Brussels

+32 (0)2 505 40 70info@solsoc.beCCP:BE42000000005454

facebookfacebook.com/SolsocASBLTwitter-squaretwitter.com/Solsoc

Print and design : Signelazer© Photos : Solsoc,S. Irazoque, Evrard Niyomwungere & Bibbi Abruzzini©Illustrations:Studio Marmelade

Coordination : Alex Arnoldy(Solsoc),Frédéric Thomas(Cetri–Centretricontinental)InterviewsconductedbyAlex Arnoldy(Solsoc),Jacques Bastin(Cetri–Centretricontinental), Stéphanie Lecharlier (Solsoc) and Frédéric Thomas(Cetri–Centretricontinental).

WiththesupportoftheDirectorateGeneralforDevelopmentCooperation andHumanitarianAid(DGD)andtheWallonia-BrusselsFederation(FW-B)-ContinuingEducation.

Solsoc would like to thank its various partners, from both the North and South, for their participation in this publication. Solsoc would like to thank FOS and IFSI, the FGTB and Solidaris in particular for their combined efforts to promote Decent Work. Their technical and politi-cal support has been both an exceptional opportunity and a necessity inanincreasinglyglobalised,financialisedandliberalisedworld,wheresocial actors and workers often struggle to make their voices heard.

Solsoc also thanks its Palestinian, South American and African part-ners who helped to produce this publication through their participation. Whether they are trade unionists or health mutuals, NGOs or associ-ations, committed to the defence of workers, human rights, gender equality, or the promotion of universal access to health, Solsoc wishes to thank each of them for their commitment to promoting a more just, equitableanddignifiedworld,aworldinwhicheveryonehastherightto Decent Work.

ThispublicationwasproducedwiththefinancialsupportoftheEuropeanUnion. ItscontentsarethesoleresponsibilityofSOLIDARandSolsocand donotnecessarilyreflecttheviewsoftheEuropeanUnion

To mark the 100th anniversary of the International Labour Organization (ILO), the Belgian NGO Solsoc wanted to question the social and soli-darity economy (SSE), which is at the heart of its strategy to promote Decent Work. In effect, various studies have highlighted the SSE as the best tool for promoting Decent Work. The ILO shares the view that “the social and solidarity economy contributes to the four dimensions of the ILO’s overall objective of Decent Work”.

But how can we ensure that the SSE is the driving force behind the spread of Decent Work and its four pillars, namely job creation, the right to work, social protection and social dialogue? How can it both “create a movement” and connect with other social movements, including trade unions and women’s movements? Under what conditions can it not only help meet needs, but also represent a transformative power and, beyond that, an alternative to the economic model?

These questions, strategies and challenges are examined here on the basis of analyses, expertise and experience from the South, by giving a voice to organisations, health mutuals, trade unions and Solsoc’s partners, who are all actors in this transformation and alternative on a daily basis.