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THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF DRUG AND ALCOHOL ABUSE
Vol. 30, No. 3, pp. 659–684, 2004
The Short-Term Effects and UnintendedLong-Term Consequences of Binge Drinking in
College: A 10-Year Follow-Up Study
Karen M. Jennison, Ph.D.**
Department of Sociology, University of Northern Colorado,
Greeley, Colorado, USA
ABSTRACT
This study addresses binge drinking in college as a risk factor for heavy
drinking and alcohol dependence after college. A national probability
sample of 1972 college students from the National Longitudinal Surveys
of Youth (NLSY79) was interviewed in 1984 and reinterviewed again as
adults in 1994. The short-term effects of binge drinking in college were
assessed as well as the extent to which experiences of negative effects in
college predicted patterns of alcohol use across the transition from
college into postcollege years. As expected, college binge drinkers were
comparatively more likely than nonbinge drinkers to experience one or
more alcohol-related problems while in college. In addition, weighted
estimates of DSM-IV-defined diagnostic criteria in logistic regression
*Correspondence: Karen M. Jennison, Ph.D., Chair, Department of Sociology,
University of Northern Colorado, Candelaria Hall 2285, Campus Box 142, Greeley,
CO 80639, USA; Fax: (970) 351-1527; E-mail: [email protected].
659
DOI: 10.1081/ADA-200032331 0095-2990 (Print); 1097-9891 (Online)
Copyright D 2004 by Marcel Dekker, Inc. www.dekker.com
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models indicated that the binge drinking patterns exhibited during the
college years, for some former college students of both genders, posed
significant risk factors for alcohol dependence and abuse 10 years after
the initial interview, in conjunction with evidence of academic attrition,
early departure from college and less favorable labor market outcomes.
Key Words: Binge; Alcohol; Consequences; Students; College.
INTRODUCTION
Heavy episodic alcohol consumption by college students is a leading
problem on many U.S. college campuses (1,2). Over 40% of students
nationwide have been reported to participate in binge drinking behavior,
when it is defined as at least four drinks per drinking occasion for women
and at least five drinks for men (3–6). College binge drinking has been
associated with diverse campus and community alcohol-related problems
that constitute a threat to public health as well as a challenge to university
functions (7,8) and has been linked to fatalities, alcohol poisoning,
hangovers, and academic problems like missed classes, reduction in
classroom performance, lowered grades, dropping out, and school failure
(9–11). There are also secondary social effects such as increased rates of
alcohol-related mortality and morbidity (11–13), high rates of drunkenness,
alcohol-related aggression, attempted suicides, sexual assaults, property
damage, illness, campus disruptions, and trouble with police, together with
an increased risk of impaired driving (9,14–18).
The extent of binge drinking on college campuses has remained
relatively stable for a period of at least 20 years, notwithstanding
administrative attempts at modification of student drinking patterns,
preventive efforts to reduce heavy drinking (11,16), and the introduction
of new alcohol policies and changes during that time in the legal drinking
age (10,12,14). Because of the perceived seriousness of the college drinking
problem, in 1998 the National Advisory Council to the National Institute on
Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism (NIAAA) established a task force on
College Drinking to contribute to the development of a national plan for
college drinking research at NIAAA. The task force commissioned a series
of background papers that have since been published (19).
This paper addresses a critical issue in the college drinking debate and
public dialogue: the question of whether college binge drinkers are more
likely to mature out of such behavior or whether they are likely to continue
to have problems with the use of alcohol after college. There have been
relatively few studies regarding the long-term consequences of episodic
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binge drinking in college as a risk factor for heavy drinking and alcohol
abuse and dependence later in life. Problematic drinking among college
students, though widespread, is thought to be only transitory by many and
to represent merely short-term physical consequences rather than long-term
alcohol dependence or any sustainable drinking-related problems (20).
Moreover, much of the growing body of alcohol literature developed to date
indicates, generally, that both men and women classified as problem
drinkers in college tend to mature out of such behavior after college and
become nonproblem drinkers as adults (9,21–26). Going to college and the
consequent higher educational attainment are mostly associated in past
research with lower levels of heavy drinking when individuals reach their
late 20s and 30s (20). However, although the findings of a majority of
studies on this issue subscribe to the generalization that most young people
eventually mature out of detrimental patterns of alcohol use, clearly not all
inevitably manage to successfully change their heavy drinking patterns,
either after college or as young adults (27–32). It is conceivable that, for
some individuals, addictive drinking habits built up in college may
sometimes be difficult to break in later years (33–35). Vaillant (30,36), for
example, studied the progression of symptoms of chronic alcohol abuse in
two community cohorts (inner city and college samples) of adolescent
males from 1940 to the present. The college cohort, followed-up from the
time they were college undergraduates until ages 70 and 80, were known to
be still abusing alcohol at 60 years of age and older and were considered
likely to remain chronic alcohol abusers. Valliant concluded that alcohol
abuse could thus continue for decades without remission of symptoms.
Labor Market Outcomes
The impact of binge drinking on postcollege labor market outcomes is
another important predictor that should be considered in any assessment of
drinking trends after college. This subject has been largely neglected in
previous alcohol research on college student populations, primarily because
of limited data availability in the past for prospective studies (37). While
relatively little is known about the long range effect of college binge drinking
on postcollege occupational opportunities and careers within a life-cycle
framework, some evidence suggests that drinking problems in college may
significantly influence a person’s occupational opportunities (38). Dropouts,
for example, usually do not earn what their graduating counterparts will over
their lifetime (12). In general, existing research has shown that the labor
market choices and future job prospects of younger workers with alcohol
problems are relatively limited and lifetime earnings are lower than they are
among those without alcohol problems (39,40). As summarized by Roman
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and Johnson (38), much of the literature indicates that college students who
drink heavily are less likely than other students to have successful college
careers; and if they do graduate, they are less likely to obtain white-collar
employment or career advancement. Two recent studies, in contrast, suggest
that high levels of alcohol consumption and alcohol problems among college
students do not appear to have an important effect on students’ academic
performance and achievement, when measured by grade-point average
(GPA), particularly when high school GPA and demographic characteristics
are controlled (41). Therefore, whether a student engages in binge drinking
while in college is considered inconsequential overall, since a high GPA is
believed to predict favorable future labor market outcomes for binge
drinkers, just as for other college students (42).
This paper extends the findings from earlier studies on college binge
drinking risks, in a developmental perspective, that could provide important
feedback regarding preventive programs and policies. The study uses
national data and a representative sample of college students to examine the
short-term nature of binge drinking in college in concert with prospective
10-year, long-term outcomes for dependence or abuse. Occupation (blue
collar/white collar) is also included as a potential predictor, not only as a
measure of the end-result of educational achievement and labor market
success but also as a potential mediator/moderator between past and future
alcohol problems. It is expected that binge drinkers, particularly frequent
binge drinkers, will more likely experience alcohol-related problems in
college than other drinkers. Although binge drinking students may not
manifest negative effects of alcohol for many years (12), if at all, they
continue to be at risk for developing drinking problems in later adulthood.
Therefore, it is hypothesized that negative drinking effects in college,
defined as the onset of alcohol-related problems, are likely to persist after
leaving school. Estimates of current alcohol consumption after 10 years and
the risk of dependence or abuse outcomes are expected to vary according to
gender, educational attainment, past history of binge drinking, and alcohol-
related problems in college, as well as by the life-cycle events of marriage
and occupational careers.
METHODS
The NLSY79 College Student Sample
This study is an analysis of secondary data consisting of a sample of
1972 college students from the 1984 wave of the National Longitudinal
Survey of Youth (NLSY79), who were followed and reassessed again in
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1994. A full description of the NLSY79 sample and multistage area
probability research design is reported elsewhere (43). Respondents in the
first wave of the NLSY79 were interviewed in 1979 at ages 14 to 21 and
annually since that time. The national cross-sectional base of the NLSY79
was supplemented with an oversampling of African Americans, Hispanics,
nonblack non-Hispanic, and economically disadvantaged white youth (44).
The NLSY79 was identified by the National Institute of Alcohol Abuse and
Alcoholism National Task Force as a potentially valuable data source on
drinking among college students (1). Questions on alcohol use were added
to this survey from 1982 through 1985, 1988, 1989, 1992 and 1994 with
funding from the National Institute of Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism and
the National Institute on Drug Abuse. All phases of the NLSY79 were
conducted by the National Opinion Research Center (NORC) located at the
University of Chicago.
The NORC used special procedures in sampling college students that
ensured national representativeness. If properly weighted, every full- or
part-time college student is linked to a unique living unit (whether the
student was living in a dormitory, another dwelling unit away from the
parent’s home, or in the parental household) that has a known probability of
entering the sample. The full sampling frame included coverage for
unmarried, married, or cohabiting couples linked to their own dwelling
units, or couples not living in a dwelling unit on a year-round basis, or to
their respective parent’s dwelling unit. The overall NLSY79 weighting
procedures for college enrollments in the age 14 to 21 cohort base, without
adjustments, projected 4,967,000 full-time college attendees and 72,000
part-time attendees, which were comparable to the most current U.S.
Census estimates (45).
The college student sample in the NLSY 1984 wave consisted of 51%
(N = 1003) males and 49% (N = 969) females; 72% were white, 23%
African American, and 5% other racial groups, while the 1994 panel was
composed of 49% (N = 737) males and 51% (N = 768) females. Whites
comprised 70% of this follow-up group and blacks 25%. College student
ages ranged from 19 to 27 (median age was 21) in 1984 and 29 to 37 in
1994 (median age was 31) when they were no longer students. In 1984,
18% of the students were freshmen, 31% sophomores, 21% juniors, 20%
seniors and 9% were graduate students.
The NLSY79 consists of U.S. government data that is in the public
domain and, therefore, there are no restrictions on its use. The
confidentiality and identity of all participants in the study are protected
under the Privacy Act of 1974, as amended. The confidentiality of all
information provided by each respondent is also protected as well as the
identity of any employers, schools, relatives, persons, or entities.
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Measures
The repeated alcohol and substance use supplements for 1984 and
1994, the two periods studied, included questions on drinking patterns
including consumption quantity and frequency, and drinking-related
problems. Standard questions also assess lifestyle, demographic, and other
background characteristics. The NLSY79 data contain information on
current labor force status (employed, unemployed, out of the labor force)
and for those employed, information on occupation. The NLSY79 uses the
three-digit 1980 U.S. Bureau of the Census codes to classify occupational
categories of respondents’ current or most recent job (46).
Alcohol Measures
Alcohol measures in the study include past-month alcohol usage
frequency obtained at two time points, 1984 and 1994: (‘‘During the last 30
days, on how many days did you drink any alcoholic beverages, including
beer, wine, or liquor?’’) and past-month quantity of alcohol consumed per
drinking occasion estimates (‘‘On the days that you drank alcoholic
beverages, including beer, wine, or liquor in the last 30 days, how many
drinks per day did you drink?’’). The frequency of drinking was categorized
into four levels: none, one to three days, four to six days, and seven or
more days in the last month. The quantity-frequency heavy drinking
measure utilized for the post-college years consisted of the frequency of
having six or more drinks on one occasion during the last 30 days.
Binge Drinking
Measures of binge drinking are replicated from previous studies of
heavy drinking in college student populations (5,11) and are defined as
having five or more drinks on the same occasion one or more times in the
past month for men and four or more drinks on the same occasion one or
more times in the past 30 days for women. Infrequent binge drinkers were
defined as students who binged one or two times in the past month and
frequent binge drinkers as students who binged three or more times in the
past month. Nonbinge drinkers were students who consumed alcohol in the
past month but who did not binge. Abstainers were students who did not
drink alcoholic beverages in the past month. The five/four gender-specific
measure is used by the National Household Survey on Drug Abuse
(NHSDA), in tracking adults aged 18 and over in the Healthy People 2010
project (47), and it has become a standard in epidemiological studies as
well as in research on binge drinking among college students.
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Alcohol Problems in College
College respondents in 1984 were asked whether their drinking had
ever resulted in any of a number of possible problems. During the past
year: drinking interfered with school work; felt aggressive or cross while
drinking; gotten into a heated argument while drinking; gotten into a fight
while drinking; deliberately tried to cut down or quit drinking, but didn’t
manage to do so; afraid you might be an alcoholic or that you might
become one; once started drinking, it was difficult for you to stop before
you became completely intoxicated; had alcohol-related blackouts; often
take a drink the first thing when you get up in the morning; hands shake a
lot the morning after drinking; have sometimes gotten high or tight when
drinking by yourself; sometimes kept on drinking after promising yourself
not to. Alcohol problem measures were aggregated into a 12-item summary
measure of drinking consequences with an internal consistency and
reliability of 0.663 (Cronbach’s Alpha).
DSM-IV-Defined Alcohol Abuse and Dependence
Since publication of the fourth edition of the American Psychiatric
Association’s Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders in
1994 (48), or DSM-IV, most DSM-IV diagnoses now have an empirical
literature generated by the substantial increase in clinical and social
research which supports the DSM-IV substance disorder criteria (49). DSM-
IV diagnostic criteria have been proven to be just as valid as the older
DSM-III and DSM-III-R criteria (50); research data have for the most part
accurately predicted the two-dimensional distinction between DSM-IV
alcohol abuse and dependence classifications (51) as well as the onset and
cessation of alcohol-related problems (52). Survey data are equally valid in
the prediction of DSM-IV-related medical and social consequences. The
DSM-IV diagnostic indicators in representative national surveys of the
United States population have met DSM-IV criteria consistent with those
drawn on clinical samples and also have practical implications for clinical
treatment (51,53,54).
The DSM-IV-defined diagnostic criteria used in this study were applied
exclusively to the adult population of former college students 10 years after
the initial assessment of binge drinking and alcohol problems in 1984. Two
DSM-IV measures of alcohol use disorders, alcohol abuse and alcohol
dependence, were obtained from both male and female former college
student respondents who reported consuming alcoholic beverages in the
month before the 1994 reinterview. The response scale of DSM-IV
diagnostic criteria for all of the questions was 1) never happened,
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2) happened in lifetime other than past year, 3) happened one time in past
year, 4) happened two times in past year, and 5) happened three or more
times in past year. Each dependence or abuse symptom item is scored 1 if
the event occurred at least three or more times in the last year and 0 otherwise.
The DSM-IV requires at least three of seven criteria defined for dependence to
cluster within a 12-month time frame: tolerance, drinking to relieve or avoid
withdrawal symptoms; drinking larger amounts or over a longer period than
intended; unsuccessful efforts to cut down or control alcohol use; a great deal
of time spent drinking; important social, occupational, or recreational
activities given up for drinking; and continued drinking despite problems
(48). The internal consistency ratings of the 19-item DSM-IV dependence
measure among former college students in the NLSY in 1994 show a relatively
high level of reliability (Cronbach’s alpha = 0.80).
The DSM-IV criteria for alcohol abuse (48) require one of four
negative social consequences of alcohol use to be present in the preceding
12 months including recurrent use of alcohol resulting in a failure to fulfill
major role obligations at work, school, or home; recurrent use in situations
in which it is physically hazardous; having alcohol-related legal problems;
and continued substance use despite having persistent or recurring social or
interpersonal problems caused or exacerbated by the effects of the
substance (Cronbach’s Alpha = 0.66).
Statistical Models
Logistic regression models of cross-sectional data were used in the first
(1984) phase of the study to assess the relative risks of alcohol-related
problems during the college years for binge drinkers compared with
nonbinge drinkers. In the second phase in 1994, the extent to which
experiences of negative effects in college predict patterns of use and
drinking continuity or discontinuity over time are prospectively estimated
for college dropouts as well as for graduates. In addition to unadjusted odds
ratios (ORs), adjusted ORs, with controls, and 95% confidence intervals are
estimated for college binge drinking effects, behavioral consequences, and
the long-term risks for DSM-IV alcohol dependence or abuse 10 years after
college. Weights to adjust for design effects and nonresponse were applied
to both samples of current drinkers. The assessment of effect modification
and adjustment for confounding were based on forward stepwise logistic
regression models with p values < 0.05 (55). To develop models, the
potential effect modification by gender was first assessed and then main
and interaction effects of potential confounders and any potentially strong
independent predictors were added to the model if doing so changed the
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estimate of the alcohol variables. Then final models were reestimated in the
prospective analysis for comparison (56).
RESULTS
College Student Binge Drinking: 1984
Table 1 includes a description of binge drinking in the college sample
of 1885 students who responded to questions on alcohol consumption. The
1984 panel included 1447 students (76.8%) who reported drinking alcoholic
beverages within the month prior to the interview. Weighted estimates of
alcohol use among the college student population indicated that males were
significantly more likely to be binge drinkers, particularly frequent binge
drinkers (25%), whereas female college students were more likely to be
nonbinge drinkers (38%) or abstainers (20%). This observed trend among
college students, shown in Table 1, was also statistically significant in a
chi-square test of the difference of proportions between nonbinge and binge
college drinkers according to gender (Chi-square = 73.72, p < 0.000). These
results are consistent with previous studies that describe alcohol use in
college student populations (3,10,11,57,58).
Table 1. College student patterns of alcohol use in past month 1984, by gender
(in percentage).*
Category**
Men
(N = 966)
Women
(N = 919)
Total
(N = 1,885)
Abstainera 15.5 20.1 17.7
Nonbinge drinkerb 32.2 37.8 34.8
Infrequent binge drinkerc 27.0 24.3 25.7
Frequent binge drinkerd 25.3 17.8 21.8
Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
*Weighted percentage.
**Note: Binge drinking is defined as five or more drinks on the same occasion one or
more times in the past month for men and four or more drinks on the same occasion
one or more times in the past month for women.aStudents who did not drink alcohol beverages in the past month.bStudents who consumed alcohol in the past month but did not binge.cStudents who binged one or two times in the past month.dStudents who binged three or more times in the past month.
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Binge Drinking and Alcohol Problems in College
A subset of significant independent predictors of alcohol problems in
college was identified from stepwise statistical procedures in the initial
stage of analysis. In the final analysis, a full multivariate logistic regression
model was used to estimate the odds ratios for the existence of alcohol-
related problems, for different levels of a variety of independent variables.
A total of 14 predictors of alcohol-related problems were assessed on 29
levels, distributed among 19 individual dimensions, and 12 two-way
interactions derived from the levels of these individual dimensions.
Statistically significant findings from this analysis are shown in Table 2.
As expected, college binge drinkers were more likely to experience one or
more alcohol-related problems while in college than were other drinkers.
Although frequent binge drinkers represented only about 22% of the college
student population, they accounted for over 40% of alcohol-related
problems. Significant main effects for binge drinking in logistic models
varied according to gender. Male frequent binge drinkers, similar to reports
in previous studies (3,11,33,35), were nearly three and a half times
(OR = 3.43) more likely than nonbinge drinkers to report that they had
experienced alcohol-related problems. Male freshmen, as reported in other
studies (59) and sophomores were more likely to experience negative
drinking-related consequences relative to upperclassmen (OR = 5.37)
whereas year in college had no predictive value for females. Bar patronage
among males, but not among females, was associated with frequent binge
drinking, which often led to alcohol-related problem behavior.
For female college students, in comparison with males, alcohol
problems were almost three times more likely to occur as the result of
frequent (seven or more times monthly) drinking (OR = 2.75), and as the
result of additional negative effects such as hangovers (OR = 3.22), which
interfered with school activities the next day. It, therefore, appears likely, as
suggested in previous research, that what is often labeled binge drinking
among college students may not provide as accurate an estimation of
problem drinking outcomes for women as for men (60). Although no
information was available in the data set on fraternity/sorority residence and
drinking patterns, two-way interaction terms in logistic models indicate that,
for both genders, interactions between college living arrangements, such as
living on or off campus away from parents, and moderate levels of binge
drinking were risk factors for alcohol-related problems in college, as was
also reported in past research (61,62). There was no systematic evidence
that the relationship between residence patterns and student binge drinking
was mediated by an intervening variable.
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Table 2. Risk of alcohol-related problems among American college students in 1984
by binge drinking, independent predictors and gender.a
Predictors
Males (N = 769) Females (N = 678)
ORb 95% CI ORb 95%CI
Binge drinkingc
Non-binge Reference
Infrequent binge
(1–2 times month)
NS NS
Frequent binge
(3+ times month)
3.43* 3.42,3.43
Drinking frequency
1–3 days Reference Reference
4–6 days NS NS
7 or more days NS 2.75* 1.42,5.01
#Days had hangover in
past month
No hangover days Reference Reference
One or more days NS 3.22a 2.24,7.66
Class standing
Lower classmen 5.37a 5.36,5.38 NS
Upper classmen NS
Graduate student Reference Reference
Frequent bingeing � #days
(� 2) frequent bars
6.0* 5.98,6.01 NS
Infrequent bingeing
X/living off campus
4.30* 4.30,4.31 3.51* 3.51,5.52
*Adjusted Odds Ratios are significant at the p < 0.01 level or below.aAlcohol problems include drinking interfered with school work, aggressiveness while
drinking, became argumentative while drinking, fighting while drinking, failed in
attempts to cut down on drinking, afraid they were alcoholic, drinks until intoxicated,
had drinking-related blackouts, morning drinking, hand tremors morning after
drinking, getting high/tight alone, and kept drinking after promising not to.bOR = weighted adjusted odds ratio. CI = confidence interval. Logistic regression
models include controls for age, race/ethnicity, marital status, and selective interaction
factors. Model chi-square for males = 120.713, df = 20, p < 0.001; Model chi-square
for women = 124.098, df = 15, p < 0.001.cBinge drinking = Five or more drinks for males and four or more drinks for females
one or more times in the past month.
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DSM-IV Alcohol Dependence andAbuse After College: 1994
Prospective 12-month DSM-IV criteria were estimated for former
college students who reported drinking alcoholic beverages in the month
before interviews in 1994 (N = 967; 75.8%). Weighted estimations of DSM-
IV diagnostic criteria indicate that 22% of men and 14% of women
respondents met the criteria for alcohol dependence, and 24% of men and
19% of women met criteria for alcohol abuse. Nearly 10% of males and 8%
of females reported experiencing three or more symptoms of alcohol
tolerance in the preceding year (the same amount of alcohol has less effect
than before, need to drink more to get the same effect). In addition, 16% of
males and 29% of females reported one or more symptoms of alcohol
withdrawal (felt depressed, irritable, or nervous after drinking, or the
morning after; was sick or vomited after drinking; or the morning after;
heavy sweating/shaking after drinking; or the morning after; takes a drink
to stop shaking after drinking). Evidence of tolerance and withdrawal are
indicators of physiological dependence (48). Withdrawal symptoms are
most central to dependence (63). Maladaptive patterns of alcohol abuse
clustered largely around two symptoms: role failure and hazardous drink-
ing. Twelve-month abuse was defined by recurrent use of alcohol resulting
in a failure to fulfill major role obligations at work, school, or home,
among males (34%) and females (37%). Especially common was recurrent
use of alcohol in situations in which it is physically hazardous, such as
driving an automobile when impaired by alcohol, for males (56%) and
females (58%).
Correlates of DSM-IV Dependence andAbuse After College
Although many young college students engage in binge or problem
drinking, it is unclear whether college drinking patterns decline with the
passage of time or continue into adulthood. Logistic models evaluating
DSM-IV-defined criteria and independent predictors are shown in Table 3
for dependence outcomes and Table 4 for abuse. Prospective estimates
indicated that, for some former college drinkers in the study, 10 years after
the transition from college to postcollege life, the binge drinking practices
and alcohol-related problems experienced during the college days posed
significant risk factors for DSM-IV assessed abuse and dependence. This
finding suggests that drinking problems among collegians may not be just
strictly a college phenomenon.
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Table 3. Long-term risk for DSM-IV alcohol dependence among former college
students in 1994 by gender and independent predictors.
Males (N = 541) Females (N = 426)
Predictors OR* 95% CI Predictors OR* 95% CI
Marital status
(unmarried)
2.90 1.32,4.71 Marital status
(unmarried)
3.73 3.72,3.74
Current heavy
drinking 1994a x
5.78 5.77,5.79 Alcohol problems
in college 1984 x
7.68 7.66,7.70
College frequent
binge drinking
1984b
College drinking
frequency 1984d
Low incomec
x
9.68 9.63,9.72 Current drinking
quantity 1994e x
12.1 12.13,12.19
White collar
occupational
status
College drinking
frequency
1984
Current heavy
drinking x
2.71 2.71,2.72 Current drinking
frequency d x
7.40 7.39,7.42
Blue collar
occupational
status
College dropout
status
Current drinking
frequency x
9.53 9.51,9.56
College graduate
status
*OR = weighted odds ratio. CI = confidence interval. Adjusted Odds Ratios are all
significant at the p < 0.01 level or below unless otherwise indicated. Logistic
regression models include controls for age, educational level, marital status,
employment status and selective interaction factors. Model chi-square = 71.123,
df-9, p < 0.01 for men. Chi-square = 82.997, df = 22, p < 0.001 for women.aThe number of times a respondent drank six or more drinks on one occasion during
the past 30 days.bStudents who binged (5 + drinks) three or more times in last 30 days.cBelow $25,140.00 total family income in past year.dSeven or more times monthly.e� Four or more drinks per drinking occasion.
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Table 4. Long-term risk for DSM-IV alcohol abuse among former college students
in 1994 by gender and independent predictors.
Males (N = 541) Females (N = 426)
Predictors OR* 95% CI Predictors OR* 95%CI
Marital status
(unmarried)
2.03 1.02,4.11 Marital status
(unmarried)
2.17 1.33,4.90
Current drinking
quantity 1994a2.45 0.980,11.4 Current drinking
frequency 1994e x
4.41 0.979,7.39
Alcohol problems
in college 1984
Current heavy
drinking 1994b x
4.31 1.39,7.42 Current drinking
quantity 1994a x
12.0 11.9,12.03
College infrequent
binge drinking
1984c
Current drinking
frequency 1994
Current heavy
drinking 1994 x
9.34 9.33,9.35 Current drinking
frequency 1994 x
7.71 7.70,7.72
College frequent
binge drinking
1984d
College dropout
status
Blue collar
occupational
status 1994 x
4.67 4.67,4.68 Current drinking
frequency 1994 x
2.63 1.22,16.3
College dropout
status
College graduate
status
*OR = weighted odds ratio. CI = confidence interval. Adjusted Odds Ratios are
significant at the p < 0.01 level or below unless otherwise indicated. Logistic
regression models include controls for age, educational level, marital status, family
income, employment status, and selective interaction factors. Model chi-square for
men = 71.590, df = 24, p < 0.01. Model chi-square for women = 85.987, df = 19,
p < 0.001.a� Four or more drinks per drinking occasion.bSix or more drinks on one occasion during last 30 days.cStudents who binged (5+ drinks) one or two times in past month.dStudents who binged (5+ drinks) three or more times in last 30 days.eSeven or more days in last 30 days.
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Gender Differences
Twelve-month main effect estimations by gender indicated that marital
status (never married, separated, divorced) directly predicted long-term
increased risks for DSM-IV alcohol dependence (men: OR = 2.90; women:
OR = 3.73) and abuse (men: OR = 2.03; women: OR = 2.17). An additional
main effect for alcohol abuse among adult men in their midthirties was
current high alcohol consumption quantity per drinking occasion
(OR = 2.45). Several two-way interactions in logistic models emphasize
the importance of earlier college drinking patterns of both men and women
as discriminating predictors of prospective long-term outcomes. There were
significant interactions, for example, between infrequent as well as frequent
binge drinking in the college years for males and current heavy drinking,
which increased the likelihood for a dependence outcome nearly six times
(OR = 5.78), and over nine times for abuse (OR = 9.68). Interestingly, for
some males, previous infrequent binge drinking practices in college
apparently escalated afterward, changing in the direction toward heavier
rather than toward lighter drinking (Abuse: OR = 4.31), a trend which
likely reflected the growth and continuance of an episodic high-risk form
of drinking.
For women, as for men, the dynamic nature and relationship of college
drinking effects, 10 years past, with subsequent alcohol use in the
postcollege years was indeed striking. In logistic regression two-way
interaction models, for example, the long-term odds of problematic drinking
for women across the transition from college into their midthirties were
greatly increased if they continued to drink on as frequent a basis as they
did while in college (dependence: OR = 12.1), or if they drank frequently in
college (seven or more days monthly) and simultaneously experienced
negative effects from alcohol-related problems within the same environment
and time frame (dependence: OR = 7.68; abuse: OR = 4.41). Women also
had a high risk for alcohol abuse associated with concurrent high stability
in drinking frequency and quantity of drinking per drinking occasion
(OR = 12.0). Therefore, one of the most important determinants of long-
term alcohol problems among females in the study appeared to be drinking
continuity or consistency over time. The stability of the drinking frequency
predictor for women remained virtually unchanged after introducing a series
of control covariates into logistic regression models.
Educational Attainment and Occupation
When later drinking-related problems are considered within the context
of educational attainment and school-to-labor force transitions, it becomes
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increasingly clear that, for some former college students, heavy drinking
habits built up in college days were sometimes transferred from college life
into occupational life. Those who engaged in binge drinking in college were
either less likely to continue their education or were more likely to find
work in less prestigious occupations. In this study, 25% of DSM-IV-
dependent males, for example, and almost 38% of dependent females in the
study were college dropouts, as were over 20% of males and almost 37% of
females who met the criteria for DSM-IV-defined alcohol abuse. About
44% of male college dropouts, including many who had attained two or
three years of college, were employed in blue collar occupations while over
one quarter of female dropouts and 13% of female graduates were working
in clerical white collar jobs in 1994.
As shown in logistic models (Table 3 for dependence and Table 4 for
abuse), there was a significant interaction between white collar worker
status and alcohol dependence for males (OR = 9.68), who were mostly
white collar workers earning less than 25 thousand dollars annually in 1994.
Among males, there was also a significant interaction between blue collar
worker status and concurrent heavy drinking and dependence (OR = 2.71).
Alcohol abuse among males was related to interactions between blue-collar
worker status and lower educational attainment, particularly college dropout
status (OR = 4.67). Alcohol abuse and dependence among females in later
years, in contrast to males, appeared to be more strongly predicted by
interactions between drinking frequency and alcohol-related problems in
college, in combination with lower educational attainment (drop-out status)
and concurrent frequency of drinking (OR = 7.71), rather than by occu-
pational status, although drinking problems were not concentrated in any
specific educational level.
DISCUSSION
A national probability sample of college students was followed over a
10-year period in order to assess the long-term consequences of college
binge drinking in later life. Only if followed up prospectively can the
attempt at earlier identification of potential problem drinking be effectively
evaluated. The data, consistent with other national estimates (4,57,64),
confirmed that frequent binge drinking in college is indeed widespread,
especially among males. The results further underscored, for a significant
proportion of collegians, male as well as female, that trajectories of risky
binge drinking styles and experiences of negative effects in college directly
predicted or contributed to residual developments such as DSM-IV criteria
of alcohol dependence and abuse 10 years after college, in conjunction with
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evidence of academic attrition, early departure from college, and less
favorable labor market outcomes. This may be a cause for concern. It
should be emphasized at the same time, however, that the evidence
presented is not interpreted or seen as an increase or escalation of such
problems among previous college student-defined populations. Secondarily,
when interpreting the results, one must bear in mind that the majority of
students in the study were not binge drinkers in college, and most of those
who were tended to reduce their heavy alcohol consumption patterns after
college. In addition, the comorbidity of alcohol and drug use or drug
dependence was not independently assessed among former collegians; the
co-occurrence of these factors has been found extensively in studies
employing national survey data (65). While this study, thus, represents an
important step toward understanding some of the unintended, long-term
consequences of college student binge drinking, additional prospective
studies from representative student samples are needed to confirm and
establish these findings.
The findings provide support for the continuous model rather than the
discontinuous model of excessive alcohol consumption in college student
populations. In the discontinuous model of alcohol use, changes in frequent
binge drinking usually occur over time and transitional experiences such as
employment, marriage, and parenthood reinforce the ‘‘maturing-out’’
process whereby young adults who drink heavily during college decrease
their drinking in the following years (20,22). Conversely, in the continuous
model of alcohol usage, college bingeing and substantively related drinking
problems are viewed as progressive, gradually developing into alcohol
dependence or abuse later in life (29–31,36). These results suggest that age
alone, or maturation, may not be as crucial in distinguishing between
persons who are likely to successfully change their drinking patterns after
college and those who are less likely to change. For the most part,
according to a longitudinal study whose findings were replicated in this
study, it is upwardly mobile college students who seem to age out of
problem drinking; downwardly mobile students and those who do not
graduate are less likely to mature out (28). Therefore, the addictive binge
drinking habituation learned or reinforced in college (33,35), at least for
some individuals, can be considered as high risk behavior for the
development of ongoing and protracted problematic drinking (30,36).
The data on drinking modalities among onetime collegians do not
appear to support the assumptions of a gender convergence; rather, the
results suggest that different frequencies of drinking might help to account
for gender differences in the relative risk of developing alcohol dependence
after college, which may vary as a function of collegiate drinking practices.
While men still drink more heavily and consistently exceed women in
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typical drinking frequencies, quantities and adverse drinking consequences
(66,67), women’s frequency of drinking was shown to remain high after
college and did not perceptibly decline with age (68). College women in
this study binged less than men did and had fewer alcohol-related problems,
yet they experienced negative drinking effects in the college years and
beyond that were related to drinking frequency. Higher educational level,
being married, and having children were related to reduced consumption
among women, whereas being separated or divorced was related to
increased drinking, as in previous studies (24,33,69). Younger cohorts of
women attending coeducational colleges comprise larger proportions of
drinkers now than in the past (70). The observed patterns of ongoing
frequent drinking among college-educated women may, therefore, reflect
growing national drinking trends among women in the general population
(71) which is a critical issue for future research.
Binge drinking in college among a segment of students, confirming
earlier research findings (38–40), had a significant, negative impact on
educational attainment as well as an equally negative effect on postcollege
occupational careers and wages. Analysis revealed that individuals who
binged frequently in college and who failed to mature out after college
were more likely to be college dropouts who were employed in blue collar
occupations. Among respondents defined as alcohol dependent, those who
graduated from college, even if working in white collar occupations, were
more likely to be earning lower wages in 1994 than were those without
alcohol dependence. Although previous research has indicated that
individuals in lower status occupations are at greater risk for alcohol
dependence (72), drinking customs and practices among former collegians
in the study preceded their entry into the work force.
There are several limitations to the study that require comment. First,
sample attrition in the 1994 follow-up college sample, after a 10-year
interval, may be a potential source of bias. Although a certain amount of
attrition is to be anticipated between panel observations over time due to
deaths, institutionalizations, refusals, panel dispersion, and tracking
difficulties, the 1994 retention rate of 68% is partly attributable to a
variety of noninterview reasons. Respondents, for instance, who refused to
participate or were noninterviews for two consecutive years for any reason
were dropped from the study. Furthermore, the elimination of two
supplemental subgroups of respondents (military and disadvantaged white
youth) from the primary NLSY79 sample after 1984 and prior to1994,
consisting of a total of 2722 cases, or 21%, to some extent affected sample
mortality. Nevertheless, to remain representative, the NLSY79 sample
population weights have been adjusted at each successive wave to
compensate for noninterviews and nonresponses. Actually, the retention
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rate for the 1994 wave of the college student sample is comparable to other
National Longitudinal Survey representative samples in which the retention
levels in longitudinal panels ranged between 58% and 65% (46). Moreover,
the observed drinking item nonresponses were minimal in the latter time
period. The percentage of reported drinkers among former college students
in 1994 was equivalent to 1984 reports (76% and 77%, respectively).
Second, the issue of early onset of drinking patterns at the high school
level was not addressed in the study. For example, Wechsler and associates
(7) found that, for many students, high school bingeing was a very strong
predictor of college bingeing. Thus, drinking styles of adults in their
midthirties could actually be a derivative of early high school onset that
was mediated by college experiences. The high school to college, or even
middle school to high school transitions (73) may very well be an important
focus for future study of alcohol consumption for both genders.
Third, lifetime dependence prevalence was not estimated; therefore, the
relationship between binge drinking in college and dependence in later life
is not shown to be an exclusively linear progression, as different individuals
may experience drinking problems at different times in the life cycle (74).
For example, problem drinking after college could have been continuous for
some respondents, similar to previous research reports (21), but for others
there may have been intermittent periods of reduced consumption,
abstinence, or quite possibly self-change without formal treatment (75,76)
over the 10-year period of the study after which they suffered relapse.
Finally, although the findings suggest a positive association between
alcohol abuse or dependence and occupation, the question of causal
direction between alcoholism and labor market outcomes opens up the
prospect of reverse causal effects, which is an incompletely resolved issue.
The direction of causation has not been established empirically in research
studies and the debate is ongoing (37,77). I believe that the results of the
study are minimally affected by this consideration in view of sufficient
longitudinal evidence presented here suggesting that the drinking patterns of
respondents were established in college and preceded entrance into the
labor force. Elements of reverse causality could be related to features of the
individual’s job or to nonwork social relationships. Sorting out complete
causal variability between dependence factors and occupational status
would, therefore, require structural equation modeling and the development
of a simultaneous model of alcohol use and labor market decisions (40).
A major strength of the study is the prospective 10-year follow-up of
college students with concurrent measures of drinking in both time periods
and the finding of important long-term implications associated with college
student problem drinking. Other strengths of the study include generaliz-
ability to college students in the general population for the time period
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studied, the identification of different binge drinking developmental
trajectories, the comparison of cross-sectional and prospective research
designs, and the use of alcohol measures based on the most current
psychiatric classification, the DSM-IV (78). Notably, the research also
meets the need for outcome measures that have been validated on a unique
sample of women. Measures and definitions of risky drinking for female
populations have been especially problematic in the past (73).
The results of the present study involving collegiate binge drinking have
implications for research and prevention practices that are clearly situated
within the larger issues of college student health, alcohol education, and
problem resolution. The finding of trajectories of developmentally distinct
drinking patterns reflecting drinking styles and problems among college
students that can potentially have serious long-term ramifications provides
additional data that support intervention policies. The evidence presented
here suggests the need for continued diverse programs on college campuses,
including the strengthening of existing preventive programs as well as the
implementation of promising new strategies based on research evidence and
outcomes, which are specifically designed to reduce the possible long-term
risks associated with college cultures and customs that commonly promote
excessive alcohol use among college student populations.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The data source for the study was the National Longitudinal Survey
of Youth (NLSY79). The NLSY survey was sponsored by the Bureau of
Labor Statistics (BLS) of the U.S. Department of Labor and data were
made available from the Center for Human Resource Research, Ohio
State University.
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