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Analysis of the play The Escape; or, A Leap for Freedom (1858) by the African American William Wells Brown. While slave narratives, written by escaping slaves, were a genuine expression of the southern black experience, and were acting as major critiques of the slavery and plantation system, they were not art or fiction in their strict sense, and therefore, the problem of creating a cultural system that would overcome white attitudes that kept blacks in bondage remained. William Wells Brown was one of the first blacks who tried to solve this problem. In the play Brown tries to create a black voice of resistance and social suggestions for the first time, without relying to the usually paternalist attitudes of white abolitionists. His method of achieving his goals is by using a combination of dramatic genres and by undermining traditional perceptions of both black and white people in the construction of his characters.
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Chrysovalantis Kampragkos
Alit 9-585: American National Identity and Political Ideology: 1775-1865
The Roots of African American Subjectivity: W.W. Brown’s The Escape
African Americans of the 19th century, when the time for freedom from slavery was
reaching, did not face only problems of economic nature, of racial discrimination, or
of the way they would be integrated in the American society as freed people and equal
to the white population. Another major issue was the nature of the culture they had
nurtured and developed while being slaves, and whether this culture, which definitely
had an impact on their behavioral codes, was a genuine black tradition. Was it a
tradition separated from white norms or was it deeply affected by white behaviors and
ideologies to the point blacks could not escape attitudes―injected by the
whites―which did not hit the problem of racism to the core, and therefore not
allowing them escape fully from their past? While slave narratives, written by
escaping slaves, were a genuine expression of the southern black experience, and
were acting as major critiques of the slavery and plantation system, they were not art
or fiction in their strict sense, and therefore, the problem of creating a cultural system
that would overcome white attitudes that kept blacks in bondage remained. William
Wells Brown was one of the first blacks who tried to solve this problem, by being one
of the first African American novelists and playwrights, his novel Clotel; or, the
President’s Daughter (1853), being considered the first novel written by a black. His
1858 play The Escape; or, A Leap for Freedom is, in my opinion, an attempt to forge
a literary tradition and a cultural system that would overcome whites’ perceptions of
blacks. Furthermore, in the play Brown tries to create a black voice of resistance and
social suggestions for the first time, without relying to the usually paternalist attitudes
of white abolitionists. His method of achieving his goals is by using a combination of
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dramatic genres and by undermining traditional perceptions of both black and white
people in the construction of his characters.
First of all, the play uses a lot of autobiographical elements, since Brown was
a slave himself. By using his own experience in the South, Brown will construct his
own critique of slavery and his own view on how it should be solved. In his preface,
Brown writes that “[t]he main features in the drama are true. […] Many of the
incidents are drawn from my own experience of eighteen years at the South” (37). As
Ronald T. Takaki notes, “[i]n The Escape, Brown used fiction not only to attack
slavery and arouse Northern public opinion against the South but also to dramatize his
old personal concerns―the lustfulness of white men, the viciousness of white women,
and the powerlessness of black men” (221). The mulatto boy Sampey in the play is
creates after Brown himself, since as Takaki informs us, since the writer “learned
from his mother, a slave of ‘mixed blood’ herself, that his father was a white man and
his master’s [Dr. Young] half brother. […] [H]is mistress, Mrs. Young, hated him.
His light skin was a constant and annoying reminder of his relationship to her
husband[.] […] On one occasion, for example, a Major Moore paid a visit during Dr.
Young’s absence and introduced himself to Mrs. Young. William was about ten years
old at the time and was ‘as white as most white boys.’ […] Thinking William was Dr.
Young’s son, Major Moore said[…] [:] ‘Madam, I would have known your son if I
had met him in Mexico; for he looks so much like his papa” (216). In the play, there is
a scene taken exactly from Brown’s life, where Major Moore mistakes Sampey for
Dr. Gaines’s (the play’s slaveholder) son, and Mrs. Gaines becomes very angry with
the boy (50).
There are other instances of autobiography in the play, like the two black
slaves Glen and Melinda, who, according to Brown, are real people (37). The two
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slaves have secretly married, but Dr. Gaines wants Melinda for himself and keeps her
in an isolated house, pushing her to become his mistress (51). Glen strikes Gaines,
and, despite being in jail, does not regret for his action: “I did right to strike him back
again. I would had killed him. Oh! there is a volcano pent up in the hearts of the
slaves of these Southern States that will burst forth ere long. I would be willing to die,
if I could smite down with these chains every man who attempts to enslave his
fellowman” (52). However, the couple escapes along with another slave, Cato, and
while trying to escape to Canada, they are chased by whites due to Fugitive Slave
Law. The blacks fight with the whites and finally escape (60). According to Takaki,
Melinda’s character is based on a fellow slave Cynthia, who was also blackmailed by
a slaveholder (218). All the autobiographical elements serve as a vehicle for Brown to
express his opinion on how slavery should be solved, and his solution is using any
means necessary, including violence practiced by blacks against whites. His attitude is
absolutely different from gradual abolitionists and works like Harriet Beecher Stowe’s
Uncle Tom’s Cabin, in which Stowe advocates that the solution to slavery is piety and
faith to God, essentially paternalistic views expressed by whites, which did not pose a
real threat to the slavery system. As Takaki says, “[t]he degradation of Cynthia
illustrated one of the dilemmas Brown faced up as a slave. He felt he could do nothing
to appease his pent-up rage and defend slave women like Cynthia against lascivious
and brutal white men” (218). Therefore, the play serves “Brown’s need to remember
and resolve in his fantasy the travail of his slavery,” and “in his [Brown’s]
imagination he was able to act out his rage and frustration as well as the violence he
wished to bring down on his oppressors” (Takaki 216). Brown’s slave experience
shows the way of achieving liberation. As an ex-slave, he stands in opposition to
pacifist, reformist methods that could not solve the problem of slavery.
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Another key element in the play is satire and irony against religion and
southern women, which stand as warnings for the hypocrisy of southern people and
for their moral depravity, as opposed to the image they project to the public. Mrs.
Gaines pretends to be a member of the aristocracy, “born with a spoon in [her]
mouth” (38), arrogant towards lower caste whites. However, a slave called Susan says
that Mrs. Gaines is lying, and that “[s]he come from Carlina, from ’mong de poor
white trash. She don’t know any better. You can’t speck nothin’ more dan a jump
from a frog” (49). In this way, Brown both shows the vanity and arrogance of
southern slaveholders, and creates a feeling of black pride and superiority to these
people. It is for this reason that he writes in his preface that “[a]s I never aspired to be
a dramatist, I ask no favor for it, and have little or no solicitude for its fate. If it is not
readable, no word of mine can make it so; if it is, to ask favor for it would be
needless. […] The play, no doubt, abounds in defects, but as I was born in slavery,
and never had a day’s schooling in my life, I owe the public no apology for errors”
(37). Brown does not feel inferior to his white audience, not by simply blaming the
system of slavery for his lack of education, but because he does not feel inferior to
white people, because he has encountered white people lower in spirit and character
than any black slave. Therefore, the problem of slavery, according to him, is not
solved by feeling pity for blacks (like Stowe showed in Uncle Tom’s Cabin), but
through the realization that both races are equal. Timothy B. Powell claims, that
“[w]hile deeply respectful of Stowe’s ability to engender support for the cause of
abolition, Brown’s […] stance differed sharply from Stowe’s view that African
Americans were ‘an exotic race’” (142). Furthermore, Mrs. Gaines is ironically
presented as hypocritically religious. On the one hand, she always talks about God,
and rejoices in talking with the preacher Mr. Pinchen, but she always threatens her
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slaves that she will whip them, and that if she does not go to Heaven, it will be
because of them (43). As such, she is shown as a totally hypocritical and immoral
person, who gradually becomes a monster because of her husband lust for Melinda,
forcing Melinda to drink poison (52). In this way, Brown shows that slavery turns
both blacks and whites into beasts, and that it deprives both races of their humanity.
He also pictures religion as a tool for making black men, black women, and white
women submissive, when Dr. Gaines, in order to tone down his wife’s jealousy, says
that “I’ll get brother Pinchen to talk to her, and het her mind turned upon religious
matters, and then she’ll forget it” (45).
Brown’s major strategy in subverting white hegemony and construction a
black subject is the use of blackface minstrelsy with the black slave Cato. AsEric Lott
says, “[w]hile it was organized around the quite explicit ‘borrowing’ of black cultural
materials for white dissemination, a borrowing that ultimately depended onn the
material relations of slavery, the minstrel show obscured these relations by pretending
that slavery was amusing, right, and natural” (3). Cato is shown as a typical blackface
character, subservient, loyal, silly, and amusing. However, Brown disrupts the
stereotypical closure of the minstrel show when Cato deceives a barkeeper and
escapes slavery, inflicting violence on whites (55, 56, 60). In his songs, a typical
element of minstrel shows, he criticizes the harsh labor conditions of slavery (56), the
Fugitive Slave Law (57), the Bible as justification of slavery (48), and even the
Republican ideals of George Washington and the Northern states, which do not apply
for black slaves (48, 57). The new name he chooses, Rev. Alexander Washington
Napoleon Pompey Caesar, is ironic towards the imperial/ imperialistic attitude of
America to Africa. Writing on another of Brown’s works, William H. Andrews notes
that “the unmaking, or rather, the unmasking of the pretensions of white mastery on
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the antebellum plantation goes hand in hand with black attempts to become masters of
their own fate, often at the expense of their owners” […] Authority rarely emanates
from a fixed and acknowledged source; authority is transactional, a product of
discourse, especially of wit contests in dialogue. […] That Cato only plays the fool
becomes clear in his successful hoodwinking of slavecatchers” (11, 12, italics mine).
Furthermore, Andrews rightfully claims that “[t]he narrator does picture southern
whites as rather less masterful than the traditional image of patriarchal slavery
maintained” (14). The subversion of the contend “darky” in Cato is finally shown
when he seeks desperately to vent his rage: “An’ de ole boss hit me wid his cane after
dat nigger tore my coat. By golly, I wants to fight somebody. Ef ole massa should
come in now, I’d fight him” (40). In this sense, the adoption of blackface minstrelsy
by blacks becomes a form of resistance. Grace Elizabeth Hale has very interestingly
noted that “[t]o act ‘blackface,’ African American performers had to look at ‘darkies’
through white people’s eyes―they had in effect to play whites. […] Given the
popular context of minstrelsy, African American performers and musicians’ creation
of ‘miscegenated’ styles paradoxically subverted white methods and declared black
freedom to match white methods” (38). As whites borrowed elements from slaves’
lives in order to entertain, blacks borrowed whites’ psychological reactions to create a
liberating form of art.
What is more, Brown’s treatment of the issue of slavery and the way he seeks
to subvert it is very interesting and insightful. In opposition to simplistic Stowe-esque
sentimentalization of slavery as an institution that most of all harms family and is un-
Christian, Brown treats his black characters as expendable commodities in a market
capitalist economy through the depiction of slave trade, and his white characters as
defining themselves in relation to blacks’ economic position, showing that whiteness
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is actually defined by its other, blackness. A white character called Scragg Dr. Gaines
tells that “I felt bad to see a nigger dressed up in such fine clothes, and I wanted to
whip him right off. I tell you doctor, I had rather whip that nigger than go to heaven”
(52). Here, Brown’s use of blackface performance serves as a critique of the minstrel
show itself as a way through which blacks are being treated as merely marketable
commodities, if we take into consideration that the main audience of minstrel shows
was the working class. In a time of increasing migration from Europe to America and
the emergence of socialist theories of transforming society, the potential solidarity
between white workers, immigrant workers and black slaves would be a disaster for
the solidification of American industrial capitalism, which was rapidly expanding. In
this sense, the ridicule of blacks in minstrel shows served in two ways. First, white
workers could see that there were social groups lower than them, economically and
mentally. As Lott says, “[i]t was cross-racial desire that coupled a nearly
insupportable fascination and a self-protective derision with respect to black people
and their cultural practices, and that made blackface minstrelsy less a sign of absolute
white power and control than of panic, anxiety, terror, and pleasure” (6). The
character of blacks in minstrel shows was not so different from the pseudo-scientific
proof of biological essentialist theories, which showed the supposedly natural
inferiority of blacks. Secondly, the harsh labor conditions workers (and especially
immigrants) experienced in the mid-1800s showed them a radically different reality
from their expectations of equal choices and mobility in America. The industrial
capitalist mode of production developed a consumer culture, and in the minstrelsy
tradition, blacks were ultimately pictured as commodities. As Hale notes, “[b]lacked
up white men had long before [the 20th century] pioneered the commodification of
black images and continued to impersonate African Americans on booming minstrel
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stages across the nation. White children played with ‘darky’ figured toys and squealed
in delight at Uncle Remus’s tales of Brer Rabbit’s adventures” (51). Therefore,
blackface minstrelsy made blacks appear as property not only of their slaveholders,
but also of the poor working class, who would forget their problems by consuming
entertainment and spectacle. According to Hale, “wage laborers found humor in
blackfaced minstrels’ stereotyped slave life. For most northerners, however, working
for wages seemed significantly better than its apparent alternative, slavery. Workers at
least retained some semblance of control over their domestic arrangements” (91).
Hale concludes that “[m]instrelsy, then, mediated between slavery and late
nineteenth-century mass culture. It placed stylized black racial imagery at the center
of commercial popular culture” (154). Brown, then, in his presentation of plantation
life and minstrelsy negotiates slaves as marketable commodities and predicts the
solidification of consumer culture.
In conclusion, Brown’s play promotes a method that would lead blacks out of
slavery. This was the use of violence as both self-defense and attack, without the
paternalistic attitudes of white sympathizers. What is more, his work is a pre-
Emancipation attempt to develop a cultural system of codes and manners that would
help the liberated African Americans overcome hegemonic imaginaries of themselves
created by their oppressors. He advocated to his race to leave behind all belittling and
hypocritical ideologies, like religion and dreams of excessive social mobility,
ideologies that would continue to enslave them, despite being free. In short, he asked
from his fellow people to create their own culture and feel proud of themselves.
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Works Cited
Andrews, William H. “Mark Twain, William Wells Brown, and the Problem of
Authority in New South Writing.” In Southern Literature and Literary Theory.
Ed. Jefferson Humphries. Athens, Georgia: U of Georgia P, 1990.
Brown, William Wells. The Escape; or, A Leap for Freedom. 1858.
Hale, Grace Elizabeth. Making Whiteness: The Culture of Segregation in the South,
1890-1940. New York: Pantheon, 1998.
Powell, Timothy B. Ruthless Democracy: A Multicultural Interpretation of the
American Renaisssance. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2000.
Takaki, Ronald T. Violence in the Black Imagination. 1972. New York: Oxford
University Press, 1993.
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