The Roman Satirist Speaks Greek CHAHOUD

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The Roman Satirist Speaks Greek Author(s): Anna Chahoud Source: Classics Ireland, Vol. 11 (2004), pp. 1-46Published by: Classical Association of IrelandStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25528400Accessed: 22-11-2015 18:42 UTC

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THE ROMAN SATIRIST SPEAKS GREEK

Anna Chahoud

University College Dublin

'The word in language is half someone else's'

(M. Bakhtin)

I. INTRODUCTION

'Satire belongs entirely to us': Quintilian {Inst. 10.1.93)

proudly claims for the Romans the invention of a literary form

unprecedented and unparalleled in Greek literature. The

pioneer of the new genre was Quintus Ennius, who called

satura his medley of poems in various metres and subject

matter;1 but it was an aristocratic friend of Scipio Aemilianus

who was later to create the independent and aggressive genre we still call satire.2 Gaius Lucilius, born of a wealthy

equestrian family from Suessa Aurunca in the Southern Italian

region of Campania, wrote thirty books of verse satires,

complete collections of which were still circulating in imperial times. At the end of the 2nd c. A.D. the public allegedly had a

1 See Diom. GranL 1.485 K. satira dicitur carmen

apud Romanos nunc

quidem maledicum et ad carpenda hominum uitia ...

compositum, quale

scripserunt Lucilius et Horatius et Persius. Et olim carmen quod

ex uariis

poematibus constabat satira uocabatur, quale scripserunt Pacuuius et

Ennius. See also Quint. Inst. 10.1.95 alterum illud etiam prius saturae

genus, sed non sola carminum uarietate mixtum.

2 See, most

recently, Petersmann 1999: 289-90.



2 Anna Chahoud

preference for Lucilius over other Roman satirists, in fact over

all other Latin writers as well.3 Critics, however, were not

equally keen. While paying due respect to his predecessor, Horace objected to Lucilius' lack of linguistic refinement, and

a major point of Horace's criticism was Lucilius' peculiar mixture of Latin and Greek (Hor. S. 1.10.20-35):4

'at magnum fecit, quod uerbis Graeca Latinis 20

miscuit'. O sen studiorum, quine putetis difficile et minim, Rhodio quod Pitholeonti

contigit? 'at sermo lingua concinnus utraque suauior, ut Chio nota si comminxta Falemi est'. cum uersus facias, te ipsum percontor, an et cum 25

dura tibi peragenda rei sit causa Petilli?

scilicet oblitus patriaeque patrisque Latini, cum Pedius causas exsudet Publicola atque Coruinus, patriis intermiscere petita uerba foris malis, Canusini more bilinguis. 30

atque ego cum Graecos facerem, natus mare citra,

uersiculos, uetuit me tali uoce Quirinus

post mediam noctem uisus, cum somnia uera:

'in siluam non ligna feras insanius ac si

magnas Graecorum malis implere cateruas.' 35

'but his (Lucilius's) was a great achievement, in combining Greek words with Latin.' You late learners! Do you really think it difficult to match Pitholeon of Rhodes in his happy knack? 'But a style which nicely blends each tongue is more pleasing, as

3 Quint. Inst. 1.10.93 satura quidem tota nostra est, in qua primus

insignem laudem adeptus Lucilius quosdam ita deditos sibi adhuc habet amatores ut eum non eiusdem modo operis auctoribus sed omnibus poetis

praeferre non dubitent.

4 In this paper I concentrate on the tradition of Latin verse satire

as identified by Horace, and carried on by Persius and Juvenal. It

goes without saying that the Greek element is far more prominent in the parallel tradition of the so-called Menippean satire, itself a

literary form derived from a Greek model.



The Roman Satirist Speaks Greek 3

when the Falernian brand is mixed with Chian.' When you're writing verses - I put it to you directly

- or when you have to

negotiate a difficult case for a defendant like Petillius? No doubt

you'd prefer, whereas Pedius Publicola and Corvinus sweat out their cases, to forget your native land and father Latinus and to adulterate your native speech with foreign importations, like a

bilingual from Canusium! Indeed, when I, though born on this side of the ocean, was writing some little verses in Greek,

Quirinus appeared to me after midnight, when dreams are true, and forbade me in tones like these: 'Carrying timber to a forest would be no crazier than your choosing to swell the packed ranks of the Greeks', (transl. P.M. Brown)

A 'wholly Roman' literary form, Roman satire yet originally

spoke Greek, in a manner which offended Horace's selective

notion of poetic language. In the passage quoted above, Horace introduces an admirer of Lucilius praising the

linguistic mixture of the early satirist, only to dismiss the

enthusiastic remark as a clear sign of naivety and

provincialism. A poet who picks such language - Horace

insists - is no less to blame than a lawyer who is prepared to

jeopardise his professional credibility: a Roman poet, just like

a Roman citizen acting in the forum, has nothing to gain from

demoting himself to the rank of a bilingual Apulian (the natives of Canusium spoke Oscan and Greek). It is significant that Quirinus himself, the Roman god identified with the founder of the city, should be the one to advise Horace against

writing Greek verse.5 The parallel established between

forensic activity and poetic discourse is also significant, as

pointed out in a recent study:

The erasure of the distinction between legal and poetic discourse suggests that the poet... is henceforth to be judged by the same criteria as the orator whose place is at the very center

5 Cf. Zetzel 2002: 38-42, and n. 4 p. 211; Cucchiarelli 2001: 176-77.



4 Anna Chahoud

of Roman political activity. Hence the admixture of Graecisms, often perceived as a mark of refinement and cultivation, is here

categorised as declasse, a betrayal of provincialism characteristic

of the "bilingual Canusian", the native of Horace's own Apulia who is not yet fully and thoroughly Roman' (Oliensis 1998: 40).

Far from being merely a poet's business, the matter of

linguistic correctness (Latinitas) involves broader issues of

national and cultural identity.6 In Horace's perception of it, Lucilius' 'mixture of Greek and Latin' is simply a despicable

hybrid, just as hybrida ('crossbreed') is the word Horace

chooses to designate with contempt the Italian-born, but

naturalized Greek banker Persius in Satire 1.7.2. An ancient

note on this passage remarks on the man's 'mixed language'

interpreting Horace's criticism in terms of contaminated

'Romanness': quasi semiromanus 'half-Roman, as it were'.7

Interestingly, Lucilius calls himself a 'half-Greek'

(semigraecus, cf. 391 W. = 379 M.). Unlike semiromanus, the

term semigraecus does not necessarily have derogatory undertones. Suetonius uses it in complimentary reference to

the early Latin poets Livius Andronicus and Ennius, the

former a Greek, the latter a trilingual native of Southern Italy.8 Varro calls semigraeci those contemporaries who spent so

6 See in particular Adams 2003: 184-205. 7

Schol. Hor. S. 1.7.2 'Hybrida' dicitur, qui habet Graecum patrem et

matrem Italam; autper contrarium Hybridam dicunt appellari, qui mixto

genere sermonis loquatur Graece Latineque ... translatiue ergo Horatius

lacerauit Per slum quasi semiromanum. See also Biville 2002: 88-9.

8 Suet. Gram. 1.1

antiquissimi doctorum, qui et poetae et semigraeci

erant (Liuium et Ennium dico, quos utraque lingua domi forisque docuisse adhuc notum est).




much time in Greece to deserve the title as well as humorous

Homeric-style addresses (see below, III.I).9 The study of Greek language and literature was a

prominent part of the education of the Roman upper classes. It

is a generally accepted view that Lucilius, like Cicero in his

letters, used Greek as an element of private, colloquial speech, free from the constraints of official/formal communication.

This is certainly true, and in this respect Horace was right in

viewing the work of his predecessor as a form of self

portraiture, i.e. the reflection of a personality who would

'confide intimate facts to his books, which he trusted like

friends; ... so the whole of the old man's life is laid before us

as if it were painted on a votive tablet' (Sat. 2.1.30-34, transl.

N. Rudd).10 More directly rooted in reality that any other

literary genre, satire depicts the world from a single point of

view: the author's. To do so, Lucilius often picked the

language of the Greek-educated Roman man that he was. I

shall briefly illustrate this point below, offering a few remarks

on the practices of imperfect bilingualism among the Romans

in the last two centuries of the Republic (III. 1 and IV). The notion of Greek as the 'language of intimacy',11

however, tells only part of the story. In some cases, change of

language implies mockery, contempt and even hostility - in

other words, distance. In these cases the change of language seems to mark the switch to a different speaking voice in the

poem. On such passages I shall mainly concentrate, arguing

9 Var. R. 2.1.2 Tor Scrofa, 'who is a much better man than Y (hosper

moupollon ameinon) ? I say it in Greek to two half-Greek shepherds

(semigraecispastoribus)': cf. e.g. Horn. //. 7.114.

10 Hor. S. 2.1.32-34 ille uelut fidis

arcana sodalibus olim / credebat

libris ... / ... quo fit ut omnis / uotiua pateat ueluti descripta tabella /

uita senis. On the notion of'self-portraiture' see Fraenkel 1957: 152

f.

11 See e.g. Pabon 1939: 126-31; see contra Adams 2002: 308-23.



6 Anna Chahoud

that Greek in Lucilius may serve a purpose of

characterisation, i.e. the author is appropriating someone

else's language, reproducing it in a humorous and often

malicious manner (III.3).12 This interpretation holds true also for those terms which

had no immediately available Latin equivalent and are often

explained as a necessity (I am referring in particular to

technical terminology: see III.2). The belief that Greek was

employed as an 'to make up for some of the deficiencies of

the Latin language'13 in defining things unknown to the

Romans before their contact with Greek culture does not do

justice to the poetry of Lucilius, whose extensive usage of

Greek must be a deliberate choice. Quite appropriately Lucilius called his poems 'talks' (sermones, cf. 1039 W. =

1039 M.). Language choice is then closely related to the

definition of the genre. I believe that this approach may shed light on Lucilius'

poetry, which has come down to us in fragmentary form, with

hardly any indication as to the context and narrative of the

original poems. This paper aims to illustrate the distribution

and function of Greek in Lucilius, through the discussion of a

few select examples from the text. I shall begin with a

preliminary statement on the scope of my inquiry,

distinguishing Lucilius' technique ('code-switching') from the

general linguistic phenomenon of (lexical borrowing: II). I am

interested in Greek utterances in Lucilius' poetic discourse

rather than in his extensive usage of Greek-based Latin words.

12 A comparable analysis may be conducted on Varro's Menippean Satires. Varro, like Lucilius, occasionally

uses Italian languages as

well as Greek to reproduce un-Roman traits: see e.g. Astbury 1983:

144 on the Celtic word gabalus gallows' (Var. Men. 24); cf Salanitro 1990: 70.

13 Steel 1900:390.




The list of occurrences I give in my 'Appendix' was compiled

accordingly.

II. GREEK & LATIN IN CONTACT: CODE-SWITCHING V. LEXICAL BORROWING

Lucilius' fragments -

lines, half-lines, sometimes even just

single words - amount to some thirteen hundred.14

Approximately fifty of these fragments contain Greek words, however altered or transliterated, when not hopelessly

corrupted, by the variously competent scribes who found

quotations from Lucilius in the author they were copying. It is

an established scholarly practice to label all Greek words, and

words with Greek etymological connection, to be found in

Latin writers as 'Grecisms'. The term, convenient as it may

be, is in fact a rather misleading one, because it inevitably blurs the boundaries between distinct linguistic phenomena. The result is a number of otherwise valuable studies on the

subject which, however, often offer a merely descriptive

survey of the various 'registers' of Greek (poetic, colloquial,

etc.), with little attempt to motivate the choice itself. Why did

Lucilius, like indeed many other Latin writers, introduce

Greek in his Latin discourse? Surely not simply because the

Latin language incorporated a large number of Greek

loanwords. Lucilius used countless such words, which in his

day were already 'normalised', i.e. integrated into the Latin

phonological, morphological, syntactical system. This type lies in the area of lexical borrowing, and the usage speaks

14 E.H. Warmington's edition (Remains of Old Latin III, Loeb

Classical Library, rev. ed. 1967) records 1272 lines, plus

a section

on single words and phrases at 418-23; F. Marx' edition (Leipzig 1904-5) include 1378 'lines' (either complete or not, isolated words,

and testimonia on the text).



8 Anna Chahoud

more of the history of the Latin language than of the author's

poetic discourse. Just one example:

(1) Lucil. 597 f. W.(=515f. M.)

'paenula, si quaeris, cantherius, seruus, segestre

utilior mihi quam sapiens.'

4 if you want to know, a cloak, a worn-out horse,15 a slave, a

wrapper -

any of these is more useful to me than a

philosopher.'

When Lucilius used the word paenula 'cloak', the original Greek phainoles

- or, more precisely, the feminine variety

phainola attested in the Doric Greek spoken in Southern

Italy16 - had already become, through loss of aspiration and

change of vowel sound, a new, different, Latin word. Plautus

knew it already, and well enough to use it figuratively (Mos.

991); so would Cicero in a letter to Atticus (13.33a.I).17 Parallels like these indicate that the word was probably a

colloquial one; register, however, has very little to do with the

origin of the word. In a case like this - one of many18 -

Lucilius' choice of a Greek-based word is by no means

remarkable, unless we are prepared to regard as particularly

significant any English utterance of e.g. 'mutton' (a French

loanword). The practice known in socio-linguistics as 'code

switching' is an altogether different matter. It consists of a

15 The word cantherius indicates a horse of low quality, not

necessarily a

gelding' (as in Warmington's translation): see Adams

1995: 70 and 105.

16 Cf Pollux 7.61, Hsch. s.v.: see Biville 1990: 1.151.

17 PL Mos. 991 libertas paenulast tergo tuo your freedom's a cloak for

your shoulders'; Cic. Att. 13.33a. 1 has the proverb paenulam scindere

'to tear one's coat', i.e. to beg

someone to stay. 18

See Marx 1904-05: 156-58; Mariotti 1960: 50-81.




temporary change of language answering either functional or

stylistic demands, such as explicitness, quotation, creation of a

particular tone.19 It should not be implied, of course, that non

integration (in our case, failure to Latinise the word) should

be adopted as a 'guide to the status of a form as a code-switch

or a borrowing'.20 Common sense suggests the opposite

(consider e.g. bona fide, rendez-vous, and similar non

naturalised expressions used in English). Frequency of

occurrence is a far sounder guiding rule.21 Isolated utterances

are more likely to be individual switches than widely accepted loanwords. Many Greek expressions in Lucilius are of this

type. They are unparalleled in extant literary Latin, and

sometimes unparalleled in extant literary Greek as well.

For example, it is easy to see the difference between (1) above and the following passages from an erotic poem in

Book 8:

(2) Lucil. 331-2 W.(= 303-4 M.) 'cum poclo bibo eodem, amplector, labra labellis

fictricis compono, hoc est cum psolocopoumaV

'when I drink from the same cup, hold her in my arms, lay my

lips to her little ones (the scheming jade!) - this is when I am

racked with tension.'

(3) Lucil. 333 and 334 W. (= 305 and 306 M.) 'turn latus componit lateri et cum pectore pectus

...

et cruribus crura diallaxon^

'then she lays side to side and joins breast with breast...

19 See e.g. A. Giacalone Ramat in Milroy-Muysken 1995: 59; McClure 1998: 134.

20McClure 1998: 130.

21 Cf. Myers-Scotton 1993: 176.



10 Anna Chahoud

and I, about to cross legs with legs' (transl. E.H. Warmington)

At (2) a seemingly elegiac tone (cf. the diminutive labellis22) abruptly turns into an obscene Priapic image. The verb

psdlocopoumai graphically describes the state of a sexually aroused man;23 Horace says the same in Latin: tentigine rumpi

(S. 1.2.118, 'I burst with lust', transl P.M. Brown). The only other instance of the verb is in the active form (psolocopeo) and causative sense, taking 'the reader' (ton anagignoskonta) as a direct object (PLond. 3.604 B 174). Lucilius switches into

Greek, and not only do we fail to see why, but we are at a loss

for an adequate rendering of both the language change and the

crude connotation of the word. I translate psolocopumai

following Rudd (1986: 166); Warmington's translation sounds excessively euphemistic ('I am lustful').

In passage (3), the last word of the second line is a form

(probably a future participle) of the Greek verb diallasso

indicating the action of the 'crossing' or 'interlocking' of legs. The polyptoton is reminiscent of famous passages in early Greek poetry, esp. Archilochus 119 W. 'and pressing turn to

tummy and thighs to thighs' (transl. ML. West).24 Lucilius in

turn is a model for Horace, S. 1.2.125 haec ubi supposuit dextro corpus mihi laeuum /Ilia et Egeria est 'when a girl like

this has tucked her left side under my right, she is like Ilia and

Egeria' (transl. P.M. Brown). Horace's Satire 1.2 displays a

markedly Lucilian character, and the very passage mentioned

above prompted the quotation from Lucilius by an ancient

commentator of Horace.25 This is the literary context of the

22 I am grateful for this remark to Prof. F. Bellandi. 23 See Adams 1982: 13 (on Gr. psolos) and 2002: 361. 24

See also Anacr. 439 P., Eupol. PCG V 174; see Henderson 1991:

137.

25 Porph. Hor. S. 1.2.125 'Haec ubi supposuit dextro corpus mihi

laeuum': hoc est, quod Lucilius ait in VIII (et cruribus crura diallaxon.




passage, which however leaves the unexpected Greek form

unexplained. The form diallaxon is neither recorded elsewhere in Latin

nor exactly paralleled in extant literary Greek, where diailasso

normally means 'to change' or 'to differ from'.26 The

expected Greek verb, if any, is ep-allasso, which describes

exactly the action of legs interlocking in a non-metaphorical battle-scene (Eur. Heracl 836).27 Particles, though, are tricky little words. It may be suggested that the speaker in Lucilius

had enough Greek to know that the prefix for 'across' was

dia-9 but failed to realise that the compound verb diailasso

meant something completely different. Lucilius would then be

characterising the affectation of someone striving to speaking Greek and succeeding only in betraying his inadequate

competence.28 Why this man should wish to express himself

in Greek during intercourse is another matter (see below,

III.3).

III. DISTRIBUTION, TYPOLOGY AND FUNCTION OF GREEK IN LUCILIUS

Practices of code-switching, a recurring feature of spoken

language, are not easy to detect and analyse in a corpus

language. The fragmentary state of Lucilius' text does not

make the task any easier. In literary Latin the phenomenon is

26SeeL&/s.v.

27 Eur. Her act. 836 to deuteron de pous epallachtheis podi. See J.

Wilkins' note ad loc.

28 I owe this suggestion to Prof. Rolando Ferri and Dr. Lucia

Prauscello whom I wish to thank here.



12 Anna Chahoud

identifiable and significant in Plautus,29 Lucilius,30 Varro,31 Cicero's letters32 (apparently out of keeping with Cicero's

own statements and practice in public), Seneca's

ApocolycontosisP Petronius,34 Pliny the Younger.35 We also

have examples from love poetry and sarcastic representations of erotic contexts in Lucretius, Catullus, Martial, Juvenal.36

When listing all Greek words and phrases in Lucilius'

remains, one discovers that many belong to the language of

typically Greek disciplines (philosophy, rhetoric, medicine); others are quotations from Homer and mostly incomplete;

finally, others have nothing in common except that they are

virtually non-existent in Greek literature and possibly

reproduce Greek idioms spoken, either by Greeks or Romans, in Lucilius' time. I give a list of passages in the 'Appendix',

where Lucilius' Greek lexicon is arranged according to this

typology. We shall see, however, that the relation between

such categories and the function of Greek in the context of the

poems is by no means univocal.

29 For a comprehensive study of codeswitching in Latin literature, see Wenskus 1998; on Plautus, see also Hough 1934, Shipp 1953,

Jocelyn 1999, Babia 2003, Bettini 2003. 30

See Lachmann 1851; Korfmacher 1934-5, Mariotti 1960: 50-81,

Argenio 1963, Mazzarino 1963, Petersmann 1999, Baier 2001,

Poccetti 2003.

31 See Woytek 1970, Deschamps 1976, Salanitro 1982-7, Fucecchi 2003.

32 See Steele 1900, Scriber 1920, Rose 1921, Venini 1952, Shackleton Bailey 1962-3, Hutchinson 1998, Baldwin 2002, Boldrer

2003; a socio-linguistic approach in Dunkel 2000, Swain 2002, Adams 2002: 308-47.

33 See Fucecchi 2003.

34SeeCavalca2001.

35 See Venini 1952. 36

See below, 111,3..




III. 1. QUOTATION

A considerable number of fragments contain quotations from

Homer (see 'Appendix' I for all references). I am not

thinking, of course, of the numerous allusions we read in such

a sophisticated 'Alexandrian' poet as Lucilius was; I am

referring to verbatim quotations in the original Greek. A

dozen fragments incoporate poetic words, phrases, and lines

from Homer in a new, possibly inappropriate context. The

result is the clever and comic displacement of the well-known

epic voice.

A fragment from Lucilius' Book 6 repeats a line-ending from a memorable scene in the Iliad, in which Phoebus

'snatched' Hector from a crucial clash with Achilles (//:

20.443):

(4) Lucil. 267-8 W.(= 231-2 M.) '<nil> ut discrepet ac ton d'exerpaxen Apollon

fiat.'

'so that it may be all the same and become a case of "and him

Apollo rescued".' (transl. E.H. Warmington)

No information is available on the subject of Lucilius' poem, and we are therefore in no position to establish exactly the

point of the Homeric insertion. The function, however, seems

clear enough: the author catches the audience's interest by

using a familiar phrase, and expects a response to the witty re

contextualisation of it. It is worth noting that Lucilius' choice

of Greek is a deliberate one here, as allusive technique does

not necessarily have to be performed in the original language. At the end of his famous satire on the 'bore' Horace translates

the very same Homeric line-ending as Lucilius in (4),

adapting it to his own context (S. 1.9.77 sic me seruauit

Apollo). In so doing, Horace is absolutely consistent with his



14 Anna Chahoud

notion of what is proper in Latin poetry and what is not. At

the same time Horace is more demanding of his readers as he

invites them to recognise (a) the Homeric allusion in its

translated form, (b) the Lucilian precedent, and (c) Horace's

own reasons implied in the translation ('Quirinus forbade me

to write little verses in Greek', S. 1.10.32 above).37 This

technique is certainly not restricted to the present example. Var. Men. 460 omnes irritans uentos omnesque procellas

('rousing all winds and all storms') is a translation of Horn.

Od. 5.292-3, and given that the satire is called Sesqueulixes

('A Ulysses and a Half), it was presumably intended to be

recognised as such. Again in Men. 529 Varro translates a

passage from Attic comedy (Diph. PCG IV 31.25-6), although it is less clear there that recognition of the source would be

expected. Also, one of the speakers in Cicero's Tusculan

Disputations recognises from a Latin translation a line of

Epicharmus (Tusc. 1.15). Lucilius exploits the Greek poetic tradition as a source of

literary tags to play an intellectual game between author and

reader. Educated Romans were occasionally reported to do the

same in conversation. In relating an encounter between

friends, Varro combines a Homeric phrase, a Greek greeting, and a humorous Greek-based neologism (R. 2.5.1):

'At this point the senator Q. Lucienus, a gentleman of extreme

refinement and great humour with whom we are all well

acquainted, came in and said: 'how do you do (chaerete), my fellow Epirots (Synepirotae), for Scrofa, and our friend Varro,

"shepherd of the people" (poimena laon\ I saw and greeted

early this morning.' (transl. L. Storr-Best)38

37 See Zetzel 2002: 42. 38

Var. R. 2.5.1 at Q. Lucienus senator, homo quamuis humanus ac

iocosus, introiens, familiaris omnium nostrum: 'Synepirota,' inquit, 'chaerete: Scrofam enim et Varronem nostrum, 'poimena loon, mane

salutaui. On this passage see Wenskus 1998: 13; Biville 2002: 78.




Atticus and Cossinius, like Varro himself, had estates in

Epirus: this explains the compound Syn-epirotae. At the time

of the dialogue Varro was in command of the fleet between

Delos and Sicily: this motivates the address in the form of a

phrase which Homer applies to Agamemnon and other

generals and kings (e.g. 77. 1.263). The Homeric tag is an

indication of solidarity and of identity of cultural background. Elsewhere the language of Homer produces a distancing

effect:

(5) Lucil. 567-73 W. (= 540-6 M.) 'num censes calliplocamon callisphyron ullam

non licitum esse uterum atque etiam inguina tangere mammis,

conpernem aut uaram fuisse Amphitryonis acoetin

Alcmenam, atque alias, <He>lenam ipsam denique - nolo

dicere: tute uide atque disyllabon elige quoduis -

couren eupatereiam aliquam rem insignem habuisse, uerrucam naeuum punctum dentem eminulum unum?'

'Any woman with "beautiful tresses" and "beautiful ankles"

could have had breasts touching her womb and even her crotch; Alcmena "Amphitryon's spouse" could have been knock-kneed or bandy, others too, perhaps Helen herself, that (better not say

it, decide for yourself and choose whatever dysillable39 is

proper) that "daughter of noble sire" could have had some

obvious blemish - wart, pock-mark, or mole, or slightly

prominent tooth.' (Transl. N. Rudd)

In this unusually long fragment from Book 17, Homeric

epithets and formulas serve the purpose of contrasting idealised femininity with the shortcomings of the real thing. It

39 Commentators plausibly suggest that the two-syllable word Lucilius had in mind might have been an abusive term such as e.g. moecha, pome, or sim. ('whore').



16 Anna Chahoud

has been noted that 'the point is sharpened by using Greek for

the ladies' perfections and Latin for their defects.'40 The

Homeric allusion is not so marked here as the distinction

drawn between the two languages with related sets of values

(see again III.3). Greek clearly denotes distance here.

III.2. TECHNICAL TERMS OF GREEK DISCIPLINES

Even a brief outline of the process of lexical borrowing in the

semantic area of Greek disciplines (medicine, rhetoric,

philosophy) would be out of place here.41 Suffice it to say that

at various stages in the Roman 'translation' of Greek culture, this technical terminology was either normalised as Latin or

altogether replaced by Latin words (caiques). Medical

language is a peculiar case, in that medicine, unlike other

artes, mostly remained the prerogative of Greek professionals. While the Romans succeeded to import and to some extent

'translate' the vocabulary of Greek philosophy and rhetoric, the development of medical language apparently moved to the

opposite direction, i.e. the use of Greek terminology increased

in the course of time 42 Greek was, as it were, the professional voice of medicine. Pliny the Elder maintains that medicine

either speaks Greek, or it is not taken seriously (Nat. Hist.

29.17):

40 Rudd 1986: 168. See also Adams 2002: 331. 41 See e.g. De Meo 1983. On Latin philosophical language in

particular see Coleman 1989; Arcellaschi 1992 (Ennius); Levy 1992, Powell 1995 (Cicero).

42 For the relation in frequency of Greek/Latin terms in Columella, Celsus, Cassius Felix and others, see Adams 1995: 341 ff.;

Langslow 2001: 76 ff. (with summary diagram at 99).




'Medicine alone of the Greek arts we serious Romans have not

yet practiced; in spite of its great profit only a very few of our

citizens have touched upon it, and even these were at once

deserters to the Greek; nay, if medical treatises are written in a

language other than Greek they have no prestige even among unlearned men ignorant of Greek, and if any should understand

them they have less faith in what concerns their own health.'

(transl. W.S. Jones)

However extreme this assertion may sound,43 it is revealing of

a certain Roman attitude towards medicine and its related

vocabulary. This attitude - a mixture of awe and contempt -

would have been even more justifiable two hundred years earlier. Against this background we may set Lucilius' apepsia,

'indigestion' (976 W. = 923 M.) and arthriticos, 'gouty, affected by rheumatism' (355 W. = 331 M.). Effort at brevity and exactness may be combined with euphemism, as in some

of the numerous examples offered by Cicero in his

correspondence. The number of terms of this type in Lucilius

is insufficient, however, to conduct a significant discussion, and I will quickly move on to explore the more substantial

areas of philosophy and rhetoric.

When Lucilius mentions Greek philosophical terms, he

does not necessarily do it in his authorial voice. An iambic

senarius from Book 28 contains two technical terms of

Epicurean philosophy, 'images' and 'atoms':

(6) Lucil. 820 W. (= 753 M.) 'eidola atque atomus uincere Epicuri uolam.'

'I should like to defeat Epicurus' "images and atoms".'

43 Cf. Langslow

2001: 29.



18 Anna Chahoud

Commentators say that Lucilius is here introducing two new

'Grecisms' (eidolum and atomus) into Latin. This is certainly a possibility (though unverifiable, given the fragmentary form

of much Republican literature). In any case, one fails to see

how this mere acknowledgement might contribute to a better

understanding of the fragment. Also, did these words ever

really enter the Latin language, in the same way as paenula did (cf. (1) above)? Both terms belong to the atomistic theory

which the Epicureans borrowed from Democritus: Cic. Fin.

1.21 'for those concepts which Epicurus adopts, the credit

belongs entirely to Democritus - the atoms (atomi), the void

(inane), the images (imagines), or, as they call them, 'eidola'.

The Greek word eidolon did not become a Latin word until

much later (and then it would mostly mean 'ghost');44 for the

philosophical term Cicero and Lucretius found convenient

substitutes in imago and simulacrum. The word atomus did

enter the Latin vocabulary, but not when or where we would

have expected, that is not in Lucretius, who produced a

variety of Latin caiques to indicate the 'first elements' in

nature, explaining the differentiation early in the poem (1.58

61). When Cicero used the Greek Epicurean term atomus

besides Latin equivalents, he unfailingly pointed out that he

was reporting someone else's theory, i.e. quoting (e.g. Att.

2.23.2, Fin. 1.17, KD. 1.73). Even long after the Latin word

corpusculum 'little body' was established as a standard Latin

equivalent, Seneca still felt duty-bound to specify that atomus

was the original Democritean term (Nat. Quaest. 5.2.1). Are we truly entitled to call these terms 'Grecisms' then?

They remained what they were - simply Greek words - for a

long time. In Lucilius there is no attempt at normalisation: in

our passage eidola and atomus, both in the accusative plural, would have been vocalised in Greek, and probably written in

Greek letters as well. The two words are not integrated into

44 First in Pliny the Younger, Ep. 7.27.5.




(he text and sound like a quotation. If the fragment truly

belonged to the picture of a banquet of Academic

philosophers (as Marx suggested), Lucilius might have put the

two words into the mouth of a hostile Academic who would

scornfully remark: 'those 'images' and 'atoms' your Epicurus

goes on about'. Or perhaps it was simply a joke in

philosophical terms, a humorous way of saying e.g. 'I'd like

to smash your face and tear you to pieces, to put it with

Epicurus'. This suggestion sounds fanciful indeed, and yet a

philosophical joke of this kind would not be isolated in

Lucilius. Another extract from Lucilius' book 28, transmitted

by a Virgilian commentator (Prob. Virg. Eel 6.31, p. 340-1

Hagen), describes the possible outcome of a trial as follows:

(7) Lucil. 805-811 W. (= 784-90 M.) 'hoc cum feceris,

cum ceteris reus una tradetur Lupo.

non aderit: archais hominem et stoicheiois simul

priuabit. Igni cum et aqua interdixerit, duo habet stoicheia. adfuerit: anima et corpore

(ge corpus, anima est pneuma), posterioribus stoicheios, si id maluerit, priuabit tamen.'

'when you have done this, he will be handed over together with

the others to Lupus. Suppose he does not appear in court. Lupus will deprive the man of the "first beginnings" and "elements' too. When he has forbidden him the use of "fire" and "water", he

has still two elements. Supposing he does appear in court, nonetheless Lupus will deprive him of the latter elements, body and soul (body is "earth", soul is "air"), if that's what he

prefers.'

We know from other sources that the presiding magistrate was

L. Cornelius Lentulus Lupus, a man who was surprisingly

appointed princeps senatus at the end of a dubious career

marred by a trial de repetundis in 154 B.C. The scene depicts



20 Anna Chahoud

him presenting the defendant with a far from enviable choice,

for if the man fails to appear in court, he will be banished; if

he does appear, he will be sentenced to death: either way, the

man will be deprived of all means of life. The philosophical terms for 'elements' and 'first principles' are then the

ingredients of a nasty joke. The context is clearly a law-court; one wonders what the reason might have been to bring in

Greek philosophy at all. Besides, all Greek words are simply Greek words rather than 'Grecisms'. Although stoicheion is

Latinised by some editors as stoechion and recorded as a

loanword in Latin dictionaries, probably it never was. This

word alone is transliterated (stoechiis, stoechia) in the

transmission of the quoting source, and the editors of Probus

convincingly restore the Greek spelling, as it seems unlikely that Lucilius would write three words in Greek and normalise

the fourth. The only other instance oi stoicheion in Latin texts

occurs in a much later treatise on metre, and there too is

probably a Greek word (Ter. Maur. 1168). The regular Latin

term is elementa. At any rate, none of this explains Lucilius'

joke, which could only be funny if the satirist were mocking the magistrate's real, and notorious, Hellenising affectations. In this perspective, the Greek words reproduce an imaginary

verdict 'in the manner of Lupus'. Although there is no direct

evidence to suggest for Lupus an obsession with Greek

philosophy, the idea may find some support otherwise. Of this man we know that he too was an associate of Scipio Aemilianus; we also know that the satirist greeted his passing away with a poem 'On the death of Lupus', otherwise known

in antiquity as 'The Council of the Gods' (Book 1 of Lucilius'

second collection).45 Eight out of thirty-five fragments attributed to this book contain references to the corruption of

the Roman habits of sobriety as a result of Greek influence

45 Serv. Verg. A. 10.104 de interitu Lupi; Lact. 4.3.12 deorum concilium.




(see below, III.3). Some readers have sensed such a

discrepancy between this moralising theme and the mock

heroic subject of the satire, to go as far as postulate that the

book must have contained two distinct poems. Unnecessarily so, if we imagine that the protagonist

- the late senatorial

Lupus - had possessed qualities that would explain both the

divine parliament framework (the man had been president of

the Roman senate) and the Roman-versus-Greek diatribe (the man was inclined to Hellenising manners).

The area of literary criticism also offers examples of

technical terms employed as characterising code-switches

rather than referential loanwords. A nice example is given in

the opening section of a verse epistle from Book 5:

(8) Lucil. 186-93 W. (= 181-8 M.)

'quo me habeam pacto, tarn etsi non quaeris, docebo,

quando in eo numero mansi quo in maxima non est

pars hominum <neque enim tarn te mihi credo inimicum> ut periisse uelis, quern uisere nolueris, cum

debueris. Hoc 'nolueris' et 'debueris' te 190

si minus delectat, quod atechnon et Isocration

lerodesque simul totum ac sit meiraciodes, non operam perdo, si tu hie'

'Although you do not ask how I am, I shall tell you, since I have

kept my residence whence the greater part of humanity have

departed. (For I do not think you are so hostile to me) that you wish the death of me, though refusing to see me as you should

have. If you have no taste for my rhyme - "no technique, jingles

a la Isocrates, and at the same time totally silly and naive stuff -

I am not wasting my time, if you are like this.'

Gellius (18.8.2) quotes the passage to prove his point about

ridiculous excesses of inflated Isocratean style, and informs us

that Lucilius is here speaking in propria persona to a friend

who failed to visit him when he was ill. The poet's little



22 Anna Chahoud

revenge is on the rhetorical plane. Lucilius states his intention

to give a full narrative of his own condition, beginning with a

long-winded metaphor simply to say 'I am still alive' (187-8

quando -

hominum);46 he goes on to inflict an irritating jingle

upon his friend (nolueris/debueris) and to imagine the man's

reaction, mimicking his pedantic voice (191-2 W. quod -

meiraciodes); finally, Lucilius dismisses him as a waste of

time. Lines 191-2 W. incorporate Greek rhetorical

terminology: atechnon = 'inartistic' (and consequently

ineffective); Isocration = 'in the manner of Isocrates', a

contemptuous reference to the pretentious mannerism of those

who pay excessive attention to sound effects; lerodes =

'frivolous, silly' talk (e.g. Arist. Rh. 1414M5);47 meiraciodes =

'childish', but also, in literary criticism, 'affected, foppish

style' (e.g. Dion. Hal. Isocr. 12.3-4). In case we should

mistake Lucilius for a lecturer on Greek rhetoric, Gellius is

there to remind us that the satirist is writing playfully to a

friend (facetissime ... festiuiter). All Greek terms belong to

the quod-clmse, which contains the stylistic objections raised

by the addressee of Lucilius' epistle: 'on the grounds that in

your view/you say that my rhyme is silly, etc' The author

switches into Greek to characterise his friend's critical

discourse.48 An entirely similar case is in Book 2, where

Albucius' pretentious 'word mosaics' are defined as lexeis:

see below, IV.

46 There is a gap in the text at this point, but one is tempted to

imagine that Lucilius deliberately stretched the narration to an

annoying extent Housman's supplement at line 188 W. (= 183 M.) is a mere attempt at

reconstructing the narrative.

47 Unless we read

ochleronque 'irksome, tiresome' with Trappes Lomax 2002: 611: cf. Dion. Hal. Dem. 15, Thuc. 30. The

manuscripts of Gellius exhibit a nonsensical ochlerodes (in Greek

letters); lerodes is an emendation of Scaliger. 48

See Adams 2002: 326-7.




III.3. 'SPOKEN' GREEK

The third group in the present compilation is a rather

miscellaneous one. A number of words are low-register,

probably trade terms: e.g. amphitapos 'double-napped coverlet' (13 W. = M. and 277 W. = 252 M.), arytaena 'ladle'

(14 W. = 17 M.), chrysizon 'wine of golden colour' (1226-7 W. = 1155 M.) omotribes 'cold-pressed' olive oil (987 W. =

961 M.). Some expressions seem to reproduce colloquial Greek (e.g. chaere at 92-3 W. = 93-4 M.), spoken by the

Romans with a varying degree of competence, as in

tesorophylax (= thesaurophylax, with Oscan pronounciation) 'treasurer' (623 W. = 581 M.) and diallaxon (334 W. = 306

M., discussed above, II). In all these cases the author displays a sarcastic and/or aggressive attitude. Similarly humorous are

the compounds, probably invented on the spot, such as

oxyodontes 'sharp-toothed' women (1028 W. = 1066 M.) and

Pararhenchon 'the one who snores alongside' (251 W. = 1223

M.). Overall one detects the characterisation of gender, role, and status.

The fourth-century A.D. lexicographer Nonius Marcellus

transmits the following fragment under the entry abstemius

('sober'):

(9) Lucil. 275-6 W. (= 238-9 M.) '"thau-no-meno" inquit balba, sororem

lanificam dici, siccam atque abstemiam ubi audit.'

'"this is a s- s- surprise", stammered she, when she heard that

her sister was said to be spinning and weaving, sober and

temperate.'



24 Anna Chahoud

The first word in line 275 is corrupt, and various emendations

have been proposed to make some sense of the text.49 It has

been noted, however, that the transmitted thaunomeno can be

defended as the comic reproduction of a Greek speaker

stammering (thau-no-meno, 'I am s-s-surprised') - like the

Plautine character in Mos. 319, 325 (ma-ma-madere), or the

drunk woman in Juvenal 15.47-8.50 The speech impediment

affecting the speaker (balba) might be further explained by her state of drunkenness (as indicated by the contrast with her

reportedly sober sister), or simply by the author's desire to

emphasise the woman's surprise, or sneer, at her sister's

temperance; others would rather imagine a non-Greek speaker

failing to pronounce Greek properly; or perhaps the woman is

not stammering at all here, and simply says thauma men 'what

a surprise'. And so on and so forth: textual critics possess a

powerful imagination, and fragments are an endless source of

inspiration. The question remains as to why the character in

Lucilius' satire should be speaking Greek at all. The simple answer is: the speaker is a Greek woman; things, however,

may not be so simple. When it comes to women, the mode of

representation in Latin literature is often hostile, and derisive

affectations of female speech are not uncommon.51 The

satirical tradition offers a couple of good examples of this

practice. In his famous satire against women, Juvenal ridicules the

female preference for things Greek in erotic matters: 'even

49 Tkaunomeno is the paradosis defended by I. Marzotti; Haupt proposed

a metrically unsuitable thaumaeno (i.e. Greek thaumaino)

and Lachmann thauma men, equivalent in meaning ('I

am surprised',

'indeed a surprise'). Marx conjectured

a possibly obscene chaunoy

meno, which Warmington renders as Til thtay open'. 50 See Mariotti I960: 80. 51

See Adams 1984: 43-77 on Roman comedy.




provincial ladies wish to speak Greek - and Attic at that'52

(6.185-199):

'nam quid rancidius quam quod se non putat ulla 185

formosam nisi quae de Tusca Graecula facta est, de Sulmonensi mera Cecropis? omnia Graece:

[cum sit turpe magis nostris nescire Latine] hoc sermone pavent, hoc iram, gaudia, curas,

hoc cuncta effundunt animi secreta: quid ultra? 190

concumbunt Graece. dones tamen ista puellis: tune etiam, quam sextus et octogesimus annus

pulsat, adhuc Graece? non est hie sermo pudicus in uetula. quoties lasciuum interuenit illud

zoe kai psyche, modo sub lodice relictis 195

uteris in turba. quod enim non excitet inguen uox blanda et nequam? digitos habet. ut tamen omnes

subsidant pinnae, dicas haec mollius Haemo

quanquam et Carpophoro, facies tua computat annos.'

'One of the most revolting [things] is the myth that no one is

pretty until she has changed from a Tuscan into Greekling, from

girl of Sulmo to daughter of Cecrops. Everything happens in

Greek. In this they express their fears and troubles, their joy and

anger; in this they confide their heartfelt secrets; what more can I

say? They couple in Greek. Very well, one may grant those habits to girls; but you, eroded as you are by a series of eighty five years, do you still use Greek ? Such language is simply not

decent on an old woman's lips. Whenever that naughty endearment pops out - Zoe kai Psyche

- you are using in public

an expression which should be confined to the sheets. What

organ fails to be stirred by a coaxing lascivious phrase? It has

fingers. Still (to prevent you preening yourself), though you make it sound more enticing than Haemus or even Carpophorus, the sum of the years is etched on your face.' (Transl. N. Rudd)

52 Courtney ad loc, with Heliodor. 8.6.4, Machon 223

Gow). Juvenal's passage is appropriately quoted by H.A. Holden in his note on Cic. Off. 1.111, for which see below, IV.



26 Anna Chahoud

Greek is the language of these women's emotions; Greek are

all terms of endearment (1. 195); the Greek language is

personified as a caressing lover, if not altogether a prostitute

(11. 196-7), Martial - probably a model for Juvenal - makes

the same point about the Roman matrona who would pose as

a Greek prostitute (10.68):

'cum tibi non Ephesos nee sit Rhodos aut Mitylene, sed domus in uico, Laelia, Patricio,

deque coloratis numquam lita mater Etruscis, durus Aricina de regione pater:

kurie mou, meli mou, psyche mou congeris usque, 5

pro pudor! Hersiliae ciuis et Egeriae. lectulus has uoces, nee lectulus audiat omnis,

sed quern lasciuo strauit arnica uiro.

scire cupis quo casta modo matrona loquaris?

numquid, quae crisat, blandior esse potest? 10 tu licet ediscas totam referasque Corinthon,

non tamen omnino, Laelia, Lais eris.'

'Although your home is not Ephesus or Rhodes or Mitylene but in Patrician Row, Laelia, and although your mother, who uses no

make up, was a daughter of the sunburnt Etruscans and your dour father came from the district of Aricia, you are always

piling on the Greek - "my lord, my honey, my soul" - shame on

you, a countrywoman of Hersilia and Egeria! Let the bed hear

such expressions, and not every bed at that, but one made for a

gamesome gentleman by his lady-friend. Do you wish to know

how you talk, you, a respectable married woman? Could a

waggle-bottom be more blandishing? You may learn all Corinth

by heart and reproduce it, you will not be altogether Lais.'

(transl. D.R. Shackleton Bailey)

If Greek is indecent in the mouth of Juvenal's decrepit old

woman, it is a useless affectation in the mouth of Martial's

upper-class Laelia: such language does not befit a respectable




lady. In both passages Greek marks a specific activity (best

kept in the bedroom, and not every bedroom) and in both

passages 'code-switching may be seen as a form of titillating role play suggestive of the world of prostitution'.53 Even more

undignified the effect, if the Greek address is a translation of a

Latin one, as appears to be the case with meli mou (= Lat. mel

meum), probably a case of 'Romans' Greek', if not altogether an invention of Martial.54 One wonders whether something of

this sort may lurk behind Lucilius' passage (9) above, where

Greek would characterise a licentious woman in stark contrast

with her sister, the latter being explicitly described in terms of

stereotypical Roman female virtue (lanifica). The Greek

obscenities in (2) and (3) above may more generally relate

with the perception of Greek as the language of love.

A completely different case is the catalogue of women in Lucretius 4.1160-70:

'nigra melichrus est, immunda et fedita acosmos, 1160

caesia Palladion, nervosa et lignea dorcas,

paruula, pumilio, chariton mia, 'tota merum sal',

magna atque immanis 'cataplexis plenaque honoris'.

balba loqui non quit: *traulizi\ muta 'pudens est'; at flagrans odiosa loquacula Lampadium fit. 1165

ischnon eromenion turn fit, cum uiuere non quit

prae macie; rhadine uerost iam mortua tussi.

At tumida et mammosa Ceres est ipsa ab Iacco, Simula Silena ac Saturast, labeosa philema. cetera de genere hoc longum est si dicere coner.' 1170

'A black love is called "honey black", the foul and filthy 'unadorned', the green-eyed "Athena's image", the wiry and

53 Adams 2002: 361, within a

thorough discussion at 360-2. See

also Kaimio 1979: 192, Swain 2002: 164-5.

54 On this passage and similar cases of loan-shift see Adams 2002: 465. See also Biville 2002: 98-102.



28 Anna Chahoud

wooden "a gazelle", the squat and dwarfish "one of the Graces", "all pure delight", the lumpy and ungainly "a wonder" and "full

of majesty". She stammers and cannot speak: "she has a lisp";

[the dumb is "modest", the fiery, spiteful gossip is "a burning torch", one becomes a "slender darling" when she can scarce

live from decline; another half dead with cough is "frail". Then

the fat and full-bosomed is "Ceres' self with bacchus at breast"; the snub-nosed is "sister to Silenus, or a Satyr"; the thick-lipped is "a living kiss". More of this sort it were tedious for me to try

totell.'(transl. C.Bailey)

The voice reproduced by Lucretius is not that of a would-be

seductress; the speaker here is the blind male lover covering

euphemistically the defects of his beloved. The musicality and

suggestions of the Greek language create an idealised

dimension for the object of the man's passion. This text is

relevant to the present discussion in respect of (5), where

Lucilius urges his reader to visualise the female beauty celebrated by (Greek) myth in realistic (Latin) terms.

There is more in Lucilius to suggest that Latin and Greek

signify two different ways of looking at reality. In a fragment from Book 1, Greek words and their Latin counterpart are

juxtaposed to bring out the contrast between synonyms:

(10) Lucil. 15-6 W. (= 15-6 M.):

'porro clinopodas lychnosque, ut diximus semnos

ante, pedes lecti atque lucernas'

'and further "pieds de lit" and "chandeliers", that was the grand name we called (plain) bed-feet and lamps' (transl. N. Rudd)

The fragment, again transmitted without a context, blends in

well with others in Book 1 apparently attacking the excessive

luxury and moral corruption of contemporary Rome. Lychnus

(Greek lychnos) is inflected as Latin; Ennius has it in the Annals, and this originally Greek loanword would retain its




high-register status throughout the Latin epic tradition.

Conversely, clinopodas (the accusative plural of a Greek

compound meaning 'bed-foot') is neither recorded elsewhere

in Latin nor exactly paralleled in literary Greek, although similar compounds are found in prosaic descriptions of lavish

furnishing (Athen. 5.197a-b and 6.255e; cf. also Xen. An.

4.4.21). It is probably a trade term, like many in Lucilius.55

The Greek adverb semnos contains the speaker's comment on

the gap between the two sets of words, pointing to the higher

register of the Greek names. Semnos, perhaps a term of the

school, is used as a critical term to characterise a grand style

(cf Cic. Att 15.12.1; Plin. Epist 2.1.17, in a reference to

Tacitus).56 Our passage belongs to the aforementioned

'Divine Council', and the speaker is remarking on a change of

linguistic practice between the gods (diximus). The Greek

adverb seems to mark the distinction between plain words

(pedes lecti, lucernas) and grand names (clinopodas, lychnos). Just as in (5) above, Greek brings about a pretentiousness that

Latin fails to convey. The speaker strives to give solemnity to

objects which lack it altogether, such as lamps and beds (and

probably water-jugs too: Lucil. 14 W. = 17 M. arutaenae ...

aquales). I note in passing the possibility of Lucilius building on the established notion of 'the language of the gods'. In an

ancient-rooted tradition which Plato took seriously enough to

discuss in his dialogue on language (Cratylus 39Id), the gods were imagined to speak an idiom of their own; as Martin West

sums up: 'the actual words attributed to the language of the

gods ... are existing synonyms, archaisms, or poetic

periphrases, the distinction being drawn for comic effect or

poetic ornament'.57

65 See Mariotti I960: 58. 66 See Adams 2002: 325-9; Petersmann 1999: 338.

61 M.L. West, note to Hes. Th. 831 (Oxford 1966: 387-8). Eduard Fraenkel

- in a

manuscript note on our passage in his own copy of



30 Anna Chahoud

IV. LANGUAGE AND SOCIAL NORM: THE NOTION OF DECORUM

Good Latin writers ought not to express themselves in Greek.

Horace's argument against Lucilius' bilingualism was an

extension to poetics of a principle that Cicero had long established for oratory. Not only is the Latin language 'good'

(Ok 164 bonitas nostrorum uerborum), as opposed to

'magnificent' Greek (splendor Graecorum)?% more

importantly, the ability to speak Latin well is the hallmark of

true Romanness (Brut. 140 ciuis Romani proprium).59 When

Cicero explores the connection between linguistic seemliness

and moral integrity more explicitly in the De Officiis, the

ruling principle he lays out for both is decorum (1.111):

'If there is indeed such a thing as propriety (decorum), then

surely it is nothing more than harmony and consistency, alike in

Marx's edition of Lucilius, now in the Sackler (Oxford) - entered a

parallel from Attic comedy where semnos seems to mark the

contrast between the language of gods and the language of men:

Sannyrio (PCG VII.l) we immortals call "sacrificial offer" what

you mortals semnos call "barley meal" '

(pelanon <kaloumen hemeis hoi

theoi / ha kaleite semnos alphith' humeis hoi hrotoi). The supplement is

Isaac Casaubon's; Meineke proposed to read asemnos; others

propose to move the adverb to line 1: see Kassel-Austin ad loc. The

text is undeniably problematic. 58

Cic. Or at. 164 quare bonitate potius nostrorum uerborum utamur

quam splendore Graecorum 'therefore let us use the good Latin words

rather than the magnificent Greek ones'.

59 Cic. Brut 140 non enim tarn

praeclarum est scire Latine quam turpe

nescire, neque tarn id mihi oratoris boni quam ciuis Romani proprium uidetur. See Powell 1995: 290; on the alleged connection between

Latin and Roman citizenship, see Adams 2003: 186.




life as a whole and in every act of life; and these qualities can

never be kept vital if, forgetting our own personalities, we spend our time trying to ape those of others. For just as we ought to use

our native language so that we do not draw well justified ridicule

upon ourselves by cramming Greek words into our speech (as some do), so we ought not to introduce any discordance into our

actions and into the whole of our lives.' (transl. E.M. Atkins,

adapted) 60

The Romans must behave like Romans and speak like

Romans, unless they aim to be laughed at, and deservingly so.

Cicero's comment may be a general one, although one

suspects that he had someone in mind (quidam) -

possibly the

notorious Hellenomaniac T. Albucius, who ended up being

greeted in Greek by the Roman praetor at Athens Q. Scaevola

around year 120 B.C.61 Lucilius turns the episode into the

subject-matter for his Book 2. In an effort at tracing back 'the

origin of the exaggerated contempt for home products that is

now fashionable', Cicero himself (Fin. 1.9) quotes a long

passage from Lucilius' poem as evidence for ludicrous

excesses of philhellenism:

(11) Lucil. 87-93 W. (= 88-94 M.) 'Graecum te, Albuci, quam Romanum atque Sabinum,

municipem Ponti, Tritani, centurionum,

praeclarorum hominum ac primorum signiferumque,

60 Cic. Off. 1.111 omnino si quicquam est decorum, nihil est profecto

magis quam aequabilitas cum uniuersae uitae, turn singularum actionum,

quam conservare nonpossis, si aliorum naturam imitans omittas tuam. Ut

enim sermone eo debemus uti, qui uernaculus est nobis, ne, ut quidam, Graeca uerba inculcantes iure optimo rideamur, sic in actiones omnemque

uitam nullam discrepantiam conferre debemus. The word uernaculus is

an emendation of Watt; the transmitted text has notus, Baiter

conjectured innatus.

61 See A. Dyck's note ad loc.



32 Anna Chahoud

maluisti dici. Graece ergo praetor Athenis, id quod maluisti, te, cum ad me accedis, saluto:

chaere - inquam

- Tite. Lictores, turma omnis chorusque:

chaere, Tite. Hinc hostis mi Albucius, hinc inimicus.'

'A Greek is what you preferred to be called, Albucius, instead of

Roman or Sabine, or a native of the town that gave birth to

Pontus and Tritanus, to centurions, to first-class men and front

rank soldiers, and standard-bearers. A Greek "hello" to you, then, when you come to meet me, the praetor at Athens: just as

you preferred, I say: "chaere, Titus". And the band of attendants

and bodyguards, they all go in unison: "chaere, Titus". Hence

Albucius' hostility towards me, hence his resentment.'

The narrative of events goes as follows: Q. Mucius Scaevola

was charged with extortion on his return from a term as

governor of Asia in 119 B.C.; the prosecutor was one Titus

Albucius; Scaevola was probably acquitted, as he was able to

be elected consul in 117. The reasons for the inimicitia

between the two men remain unclear, for evidence on this

episode comes almost exclusively from Lucilius, who took it

as an opportunity to contrast the Stoic Scaevola with the

Epicurean Albucius, and to attack both.62 Lucilius' own

caricature of the episode suggests that Albucius' resentment

goes back to the public mockery described (or invented) by Lucilius in this passage (1. 93 W. hinc hostis ... hinc inimicus).

Most appropriately Cicero puts the quotation in the mouth of

the orator Licinius Crassus, son-in-law of the speaker in

Lucilius' satire, Q. Mucius Scaevola 'Augur'. Scaevola makes

fun of Albucius' disreputable affectations by greeting him in

Greek on a public occasion at Athens; the whole of Scaevola's

praetorian entourage joins in the same inappropriate salutation: chaere, Tite ('Bonjour, Titus').

62 On the political implications of the trial, see Gruen 1992: 257-8, 290-1.




Lucilius' Scaevola depicts Albucius as a man who

repudiated his Italian origin and preferred to be called a

'Greek'. Hence the Greek form of address replacing the

expected Latin greeting salue, as in Varro's account of the

encounter between the senator Q. Lucienus and his friends

Atticus and Cossinius (Var. R. 2.5.1 chaere, Synepirotae,

quoted above, III.I).63 Informal contexts allowed such

liberties among the Greek-educated Roman upper classes, and

Cicero's letters to Atticus are an obvious example of this

practice;64 hardly so an official encounter between magistrates of the Roman republic. What is here a sign of a cheerfully shared code among friends, in Lucilius works as a sharp

mockery of excessive or inappropriate philhellenism. 65

Besides, the address by the praenomen alone (Tite)

deliberately reflects Greek usage. Literary and epigraphic evidence shows that Greeks in the second century named

Romans by their first name followed by the ethnic (e.g. Titus

Flamininus was simply Titos Rhomaios, 'Titus, Roman').66 Tite is the only instance of this form of address in Lucilius,

who regularly uses the family name (gentilicium), as in line 87

63 See Adams 2002: S55.

64 See Swain 2002: 128-167.

65 Atkins 1952: II. 11-2: 'it is with Lucilius that we

get ... the first

direct attack on current abuses of diction solecisms ...

provincialisms ... fondness for Graecisms, a mannerism much

affected in the cultured circles of his day.' 66 See Grassi 1961: 148, Adams 2002: 673. The Greek form of address seems

enough to motivate Albucius' resentment. A

different interpretation has however been put forward. Jones (1989: 153) recalls the substandard word titus 'dove = membrum uirile (cf.

Schol. Pers. 1.20; Adams 1982: 32, 44, 214), arguing that there may be a 'double entendre worthy of repetition, both abusive and

amusing' in the use of the praenomen (with chiastic contrast, Albuci ... Tite ... Tite ...

Albucius). Either way Scaevola's apparently polite salutation was

clearly meant as a verbal assault.



34 Anna Chahoud

W. Albuci.61 The bilingual joke chaere Tite aims to ridicule

Albucius' contrived Greek identity. Rightly so, if we are to

believe Cicero's portrait of the man:

'Titus was Greek-educated, or rather Greek altogether ... he

spent his youth at Athens and grew into a complete Epicurean, a

creed ill-suited to public speaking' (Cic. Brut. 131).68

The practice of switching into Greek, however acceptable in

private conversation, was ill-suited to official circumstances

such as this one, where Scaevola's accommodation to the

speech of his Hellenising addressee (1. 91 W. id quod

maluisti) was both meant and perceived as hostile.69 Educated

Romans would gladly take the opportunity to display their

Greek competence when talking (or writing) in private to their

equals. Formal context made this liberty unacceptable and

offensive. Scaevola's Greek salutation insulted Albucius just as Mark Antony would come to displease Cicero by using the

Greek word zelotypia ('jealousy') in a 'most distasteful' letter

addressed to him in 49 B.C.70

Elsewhere in Book 2 Lucilius pokes fun at Albucius'

Hellenising diction. The quoting source, Cicero again, informs

us that the passages were originally part of a dialogue (De Orat. 3.171):71

67 See Dickey 2002: 70. 68 Cic. Brut. 131 doctus etiam Graecis T. Albucius uel potius plane

Graecus ... fuit enim Athenis adulescens, perfectus Epicureus euaserat,

minime aptum ad dicendum genus. 69

On the notion of aggressive accommodation see Adams 2002:

353.

70 Cicero's comment is found in the accompanying letter addressed

to Atticus (10.8.10 odiosas litteras). On this episode, see Swain 2002: 164 n. 100.

71 Cicero quotes Lucil. 84 f W. (=84 M.) again in Orator 149.




(12)Lucil. 84-5, 86 W. (=84-5, 86 M.)

'quam lepide lexis compostae ut tesserulae omnes

arte pauimento atque emblemate uermiculato!'

'Crassum habeo generum, ne rhetoricoterus tu sis.'

'how charmingly are ses dits put together -

artfully like all the little stone dice of mosaic in a paved floor or in an inlay of

wriggly pattern!'

'I have a son-in-law named Crassus, lest you be too much

VorateurV (transl. E.H. Warmington)

One of the speakers in the dialogue enacted by Cicero is the

famous orator Crassus, Scaevola's son-in-law, and once more

Lucilius wittily satirizes Albucius (lepide lusif) through Scaevola's voice (in soceri met persona): Scaevola was such a

refined writer that he could do it very well (is qui

elegantissime id facere potuit). By having both Lucilius'

passages quoted by Crassus, Cicero expands the humorous

effect with an interplay of characters (Cicero says that Crassus

said that [Lucilius said that] Scaevola had said to Albucius,

etc.). Scaevola accommodates his speech to the ethos of the

'almost Greek' Albucius, whose phrases are lexeis rather than

uocabula or sententiae (1. 84), because that is most probably what he would call them, just as he would qualify himself as

rhetoricos rather than facundus or a similar Latin equivalent. The hybrid form rhetoricoterus (with Latin ending) is

suggestive of Albucius' ambiguous identity, and the

comparative, unattested in Greek, looks like an on-the-spot formation of the kind familiar to readers of Plautus. Cicero's

letters also occasionally feature analogous formations,

betraying Cicero's ambition to show off his linguistic skills. A

typical case is flocci facteon ('one must not care a button',



36 Anna Chahoud

transl. D.R. Shackleton Bailey);72 in Att. 1.21.12 the

diminutive tocullionibus is the Latinised form of Gr. tocullion

('MMLes petits usuriers\ transl. D.R. Shackleton Bailey); the

base-form tokos ('interest') is found in the abusive compound

tocoglyphos in Lucilius' reference to one Syrophoenix,

money-lender (540 W. = 497 M.). Here the change of

language, along with the derogatory use of the ethnic, denotes

contempt for the activity and the speaker's distance from it.73

Context makes all the difference. In literary terms, context

also means genre and readership. Cicero provides a neat

picture. When writing his public speeches and theoretical

treatises, Cicero avoids Greek at all costs, translating all

extracts from Greek writers in order to create a product suitable for readers who were not, or not sufficiently, familiar

with things Greek. Greek might have displeased the readers

and failed to catch their attention and support. When in doubt

as to his audience's reaction to an open display of Greek

education on his part, Cicero goes as far in his captatio benevolentiae as feign an implausible ignorance. In the

Verrines Cicero, when engaged in describing the bronze

statues which Verres had carried off from the chapel of Heius

in Messana, does remember the Greek name of the artefact

(Canephoroe 'Basket-bearers'), but when it comes to the

name of the artist - Polyclitus, no less - he declines

responsibility: 'who did they say he was?' (Verr. 2.4.5).74

72 Cic. Att. 1.16.13 qua re, ut opinor, philosopheteon, id quod tu facis, et

istos consulatus non flocci facteon 'therefore I suppose one must take

to letters, as you do, and not care a button for their consulship'

(transl. D.R. Shackleton Bailey). 73

Cf. Adams 2002: 309.

74 Cic. Verr. 2.4.5 erant aenea duo praeterea signa;

... Canephoroe ipsae

uocabantur; sed earum artificem

? quern? quemnam? recte admones,

Polyclitum esse dicebant North 1952: 27 speaks of Cicero's Tear of

exciting popular resentment against superior erudition, or possibly

things Greek'.




Here we have the Roman magistrate calling himself out of a

potentially unpopular field. When the context is a private one, and Cicero is addressing Atticus, Varro or some other of his

erudite friends, he would use Greek freely: the Greek Index of

Shackleton Bailey's edition of Cicero's Letters recordss more

than eight hundred words. This is Cicero's private voice - it is

a different person, or more precisely, a different persona, and

the code of communication changes accordingly.

V. CONCLUSIONS

Greek in Lucilius functions as characterisation of speech in

the text. On the one hand we have the voice of the Roman

unconventional individual who introduced ways of colloquial

usaage into the realm of narrative poetry. Lucilius writes

verses as he would talk to his learned friends, who are also his

public. He calls upon a shared culture and adopts the modes of

private conversation. Cicero's correspondence gives us an

idea of informal exchanges between the Greek-educated

Roman upper classes. Switches into Greek suggest proud control of the language and familiarity with the literary tradition (cf. passages (4) and (5)).

On the other hand, some of the examples I have presented in this paper call for a different explanation. When repeating idioms of the bedroom ((2), (3)), disparaging philhellenes ((7), (11)), mimicking the philosopher (6) or the grammarian (8), Lucilius is appropriating somebody else's voice. In these

cases Lucilius incorporates Greek in his text, but he does not

do it in his authorial persona. The satirist is enabled by his

open, multi-faceted genre to put on numerous 'masks', and

Greek may embody more than one of them, depending on

what the contemporary scene offers to the satirist's

imagination. The purpose is one of characterisation: change of



38 Anna Chahoud

language marks the change of voice, character, literary

persona.

The persona-theory has been very much exploited, and

criticised, in recent studies on Roman satire. Traditional

critics maintain that 'it is almost impossible to apply the

persona-theory of satire to Horace and Lucilius without

distorting their work'.75 This is certainly true, if one ventures

to solve every contradiction implied in the mysterious relation

between 'poetic F and 'empirical I',76 i.e. between literature

and life. But this was never at issue. The issue is a fuller

appreciation of a text and its distinguishing features in the

context of its genre. The technique of language variation, which would later trouble a purist like Horace, suited Lucilius

in his original interpretation of Ennius' literary medley. This

is the new satura that Lucilius was proposing and consigning to posterity as satire: a multi-voiced form of poetry, in which

variety of language, alongside variety of style and register, reflects the endless variety of themes.*

APPENDIX

LUCILIUS' GREEK LEXICON

(Abbreviations: cj. =

conjectural; M. = Marx (F. Marx, C. Lucilii Carminum Reliquiae, Leipzig 1904-5); W. =

Warmington (E. H.

75 Highet 1974.

76 Elliott 1982: 165 ff.

* I wish to thank this Journal's anonymous referees, Dr J.N.

Adams, Prof. I. Mariotti, and the staff and students of the

Department of Latin in Pisa for their helpful criticism. I am also

grateful to Prof. R. Oniga for kindly presenting me with a copy of his recently published volume (Oniga 2003) which I would have been unable to take into account otherwise, and to Prof. A.J.

Woodman for his comments on individual passages from Lucilius.




Warmington, Remains of Old Latin III, Loeb Classical Library, rev. ed. 1967)).

I. Quotations from Homer

ac ton d'exerpaxen Apollon 'and him Apollo rescued' 268 W. =

232 M. - //. 20

Ares Ares (grammatical point on the spelling of long and short A) 372 W. (= 355 M.)~Il. 5.31

Amphitryonis acoetin 'Amphitryon's spouse' 569 W. (= 541 M.) ~ Od.

11.266

euplocamo (fern, dat.) 'with lovely tresses' 1095 W. (= 991 M.) ~ Od.

5.390

calliplocamon (fern, ace.) 'with lovely curls' 567 W. (= 540 M.) ~

//. 14.326, 18.407;

callisphyron (fern, ace.) 'with lovely ankles' 567 W. (= 540 M.) ~

e.g. //. 9.560, Od. 5.333 couren eupatereiam 'daughter of a noble sire' 572 W. (= 545 M.)

~

e.g. //. 6.292

e" pasin necyessi cataphthimenoisin 'than to be a king over all the souls that are dead and gone' 492 W. (= 463 M.)

~ Od. 11.491

Ixionies alochoeo 'Ixion's wife' 29 W. (= 25 M.) ~ //. 14.317

II. Technical Terms

Philosophy archais (dat. plur.) 'first principles' 807 W. (= 790 M.) atomus (ace. plur.) 'atoms' 820 W. (= 753 M.) eiddla (ace. plur.) 'images' 820 W. (= 753 M.) eis aithera 'to the sky' 848 W. (= 799 M.)

ge 'earth' 810 W. (= 793 M.)

pneuma 'air' 810 W. (= 793 M.) stoicheia, stoicheiois (Latinised stoechia, stoechiis) 'elements' 809

W. (= 792 M.), 807 W. (= 790 M.), 811W. (794 M.) zetematium (Latinised) 'a little problem' 675 W. (= 650 M.)

Grammar & Rhetoric



40 Anna Chahoud

archetypa or archaeotera (neutr. plur.) 'models' 411 W. (= 1111

M.) atechnon 'inartistic' 191 W. (= 186 M.)

cacosyntheton 'ugly-sounding' (letter R) 389 W. (= 377 M.)

epiphoni (imperative?) 'utter' 869 W. (= 908 M.)

euphona (neutr. plur.) 'sonorous' (words) after 418 W. (= 1168 M.) Isocration 'in the manner of Isocrates' 191 W. (= 186 M.) lerodes 'silly' (talk) 192 W. (= 187 M.) (cj. ochleron 'tiresome') lexeis 'words' 84 W. (= 84 M.)

meiraciodes 'childish; affected' (style) 192 W. (= 187 M.)

poeeticon 'creative' 542 W. (= 495 M.) rhesis (nom. plur.?) 'speeches' 788 W. (= 709 M.) (cj.) rhetoricoterus 'more eloquent' 86 W. (= 86 M.) schema 'figure' 416 W. (= 1133 M.) (but schema abl. sing. 'posture' 972 W. = 804 M.)

schole 'school' 822-3 W. (= 756 M.) semnos (adv.) 'in a grand style' 15 W. (= 15 M.)

sigma 'sigma' (the Greek letter) 391 W. (= 379 M.)

Medicine

apepsia 'indigestion' 976 W. (= 923 M.) arthriticos 'gouty' 354 W. (= 331 M.)

III. Spoken Greek (?)

agelastos 'the Unsmiling' p. 422 W. (= 1300 M.)

aigilipoi 'steep' (mountains) 105 W. (= 113 M.)

amphitapos 'double-napped coverlet' 13 W. (= 13 M.), 277 W. (= 252 M.)

arytaena (Latinised) "ladle' 14 W. (= 17 M.) Atticon 'Attic' coin 1259 W. (= 1199 M.) celetas (ace. plur.) 'small fast boat' p. 421 W. (= 1359 M.) chaere 'hello' 92-3 W. (= 93-4 M.) Chios te dynastes (sc. oinos) 'Lord of Chios' (wine) 596 W. (= 1131 M.)

chrysizon (sc. oinos) wine 'of golden colour' 1226-7 W. (= 1155

M.)

clinopodas (ace. plur.) 'bed-feet' 15 W. (= 15 M.)




diallaxon (fut. participle) 'about to cross' 334 W. (= 306 M.) emblemate (abl. sing.) 'mosaic' 85 W. (= 85 M.)

empleuron (fern, ace), 'broad-flanked' (woman) 1056 W. (= 1251

M.)

epiteugma, 'hit, success' 955 W. (= 829 M.)

hypereticos 'dispatch-boat'? p. 421 W. (= 1359 M.) muco ? (dat./abl. sing.) 'the recesses' (of a house) 1024 W. (= 1075

M.) omotribes (sc. elaion) 'cold-pressed' (olive oil) 987 W. (= 961 M.)

oxyodontes 'sharp-toothed' 1028 W. (= 1065 M.) Pararhenchon 'the one who snores alongside' 251 W. (= 1223 M.)

psolocopoumai 'I burst with lust' 332 W. (= 304 M.)

sophos 'wise man' 201 W. (= 1236 M.) stomide (abl. sing.) 'bridle-bit' 518 W. (= 511 M.) (cj.)

tesorophylax (= thesaurophylax) 'treasurer' 623 W. (= 581 M.)

(with Oscan pronunciation) thaunomeno? (cj. 'thaumaino' 'I am surprised', or chauno(s) meno

'I'll stay relaxed') 275 W. (= 238 M.)

tocoglyphos 'usurer' 540 W. (= 497 M.)

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The Roman Satirist Speaks Greek CHAHOUD