The Reverse Gender Gap in Ethnic Discrimination: Employer ... · the ﬁrst audit study and Jowell and Prescott-Clarke (1970) for the ﬁrst correspondence test. For a review, see

The Reverse Gender Gap in EthnicDiscrimination: Employer Stereotypesof Men and Women with ArabicNames1,2

Mahmood AraiStockholm University

Moa BursellInstitute for Futures Studies

Lena NekbyStockholm University

We examine differences in the intensity of employer stereotypes ofmen and women with Arabic names in Sweden by testing how muchwork experience is needed to eliminate the disadvantage of having anArabic name on job applications. Employers are first sent curriculumvitaes (CVs) of equal merit in a field experiment setup. Arabic-namedCVs are thereafter enhanced with more relevant work experience thanSwedish-named CVs. The results indicate a reverse gender gap inemployer stereotypes because initial differences in the number of call-

1Our wonderful colleague and dear friend Lena Nekby passed away on July 5, 2014. We

miss her deeply.2The authors are grateful for comments from Magnus Bygren, Carl le Grand, Ethan Kap-lan, Lena Schr€oder, Heidi Stoeckl, Peter Skogman Thoursie, Van Tran, and Lars Vahtrikas well as seminar participants at Department of Economics, Stockholm University, 12th

Aage Sørensen Memorial Conference, ELE Workshop, Uppsala University, MigrationImmigrant Incorporation Workshop, Harvard University, Economics of Immigration Con-ference, Vancouver BC, Institute for Research on Labor and Employment, UC Berkeley,

the 2009 European Society for Population Economics, Universit�e Libre de Bruxelles, SSB-EM (DULBEA & CEB) and Universit�e Panth�eon-Assas, ERMES & LEM. We wish tothank Lars Deullar for excellent research assistance. Financial support from the Swedish

Council for Working Life and Social Research (FAS) and the Swedish Research Council(VR) is gratefully acknowledged. Mahmood Arai would like to thank Centre Emile Bern-heim, Universit�e Libre de Bruxelles – Solvay Brussels School of Economics and Manage-

ment for their hospitality during his visit in 2011.

© 2015 by the Center for Migration Studies of New York. All rights reserved.DOI: 10.1111/imre.12170

IMR Volume ** Number ** (Fall 2015):1–28 1

backs disappear for female applicants when Arabic-named CVs areenhanced but remain strong and significant for male applicants. Thus,contrary to what is often assumed about the interaction of gender andethnicity, we find that Arabic men face stronger discrimination in thelabor-market than Arabic women.

INTRODUCTION

In this study, we have focused on measuring potential labor-market dis-crimination, along with the intensity of this discrimination, against Ara-bic-named job applicants in Sweden.

The motivation for examining discrimination against this group ofworkers is that employment gaps to natives are largest for workers origi-nating from countries in Africa, Asia, and the Middle East. A substantialportion of the population from those countries bear Arabic names. Previ-ous research suggest that there is an economic penalty attached to havinga Middle Eastern sounding name (Arai and Skogman Thoursie 2009) andthat name change is an antidiscrimination strategy among immigrantsfrom the Middle Eastern region (Bursell 2012). The first large-scale immi-gration from those countries began in Turkey during the 1960s, followedby refugees from Iran during the 1980s and from Iraq during the 1990s.We have chosen Arabic names to examine the degree of stereotypesagainst applicants with names that are likely to be perceived as distinctlyforeign in the Swedish context.

Ethnic, religious, and/or racial discrimination as an explanation forexisting social and economic disparities among groups is controversial forseveral reasons. First, most nation-states legislate equal opportunity,including prohibitions against discrimination based on ethnicity, race orreligion, thus minimizing the scope for discriminatory behavior among,for example, employers. Second, and perhaps more importantly, discrimi-nation is difficult to identify and quantify. In the social sciences, surveyand register data can provide information about a number of observablecharacteristics important for labor-market outcomes. Employers, however,nearly always have more information about characteristics that are notobservable in data but are relevant to employment (promotion or wage)decisions. This implies that observed labor-market gaps among groups canbe due to differences in productivity-relevant characteristics not observablein data, employer discrimination or both. Due to this ambiguity, field

2 INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW

experiments have been put forward as an alternative method for determin-ing a causal link between race/ethnicity and labor-market outcomes (Riachand Rich 2002).

Field experiments on employment discrimination typically involveapplying for actual jobs with fictitious r�esum�es of equal quality that varyonly with respect to signals of race or ethnicity. What is measured iseither discrimination in callbacks only (i.e., invitations to job interviews(correspondence tests) or discrimination in hiring when the applicationprocess includes sending trained pairs of testers to actual job interviews(audit tests). These types of studies consistently find relatively high levelsof unequal treatment of racial or ethnic minorities.3

Employers base their hiring decisions not only on the written infor-mation in curriculum vitaes (CVs) but also on stereotypes – that is, pre-conceived notions concerning the group to which a candidate maybelong, typically signaled on CVs by names reflecting a recognized ethnicor racial group. A drawback of previous field experiments examining dis-crimination in the labor-market is that reported callback gaps do notreveal the intensity of employer stereotypes of the disfavored group. WithCVs of equal quality, employer preferences for job applicants belongingto the majority population may just as easily stem from a slight stereotypeof ethnic minority job applicants as they do from large, unfavorable ste-reotypes. In other words, very small differences in stereotypes amongmany employers can lead to large differences in callbacks.

Employer stereotypes reflect preferences for or against differentgroups and/or varying estimates, or stereotypical beliefs, about the averageand/or distribution of productivity for different groups. Statistical or ste-reotype discrimination concerns estimate about characteristics that areunobserved on CVs but correlated with group affiliation.4 Note that in afield experiment testing employer responses to observationally equivalent

3The first field experiments on ethnic or racial discrimination in the labor-market wereperformed by sociologists in the United Kingdom in the late 1960s. See Daniel (1968) for

the first audit study and Jowell and Prescott-Clarke (1970) for the first correspondencetest. For a review, see Riach and Rich (2002). For Swedish evidence, see Bursell (2014)and Carlsson and Rooth (2007). For more recent audit studies, see for example, Bertrand

and Mullainathan (2004), Pager and Quillian (2005) and Pager, Western, and Bonikowski(2009). For a critical discussion of audit studies, see Heckman and Siegelman (1993).4See Becker (1957) for economic theories of discrimination, usually labeled as taste-baseddiscrimination, and Arrow (1973) and Phelps (1972) for statistical discrimination. For

error discrimination, see England (1992) and Fiske (1998) on stereotype discrimination.

THE REVERSE GENDER GAP IN ETHNIC DISCRIMINATION 3

job applications, observed differences in callbacks for job interviews muststem from differences in stereotypes of one group of applicants leading toa lower callback rate for that group relative to other groups. Groups canbe treated differently for many reasons ranging from arbitrary preferencesfor or against a group to differentiated beliefs about various groups’ pro-ductivity-related characteristics. In this study, we have not attempted toexamine the source of unequal treatment but instead aim to measure theintensity of stereotypes against one group regardless of its source.

Previous laboratory experiments confirm that the strength of racialstereotypes can affect how job applicants are evaluated. In a laboratory set-ting, social psychologists Dovidio and Gaertner (2000) study the racialstereotypes that White (North American) students have of Black jobapplicants. They find considerable variation in discrimination, dependingon whether the presentation of the (equal) qualifications of the White andBlack applicants is clear or ambiguous. The authors argue that individualswith weaker stereotypes (such as the students in their experiment) react toinformation about job applicants, whereas individuals with stronger ste-reotypes might not.

In the real world, if one group is only marginally disfavored, anapplicant from this group should be able to overcome the disadvantageassociated with the group by investing in merits that can be verified on aCV. Such an investment would not, however, help these candidates whenthere are substantial negative employer stereotypes against the disfavoredgroup. The only remaining individual strategy in such a situation is toincrease the frequency of the job search to increase the probability ofmeeting employers with no or weaker negative stereotypes.

In this study, the field experiment has been setup as follows.Employers were sent CVs of equal observable quality to assess the callbackgap between Arabic- and Swedish-named applicants. Then, the CVs withArabic names were given an advantage of, on average, 2 years of relevantwork experience, a substantial enhancement for this group of young jobapplicants. This setup allowed us to examine to what degree observedunfavorable stereotypes for a group of workers are compensated for byenhanced merits, thereby providing a measure of the strength of unfavor-able stereotypes against applicants with Arabic names.

Our contribution to the ethnic discrimination literature based onthe correspondence testing methodology is to explore the strength ofobserved employer stereotypes against minority job applicants. We testedthis for both female and male applicants to focus on ethnicity, holding


gender constant. A drawback of many studies in the early field experimentliterature on discrimination in the labor-market is that discriminationagainst ethnic/racial minority women is underrepresented, a bias that thefield experiment literature shares with the labor-market stratificationresearch in general. This is unfortunate because there are good reasons tobelieve that minority men and women are confronted by differentemployer stereotypes (Eagly and Kite 1987; Browne and Kennelly 1999;Browne and Misra 2003:500; and Navarrete et al. 2010), which mayinfluence how CVs are perceived and how discrimination manifests itself.

The remainder of the study is as follows. The next section describesthe Swedish context. Section 3 provides a brief theoretical overview ofpotential employer responses to job applications. Section 4 discusses theintersection of ethnic and gender discrimination. Section 5 describes theexperimental design; results are presented in Section 6, and the study isconcluded in Section 7.

BACKGROUND

We begin with a short overview of immigration to Sweden.5 Immigrationand emigration rates to and from Sweden have increased from a few thou-sand per year after World War II to tens of thousands a year toward theend of the last decade. In 2007, net immigration to Sweden was approxi-mately 60,000 individuals. Until the mid-1970s, immigration policy wasaimed at attracting labor migration, primarily from Finland (among theNordic countries) and Southern and Eastern Europe. At that time, therewas also substantial refugee immigration from the Baltic states after WorldWar II; from Hungry in the late 1950s; from Poland and Czechoslovakiain the late 1960s; and from Greece, Latin America, the Middle East (pri-marily Iran), and Africa in the 1970s. Starting in the mid-1970s, migra-tion policy shifted away from labor migration toward primarily refugeemigration (and family-unification immigration).

During the post-1970s period, refugee migration to Sweden origi-nated in the former Yugoslavia (primarily Bosnia-Herzegovina) in the1990s and Iraq in the early 2000s. In 2008, 2.5 percent of those whoobtained a residence permit in Sweden were so-called quota refugees, 10percent were classified as “refugees and others with particularly distressing

5For a more systematic overview of immigration to Sweden and a discussion of immi-

grant-native labor-market gaps, see Schr€oder (2007) and the references therein.


circumstances,” 12 percent were guest students, 16 percent were labormigrants, 22 percent were EU/EEA nationals and 37 percent classified as“tied movers.” Today, 15 percent of the Swedish population is foreignborn. Including the children of immigrants, a substantial part of theSwedish population either is foreign born or has an immigrant back-ground. As of 2008, the largest foreign-born groups in Sweden, defined asthe proportion of the foreign-born population, are from Finland (15%),Iraq (7%), Yugoslavia (excluding Bosnia-Herzegovina) (6.3%), Iran(4.7%), and Bosnia-Herzegovina (4.7%).

Prior to the mid-1970s, immigrants had higher employment ratesand similar income levels, on average, compared to natives (Wadensj€o1973). After the mid-1970s, following the mid-1970s recession, weobserve widening employment and income gaps. In recent decades, theSwedish labor-market, akin to the labor-markets of other OECD (Organi-zation for Economic Cooperation and Development) countries, is charac-terized by persistent ethnic inequality in employment and in the divisionof labor (OECD 2003). The employment rate for the foreign born isapproximately 25 percent lower than native averages, and foreign-bornindividuals have an average income that is approximately 70 percent ofthat of natives. Supply-side differences have not been able to explain thesepersistent labor-market gaps (le Grand and Szulkin 2002; Nekby 2003;Arai and Vilhelmsson 2004).

In a recent study interviewing immigrants in Sweden who haveabandoned their Middle Eastern surnames, Bursell (2012, 480) reportsthat respondents do not express a wish to culturally assimilate, butinstead take a pragmatic approach to perceived discrimination in thelabor-market. They express a desire to avoid the perceived stigma associ-ated with their surnames to improve their chances to access the structuresof opportunity in Swedish society. The following is a representativeexample of their experiences: “It [the name] was an obstacle in my career.I applied for 150 jobs and was only invited to one interview. After Ichanged my name, I applied for eleven jobs, was invited to six interviewsand got three job offers. . . I became a financial analyst right away. Doorsopened up.”

The interviewed name changers’ understanding of the causes andconsequences of the stigma related to their abandoned names is confirmedmore generally in another study on Sweden that examines the incomeeffects of changing from a foreign to a Swedish-sounding name. Arai andSkogman Thoursie (2009) report a causal positive earnings effect of


surname change for those born in Slavic, African, and Asian countries,three groups that are overrepresented among name changers. In light ofthese studies, we expect individuals carrying Arabic names to be disfavoredwhen applying for jobs. The question concerns the strength of employers’unfavorable stereotypes of Arabic-named male and female applicants incomparison with similar Swedish-named candidates, and whether thesestereotypes vary by gender. This is an important policy question becauseslight stereotypes may be fought by individual strategies such as invest-ments in human capital accumulation, whereas strong negative stereotypesmay require other types of public policy to provide equal opportunity forall.

JOB APPLICANTS’ ETHNICITY AND GENDER

Employers that aim to select a candidate for a job interview might find itcostly to examine each candidate carefully and therefore might use beliefsabout group characteristics to select some individuals for an interview andexclude others. When these group characteristics are statistically based, thelikelihood of being called to a job interview is determined by between-groupaverage differences and/or within-group variations of those characteristicsfor different groups of candidates. This is called statistical discrimination(Phelps 1972; Arrow 1973). Unbiased statistics are, however, not alwaysavailable.

Employers might act on beliefs based on their own or others’ pastexperiences. In such situations, cultural and gender stereotypes might bemapped to productivity and be used to predict individual applicants’ pro-ductivity attributes based on their perceived group belonging. Conse-quently, employer beliefs about group characteristics might reflect trueproductivity gaps among groups or might simply reflect prejudice basedon biased perception. Differential treatment might also stem fromemployers’ (coworkers/customers) tastes, implying that at given productiv-ity, some groups are preferred to others. However, those two sources arenot easy to disentangle empirically. This is particularly the case whentastes and information are not independent of each other. Those whohave discriminatory tastes and express discriminatory sentiments usuallyexplain their discriminatory attitudes by referring to stereotypical beliefsabout group characteristics. We are interested in measuring unfavorablestereotypes of Arabic-named applicants compared to those of Swedish-named applicants.


Ethnically based employer stereotypes may differ for female andmale applicants. There are two potential reasons for this. First, the labor-market is segregated with respect to gender. Because many jobs are typi-cally female or typically male, employer evaluations of job applicants maydiffer by gender due to the nature of the job. The second issue concernsgender differences in unequal treatment. In the sociological literature, gen-der and race/ethnicity are either treated as additive obstacles (i.e., “doubleburdens”), or as intersecting social categories that cannot be viewed inisolation.6 Both approaches to gender and race/ethnicity tend to assumethat gender and ethnic (or racial) discrimination result in a stronger labor-market disadvantage for minority women than for minority men andmajority women.

With respect to economic outcomes, the double-burden hypothesis islargely in line with empirical research in Sweden. Native-born men have thehighest wage and income levels, followed by foreign-born men, native-bornwomen, and foreign-born women. There is, however, little evidence ofinteraction effects because several studies show that labor-market gapsbetween native and immigrant women are smaller than the correspondinggaps between native and immigrant men. What is more, with respect tounemployment figures, the gender pattern is the reverse; native-born womenhave the lowest unemployment numbers, followed by native-born men,foreign-born women, and foreign-born men (Ministry of EmploymentSweden 2011).

Many field experiments on racial/ethnic discrimination in the labor-market have focused exclusively on men. The field experiments that haveincluded both genders show, contrary to what may be expected from theintersectional or “double-burden” approaches, that if anything, discrimi-nation appears to be stronger against minority men than against minoritywomen. In a review of field experiments in different national contextsinvolving both genders, Sidanius and Veniegas (2000) find that the meandiscrimination rate is 29.5 percent for minority men and 22.5 percentfor minority women (controlling for experimental method and skilllevel).

One of the strengths of the double-burden or the intersectionalapproaches is their intuitive explanatory appeal. Because it is assumed thatboth (some) minorities and women face discrimination in the labor-market,

6For a review of the intersectional literature on gender, race, and the labor-market, seeBrowne and Misra (2003).


there ought to be, if not an interaction effect, at least a double burden ofdiscrimination for minority women. Any study presenting results suggestingthat minority men face stronger unfavorable employer stereotypesthan minority women must explain why this is so. Note, however, thatdiscrimination is not the most powerful stratifier in the labor-market. Thelargest earning inequalities are found between women and men and areattributable to occupational segregation (e.g., England, Christopher, andReid 1999). This is why we find foreign-born/ethnic minority womenat the bottom of the earnings distribution even if men are confronted bystronger discrimination.

Employer beliefs may arise out of stereotypes related to group char-acteristics such as national or regional origin, ethnicity, or race. Studies inthe field of social psychology show that stereotypes about a group areoften closely correlated to the stereotypes held about the men belongingto that group, whereas stereotypes about women from the same groupmay differ greatly from the group stereotype.7

Eagly and Kite (1987) empirically examine this hypothesis for 28nationalities, finding that national stereotypes are largely in line with themale stereotypes related to that nation, whereas the stereotypes of womenfrom the same nation often differ greatly. This is especially true whenlarge differences in gender equality are included in the national stereotype.In such cases, women are stereotyped according to general female stereo-types rather than specific national stereotypes. Thus, it could be the casethat when stereotypes against specific national or ethnic groups are nega-tive, they are more negative toward men because it is men who arebelieved to embody the stereotype.

Another explanation for gendered ethnic discrimination is related tosocial dominance theory, and more precisely, the out-group male targethypothesis proposed by Navarrete et al (2010). Examining the intensity ofthe tendency for people to favor in-group members compared to out-group members (Vladimir’s Choice), they find in their experimental studythat this tendency is strongest when male participants are confronted byout-group males and weakest when in-group males are confronted by out-

7Browne and Misra (2003), in their review of American intersectional labor-marketresearch, conclude that African-American women and men are exposed to different typesof stereotypes and that there is no evidence that African-American women are more disad-

vantaged than African-American men by those stereotypes.


group females. They find significant bias among men but not amongwomen.

To further explore gendered ethnic discrimination, the experimentcarried out in this study focuses on variations in employer discriminationby the gender of applicants. As described in detail in the next section,CVs in our field experiment are sent in female or male pairs and ethnicdifferences in callbacks are examined separately for male and female appli-cants.

METHODOLOGY AND EXPERIMENT DESIGN

We follow the tradition of correspondence testing, which is a partial auditstudy. In an audit study, subjects are trained to apply for a job – andappear at an interview if called back – to examine the employmentchances of individuals from different groups. An audit study aims to pres-ent candidates with equal standard observable merits. However, the entireset of the trained applicants’ behavior cannot be perfectly controlled andthere is a risk that auditors might behave in a way that reinforces or weak-ens the expected gaps in employment chances, as indicated by Heckmanand Siegelman (1993). The correspondence testing method is a relativelystraightforward way to ensure that candidates are presented with equiva-lent observed merits because they are submitted in the form of writtenr�esum�es that are constructed with randomized modules. These r�esum�es(CVs) are of comparable quality for persons belonging to different groupsbecause ethnicity and gender are varied through randomized names signal-ing perceived gender and ethnicity. Fictitious r�esum�es are sent to actualjob openings. Any group differences in callbacks are thus a measure ofemployers’ prior views on unobservable qualities associated with differentgroups. Employer responses to job applications thus reveal positive or neg-ative beliefs about different societal groups.

Job applicants send r�esum�es and cover letters to employers present-ing their merits, education, work experience, etc. Employers evaluate theseobservable merits but might also have ideas about merits that are notobservable on r�esum�es. Conditional on observed merits/characteristics,employers form beliefs about unobservable characteristics. One suchobserved characteristic is a job candidate’s name. Names signal groupbelonging and employers may have differentiated stereotypes about char-acteristics associated with the group. This is the variation that the previous


literature on correspondence testing uses to identify differential treatment(in terms of both gender and race) for r�esum�es of equal merit.

We study the relative callback chances for individuals sharing nameswith a common linguistic origin: job applicants with Swedish or Arabicnames. Names such as Fatima or Mohamed have been introduced intothe pool of existing names in Sweden due to large-scale immigration fromcountries in the Middle East and Africa beginning in the 1980s. Becausethese names have not been common in Sweden until recent decades, theyare likely to be perceived by employers as distinctly foreign.

Choosing Arabic names allows us to examine differences in jobopportunities faced by a large group of workers with an immigrant back-ground in the Swedish labor-market. We choose Arabic names commonin the Middle East to study the structure of employer stereotypes againsta group of individuals who may be categorized as belonging to the Mus-lim community. Employers observing Arabic names are likely to perceivesuch applicants not only as foreign but also as Muslim and may associatethem with stereotypical stigmatizing narratives about Muslims that flour-ish in today’s public debate.8 This stigma can have a negative influenceon some employer evaluations of Arabic-named CVs even when theseCVs are observationally equivalent to Swedish-named CVs.

When employers have stereotypes of different groups of workers thatlead to favoritism for one group or the disfavoring of another group, jobapplicants from the disfavored group might be able to compensate for theexisting disadvantage by working for lower wages or by signaling highermerits.

An employer evaluates the merits of an application in light of his/her stereotypical beliefs about different groups of candidates. It is hard toknow exactly how stereotypical beliefs influence the way merits are evalu-ated. Employers may evaluate the same merit, for example, 2 years of pre-vious labor-market experience, differently according to group belonging ormay evaluate observed merits equivalently but have different stereotypesconcerning unobserved merits associated with group belonging. In both

8The debate about prohibition of certain types of Islamic head scarves in public spaces insome European countries has been interpreted as stigmatizing segments of the populationwith backgrounds in Muslim countries, although many proponents argued that the ban

protects secular society and women’s rights. Another example of public opinion disfavoringthe Muslim population is the 2009 Swiss vote against the building of minarets. In Swe-den, the country that is the focus of this study, a nationalist party with a clearly Islamo-

phobic rhetoric entered Parliament for the first time following the 2010 elections.


cases, enhanced merits can weaken the negative effect of unfavorable ste-reotypes for a certain group and increase the probability of being calledfor an interview.

One simple way of enhancing the observable merits of a job appli-cant is to increase the candidate’s historical rate of success in obtainingwork. A candidate in the disfavored group with more relevant work expe-rience than a candidate in the favored group would most likely beregarded by employers as more successful. Observing a candidate withsuperior merits may lead the employer to deduce that the candidatebelongs to the upper part of the overall merits distribution. Dependingon the nature of stereotypes, this information may be enough to compen-sate for previous group differences in callbacks. Notice that in comparisonwith candidates from the favored group, an additional year of experiencefor a member of the disfavored group may be a stronger signal of abilityin an environment characterized by higher unemployment risks for mem-bers of that group. A strong employment record for an applicant from thedisfavored group signals a strongly positively selected applicant within thisgenerally disfavored group.

In this study, we evaluate how large an augmentation of work expe-rience is required to overcome unfavorable employer stereotypes against agroup. However, an augmentation of work experience for one group ofcandidates should be within a range such that all job candidates areperceived by employers as competing in the same segment of the labor-market. This is essential because job applications that deviate too much interms of enhanced merits may be viewed as overqualified for the positionin question.

The field experiment consisted of two overlapping setups.9 The timeperiod was overlapping: we begun the “enhanced-CV” setup before the“equivalent-CV” setup ended. The “equivalent-CV” setup was conductedbetween March 2006 and July 2007. Job applications were sent to jobopenings in the Stockholm metropolitan area advertised on Sweden’s pri-mary Internet-based public employment Website (“Platsbanken”). Toensure an authentic look, applications were designed in line with alreadyexisting applications that actual job applicants had uploaded to the publicemployment service Web site job-applicant-pool. We also consultedspecialists within each occupation to review our applications.

9This field experiment is approved by the Stockholm Regional Authority Vetting the Eth-

ics of Research Involving Humans.


The applications were created as follows (see CV examples in Appen-dix 1). When a job opening within any of the targeted occupations wasannounced on the Web site, two applications were constructed, each con-sisting of a personal letter of introduction (cover letter) and a CV.10 CVswere first constructed to match the job requirements specified in the jobannouncement. Age, education, and experience levels were therefore deter-mined by the job announcement and set to be equal between any givenpair of applications. All of our CVs were assigned at least 1 year of expe-rience to ensure positive employer responses. Thereafter, the actual namesof educational institutions and previous employers, which matched thelevels set initially and were of equal quality, were randomly assigned toeach CV. Therefore, the two CVs sent to any given employer are ofequal, but not identical, observable quality. Due to the random assign-ment of actual school names and previous employers, any subjective qual-ity differences between applications should be eliminated over time.

Cover letters were drafted based on random assignment of prewrit-ten modules and were randomly matched with each CV to ensure notonly variation in the applications but also personal letters of randomdesign. Addresses were then randomly assigned to each of the two jobapplications. Finally, before being sent to employers, ethnicity was ran-domly assigned to each pair of job applications such that one applicationhad a Swedish-sounding name and the other had an Arabic-soundingname. Because each pair of applications was also assigned the same gen-der, the applicant pairs consisted of applications with a common maleArabic name and a common male Swedish name or corresponding femalename. The names used in the experiment are listed in Table 1. Thesenames are easily recognized as Arabic or Swedish. According to StatisticsSweden’s name register, the first and last names used in the experimentare frequently observed in the Swedish context.

10Because this type of experiment had not been carried out in Sweden when we startedthe project, we needed a benchmark to determine the extent of callback differences

between groups. Initially, 15 occupations were targeted within this setup to broadly testthe existence of discrimination in the Swedish labor-market (see Bursell 2014). Thereafter,due to the costly nature of the experiment, we needed to limit ourselves to a subset of rep-

resentative occupations. The drawback of this design is that we obtained a limited numberof observations during the overlapping period. On the other hand, we avoided sending toomany CVs to employers, which would increase the risk of detection. This is especially

important when testing in a limited geographical area such as Stockholm.


The “enhanced-CV” setup of the experiment was carried outbetween February and October 2007.11 This setup differs from the equiv-alent-CV setup because the CVs with an Arabic-sounding name wereassigned higher levels of relevant previous work experience than the CVswith Swedish names. We chose to enhance the CVs by incrementing workexperience instead of, for example, years of education, because posted jobannouncements specified required educational levels.12

As in the equivalent setup, both CVs were initially constructed tomatch the experience requirements of the job announcement and thereaf-ter, the CVs with Arabic names were randomly assigned 1–3 years ofadditional relevant work experience. On average, the CVs with Arabic-sounding names were therefore enhanced with two extra years of workexperience. Because age and experience are correlated and applicationswere sent primarily for entry-level job openings, age was also adjusted forthe enhanced Arabic-named CVs to produce credible r�esum�es. If 1 year ofextra experience was assigned to a CV with an Arabic name, no adjust-ment in age was made. When experience was adjusted by 2 years, age wasadjusted upward by 1 year, and with 3 years of additional experience, agewas adjusted upward by 2 years. The adjustment in age implies a slightly

TABLE 1NAMES OF APPLICANTS USED IN THE EXPERIMENT

Females Males

First name Surname First name Surname

Fateme Ahmed Kamal AhmadiNasrin Hassan Abdallah MohammedHalima Mohammad Islam HashemiA€ıcha Abdallah Abdelaziz HusseinFatima Ahmad Abdelhakim HassanSara Andersson Jonas S€oderstr€omMarie Bj€orkvist Erik €OstbergJohanna Gustafsson Johan Nystr€omKarolina Svensson Mikael AnderssonMalin Wallin Martin Berggren

11With few exceptions, applicant pairs were randomly assigned as either female or male.This was not the case for certain male-dominated applications for which female applica-

tions were deemed non-credible in the Swedish context. For example, only male applica-tions were sent to driver occupations involving the operation of “heavy machinery” or“crane plant operators.”12Another alternative would be to vary the quality of education by for example grades.

However, in the Swedish context, it is not common to list grades on job applications.


lower mean age in the equivalent-CV setup compared to the enhanced-CV setup, 24.7 years in comparison with 25.6 years.

The maximum age difference between the two groups of job candi-dates within the enhanced-CV setup of our experiment is therefore2 years. A limit of three additional years of experience was imposed toavoid considerable age differences between applicants and the possibilityof one candidate being perceived as overqualified, both of which wouldhinder the general comparability of applicant pairs. Note that the experi-ment design implies that only one stimulus, relevant work experience, isimplemented when CVs with Arabic names are enhanced by only oneyear of experience because, in this case, age is not adjusted.

We focus on five types of occupations: computer specialists, drivers,accountants, high school teachers, and assistant nurses. These occupationswere chosen to provide variation in observed callback rates, levels ofrequired education and both female- and male-dominated occupations.The computer specialist, accountant, and high school teacher positions allrequire 4–5 years of tertiary education and can be seen as qualified posi-tions. The assistant nurse positions require secondary education with amedical profile and are female-dominated. The driver positions rarelyspecified formal educational requirements, only valid driver’s licenses.Because a completed high school education is common in Sweden, allapplications for driver positions were assigned high school degrees. Thedriver occupation is male-dominated.

The applications included an e-mail address and a cell phone num-ber. When employers contacted the job applicants by e-mail or left avoice mail on the cell phone, a positive callback was registered and thejob interview offer was promptly declined. Note that because the distribu-tion of jobs applied differently between the two setups, any comparisonsof overall callbacks across setups need to take this into consideration.

RESULTS

In the first stage of the experiment, 566 (283 CV pairs) observationallyequivalent CVs (192 females and 374 males) were sent to job openingswithin the five chosen occupational groups.

As seen in the descriptive statistics provided in Table 2, a callbackgap between applicants with Arabic and Swedish names is found for bothmen and women. The relative callback rate is 2.0 for females and 1.8 formen, and the difference between genders is not statistically significant.


Because there is substantial variation in relative callback rates across occu-pations, these overall figures are not very informative. The smallest relativecallback rate, for example, is observed among teachers (both for male andfemale applicants) and the largest ethnic callback difference is for maledrivers (approximately 2.4).

In the second stage of the experiment, 584 CVs (292 CV pairs)were sent to employers; the applications with Arabic names were enhancedwith higher levels of experience. The results show that the callback gapschanged dramatically. The relative callback rate for women decreases to1.2 and is no longer statistically significant, whereas the relative callbackrate for men increases to 2.6. This increase, however, is not statisticallysignificant at conventional levels.13 The low relative callback rate forfemales in the enhanced-CV setup is observed in all occupations exceptfor drivers. As noted above, the distribution of jobs by occupation differsacross the two stages of the experiment. A difference in the relativeweights of occupations may therefore generate differences in the overallrelative callback rates. To achieve relative callback rates comparable tothose in the first stage of the experiment, we re-weight the relative call-back rates using shares of occupations as weights. The corresponding rela-tive callback rates change from 1.2 to 1.1 for females and from 2.6 to 2.4for males.

TABLE 2CALLBACKS, BY GENDER

Equivalent CVs Enhanced CVs

Females Males Females Males

Both invited 22 70 56 46Only Arabic name invited 12 16 20 6Only Swedish name invited 46 88 36 92Neither invited 112 200 148 180Relative callback rate 2.0 1.8 1.2 2.6Number of applicants 192 374 260 324

13Using the data for men only and running a regression of the callback dummy on adummy for Arabic-named/Swedish-named CVs and a dummy for setup (enhanced/equiva-lent), along with an interaction between these two variables, we find a p-value of 0.32 for

the interaction variable, indicating that the worsening of callbacks for Arabic men acrosssetups is not significant at conventional levels. The p-value is 0.94 for the setup dummyand virtually 0 for the Arabic/Swedish dummy. Similar results are obtained when includ-

ing age and occupation dummies to control for the distribution of the applications.


In short, we observe a significant difference across experimental set-ups in callback gaps between Swedish- and Arabic-named applications bygender. The lower callback rate for women in the enhanced-CV setupindicates that the extra merits assigned to Arabic-named CVs counteractsemployers’ unfavorable stereotypes observed in the equivalent-CV setup.14

With respect to men, the callback rate appears to increase, implying thatincreased merit does not help and may even harm employment chancesfor Arabic-named men.15

To control for potential differences in callback rates between occupa-tions and over time, linear probability models on callbacks (defined as azero/one variable equal to one if applicants are contacted by employers)are estimated separately by gender.16 Two models are estimated for eachstage of the experiment, the first controlling only for differences in namesbetween applications, the second also controlling for occupation appliedto and common time effects. Because applications are sent over a periodof several months, controlling for common time effects via time dummies,defined according to the date of application submission, is necessary. Inaddition, standard errors are clustered by date of application.

Our results, presented in Table 3, confirm that in the equivalent-CV setup, there are significantly lower callbacks from employers for appli-cants with Arabic names. An Arabic name on an application is associatedwith, on average, a 20–21 percentage-point lower probability of contact

14One may object that the female applications in the equivalent-CV setup of the experi-ment also contained high-quality CVs, implying that the pattern of a smaller callback gap

for women should already be discernible in this part of the experiment, which it is not.This objection, however, misses the point that weak differentiated stereotypes may cause assignificant a callback difference as strong differentiated stereotypes when applicants’ merits

are observationally equivalent.15Note that the callback rate for Swedish-named applicants should theoretically decrease inthe enhanced-CV setup compared to the equivalent-CV setup because the Swedish-namedapplicants are now competing with stronger Arabic-named applicants, all else being equal.We observe a decrease in the weighted callback rate from 37 to 32 percent for Swedish-

named female applicants. For Swedish-named male applicants, we find instead an increasefrom 42 to 47 percent. This is consistent with our results showing that enhanced CVshelp Arabic-named female applicants but do not improve Arabic-named men’s chances for

callbacks.16Linear probability models are used for ease of interpretation, given that we are interestedin the causal effect of ethnicity on callbacks and not on predicting callbacks more generally(for a discussion of linear probability models as an alternative to logistic regression, seeMood 2010).


from employers than an application with a Swedish name, regardless ofgender. Adding controls for occupation and common time effects yieldssimilar results: Applicants with Arabic names are associated with a 23–24percentage-point lower callback probability. These estimates are in linewith results from previous studies in Sweden indicating that employershave stereotypes related to unobservable productivity characteristics thatare unfavorable for both female and male job applicants with Arabicnames, and/or they tend to discriminate against persons of Arabic back-ground (Carlsson and Rooth 2007; Bursell 2014).

Estimations from the enhanced-CV setup also confirm earlierreported results indicating that ethnic differences in callback rates forfemale applicants are eliminated. The coefficient for female applicationswith Arabic names is small and no longer significant, implying no differ-ences in callbacks from employers between female applications with Ara-bic names and more-qualified CVs and female applicants with Swedishnames and standard applications. For male applicants, enhanced workexperience does not alter previously reported differences in callback proba-bilities. On average, a CV with a male Arabic name is associated with a27 percentage-point lower callback probability than for a male applicantwith a Swedish name, despite observationally higher levels of relevantwork experience.

The callback differences increase significantly when occupation andtime dummies are included in the estimation, resulting in a 39 percent-age-point difference. The difference in callbacks for male Arabic applicantsis not, however, significant across setups (equivalent to enhanced), indicat-

TABLE 3CALLBACK PROBABILITIES FOR ARABIC-NAMED CVS COMPARED TO SWEDISH-NAMED CVS (LINEAR PROBA-

BILITY MODELS)

Females Males Females Males

Equivalent CVsArabic �0.208* (0.062) �0.199* (0.049) �0.233** (0.101) �0.239* (0.072)Occupation NO NO YES YESDate NO NO YES YESN 192 374 192 374

Enhanced CVsArabic �0.062 (0.067) �0.265* (0.053) 0.041 (0.081) �0.388* (0.074)Occupation NO NO YES YESDate NO NO YES YESN 260 324 260 324

Note: * and ** denote significance at the one and five percentage levels. Estimations control for our occupationdummies and 73 dates of application dummies. Standard errors in parentheses are clustered by the date of applica-tion.


ing that employer responses to male applicants with Arabic names aresimilar in both experimental setups. In summary, these results imply thatemployers react positively to higher merits or to what higher merits signalabout unobserved productivity characteristics for female applicants withArabic names but not for male applicants with Arabic names.

Results from separate estimations on applicant pairs by level ofenhanced experience (not shown) indicate that differences in callbackprobabilities disappear for women when only one year of extra work expe-rience is assigned to applications with Arabic names. Because age is notaltered on the CVs with Arabic names, when only one year of extra workexperience is added to the CV – that is, age is equal across CV pairs –those results stem solely from employer responses to higher experience lev-els.

We also run regressions on data from the second stage of the experi-ment, including dummies for each level of experience gap relative toapplicants with Swedish names – that is, 1, 2, or 3 years more experience– along with interactions between the experience dummies and the (Ara-bic) name dummy. The results from these estimations indicate that themain effect on callbacks of Arabic names remains insignificant for femalesand negative and significant for males.17

There is no significant callback difference between various experi-ence-gap levels nor do we observe significant effects of interactionsbetween experience-gap dummies and the Arabic name dummy.18 Theseresults indicate that one additional year of experience eliminates callbackgaps for females, but that increased experience thereafter does not furtherreduce callback differentials.19 An alternative explanation for results indi-cating that enhanced merits help Arabic-named female applicants but donot help Arabic-named male applicants is that irrespective of ethnicity,employers reward higher merits for women but either do not reward oreven penalize higher merits for men.

To ensure that the partially sequential experiment design does notaffect results, we reanalyze the data using only the observations from theperiod during which both the equal-CV and enhanced-CV setup are

17Results are available from authors upon request.18F- and t-statistics show that the null hypothesis that these variables are individually orjointly equal to zero cannot be rejected.19Note that significance levels may be affected by relatively small sample sizes within each

level of experience.


tested simultaneously. Our results are qualitatively in line with thosereported in Table 3. In the equivalent-CV setup, both male and femaleArabic-named applicants are associated with lower employer interest(approximately 21 percentage points lower) than Swedish-named appli-cants, whereas in the enhanced-CV setup, consistent with the resultsreported above, the callback gap disappears for women but remains largeand significant for men.

We use a feature of the equal-CV setup to determine whetherenhanced merits are differentially rewarded by gender. In the equal-CVsetup, some job vacancies were sent CVs of generally higher quality (forboth applicants) in terms of experience, addresses, and other skills. Esti-mations suggest that male and female applicants are rewarded for highermerits. We regress callbacks (a zero/one variable equal to one if an appli-cation receives positive interest from employers) on a dummy variableequal to one for higher-quality CVs and zero otherwise, and few find thathigher-quality CVs are rewarded by higher callback rates for both menand women. Results are not shown here but can be obtained from theauthors on request.

To explicitly test for the differential effect of merits on callbacks formale and female applicants, we run a regression in which we regress call-backs on a female variable, Arabic name, occupation dummies, and aninteraction between female and more meritorious CVs. The results showthat although there is a general positive effect of merit on the probabilityof receiving a callback, there are no differences in the effect of meritbetween male and female applicants. This implies that CVs of greatermerit are associated with higher chances of callback when both CVs areof high quality. This means that in general, merits do not have differentialimpacts on callbacks by gender. Although merits somewhat increase call-back chances for male and female applicants, the penalty associated withan Arabic name is too strong for Arabic-named male applicants to com-pensate for with the higher-quality CV (two more years of experience) inour enhanced setup. However, Arabic-named female applicants can com-pensate for the penalty associated with Arabic names by higher merits.

CONCLUSIONS

Using a field experiment based on the correspondence testing methodol-ogy, this study analyzes the degree to which employer stereotypes of appli-cants with Arabic names are compensated for by higher levels of previous


work experience. The experiment consists of two setups. In one setup,observationally equivalent CVs are sent to employers with only one differ-ence: ethnic background, signaled by name. Applicants with Arabic namesare found to have significantly lower callback rates regardless of gender. Inthe other setup, CVs with Arabic names are enhanced by an average of2 years of relevant work experience. Our results show that differences incallbacks between female applicants are eliminated. However, no changesin callback rates are observed for men despite the submission of enhancedCVs for applicants with Arabic names. These results suggest that employ-ers revise their stereotypes concerning unobservable characteristics forfemale ethnic minorities but do not react to signals of higher previousemployment success for male ethnic minorities. Using the terminology ofNavarrete et al. (2010), these results are compatible with the OutgroupMale Target Hypothesis, implying that Arabic-named men are bigger tar-gets of negative stereotypes and discrimination than are Arabic-namedwomen.

This reverse gender gap in employer responses contradicts the widelyheld belief that women with foreign backgrounds suffer from both ethnicand gender discrimination in the labor-market. Rather, the resultsreported here suggest that it is Arabic men who suffer the most from dis-crimination because higher qualifications do not compensate for employ-ers’ negative stereotypes of that group.

Although more research is necessary to determine how generalizablethese results are to other groups, occupations and labor-markets, ourreported results are compatible with studies within social psychologyshowing gender differences in stereotypes of different ethnic or racialgroups. Employers may have stronger unfavorable stereotypes of Arabicmen than Arabic women simply because the stereotype about people withArabic backgrounds is, to a large degree, a male stereotype.

The stereotypes about women with Arabic backgrounds may insteadbe largely generated from traditional gender stereotypes that place womenin domestic and nurturing roles. In short, these stereotypes suggest thatan Arabic woman who is successful in the labor-market may be perceivedby employers as deviating from the stereotypical norms associated withArabic women. Conversely, increased labor-market experience may notalter the stereotypes associated with Arabic men. This implies thatemployers weigh greater labor-market experience of Arabic women as asignal of higher productivity – that is, of an Arabic woman having to


overcome the traditional role ascribed to her – whereas little or no weightis attached to Arabic men’s greater labor-market productivity.

How do our results of stronger negative stereotypes of Arabic menthan Arabic women fit into the discussion on gendered experiences of eth-nic discrimination? Limiting ourselves only to the labor-market, our find-ings are not easy to reconcile with the multiple burden approach (King1988), in which the relationships among categories are predefined (Han-cock 2007) and in which minority women always are at a disadvantage.We find it more difficult to distinguish our findings relative to the inter-sectional approach (e.g. Mohanty 1988; Crenshaw 1989). The primaryfoci of intersectional scholars are the simultaneous effect of gender, class,and race/ethnicity. Because there is always a multitude of power relationsat work, it is difficult to determine how these structures of power play outin terms of who is the most disadvantaged. Although processes of powercannot be identified using register data, our experimental approach to job-seeking is an example of a situation in which power relations are (re)con-structed. Employers or their agents are actual participants in this processand either neglect or pay attention to the submitted CVs. When Blackfeminist bell hooks (1989) addresses Black women’s invisibility in thepublic discussion of racial and gender inequality, writing that “when blackpeople are talked about, the focus tends to be on black men; and whenwomen are talked about, the focus tends to be on white women,” sherefers to the disadvantage of being neglected as a group in discussionsrelated to social change. Our results do not necessarily controvert this lineof reasoning. We do not believe it unlikely that Arabic women have beenneglected by feminist and ethnic organizations arguing for the rights ofwomen and ethnic minorities in Sweden. We merely paint a nuanced pic-ture related to this discussion, adding that in other situations, when indi-viduals from ethnic minorities are exposed to negative stereotypes, itmight be better to belong to the neglected gender. Stereotypes of thisgroup are likely to be more conflated with universal gender stereotypes,more ambiguous, less worked out and perhaps, as our results indicate,weaker and more subject to change (an effect of having been invisible inpublic discussions).

In conclusion, the results of this study suggest that male and femalemembers of an ethnic minority are not always confronted by the sametype of employer stereotypes related to unobserved characteristics.Employers in Sweden appear to have stronger unfavorable stereotypes orstatistically based prior views concerning the unobservable characteristics


of Arabic men or inflexible tendencies to discriminate against Arabic men.This implies that individual investment in human capital enhancementmay not alone counter unequal treatment in the labor-market and thatother policy initiatives may be necessary to guarantee equal opportunity.

As mentioned earlier in the study, in comparison with native-born,people born in countries in Africa, Asia, and the Middle East have thelargest gaps in employment. Similar patterns are observed in severalother European countries. Our results suggest that a part of these gapsare (1) rooted in labor-market discrimination and that (2) ethnic dis-crimination affects men and women differently. The fact that Arabic-named women could reduce the difference in callbacks by improvingtheir CVs suggest that employer stereotypes against Arabic-namedwomen are weaker or more flexible than the stereotypes against Arabic-named men. However, further examination of the formation of gen-dered national stereotypes is needed. In particular, future research shouldanalyze specific patterns of differences in the stereotypes faced by menand women representing various immigrant groups and ethnic minoritieswho experience unfavorable labor-market outcomes in different hostsocieties.

APPENDIX 1. THERE ARE TWO EXAMPLE CVS. THE CV OFAICHA ABDALLAH IS ENHANCED TO CONTAIN A 1-YEAREXPERIENCE ADVANTAGE COMPARED TO THE CV OFMALIN WALLIN

A€ıcha AbdallahKammakargatan XX111 24 [email protected]

Re: Assistant Nurse position

Hello!

My name is A€ıcha Abdallah, and I am applying for the position asan Assistant Nurse.


I am 24 years old and an Assistant Nurse by education. I alreadyhave 5 years of work experience relevant to the position. I like my presentworkplace but feel that it is time for new challenges and experiences, andI think that your job description sounds very interesting.

Other people perceive me as happy and outgoing, and I find it easyto be around different kinds of people. I am patient and a good listener.

Included in my CV is contact information for my references.

With kind regards,

A€ıcha Abdallah

List of Merits

Education

Care program at Polhemsskolan in G€avle

1999–2002

Driver’s license

2004

Relevant work experience

Assistant Nurse at Roseng�arden in H€agersten (care center for thedemented) since 2002, present employment.

Work description

Standard Assistant Nurse duties: support patients in everyday life,including contact with relatives, assistance with personal hygiene, cleaning,meals, outdoor activities, medication and care for minor wounds, etc.

Computer skills:

MS Office


Application for the position as Assistant Nurse

Malin WallinScheelegatan XX112 28 [email protected]

August 23, 2007, Stockholm

Hello!

My name is Malin Wallin and I wish to express my interest in theposition as Assistant Nurse.

I am 24 years old and an Assistant Nurse by education. I have fouryears of work experience in the profession. At present, I work at a homefor the demented in Botkyrka. I like it there, but I am ready for newexperiences and thus, I am looking for a new position.

I am a sociable person, thorough in my work, and enjoy workingwith people, which is why a job in the care sector is perfect for me.

My merits are attached but I would enjoy telling you more aboutmyself at an interview.

Warm wishes,

Malin Wallin

Merits

Education: Sankt G€orans gymnasium, Care program, exam in 2003

Employment: Assistant Nurse at Sandstugans Care Home in Botkyrkasince 2003 graduation.

Driver’s license

Computer experience: Word, Works, Excel, etc.


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The Reverse Gender Gap in Ethnic Discrimination: Employer ... · the ﬁrst audit study and Jowell and Prescott-Clarke (1970) for the ﬁrst correspondence test. For a review, see