The Relative EconomicStatus of Indigenous Australians,

1986-91

by J. Taylor

Centre for Aboriginal Economic Policy ResearchAustralian National University, Canberra

Research Monograph No. 51993

First published in Australia 1993.

Printed in Australia by Goanna Print, Fyshwick, ACT.

© Centre for Aboriginal Economic Policy Research, Australian National University.

This book is copyright. Apart from any fair dealings for the purpose of private study,research, criticism or review as permitted under the Copyright Act 1968, no part may bereproduced by any process without written permission. Inquiries should be directed tothe publisher, Centre for Aboriginal Economic Policy Research, Australian NationalUniversity, Canberra ACT 0200, Australia.

National Library of AustraliaCataloguing-in-publication entry

Taylor, John, 1953- .The relative economic status of indigenous Australians, 1986-91.

Bibliography.ISBN07315 1841 1.

[1] Aborigines, Australian - Economic conditions. [2] Aborigines, Australian -Economic conditions - Statistics. [3] Torres Strait Islanders - Economic conditions. [4]Torres Strait Islanders - Economic conditions - Statistics. I. Australian NationalUniversity. Centre for Aboriginal Economic Policy Research. (Series: Researchmonograph (Australian National University. Centre for Aboriginal Economic PolicyResearch); no. 5).

331.699915

Foreword

A mid-term review of the Aboriginal Employment Development Policy(AEDP) is currently under way. The AEDP was originally developed as animmediate Commonwealth response to the Report of the Committee ofReview of Aboriginal Employment and Training Programs (AustralianGovernment Publishing Service, Canberra, 1985) and launched inassociation with the 1986-87 Commonwealth Budget. Subsequently, theAEDP was expanded massively and officially launched in November 1987.In late 1992, the Centre for Aboriginal Economic Policy Research(CAEPR) at the Australian National University (ANU) negotiated with theAboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission (ATSIC) and theCommonwealth Department of Employment, Education and Training toprovide an analysis of official census statistics to assist the review process.

The Aboriginal Employment Development Policy Statement(Australian Government Publishing Service, Canberra, 1987) highlightedthat the overall objective of the AEDP is to assist indigenous Australiansachieve broad equity with other Australians in terms of employment andeconomic status. This objective was incorporated in three specific goalsthat emphasise both equity and statistical equality. These are:

• the achievement of employment equality with other Australians, thatis to increase the proportion of indigenous Australians of working age,in employment to equal the proportion for the total population;

• the achievement of income equality with other Australians, that is toincrease median individual incomes to the median of the totalpopulation; and

to reduce the welfare dependency of indigenous Australians to a levelcommensurate with that of other Australians, with a particularemphasis being placed on unemployment-related welfare.

A fourth AEDP goal was to ensure equitable participation in primary,secondary and tertiary education, but in 1989 this was subsumed under theumbrella of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Education Policy thatis currently being separately reviewed.

It has already been highlighted in earlier publications like AboriginalEmployment Equity by the Year 2000 (J.C. Altman (ed.), CAEPR, ANU,Canberra, 1991) and A National Survey of Indigenous Australians: Optionsand Implications (J.C. Altman (ed.), CAEPR, ANU, Canberra, 1992) thatan assessment of AEDP outcomes, in broad policy and statistical terms,

will be almost entirely dependent on labour force statistics collected in thefive yearly Census of Population and Housing. Indeed, it is fortunate thatthere is a degree of correlation between the 1986 Census and the officiallaunch of the AEDP (1987) and the availability of 1991 Census data in1993 and its current mid-term review.

The terms of reference for Phase 2 of the evaluation of the AEDPagreed upon between the inter-agency AEDP Review Co-ordinatingCommittee and CAEPR state specifically:

In order to assist in assessing the impact of the AEDP, conduct a detailedanalysis of 1986 and 1991 Census data to ascertain the degree to which theAEDP objectives have been achieved and in particular examine:

• the extent to which the income status of Aboriginal and Torres StraitIslander people has improved since 1986;

• the extent to which the employment status of Aboriginal and TorresStrait Islander people has improved since 1986;

• the extent to which the dependency of Aboriginal and Torres StraitIslander people on welfare (non employment income) has declinedsince 1986.

As far as possible from available census data, the consultancy shouldprovide a quantitative analysis of the impact of the AEDP particularly inrelation to the extent to which AEDP targets to the year 2000 are beingachieved.

The analysis should identify relevant changes at national, State, section-of-State and ATSIC regional levels. The regional analysis will be dependenton provision of appropriate data to current (1993) regional boundaries byATSIC.

Where possible, the analysis should also seek to identify:

• comparative changes in income status, employment and welfaredependence over the period since 1986 for the general Australianpopulation;

• changes in overall macroeconomic conditions and employmentopportunities in the mainstream labour market;

• other relevant factors like demographic, gender and locational issuesimpacting on the achievement of AEDP targets;

• changes for Torres Strait Islanders as a distinct group, where censusdata allow.

These wide-ranging terms of reference are being addressed by CAEPR in aseries of reports, statistical tabulations and discussion papers. It isanticipated that eventually all material prepared for the AEDP reviewprocess will be published. An interim draft report was provided to ATSICin August 1993; it focuses on Aboriginal, Torres Strait Islander and otherAustralian socioeconomic changes at the national level of aggregation bysection-of-State (urban, other urban and rural) residence. This research hasbeen undertaken by Dr John Taylor and is based entirely on publiclyavailable data from the 1986 and 1991 Censuses, produced tospecifications stipulated by CAEPR for the AEDP review exercise.

The AEDP Evaluation Committee is meeting for the first time inOctober 1993 and is then undertaking consultations in all States andTerritories. As the Committee is working to a tight schedule, ATSICrequested that copies of Dr Taylor's first report be available to facilitate andinform the consultation process. I suggested that the report should bepublished in the CAEPR Monograph Series to make Dr Taylor's analysiswidely available to assist in the AEDP review process, but also to allowdissemination of statistical information on the contemporary economicstatus of indigenous Australians to a wider audience. ATSIC endorsed thisapproach in September. I would like to commend Dr Taylor especially forhis dogged commitment to this research consultancy and the quality of hisanalysis; and CAEPR research production staff Linda Roach and KrystynaSzokalski and CAEPR support staff Nicky Lumb and Belinda Lim forpreparing the interim draft report for publication in one week.

It is anticipated that a further monograph that analyses interstatedifferences in indigenous and non-indigenous economic status will beavailable later in 1993, with further publications providing detailedstatistical information on each State and Territory to follow, early in 1994.

Jon AltmanDirector, CAEPR

October 1993

Acknowledgements

Versions of this monograph were originally presented for academic andbureaucratic scrutiny at separate Centre for Aboriginal Economic PolicyResearch (CAEPR) seminars in August and September 1993 and again tostaff at the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission (ATSIC) inCanberra. Specific comments forthcoming from Jon Altman, Anne Daly,Giff Jones, Will Sanders and Diane Smith, as well as general commentsfrom seminar participants, are gratefully acknowledged.

Data used in this monograph were purchased from the Australian Bureau ofStatistics (ABS) to undertake Phase 2 of the mid-term review of theAboriginal Employment Development Policy (AEDP). A large part of theexercise was devoted to the design, acquisition and tabulation of these data.Raw table figures were provided on floppy disk by the National Aboriginaland Torres Strait Islander Statistics Unit of the ABS in Darwin. Statisticalmanipulation was conducted by INTSTAT Australia Pty Ltd, while finalformatting was accomplished by Belinda Lim. Subeditorial assistance wasprovided by Linda Roach, Krystyna Szokalski and Nicky Lumb. I wouldlike to thank all these parties for working cheerfully under pressure to meetthe tight deadlines imposed by the AEDP review process.

John TaylorCAEPR

October 1993

Contents

Foreword by Dr Jon Altman iii

Acknowledgements vi

List of tables, figures and appendix tables vii

Acronyms and abbreviations xiii

1. Introduction 1

2. Population size and distribution, 1986-91 8

3. Labour force status, 1986-91 14

4. Labour force characteristics, 1986-91 24

5. Income status, 1986-91 38

6. Policy pointers 45

Appendix 49

References 82

List of tables, figures and appendix tables

Tables

2.1 Aboriginal population change by section-of-State,1986-91. 9

2.2 Torres Strait Islander population change by section-of-State, 1986-91. 10

2.3 Population change by section-of-State, non-indigenousAustralians, 1986-91. 11

2.4 Change in population aged 15-64 years: Aborigines,Torres Strait Islanders and other Australians, 1986-91. 12

2.5 Percentage change in youth and older working agedistribution: Aborigines, Torres Strait Islanders andother Australians, 1986-91. 12

3.1 Labour force status of Aborigines, Torres Strait Islandersand other Australians, 1986-91. 15

3.2a Net change in Aboriginal labour force status by section-of- State and gender, 1986-91. 16

3.2b Net change in Torres Strait Islander labour force statusby section-of-State and gender, 1986-91. 17

3.2c Net change in labour force status by section-of-State andgender of non-indigenous Australians, 1986-91. 17

3.3 Change in labour force status by broad age group:Aborigines, Torres Strait Islanders and other Australians,1986-91. 19

3.4 Change in employment status of Aborigines, TorresStrait Islanders, and other Australians: 1986-91. 20

3.5 Employment growth among Aborigines, Torres StraitIslanders, and other Australians, 1986-91. 21

3.6 Employment growth among Aborigines, Torres StraitIslanders, and other Australians by section-of-State,1986-91. 22

3.7 Employment growth among Aborigines, Torres StraitIslanders, and other Australians by gender, Australia1986-91. 23

4.1 Index of industry segregation by gender: Aborigines andTorres Strait Islanders, 1986-91. 25

4.2. Index of occupational segregation by gender: Aboriginesand Torres Strait Islanders, 1986-91. 29

5.1. Change in income status among Aborigines, Torres StraitIslanders and other Australians, 1986-91. 38

5.2. Change in income status of Aborigines, Torres StraitIslanders and other Australians by section-of-State,1986-91. 39

5.3. Change in income status of Aborigines, Torres StraitIslanders and other Australians by gender, 1986-91. 41

5.4. Total income by labour force status: Aborigines, TorresStrait Islanders and other Australians, 1986-91. 42

5.5. Change in mean employment/non-employment income:Aborigines, Torres Strait Islanders and other Australians,1986-91. 43

Figures

4.1 Percentage change in industry of employment:Aborigines, Torres Strait Islanders and other Australians,1986-91. 25

4.2 Percentage change in occupation of employment:Aborigines, Torres Strait Islanders and other Australians,1986-91. 28

4.3 Percentage change in industry sector of employment:Aborigines, Torres Strait Islanders and other Australians,1986-91. 32

4.4 Percentage change in hours worked: Aborigines, TorresStrait Islanders and other Australians, 1986-91. 34

4.5 Percentage change in level of qualifications: Aborigines,Torres Strait Islanders and other Australians, 1986-1991. 36

Appendix tables

Ala. Aboriginal labour force status by section-of-State andgender, 1986-91. 49

Alb. Torres Strait Islander labour force status by section-of-State and gender: 1986-91. 49

Ale. Labour force status of non-indigenous Australians bysection-of-State and gender, 1986-91. 49

A2. Employment distribution by industry division: Aborigines,Torres Strait Islanders, and others, 1986-91. 50

A3a. Change in Aboriginal employment by industry division andsection-of-State, 1986-91. 51

A3b. Change in Torres Strait Islander employment by industrydivision and section-of-State, 1986-91. 52

A3c. Change in non-indigenous employment by industrydivision and section-of-State, 1986-91. 53

A4a. Change in Aboriginal employment by industry divisionand gender, 1986-91. 54

A4b. Change in Torres Strait Islander employment by industrydivision and gender, 1986-91. 55

A4c. Change in non-indigenous employment by industrydivision and gender 1986-91. 56

A5. Employment distribution by occupation: Aborigines,Torres Strait Islanders, and others, 1986-91. 57

A6a. Change in Aboriginal employment by occupation andsection-of-State, 1986-91. 58

A6b. Change in Torres Strait Islander employment by occupationand section-of-State, 1986-91. 59

A6c. Change in non-indigenous employment by occupation andsection-of-State, 1986-1991. 60

A7a. Change in Aboriginal employment by occupation and gender,1986-91. 61

A7b. Change in Torres Strait Islander employment by occupationand gender, 1986-91. 62

A7c. Change in non-indigenous employment by occupation andgender, 1986-91. 63

A8. Change in employment by industry sector: Aborigines,Torres Strait Islanders, and others, 1986-91. 64

A9a. Change in Aboriginal employment by industry sector andsection-of-State, 1986-91. 65

A9b. Change in Torres Strait Islander employment by industrysector and section-of-State, 1986-91. 66

A9c. Change in non-indigenous employment by industry sectorand section-of-State, 1986-91. 67

AlOa. Change in Aboriginal employment by industry sector andgender, 1986-91. 68

AlOb. Change in Torres Strait Islander employment by industrysector and gender, 1986-91. 68

AlOc. Change in non-indigenous employment by industry sectorand gender, 1986-91. 69

Al l . Change in employment by hours worked: Aborigines,Torres Strait Islanders, and others, 1986-91. 70

A12a. Change in Aboriginal employment by hours worked andsection-of-State, 1986-91. 71

XII

A12b. Change in Torres Strait Islander employment by hoursworked and section-of-State, 1986-1991. 72

A12c. Change in non-indigenous employment by hours workedand section-of-State, 1986-91. 73

A13a. Change in Aboriginal employment by hours worked andgender, 1986-1991. 74

A13b. Change in Torres Strait Islander employment distributionby hours worked and gender, 1986-91. 74

A13c. Change in non-indigenous employment by hours workedand gender, 1986-91. 75

A14. Change in level of qualifications: Aborigines, TorresStrait Islanders, and others, 1986-91. 76

A15a. Change in level of qualifications of Aborigines by section-of-State, 1986-91. 77

A15b. Change in level of qualifications of Torres Strait Islandersby section-of-State, 1986-91. 78

A15c. Change in level of qualifications of non-indigenousAustralians by section-of-State, 1986-91. 79

A16a. Change in level of qualifications of Aborigines by gender,1986-91. 80

A16b. Change in level of qualifications of Torres StraitIslanders by gender, 1986-91. 80

A16c. Change in level of qualifications of non-indigenousAustralians by gender, 1986-91. 81

Abbreviations and acronyms

ABS Australian Bureau of StatisticsAEDP Aboriginal Employment Development PolicyANU Australian National UniversityATSIC Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission

CAEPR Centre for Aboriginal Economic Policy ResearchCDEP Community Development Employment Projects (scheme)CTP Community Training Program

DEET Department of Employment, Education and Training

TAP Training for Aboriginals Program

1. Introduction

Given the continued lack of ethnic identification in recurrent economicindicators, the five-yearly Australian Census of Population and Housingremains the most comprehensive and reliable (though less than ideal)means of assessing change in the relative economic status of indigenouspeople at national, regional, and local levels. Conclusions from the lastround of census analyses, based on 1986 data, were unequivocally of theview that while some improvements were discernible over time, theeconomic status of indigenous Australians, as measured by standardindicators such as labour force status, occupation of employment andincome, remained comprehensively low when compared with the rest ofthe population (Tesfaghiorghis and Altman 1991; Jones 1991).

In response to this persistent and unfavourable situation, policiesdesigned to enhance the economic status of indigenous Australians weresignificantly strengthened during the latter half of the 1980s, most notablywith the adoption of the Aboriginal Employment Development Policy(AEDP). This substantially boosted funds directed towards the goal ofachieving equality in employment and income status between Aborigines,Torres Strait Islanders and the general population and created a focusedeconomic stimulus within the labour market whose effects have been,potentially at least, countercyclical in a macroeconomic sense. Betweenthe financial years 1986/87 and 1990/91, for example, at a time of generalbudgetary restraint, national expenditure under the AEDP totalled $1,071million (Commonwealth of Australia 1991: 21; Altman and Sanders1991a: 12), an amount allocated for a population of working age at the endof this period, of 146,626. As for the numbers participating in labourmarket programs, a total of 23,738 Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanderpeople were approved for all such programs in the single financial year1990/91 (Department of Employment, Education and Training 1992: 5). Inthe same year, expenditure on the entire range of Aboriginal and TorresStrait Islander programs fell just short of $1,000 million (Commonwealthof Australia 1991:21).

The disbursement of such large targeted program expenditures isunlikely to have been achieved without discernible socioeconomicimpacts, not least in the area of employment spin-offs. Indeed, sopervasive has the program dollar been in recent years and so favourablydisposed are program expenditures to the generation of employmentopportunities which are amenable to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanderpeople, that the notion of an 'indigenous labour market' with its owninternal dynamic operating separately from that of the mainstream hasbeen canvassed (Altman and Daly 1992a; Taylor 1992a, 1993a).

Apart from the strengthening of policy initiatives, there have beensignificant developments since 1986 in a number of other factors thatimpinge on the socioeconomic standing of indigenous Australians. Forexample, overall macroeconomic circumstances are now less favourablewith the result that not only are there relatively fewer jobs available, butthe number of individual aspirants for each job is greater. While much ofthis increased demand for employment derives from the downsizing ofcertain national industries and affects some regional economies more thanothers, it is also true to say that overall depressed economic conditionssignificantly reduced the employment prospects of those, such asindigenous Australians, who have limited human capital resources tomobilise in mainstream labour markets. At the same time, long-term andyouth unemployment has emerged as an issue of general policy concern(Chapman, Junankar and Kapuscinski 1993) whilst overall femaleemployment and employment in part-time work have increased markedly.

Against this background, this analysis seeks to identify signs ofsocioeconomic impacts that may be due to the application ofcomprehensive employment and training programs progressivelyintroduced under the umbrella of the AEDP since 1986. This is done byusing 1991 Census data to describe the current socioeconomic status of theAboriginal and Torres Strait Islander population and analysing theintercensal change in critical indicators since 1986.

AEDP targets and census analysisAltman and Sanders (1991) highlight two aspects of the AEDP's goals andrationale that are important in determining the appropriate use of censusdata to examine progress towards the achievement of policy objectives.The first of these is the AEDP statement's frequent use of the term 'equity'in relation to Aboriginal employment and income, as a way of identifyingthe goal towards which all AEDP programs are directed and as therationale for their existence (Australian Government 1987a). The second,related, aspect of the AEDP statement is its setting of statistical targets. Onthe basis of preliminary data from the 1986 Census, the statementpresented summary statistics of the current employment and income statusof Aborigines in comparison with other Australians. It then went on toidentify targets on the basis of these statistics which would need to be metif Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders were to achieve equality withother Australians in relation to employment and income by the year 2000.The number of jobs that would need to be created, the amounts by whichincome or participation in education would need to be increased and therequired reduction in welfare dependency were all quantified.

For example, the median income of Aborigines would need to bedoubled, the number of Aborigines of workforce age who were employedincreased from 37 per cent to 60 per cent, or from 43,000 to 89,000, anddependence on unemployment benefit reduced from 30 per cent of theAboriginal working-age population to 5 per cent. In regional terms, an

increase of 1,600 jobs per year would need to be achieved for Aboriginesliving in 'cities, large towns and small country towns' and 2,000 per yearfor those in 'remote areas, small multi-racial townships and town camps'(Australian Government 1987a). Using these original estimates it can becalculated that the number of jobs expected to be created by AEDPinterventions amounted to 14,400 for the period between the 1986 and1991 Censuses, using November 1987 as the starting date. A total of 8,000of these new jobs were expected to derive from community sector programefforts and 6,400 from initiatives in the public and private sectors.

Leaving aside the fact that these targets grossly underestimated thescale of new job creation required to achieve statistical equity, due to alack of regard for the dynamics of growth in the indigenous working-agepopulation (Altman 1991: 158-9), it would appear that the levels ofparticipation by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people in AEDP andother labour market programs administered by the Department ofEmployment, Education and Training (DEET) have been of a sufficientscale to at least match policy expectations. In the single financial year priorto the 1991 Census, for example, a total of 14,208 Aborigines and TorresStrait Islanders participated in public, private and community sectorcomponents of the Training for Aboriginals Program (TAP) (Johnston1991: 97). Added to this were a further 9,000 who were assisted by othermainstream labour market programs administered by DEET. Furthermore,the number of participants in the Community Development EmploymentProjects (CDEP) scheme, administered by the Aboriginal and Torres StraitIslander Commission (ATSIC), is known to have increased by 13,455between June 1986 and August 1991.

Obviously, participation in a labour market program is not the sameas an employment outcome. Likewise, the number of participants in theCDEP scheme is higher than the actual number of workers as this figureincludes non-working spouses. Using original AEDP estimates (AustralianGovernment 1987b: 3) of the number of program placements required tosecure one job (5:1) and a rule of thumb regarding the ratio of CDEPworkers to participants (60:40),' then the expected increase in employmentdue to TAP and other DEET programs amounts to 4,641 (for the yearpreceding the 1991 Census) while an estimate of 8,073 new jobs due to theCDEP scheme can be derived for the intercensal period 1986-91. Thisresults in an overall minimum estimate of 12,714 new jobs that may havebeen created as a result of AEDP program interventions, which is not farshort of targeted growth.

Identifying from census data whether such AEDP outcomeseventuated is no easy task. For one thing, a job generated at some stage bythe AEDP may have been relinquished by the time of the census or mayhave occurred after enumeration. This is a common problem in any cross-sectional analysis of longitudinal phenomena. Aside from this, any linkbetween census-derived employment change and AEDP programintervention can only be established by fairly tenuous inference. Indeed,

separating the effects of the AEDP from other potential influences onemployment change and related socioeconomic status is an almostimpossible task. Thus, in regard to employment outcomes, the sorts ofmeasures that can be applied to assess AEDP impacts are inevitably crudeand limited to comparisons between intercensal change in the level andcomposition of employment among indigenous people and estimates oflikely program effects.

Similar limitations arise in attributing change in census-derivedincome levels and welfare dependence to the influence of AEDP. Apartfrom the fact that increases in income may result from more than just gainsdue to employment, the logical link required to tie AEDP initiatives to newjobs reported by the census and then to changes in income levels is doublytenuous. Equally, changes in the level of welfare dependence (measured,using census data as non-employment income) may be brought about asmuch by variations in the nature and delivery of social securityentitlements as by inroads due to employment growth. At the very best,therefore, all that can be said is that any intended impacts of AEDP arelikely to be reflected in relatively more favourable changes to standardeconomic indicators for indigenous people compared to the rest of thepopulation. To use a legal analogy, the case is based more oncircumstantial evidence than any body of incontestable proof. Any linksdrawn between change in census indicators and the AEDP are thus byinference alone, although even here care needs to be exercised asimprovements in indigenous economic status may derive from relativelyworsening conditions for the rest of the population as much as any realmaterial gain.

Defining indigenous AustraliansDespite official recognition of two indigenous peoples in Australia,Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders, little is known about the extent towhich they differ in socioeconomic status. From a public policyperspective this is somewhat surprising, given the special provisions insections 79-88 of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander CommissionAct 1989 which established the Torres Strait Islander Advisory Board andthe Office of Torres Strait Islander Affairs. These are charged withmonitoring the development of Federal and State policies and programsaffecting Torres Strait Islanders and evaluating the extent to which theseprograms meet Torres Strait Islander needs.2

Notwithstanding these statutory arrangements, social and economicindicators are rarely available separately for the Torres Strait Islanderpopulation. Instead, the tendency in social and economic policy analysishas been to consider Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders as a singleclient group. This situation has recently been reviewed by Arthur (1992)who concludes that the lack of separate statistics on Torres Strait Islandersmakes it difficult to determine their relative socioeconomic status andconfounds attempts to analyse any intended or unintended differential

impact of government policies. While there is no doubt that Aboriginesand Torres Strait Islanders share relatively low socioeconomic status whencompared to most Australians, there are, at the same time, significantdifferences between them in terms of culture, geographic distribution andthe manner of their incorporation into wider institutional structures. Thesewere sufficient in 1986 to reveal a gap in economic status betweenAborigines and Torres Strait Islanders, with the latter occupying anintermediate position between Aborigines and the rest of the populationacross a range of relevant indicators (Taylor and Gaminiratne 1993).Whether this gap has been maintained is open to examination here andcomparisons of change in key social and economic indicators are thusmade throughout between Aborigines, Torres Strait Islanders and otherAustralians.

LocationPrevious analyses of 1986 Census data for all States and Territories havestressed the role of geographic location as an explanatory variable in thedetermination of Aboriginal socioeconomic status (Tesfaghiorghis 1991;Taylor 1992b). More specifically, an urban/rural gradient has been notedwith economic status, as measured by standard indicators, generally lowestin rural localities. It was partly in response to such realities that the AEDPoutlined different strategies for people living in or around remote towns,provincial and capital cities (places with 1,000 or more population where alabour market is deemed to exist) and those living on Aboriginal land,Aboriginal-owned pastoral properties, outstations and settlements of up to1,000 population (where mainstream labour markets are regarded as eitherundeveloped or non-existent) (Australian Government 1987b: 5-7).

While the overall aims of achieving employment and incomeequality remain the same in both cases, the focus in urban areas has beenprimarily on boosting employment in both public and private sectors of themainstream labour market via the TAP public and private sector programs.In remoter rural areas, the emphasis was directed more towardsemployment generation in community enterprises and developmentprojects via the TAP community sector programs, as well as via anexpansion of the CDEP scheme.3

Precisely what links exist between these institutional structures andthe strength of participation in different labour market programs in variousparts of Australia remains to be established, although indications are thatlocation continues to play an important role. Commenting on the pre-AEDP period, for example, the Miller Report identified a significantimbalance between the distribution of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanderpeople and the spatial pattern of placements in private sector labour marketprograms, with the bias in such placements heavily in favour of moreurbanised areas (Miller 1985: 143-7). Given the locational underpinning ofAEDP programs, it is likely, on a per client basis, that this practice hascontinued and that public and private sector employment and training

programs have been applied more in settled parts of Australia and in thelarger centres of population. This prospect is also suggested by thegeography of the Commonwealth Employment Service network asdemonstrated by Taylor (1992c). By contrast, much of the AEDP programeffort in remoter, rural areas of Australia has been subsumed under theCDEP scheme which, as a much expanded labour market program basedon receipt of approximate unemployment benefit equivalents (replaced byJobsearch/Newstart Allowances from 1 July 1991), suggests thatsignificant differences in employment and income outcomes may beexpected to emerge according to urban/rural location. With this possibilityin mind, the analysis of intercensal shifts in economic status isdisaggregated according to the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS)section-of-State classification.

GenderAs with employment policies in general, the AEDP gives specialrecognition to the disadvantaged position of females in the labour marketand is committed to a policy of equal opportunity for Aboriginal andTorres Strait Islander women (Australian Government 1987b: 4). Like allAustralian women, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women haveincreased their labour market participation and employment levels over thepast two decades (Tesfaghiorghis and Altman 1991), although in terms ofeconomic status they continue to lag behind their male counterparts (Daly1993a). A number of labour market differentials find their roots in genderrelations and several of these are relevant in the estimation of AEDPimpacts. For example, non-indigenous women have experienced relativelyhigh job growth and upward occupational mobility between 1986 and 1991and it is pertinent to consider whether Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanderwomen have made similar gains. Related to this is the question of whetherequal employment opportunities have accelerated the trend observed byTreadgold (1988) towards an increase in the ratio of female to maleincomes. Given the aim of the AEDP to reduce welfare dependence, hasthe overly dependant position of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanderwomen on welfare income (Daly 199la) been reduced? To address theseand related issues, intercensal changes in social indicators aredisaggregated by gender.

YouthThe position of young Australians in the labour market has been ofconcern to policy-makers for the past two decades as unemployment ratesof young people have remained high over this period and well above theaverage for the total labour force (Daly 1993b). Two broad age categoriesof youth are recognised: those aged 15-19 years which, for most people,encompasses the completion of secondary schooling and the transition tohigher education or into the labour market; and those aged 20-24 yearswhich generally covers the beginning of adult employment careers.

Concerns expressed in the AEDP regarding the employment status ofAboriginal and Torres Strait Islander youth (Australian Government1987b: 4) are heightened for two reasons. First, the proportion ofindigenous Australians in the youth age bracket is substantially higher thanamong other Australians. In 1991, for example, this group accounted for36.7 per cent of indigenous Australians of working age compared to only23.6 per cent among all other Australians of working age. Second, theunemployment rate of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander youth has beenestimated to be over twice that of other youth (Miller 1989: 12, 1991). Inrecognition of these differentials, attention is drawn to comparativechanges in youth labour force status.

Notes

1. This is no more than an educated guess based on the middle of the range from30 per cent to 90 per cent the proportion of workers to participants reported froma sample of 21 communities participating in the CDEP scheme by DeloitteTouche Tohmatsu (1993: 51).

2. Unless otherwise indicated, the term 'States' includes States and Territories.

3. From 1st July 1992, TAP (community sector) was transferred from DEET toATSIC and renamed the Community Training Program (CTP).

2. Population size and distribution, 1986-91

In recent years there has been growing recognition among policy makersof the diversity which exists in the social and economic circumstances ofAboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people. Such diversity derives, inpart, from the differential impact of European settlement in the variousregions of Australia. To some extent, variable lifestyles have also beenfacilitated by government intervention as, for example, in the case offinancial grants to indigenous people wishing to settle in remote localities.Since the 1980s, several categories of indigenous communities whichreflect this varied pattern of settlement have been recognised. Thesecategories divide into a broad urban/rural classification with rural areascomprising:

i discrete townships mostly located in remote areas likely to beresponsible for their own municipal-type services;

ii outstations and other small groups in remote areas linked to aresource organisation in a nearby township or other regional centre;

and urban areas including:

iii indigenous people in State or Territory capital cities and major urbanareas;

iv indigenous people who are residents of country towns mixed in witha predominantly non-indigenous population;

v groups of indigenous people living in an identified location or campsite near or within an urban area and having different arrangementsfrom the town for municipal services, or no such facilities at all.

Although these categories do not readily translate into census geography,they do broadly align with the ABS section-of-State classification withcategory (iii) corresponding to major urban areas (over 100,000 persons),categories (iv) and (v) found in other urban areas (1,000-99,999 persons),category (i) in rural localities (200-999 persons) and category (ii) in otherrural areas and migratory (less than 200 persons).

For analytical convenience, and in order to minimise confidentialityproblems in detailed disaggregations of data (particularly for Torres StraitIslanders), the standard four-way section-of-State classification has beenreduced in the subsequent analysis to three components by amalgamatingdata for 'rural localities' and 'other rural' areas to create a single 'rural1

category (0-999 persons).

The Aboriginal populationIn contrast with earlier intercensal periods, the change in Aboriginalpopulation counts between 1986 and 1991 is broadly in accord withexpectations giving cause for confidence, for the first time, in theirinterpretation (Gray and Tesfaghiorghis 1993). One of the features ofAboriginal population distribution over the past two decades has been agradual increase in the proportion resident in urban areas, and in particularin large metropolitan centres. For example, between 1971 and 1986 theproportion of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander population living inrural areas declined from 56 per cent to 34 per cent while the proportionresident in major urban areas increased from 15 per cent to 24 per cent.Those residing in other urban areas also rose from 29 per cent to 42 percent (Tesfaghiorghis and Altman 1991: 2). This shift occurred partly as aresult of migration (Gray 1989; Taylor 1992c) and partly owing to agrowing tendency for urban-based Aboriginal people to identify in thecensus (Altman 1992: 8).

Continuation of this trend towards growing 'metropolitanisation' isapparent from a comparison of national population change figures bysection-of-State between 1986 and 1991 (Table 2.1). While the Aboriginalpopulation increased at all broad levels of the settlement hierarchy, the rateof increase was positively related to settlement size. Thus, while majorurban areas experienced the highest rates of growth, the lowest rates werefound in rural areas.1 In other, intermediate-sized, urban areas thepopulation growth rate was close to the national average. As aconsequence, in 1991, the Aboriginal population of Australia was slightlymore concentrated in major urban areas and slightly less likely to be foundin rural settlements, while the proportion resident across the wide range of'other urban1 localities remained more or less unaltered.

Table 2.1. Aboriginal population change by section-of-State, 1986-91.

1986

Major urbanOther urbanRuralTotal

No.

50,22785,32970,424

205,980

Per cent

24.441.434.2

100.0

No.

62,23098,02178,325

238,576

1991Per cent

26.141.132.8

100.0

1986-91Net

change

12,00312,6927,901

32,596

Per centchange

23.914.911.215.8

The Torres Strait Islander populationImportant caveats need to be attached to the analysis of census dataregarding Torres Strait Islanders. First of all, difficulties exist indetermining precisely what constitutes the census-derived Torres Strait

10

Islander population given indications that this may contain unknownnumbers from other population groups, such as Pacific Islanders and BassStrait Islanders, identifying incorrectly (Arthur 1992). Related to this areproblems of adequate census coverage and intercensal variations in self-identification that have characterised the enumeration of indigenousAustralians generally since they first self-identified in the 1971 Census(Choi and Gray 1985). Although there appears to be improvement overtime in the consistency of the Aboriginal count, it seems that problemswith the Torres Strait Islander count persist. For example, Gray andTesfaghiorghis (1993) found that inter-censual discrepancies in the agestructure of the Torres Strait Islander population between 1986 and 1991were of such an order as to contemplate leaving them out altogether fromtheir calculations of indigenous population change. Notwithstanding thesedifficulties, the census provides the only basis for drawing anycomparisons of economic status.

Both the rate and extent of urbanisation among the Torres StraitIslander population has been more pronounced over the post-war periodcompared to that of Aborigines. Until the end of world war two, TorresStrait Islanders were restricted by law and administrative arrangements to apredominantly rural residence in the Torres Strait. There is little evidenceof any permanent movement out of the Torres Strait prior to 1945,although during world war two a number of Torres Strait Islanders wereevacuated to urban centres on the mainland. Due to subsequent out-migration for employment, however, as well as the natural increase ofTorres Strait Islanders in mainland urban centres, this pattern ofdistribution is now almost completely reversed. In 1986, almost 81 percent of all Torres Strait Islanders were resident on the mainland, althoughthis fell slightly to 79 per cent in 1991 suggesting that the mainlandproportion may now have peaked (Taylor and Arthur 1993). Furthermore,the pattern of settlement which has emerged from this redistribution isquite distinctive, being focused primarily on the State of Queensland, andthe larger urban centres of North Queensland in particular, or otherwisebiased towards metropolitan areas, especially in the eastern States.

Table 2.2. Torres Strait Islander population change by section-of-State, 1986-91.

Major urbanOther urbanRuralTotal

No.

5.31010,5505,651

21,511

1986Per cent

24.749.026.2

100.0

No.

8,64210,5687,677

26,887

1991Per cent

32.139.339.3

100.0

1986-91Net

change

3,33218

2,0265,376

Per centchange

62.70.2

35.825.0

11

Changes in the distribution of Torres Strait Islanders by section-of-Statebetween 1986 and 1991 reveal a strengthening of their presence at oppositeends of the settlement hierarchy in major urban and rural areas, withvirtually no growth in other urban areas (Table 2.2). This latter observationis significant because it points to the possibility that Torres Strait Islandersresident in places such as Cairns, Townsville, Rockhampton and Mackaymay have migrated in significant numbers either back to the Torres Straitor to metropolitan centres such as Brisbane and Sydney (Taylor and Arthur1993). It is important to note, however, that the shift in section-of-Statedesignation of Townsville from 'other urban' in 1986 to 'major urban' in1991 is also contributory.

The non-indigenous populationThe majority balance of the Australian population displayed less tendencyto vary its distribution between 1986 and 1991 (Table 2.3). To the extentthat any change is evident according to section-of-State, the trends indistribution are contrary to those apparent among Aborigines and TorresStrait Islanders. Unlike the indigenous population, the majority ofAustralians are now slightly less prevalent in major urban areas andslightly more likely to be in rural areas. A major factor underlying thistrend is a continuing process of 'counterurbanisation' involving netmigration flows in favour of rural places within commuting zones andplaces of high amenity value away from large urban centres (Hugo andSmailes 1985).

Table 2.3. Population change by section-of-State, non-indigenousAustralians, 1986-91.

Major urbanOther urbanRuralTotal

9,76232

15

,403,190,356

No.

,396,133,634,163

1986Per cent

63,22,14,

100.

,6,1,30

10,4923,6672,424

16,584

No.

,424,893,521,838

1991Per cent

63,22,14,

100,

,3,1.6.0

Netchange

730,028264,760233,887

1,228,675

1986-91Per centchange

7.57.8

10.78.0

Change in the working-age population, 1986-91As foreshadowed by Gray and Tesfaghiorghis (1991), the rate of growth inthe indigenous population of working age continued to outstrip that of therest of the working-age population during the 1986-91 intercensal period.This was the inevitable outcome of demographic processes set in trainduring the early 1970s resulting in distinct shifts in Aboriginal and Torres

12

Strait Islander age structures (Table 2.4). Overall, the rate of increase ofthe indigenous working-age population was 2.4 times higher than that ofother Australians. Although Torres Strait Islanders displayed a higher rateof increase than Aborigines, this was from a much lower base and inabsolute terms most new indigenous entrants to the working age groupwere Aboriginal.

Table 2.4. Change in population aged 15-64 years: Aborigines, TorresStrait Islanders and other Australians, 1986-91.

AboriginesTorres Strait IslandersTotal indigenousOthers

1986

112,08112,192

124,2739,963,397

1991

131,65214,974

146,62610,724,143

Netchange

19,5712,782

22,353760,746

Per centchange

17.522.818.07.6

Table 2.5. Percentage change in youth and older working agedistribution: Aborigines, Torres Strait Islanders and otherAustralians, 1986-91.

Per cent in each age group15-19 20-24 25-54 55-64 15-64

1986Aborigines 22.4 18.5 53.1 5.9 100.0Torres Strait Islanders 20.0 16.7 55.3 7.9 100.0Others 12.6 12.3 61.0 14.0 100.0

1991AboriginesTorres Strait IslandersOthers

19.017.411.7

18.914.911.9

56.760.363.6

6.17.4

12.8

100.0100.0100.0

If changes in broad age distribution within the overall population ofworking age are analysed then effects of the current demographictransition among Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders are moremeaningfully revealed (Table 2.5). While the proportion of working ageAborigines and Torres Strait Islanders in both of the youth age groupsremains higher than among other working-age Australians, growth in the

13

intercensal period has been more focussed on adults of middle age and thenumber of Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders in more youthful agegroups has declined as a proportion. Thus, as time has unfolded, the targetsof AEDP initiatives have become increasingly older.

Conclusion

In considering changes in the economic status of indigenous Australiansrelative to that of other Australians, an appreciation of their respectivepopulation growth rates and spatial distributions is crucial. This is becausethe economy varies in its capacity to create employment in line withexpansion of the working age population as well as in different places.Overall, growth in the population of working age has been higher amongindigenous Australians than other Australians, while their far greaterrelative concentration in rural and other urban areas has been sustained.This has two effects. First, it means that the increased pressure to findemployment for indigenous Australians has, potentially at least, beenproportionally greater than for other Australians. Second, this task hasbeen made more difficult by the spatial bias of indigenous Australianstowards rural areas and country towns where mainstream labour marketsare often non-existent or poorly developed.

Note

The relatively high growth of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanderpopulation in major urban areas is partly illusory owing to the reclassification ofTownsville-Thuringowa urban centre from 'other urban1 to 'major urban' due toan increase in population from 96,230 in 1986 to 101,398 in 1991. In 1991, thepopulation of Townsville-Thuringowa included 4,716 Aborigines and 1,219Torres Strait Islanders. If these numbers are re-cast for 1991 according to their1986 section-of-State classification, this results in a slight decline in theproportion resident in major urban areas and an increase in those in other urbanareas.

3. Labour force status, 1986-91

Three standard indicators are employed to indicate the extent and directionof relative change in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander labour forcestatus: the employment rate, representing the percentage of those aged 15-64 years who indicated in the census that they were in employment duringthe week prior to enumeration; the unemployment rate, expressing thosewho indicated that they were not in employment but had actively lookedfor work during the four weeks prior to enumeration as a percentage ofthose in the labour force (employed plus unemployed); and the labourforce participation rate, representing those in the labour force as apercentage of those of working age.

Between 1986 and 1991, the overall employment rate of Aboriginaland Torres Strait Islander people in Australia showed distinct signs ofimprovement rising from 33.1 to 37.3 (Table 3.1). Among Torres StraitIslanders the equivalent rates were significantly higher, rising from 46.2 to49.9. It is instructive to consider these positive trends in a wider labourmarket context as corresponding figures for the rest of the Australianworking-age population showed only a very slight improvement from 64.1to 64.7. Thus, a marginal degree of convergence in overall employmentlevels has been achieved in recent years, although it is important to notethat Aboriginal rates, in particular, remain considerably below the rate forAustralians. It is worth bearing in mind, however, that this has beenachieved despite the continued higher growth of the indigenous populationof working age due to demographic processes underway (Tesfaghiorghisand Gray 1991). At the same time, the meaning of the term 'employment',as defined in the census, may be drawn into question, especially in relationto Aboriginal participation in special labour market programs.

A similar closure of the gap in labour force status betweenAborigines, Torres Strait Islanders and the rest of the Australianpopulation is apparent from intercensal shifts in unemployment rates(Table 3.1). The results point to a significant decline in indigenousunemployment rates at a time when non-indigenous rates have risennoticeably. Using the data in Table 3.1, it can be calculated that theAboriginal unemployment rate as a ratio of the non-indigenousunemployment rate fell from being 4.0 times higher in 1986 to only 2.8times higher in 1991, while that of Torres Strait Islanders fell from 2.6. in1986 to 1.8 in 1991. Both rates still remain much higher than sought bypolicy initiatives, but are clearly far lower than in the past.

15

Table 3.1. Labour force status of Aborigines, Torres Strait Islandersand other Australians, 1986-91.

(1)Aborigines

1986 1991

Employment rate3

Unemployment rateb

Participation ratec

RatiosEmployment rateUnemployment rateParticipation rate

33.136.852.3

0.514.040.74

37.332.054.8

d/3)0.572.780.74

(2)Torres Strait Islanders

1986 1991

46.223.860.7

0.722.610.86

49.921.563.6

(2/3)0.771.860.87

(3)Others

1986 1991

64.1 64.79.1 11.5

70.4 73.1

a. Those employed as a percentage of the population aged 15-64 years.b. Those unemployed as a percentage of those in the labour force (those employed plus those

unemployed).c. Those in the labour force as a percentage of the population aged 15-64 years.

All figures exclude those who did not state their labour force status.

It is important to qualify discussions of relative employment andunemployment rates with data on relative rates of labour forceparticipation since the proportion of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanderpeople aged 15-64 years who are formally attached to the labour markethas always been comparatively low. Evidence from the 1991 Censusindicates that this is still the case (Table 3.1). Despite the fact that theAboriginal labour force participation rate increased slightly from 52.3 in1986 to 54.8 in 1991, and that of Torres Strait Islanders did likewise from60.7 to 63.6, non-Aboriginal participation rates also rose from 70.4 to 73.1,thus maintaining substantially higher levels.

A number of points are relevant in interpreting these data. First, themuch higher intercensal growth rate of the indigenous working-agepopulation (3.6 per cent per annum compared to 1.5 per cent for otherAustralians) means that increases in participation rates equivalent to therest of the population have required a proportionally greater increase innumbers joining the labour force. Likewise, with regard to employmentrates, greater success in gaining employment has been required simply tomaintain rates at constant levels, to say nothing of actually improvingthem. Another factor, which may have served to restrict the rate of growthin labour force participation, is the move to encourage higher levels ofAboriginal attendance and retention in educational institutions under thefederal Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Education Policy. In thiscontext, it is worth noting that the proportion of Aboriginal and Torres

16

Strait Islander people aged 15 years and over who were attending aneducational institution in Australia, either full-time or part-time, rose by14.5 per cent representing an increase from 25,719 in 1986 to 29,454 in1991. While this growth in attendance at educational institutions mayresult in employment dividends at some later stage, its most likelyimmediate impact has been to dampen growth in the labour forceparticipation rate. At the same time, standard explanations advanced bylabour economists of apparently intractable low participation, due to avariety of factors operating to discourage indigenous people from seekingemployment, may have some validity (Daly 1992).

Section-of-State and gender variationsA quite different picture of intercensal change in labour force statusemerges from a disaggregation of the data by section-of-State and gender.The magnitude and net direction of such shifts are shown in Tables3.2a,b,c while the actual rates from which these are calculated are shownin Appendix Table Al . In major urban areas, contrary to what might beexpected, employment and unemployment rates among Aboriginal andTorres Strait Islander males run counter to their overall positive trendswith employment levels and labour force participation rates falling andunemployment rising. A similar, though less pronounced trend is alsoapparent among males in other urban areas. This contrasts with thesituation among Aboriginal females in urban areas whose labour forcestatus has notably improved, although the same cannot be said of TorresStrait Islander females. One point worth noting is that the variation inchanging labour force status between males and females in urban areasfollows the pattern found in the workforce generally. This may indicatethat in areas where mainstream labour markets predominate, Aboriginesand Torres Strait Islanders are more prone to the forces shaping workpatterns in the population generally.

Table 3.2a. Net change in Aboriginal labour force status by section-of-State and gender, 1986-91.

Major urbannet change

Other urbannet change

Ruralnet change

Totalnet change

MalesEmployment rateUnemployment rateParticipation rate

FemalesEmployment rateUnemployment rateParticipation rate

-1.6+ 1.8-0.4

-1-4.9-2.0

+5.5

-0.1-0.3-0.3

+3.6-2.3

+4.3

+8.4-13.0+0.3

+8.9-14.8+5.2

+2.7-3.90.0

+5.8-5.8

+5.0

17

The greatest shifts in labour force status are apparent in rural areas where,regardless of gender, increases in employment rates have been substantialand unemployment rates have shown a remarkable decline. The Aboriginalemployment rate in rural areas, for example, increased by more than 8percentage points for both males and females, while the unemploymentrate correspondingly fell by 13.0 percentage points for males and 14.8percentage points for females. Similar positive trends in rural areas areapparent among Torres Strait Islanders.

Table 3.2b. Net change in Torres Strait Islander labour force status bysection-of-State and gender, 1986-91.

Major urban Other urban Rural Totalnet change net change net change net change

MalesEmployment rate -5.1 -1.5 +11.6 +1.9Unemployment rate +2.6 +2.4 -8.0 -1.3Participation rate -4.0 +0.5 +6.5 +1.2

FemalesEmployment rateUnemployment rateParticipation rate

-2.7+3.4-1.1

+7.7-6.4

+6.7

+7.6-9.6

+4.5

+5.1-4.0

+4.2

Table 3.2c. Net change in labour force status by section-of-State andgender of non-indigenous Australians, 1986-91.

Major urban Other urban Rural Totalnet change net change net change net change

MalesEmployment rate -3.5 -2.9 -2.1 -3.2Unemployment rate +3.9 +3.0 +1.9 +3.4Participation rate -0.2 -0.4 -0.5 -0.3

FemalesEmployment rate +4.4 +5.7 +4.3 +4.7Unemployment rate +1.5 -0.2 -0.2 +1.0Participation rate +5.9 +6.3 +4.6 +5.7

18

Such relatively favourable impacts in rural areas are unlikely to havederived from market forces alone and point more realistically to the effectof widespread program intervention, particularly in the form of the CDEPscheme. Conversely, the improvements in labour force status that mayhave been expected to occur in urban areas due to the application ofprivate and public sector employment programs do not emerge from thedata, most notably as far as males are concerned. This is surprising giventhat in the financial year 1990/91, a total of 23,209 Aboriginal and TorresStrait Islander people were placed in labour market programs (Johnston1991:97).

Even applying a fairly crude assumption that program placementsare distributed proportionally according to section-of-State, the lack of anypositive impact on urban labour force status is striking. One explanationmay be that many TAP placements do not represent 'new1 entrants to 'new'jobs, but simply reflect the recycling of individuals several times through aconstant, or even declining, pool of positions (Johnston 1991: 73). Anothermay be found in the short duration of subsidies and program supportcombined with the failure of some participants to remain in programs.Finally, any positive employment outcomes from program placements maysimply have been relinquished by census time (Daly 1993c).

Whatever the case, it is apparent that in urban areas the AEDP hasfallen behind in its task of achieving employment equality or evenimproving employment status for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islandermales. To be fair, it should be pointed out that non-indigenous malesperformed no better in the intercensal period regardless of their location.Thus, in the deteriorating labour market conditions of the late 1980s/early1990s one important impact of the AEDP may have been to amelioratepotentially worse employment outcomes for many indigenous malesseeking opportunities in the mainstream labour market.

Youth labour force statusCompared to non-indigenous youth, the labour force status of Aboriginalyouth, in particular, has improved markedly (Table 3.3). At a time whenemployment rates among non-indigenous 15-24 year olds have declinedand unemployment rates have increased, Aboriginal youth haveexperienced a slight increase in employment rates and a substantial drop inunemployment rates, particularly in the 20-24 years age group. Equivalentrates for Torres Strait Islanders show little variation, althoughunemployment among 15-19 year olds has fallen somewhat while there areclearer signs that it increased among 20-24 year olds. Overall, the greatestimprovements in employment status have not occurred among youth butamong older members of the labour force in prime working ages between25 and 54 years. General trends towards greater participation in post-secondary education are also probably reflected in overall declines inlabour force participation rates for 15 to 19 year olds.

19

Table 3.3. Change in labour force status by broad age group:Aborigines, Torres Strait Islanders and other Australians, 1986-91.

Age group

Employmentrate

1986 1991

Unemploymentrate

1986 1991

Participationrate

1986 1991

Aborigines15-1920-2425-5455-64Total

21.435.438.418.433.1

23.036.944.321.737.3

52.758.029.626.436.8

47.039.326.622.432.0

45.361.054.625.052.3

43.560.860.428.054.8

Torres Strait Islanders15-19 29.3 29.4 39.5 34.3 48.4 44.720-24 53.2 53.0 27.2 28.2 73.2 73.825-54 52.1 58.1 19.3 17.2 64.5 70.155-64 31.8 30.6 14.0 16.5 37.0 36.6Total 46.2 49.9 23.8 21.5 60.7 63.6

Others15-1920-2425-5455-64Total

42.872.372.340.364.1

38.568.773.541.064.7

19.713.26.97.09.1

22.717.19.2

10.611.5

53.383.277.643.370.4

49.882.980.945.873.1

Employment statusAn additional perspective on labour force shifts is provided by changes inemployment status. Individuals in employment may be disaggregatedaccording to whether they are wage and salary earners or self-employed.The latter are seen as engaging in entrepreneurial activity and constitute arelatively small proportion of employed Aborigines and Torres StraitIslanders. Two census categories have been included in the definition ofself-employed used here: those who said that in the main job held lastweek they were 'conducting own business but not employing others' andthose who were 'conducting own business and employing others'.

Issues surrounding the role of self-employment in determining theeconomic status of indigenous people have been reviewed in some detailby Daly (1993d). Small business and self-employment are regarded asimportant parts of the economy and specific government policies(including the AEDP) were aimed at promoting these activities during theintercensal period. Commonwealth programs designed to promote smallbusiness were available through the Department of Industry, Technologyand Commerce, DEET and the Department of Primary Industries andEnergy. The Aboriginal Enterprise Incentive Scheme, whose aim is toassist unemployed Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people to establish

20

small businesses, was also run by DEET until its transfer to ATSIC in July1992. Other ATSIC (formerly Department of Aboriginal Affairs)initiatives, such as the Small Business Funding scheme and CommunityEmployment and Enterprise Development scheme appear to have met withlimited success and their role under the AEDP diminished (Jarvie 1990;Office of Evaluation and Audit 1990, 1991). More recently, theCommunity Economic Initiatives Scheme has been established for thepromotion of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander community enterprises.This involves a $23 million budget to be administered by ATSIC over afive-year period.

In terms of the impact of such initiatives in furthering AEDP goals,the message from census data is mixed (Table 3.4). On the one hand, theabsolute increase of 1,583 indigenous people who are self-employed seemsto have fallen short of targeted growth as 1,600 new jobs were expected incommunity enterprises, many of which may have generated self-employment (Australian Government 1987c: 2), while 1,400 enterprisejobs were planned to emerge in the private sector (Australian Government1987b: 6). On the other hand, the rate of increase in self-employmentamong both Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders was very high andcertainly far above that achieved by other Australians. At the same time,these growth rates are calculated from a very low base and the proportionof Aborigines in self-employment remains far behind that of non-indigenous Australians (5.2 per cent compared to 17.1 per cent) while thatof Torres Strait Islanders is somewhat higher (8.9 per cent).

Table 3.4. Change in employment status of Aborigines, Torres StraitIslanders and other Australians, 1986-91.

Per cent employed Change1986 1991 Net Percent

AboriginesWage & salary earnersSelf employed/employerNot statedTotal

82.72.8

14.4100.0

85.04.7

10.3100.0

10,6281,330-651

11,307

29.8110.2-10.426.2

Torres Strait IslandersWage & salary earners 84.3 84.3 1,557 30.0Self employed/employer 6.7 8.3 253 61.6Not stated 9.0 7.4 30 5.4Total 100.0 100.0 1,840 29.8

OthersWage & salary earners 81.3 79.4 383,634 7.2Self employed/employer 15.3 16.4 175,979 17.5Not stated 3.4 4.2 77,828 34.7Total 100.0 100.0 637,441 9.7

21

Employment growth andAEDP targetsThe likelihood that AEDP initiatives have served to enhance the relativestanding of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people in the labourmarket is suggested by their much higher rates of intercensal employmentgrowth compared to other Australians (Table 3.5). Between 1986 and1991, the number of Aboriginal people in employment grew by 12,057representing an increase of 32.5 per cent, almost four times greater than therate for other Australians. While the net increase in the number of TorresStrait Islanders in work was much less (1,837) this represented anequivalent rate of increase. Thus, according to census data, the overallnumber of 13,894 new jobs created for indigenous Australians between1986 and 1991 fell just short of the 14,400 targeted for creation by theAEDP over the same period. Given that the above data are exclusive of6,180 Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders aged 15-64 years who did notstate their labour force status in 1991, it seems reasonable to conclude that,in terms of aggregate growth in new employment, AEDP targets have beenachieved. However, as estimated earlier, at least 8,073 (or 58.1 per cent) ofthese new jobs may be attributable to the CDEP scheme. Unfortunately, itis not possible to be precise about this as the CDEP scheme figure is basedon assumptions regarding the number of workers to participants and, inany case, is drawn from an administrative data base which is not strictlycompatible with census data. Nonetheless, given the important role playedby the CDEP scheme in providing much of the intercensal growth inemployment, the question of whether the allied AEDP goal of improvingoverall economic status has also been achieved becomes highly pertinentas this depends largely on the nature of new employment created.

Table 3.5. Employment growth among Aborigines, Torres StraitIslanders and other Australians, 1986-91.

Number employed1986 1991

AboriginesTorres Strait IslandersOther

37,0455,651

6,382,069

49,1027,488

6,941,386

ChangeNet Per cent

12,0571,837

559,317

32.532.58.8

Employment growth by section-of-StateSubstantial variation in the distribution of new jobs is apparent accordingto section-of-State (Table 3.6). The most notable feature is the relativelylow level of job growth in urban areas, particularly in the smaller, otherurban areas. Thus, 46.2 per cent of new jobs for Aborigines were created inrural areas, even though only 32.8 per cent of the Aboriginal population

22

lived in such places in 1991 (Table 2.1). A similar imbalance betweenpopulation distribution and job growth is apparent among Torres StraitIslanders, with 48.8 per cent of all new jobs created in rural areas whereonly 39.3 per cent of the population was located. It is interesting to note,however, that rural areas also displayed the highest rate of job growthamong non-indigenous Australians, although the reasons for this are likelyto be quite different, having more to do with industry restructuring,lifestyle choices and the decentralisation of jobs and people away fromlarge cities. Of more interest, however, is the fact that the rate ofemployment growth among Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders wasconsiderably higher than among other Australians regardless of location.Most noteworthy here, is their relatively better performance in major urbanareas given that the rate of job growth among other Australians was lowestin such places.

Table 3.6. Employment growth among Aborigines, Torres StraitIslanders and other Australians by section-of-State, 1986-91.

Per cent employed Change1986 1991 Net Percent

AboriginesMajor urbanOther urbanRuralTotal

Torres Strait IslandersMajor urbanOther urbanRuralTotal

OthersMajor urbanOther urbanRuralTotal

30.838.430.7

100.0

32.743.423.8

100.0

65.420.314.3

100.0

30.335.234.5

100.0

35.035.030.0

100.0

65.020.314.7

100.0

3,4453,0435,569

12,057

776165896

1,837

337,957115,394105,966559,317

30.121.449.032.5

42.06.7

66.532.5

8.18.9

11.68.8

Employment growth by genderJust over half of all new jobs among Aborigines went to females (52.1 percent), while among Torres Strait Islanders the balance was slightly infavour of males (53.7 per cent). However, because of their far fewernumbers in the labour force, the rate of employment growth amongAboriginal and Torres Strait Islander females was much higher than amongmales (Table 3.7). This is in line with the gender pattern of job growthgenerally in Australia.

23

Table 3.7. Employment growth among Aborigines, Torres StraitIslanders and other Australians by gender, Australia 1986-91.

Per cent employed Change1986 1991 Net Percent

AboriginesMale 62.4 58.8 5,774 25.0Female 37.6 41.2 6,283 45.1Total 100.0 100.0 12,057 32.5

Torres Strait IslandersMale 62.9 60.6 986 27.7Female 37.1 39.4 851 40.6Total 100.0 100.0 1,837 32.5

OthersMale 60.5 57.3 110,680 2.9Female 39.5 42.7 448,637 17.8Total 100.0 100.0 559,317 8.8

Conclusion

The relative enhancement of the labour force status of indigenousAustralians at a time of overall sluggish growth in employment suggeststhat AEDP initiatives have left their mark. On the face of it, policy targetsin terms of anticipated new jobs have been achieved. Even though asignificant difference in labour force status remains between indigenousand non-indigenous Australians, the gap in status has been notablyreduced. It is clear, however, that this improvement derives primarily fromhigh rates of growth in indigenous employment in rural areas pointing tothe pre-eminence, in terms of policy impacts, of participation in the CDEPscheme. In urban areas, hoped for outcomes from policy efforts have notbeen so readily forthcoming, particularly in respect of indigenous males.These variations in employment growth provide basic clues as to theunderlying causes of change in economic status. Further, more preciseindications are provided by an examination of changes in selected labourforce characteristics.

4. Labour force characteristics, 1986-91

Several census indicators yield information regarding the working-agepopulation which are of use in exploring the underlying causes of changein labour force and income status. Those scrutinised here include industrydivision of employment, occupation of employment, industry sector ofemployment, the number of hours worked for those in employment, andlevels of tertiary qualification acquired. Relative changes in thedistribution of Aborigines, Torres Strait Islanders and other Australians foreach of these characteristics are examined in turn and disaggregatedaccording to section-of-State and gender.

Industry of employment

One expectation, following several years of AEDP implementation, wasthat Aboriginal employment would be more concentrated in particularindustry categories when compared with the rest of the workforce. Mostnotably, this would occur in those industries allied to the task of servicingthe indigenous population (Altman and Daly 1992a). Intercensalcomparison of broad industry divisions of employment confirms such atrend. In 1986, the index of dissimilarity between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal male employees across the 12 industry divisions was calculatedas 25.9 (Table 4.1). In other words, just over one-quarter of Aboriginalmales (or non-Aboriginal males) would have been required to shift theirindustry division of employment in order to eliminate any differencebetween their respective distributions. By 1991, the index had risen to 29.3with the compensatory shift required to achieve a balance in industrydistributions now involving almost one-third of all workers in either group.Corresponding indices for female workers (25.7 in 1986 and 27.9 in 1991)show a similar, but less pronounced, trend towards increased industrysegregation. Among Torres Strait Islanders, industry segregation remainsconsiderably lower, particularly among females (11.5 in 1986 and 10.8 in1991) although males show a slight tendency towards increased industryconcentration (15.6 in 1986 and 18.1 in 1991).

Comparisons of the intercensal pattern of industry change areprovided in Figure 4.1 which indicates the percentage change inemployment in each industry division separately for Aborigines, TorresStrait Islanders and others. The raw data from which these changes arecalculated are shown in Appendix Table A2. The first point to note is thatthose industries in which Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders haveperformed least favourably are also the ones which have tended to shedlabour generally. Some of these, such as the communications, and

25

electricity, water and gas industries, reflect downsizing in public sectoremployment. Others, such as agriculture, manufacturing and constructionindustries are more indicative of a decline in private sector activity due todeteriorating macroeconomic conditions and industry restructuring. Thesecond point to note is that Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders havemore than shared in the general labour market shift towards greateremployment in service industries. Furthermore, they have increased theirrepresentation in public administration and community service jobs at atime when growth in the general workforce has been held back.

Table 4.1. Index of industry segregation by gender: Aborigines andTorres Strait Islanders, 1986-91.

Aborigines1986 1991

Torres Strait Islanders1986 1991

MalesFemalesTotal

25.925.724.9

29.327.927.9

15.611.513.1

18.110.813.9

Figure 4.1. Percentage change in industry of employment: Aborigines,Torres Strait Islanders and other Australians, 1986-91.

5 6 7

Industry division

9 10 11 12

I Aborigines d TSIs E3 Others

1-Agriculture, forestry etc.; 2-Mining; 3-Manufacturing; 4-Electricity, water & gas; 5-Construction; 6-Wholesale & retail trade; 7-Transport & storage; 8-Communication; 9-Financial services; 10-Public administration; 11-Community services; 12-Recreationaland Personal services.

26

Industry change by section-of-StateThe range of new employment opportunities by industry decreases withsettlement size, although three industries in particular, communityservices, public administration and wholesale and retail, provided the bulkof new jobs irrespective of location (Appendix Table A3). Two featuresstand out in the context of the AEDP. The first is the concentration ofgrowth in indigenous employment in community service industries in ruralareas. Such employment now accounts for almost half of all ruralemployment for Aborigines (47.9 per cent) and almost one-third for TorresStrait Islanders (31.0 per cent). This compares to only 14.2 per cent amongnon-indigenous rural workers. Secondly, efforts to increase mainstreamemployment in government-related industries appear to have been lesssuccessful in major urban and other urban areas, where a large share ofsuch jobs are to be found, compared to rural areas.

While this was partly an artefact of enumeration procedures inremote areas, which recorded much rural employment in communityservices, the relatively lower growth of urban employment in publicadministration compared to employment in industries such as wholesaleand retail and recreation and personal services, is notable. Also worthnoting, however, is the large number of new jobs that could not beclassified due to lack of information. In other urban areas for example,they constitute nearly half of the total. This seriously detracts from anycomplete analysis of the impact of the AEDP on the industry compositionof employment.

The factors which lie behind the rapid growth of community serviceemployment are not difficult to identify, particularly in rural areas. It isknown, for example, that in June 1986 a total of 38 communities wereparticipating in the CDEP scheme around Australia, with a total of 5,018participants. Although not all participants in the scheme are actuallyworkers, it can be assumed that the majority were in employment duringthe week before the 1986 Census and recorded as such in the enumeration.At the same time, it appears that an element of confusion surrounded thecorrect designation of what some census enumerators in remote areas, andno doubt individual respondents elsewhere, viewed as simply receipt ofsocial security and therefore not employment. To the extent that thisoccurred, it would have had the effect of lowering the 'real' employmentrate. By the time of the 1991 Census, the total number of communitiesparticipating in the CDEP scheme in Australia had risen to 165 with a totalof 18,473 participants, an increase of 13,455, or 268 per cent, since 1986.The majority of these were in rural areas.

As far as can be ascertained from the ABS, in the remote areaenumeration for the 1991 Census, which was conducted in areas wheremany new participants in the CDEP scheme were located, fieldinstructions to interviewers were more clearly spelt out: CDEP schemeparticipants were to be recorded as employed irrespective of whether theyactually worked during the week prior to census date. Furthermore, where

27

the designated employer was a community council, an industry coding ofpublic administration was applied in cases where councils were listed inthe Business Directory, otherwise they were assigned a coding forcommunity services (Taylor 19935). Even if only a fraction of CDEPscheme participants were recorded as employed in the 1991 Census, whichseems unlikely, their impact in rural areas on labour force status andemployment levels in the public administration and community serviceindustries would have been considerable. This is precisely the implicationto be drawn from the analysis of intercensal change. Indeed, it would notbe unreasonable to conclude that expansion of the CDEP schemeaccounted for virtually all net intercensal growth in Aboriginal and TorresStrait Islander employment in rural areas, as well as a fair share of thegrowth in other urban areas.

Industry change by genderThe gender pattern of employment change by industry division is shown inAppendix Table A4. Little difference is apparent between males andfemales, whether Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander. In all cases, by farthe greatest expansion in employment has been in community servicesfollowed by public administration leading to greater concentration in theseindustries. Another major growth area, again for both males and females,was the wholesale and retail industry. However, female Aborigines andTorres Strait Islanders fared notably better than their male counterparts inthe recreation and personal service industries. Comparison with non-indigenous workers shows that while the shift towards employment incommunity services has been a general trend, indigenous males appear tohave avoided the severe losses in employment encountered by other malesacross a range of industries, most notably in public administration, mining,manufacturing and communication industries. At the same time, they haveshared losses in electricity, gas and water industries as well as in transportand storage industries. Whether these different patterns of growth reflectthe relatively favourable impact of public sector and industry-focussedemployment initiatives under the AEDP is a moot point.

Occupation

It has been argued elsewhere by Taylor (1992a) that given the direct linksthat exist between occupational and economic status, as well as theintractability of low occupational status among Aborigines and TorresStrait Islanders, the goals of AEDP policy clearly imply a commitmenttowards raising the occupational status of the Aboriginal and Torres StraitIslander workforce so that it more closely parallels that of the generalworkforce. Accordingly, this thrust is found in much of the AEDP whichlays heavy emphasis on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander placementsin formal training and skill improvement programs in both public andprivate sectors, as well as affirmative action to enhance the representation

28

of Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders in executive positions. Runningcounter to this, however, is an expansion of the CDEP scheme which hashad the effect of increasing active workforce participation amongAborigines and Torres Strait Islanders, particularly in remote areas, butgenerally in unskilled occupations (Altman and Daly 1992b).

Despite these opposing tendencies, the greatest proportional increasein Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander employment has occurred in themore skilled occupational groups of managers and administrators,professionals and para-professionals. Figure 4.2 shows the comparativechange based on data in Appendix Table A5. In all occupational groups,but particularly in the most skilled, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanderemployment growth was substantially higher than among otherAustralians. It is noticeable, however, that their rate of increase was lowestin the four occupational groups that shed non-indigenous labour - trades,clerks, plant and machine operators and labourers. This is perhapsindicative of the all pervasive influence of general labour markettendencies. At the same time, the low rate of growth in unskilled jobs issurprising given the known expansion of CDEP scheme employment.

Figure 4.2. Percentage change in occupation of employment:Aborigines, Torres Strait Islanders and other Australians, 1986-91.

Per cent change

2 3 4 5 6 7

Occupational major group

Aborigines Others

1-Managers & administrators; 2-Professionals; 3-Para-professionals; 4-Tradespersons;5-Clerks; 6-Personal services & sales workers; 7-Plant & machine operators; 8-Labourers & related workers.

29

Table 4.2. Index of occupational segregation by gender: Aboriginesand Torres Strait Islanders, 1986-91.

Aborigines Torres Strait Islanders1986 1991 1986 1991

MalesFemalesTotal

34.414.126.3

26.211.719.4

31.713.423.9

25.012.120.3

In this context, attention should be drawn to the large increase of 4,632 inAborigines and Torres Strait Islanders who did not state their occupation(Appendix Table A5). Why this should have occurred is not known, butclearly the filling out of census forms on this aspect, particularly in remoteareas, was less than satisfactory. It seems almost certain that the bulk of'not stateds' would comprise individuals in labouring jobs participating inthe CDEP scheme. If these were to be included as labourers in the datathey would have the effect of considerably downskilling the overalloccupational profile. As it stands, the data suggest that overall, Aboriginaland Torres Strait Islander workers are now more skilled than in the past,although they still lag behind the general skill level of other workers(Appendix Table A5). In any case, leaving aside these interpretivedifficulties, it should be pointed out that more meaningful analysis of skilldistribution is best conducted using more detailed occupational data withwhich it has been revealed that indigenous workers occupy only a limitedrange of skilled positions and often at lower levels of seniority (Taylor1992a).

One consequence of an apparent move towards relatively moreskilled employment has been a notable reduction in the degree ofoccupational segregation between indigenous and non-indigenous workers.Among males for example, the index of dissimilarity between Aboriginaland non-indigenous workers across the eight major occupational groupswas 34.4 in 1986 and this had fallen to 26.2 in 1991 (Table 4.2). ForTorres Strait Islanders, the corresponding figures were 31.7 and 25.0.Female workers, who in 1986 showed little overall segregation in theiroccupational distribution, now display even less, with the index ofdissimilarity between Aboriginal and non-indigenous workers falling from14.1 to 11.7 and that of Torres Strait Islanders declining from 13.4 to 12.1.However, these figures must be treated with caution as the inclusion in thecalculation of the large number of individuals who did not state theiroccupation would probably raise the level of segregation if, as suspected,most of these unspecified jobs were unskilled.

30

Occupational change by section-of-StateOne feature of the occupational shift in employment is the fact that thegrowth of more skilled employment among both Aborigines and TorresStrait Islanders has occurred irrespective of settlement size. Thus,managerial and professional jobs have been created as much in rural areasas urban areas (Appendix Table A6). The main variation by section-of-State occurs in lower skilled occupational categories. Labouring jobs, forexample, have almost entirely been created in rural areas with net losses ofindigenous labouring workers occurring in urban areas.

Once again, however, the numbers in labouring occupations in bothrural and other urban areas would no doubt be greatly increased by theinclusion of many of those who did not state their occupation. The declinein unskilled urban employment, on the other hand, appears more realisticand follows the pattern generally in the workforce reflecting the impact ofrecessionary conditions on traditional employers of unskilled urbanworkers such as the construction and transport industries. By contrast, thegrowth of unskilled employment in rural areas almost certainly reflects theexpansion of work under the CDEP scheme (Altman and Daly 1992b: 11).

More puzzling is the concomitant growth of skilled employment inrural areas from managerial and administrative positions through to tradeoccupations. In view of the rural employment impacts already attributed tothe CDEP scheme, it seems highly probable that most new skilled jobs inrural areas may also be attributed to its expansion. This would support theidea that the CDEP scheme serves as a substitute funding regime tosupport the growth of vital community occupations in areas such as health,education, welfare, and office management that are more appropriately thefunctional responsibilities of various tiers of government (Altman andDaly 1992b: 15). Once again, however, as with the analysis of employmentby industry, it is disconcerting to note that the highest values in eachcolumn are invariably in the 'not stated' category casting some doubt overthe finality of any conclusions.

Occupational change by genderWhile indications of more skilled employment are apparent for both malesand females, the latter have experienced the highest rates of increase inmanagerial and, particularly, professional employment (Appendix TableA7). In the case of Aboriginal females, professional and para-professionaljobs now account for almost one-fifth (17.7 per cent) of total employment,a figure which is not far behind that of non-indigenous females. At theother end of the skill spectrum, the apparent decline in labouring jobs forAboriginal males and the relatively low growth of semi-skilled andunskilled employment among indigenous workers generally, almostcertainly reflects the problems of census enumeration and the largeintercensal increase in non-response. It is even difficult to drawcomparison with non-indigenous males and females in the workforce asthey too reveal substantial increases in the 'not stated' category.

31

Industry sector

The broad distinction in census data between Aboriginal employment inpublic (government) and private sectors appears to be increasingly blurred.In the 1986 Census, employment provided via Aboriginal organisationsand the CDEP scheme was generally classified as private sectoremployment on the premise that such employers were not governmentbodies. They are, however, publicly funded. In recognition of this, codingprocedures were changed in the 1991 Census to classify such employmentunder local government in cases where community councils ororganisations were clearly stated as the employer. If such an employer wasnot specified, then a private sector designation was applied.1 This changein procedure is reflected in the intercensal shifts in industry sector datashown in Figure 4.3 which is based on figures in Appendix Table A8.

It would appear that the main relative stimulus to job growth hasbeen created by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communityorganisations as indicated by the relatively large proportional increase inlocal government employment among Aborigines and Torres StraitIslanders. As in past censuses, it is also likely that a reasonable (thoughunknown) share of private sector job growth is also more correctlyattributed to employment in community organisations.

Figure 4.3. Percentage change in industry sector of employment:Aborigines, Torres Strait Islanders and other Australians, 1986-91.

Per cent change

Aus govt State govt Local govt Private sector

Industry sector

• Aborigines 0 TSls 0 Others

32

Elsewhere in the labour market, indigenous Australians shared in thegeneral cuts to State and Territory government employment despiteconcerted efforts in the AEDP to expand their numbers. It seems that suchefforts were more successful in the Commonwealth sphere with growth inAboriginal and Torres Strait Islander employment here running counter tothe substantial loss of 56,726 Commonwealth jobs experienced by otherAustralians (this includes the category transfer of around 14,000 jobs toState government due to the creation of the Australian Capital Territorypublic service during the intercensal period). This scale of downsizing inpublic sector operations suggests that any discernible move towardsgreater Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander representation in this area ofthe labour market would be as much to do with general cutbacks asenhanced entry.

The point to emphasise in all this, of course, is that the AEDP hadsought to increase by 2,000 the number of Aborigines and Torres StraitIslanders employed by government through its public sector programsduring the intercensal period (Australian Government 1987b: 10) and by6,400 the number of new employees in the private sector. A superficialreading of results from the 1991 Census shows that the public sector targethas been exceeded with the creation of 2,714 such jobs (Appendix TableA8). However, a large proportion of these positions are likely to beattributed to employment in the CDEP scheme and not in other sectors ofthe labour market targeted by policy. Thus, a more realistic reading of theintercensal change would conclude that targeted growth in the publicsector has not been achieved, although such new jobs as have been createdhave been against great odds in an increasingly unfavourable economicclimate. As far as private sector targets are concerned, the same basic pointcan be made. A total of 8,500 new private sector jobs were created forAborigines and Torres Strait Islanders, but a considerable share of theseare likely to derive from the expansion of the CDEP scheme.

Industry sector change by section-of-StateThe substantial increase in local government and private sectoremployment revealed in rural areas in Appendix Table A9 is difficult toexplain in terms other than the growth of the CDEP scheme. While anydifference in expansion between these two sectors is probably a mereconstruct of the census coding methodology described above, it isinteresting to note that the greatest net increase in rural employmentoccurred in the private sector suggesting that a good deal of CDEP schemeemployment is still coded as such. Indeed, given that a total of 6,151private sector jobs were created for Aborigines and Torres Strait Islandersoutside of major urban areas, it is difficult to see how many of these couldnot be attributed to anything other than the expansion of the CDEP schemegiven the estimate for growth in such employment during the intercensalperiod of 8,073 new positions. Further insight into the loss of male jobs in

33

the State sector is also provided by the data which show that this has beenrestricted to other urban and rural areas.

Industry sector change by genderAnalysis of gender variation in the industry sector of employment providessome insight into the relatively better intercensal labour marketperformance of females generally, and Aboriginal and Torres StraitIslander females in particular (Appendix Table A10). Clearly, the loss ofState government employment among indigenous workers was a malephenomenon, as it was in the workforce generally. Despite their relativelysmall net losses, the rate of decline in State government employment wasin fact greater for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander males than forother males. Whether this poor performance was due to the nature of workavailable in the State sector, favouring indigenous females in serviceoccupations, is not clear. It is worth noting, however, that Aboriginalmales, in particular, also fared worse than their female counterparts insecuring Commonwealth employment. Equally noticeable is the relativelyhigher growth of indigenous female employment in the local governmentand private sectors. Although in net terms, males gained more new jobs inthese sectors, as might be expected given the likelihood that many of thesewere in CDEP scheme employment, the data suggest that suchemployment is increasingly less dominated by males.

Hours worked

In 1986, 25 per cent of Aboriginal people in employment and 22.4 per centof Torres Strait Islanders worked less than 35 hours per week. By 1991,these proportions had risen to 33.7 and 28.4 per cent, respectively(Appendix Table A l l ) . This was mostly due to an increase in the numberof indigenous workers employed for between 1 and 24 hours per week. Asa result, part-time workers employed for less than 24 hours per week nowconstitute almost one quarter of all Aborigines and Torres Strait Islandersin employment compared to less than one fifth in 1986.

Marked expansion of part-time employment has been a generalfeature of labour market readjustment in recent years and similar effectsare apparent among non-indigenous workers in Australia. In 1986, almostthree-quarters (74.7 per cent) of non-indigenous workers were employed infull-time jobs, a figure which fell to 69 per cent in 1991. One consequenceof this is that Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders, achieved higher ratesof growth than other Australians in full-time employment (Figure 4.4),notwithstanding the fact that they also experienced higher rates of growthin part-time employment.

34

Change in hours worked by section-of-StateFurther compelling evidence that much of the intercensal employmentgrowth among Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders is closely allied withthe expansion of the CDEP scheme is obtained from an analysis of thecomposition of new jobs according to hours worked by section-of-State(Appendix Table A12). Of the 7,579 additional jobs created for Aboriginesoutside of major urban areas since 1986, 80.5 per cent were part-time (lessthan 35 hours per week), with only 1,476 new jobs having longer workinghours. Although the proportion among Torres Strait Islanders was less (54per cent), this level of part-time job creation in non-metropolitan areas isconsistent with one of the essential features of CDEP scheme employment.The other feature to emerge from a section-of-State analysis is the low rateof growth in full-time employment among Aborigines and Torres StraitIslanders in other urban areas, compared to the much higher ratesexperienced in major urban and rural areas. This may be associated withthe relative loss of public sector jobs in other urban areas, as noted earlier.

Figure 4.4. Percentage change in hours worked: Aborigines, TorresStrait Islanders and other Australians, 1986-91.

0-24 25-34 35-39

Hours worked

40+

Aborigines Others

Change in hours worked by genderOne contrast between indigenous and non-indigenous workers is the muchhigher proportion of indigenous males who work in part-time employment(Appendix Table A13). Shifts in employment patterns between 1986 and1991 served to exaggerate this difference despite the fact that indigenousmales experienced an increase in full-time employment at a time whentheir non-indigenous counterparts suffered heavy losses. A higherproportion of new jobs for males, among Aborigines and Torres Strait

35

Islanders occurred in part-time employment. Likewise, growth in full-timeemployment was noticeably higher among indigenous females than males.Nonetheless, males overall are still much more likely than females to be infull-time employment.

Level of qualifications

The AEDP policy statement recognised that crucial links exist betweenemployment levels and education levels (Australian Government 1987d), anexus that has been formally established in terms of human capital theory(Chapman, 1991; Miller 1989, 1991; Daly 1991b, 1993b). The policyresponse within the AEDP, was further elaborated upon by the launch, inOctober 1989, of the National Aboriginal and Torres Strait IslanderEducation Policy. This set as one of its four goals the achievement ofequitable and appropriate educational outcomes. In the context of access tomainstream labour markets, such policy success would be measured byincreased acquisition of tertiary level certification, and census data onchanges in levels of qualification provide some basis for measuringprogress towards this aim.

Figure 4.5. Percentage change in level of qualifications: Aborigines,Torres Strait Islanders and other Australians, 1986-91.

Qualification level

I Aborigines Gi TSIs 0 Others

1-Higher degree/diploma; 2-Bachelor degree; 3-Other diploma; 4-Vocational; 5-Noqualification.

36

Relative shifts in levels of qualification between Aborigines, Torres StraitIslanders and others are shown in Figure 4.5.2 This indicates thatindigenous Australians outstripped other Australians in their rate ofincrease in acquisition of all tertiary qualifications, even displaying anincrease in vocational qualifications despite a decline in this categoryamong the rest of the population. However, these favourable growth ratesderive from very low bases and the overall levels of qualification forAborigines and Torres Strait Islanders remain considerably below those ofother Australians (Appendix Table A14). One feature to note is an increasein the proportion of those with no qualifications. While this may partlyreflect rapid growth in the population aged 15 years and over, it is mostlikely to be related to the absolute decline in non-responses which is mostmarked among Aborigines. Whether this fall in non-response is alsoreflected in increases in other categories (for example, in the proportionalrise of bachelor degrees) is not known.

Section-of-StateThe distribution of qualification levels according to section-of-State differsquite markedly between indigenous and non-indigenous Australians(Appendix Table A15). Apart from the slightly higher proportion ofindividuals with university degrees in major urban areas, the prevalence ofdifferent levels of qualification among non-indigenous Australians showslittle sign of variation between locality sizes. Among Aborigines andTorres Strait Islanders, on the other hand, a distinct urban/rural gap isapparent with qualification levels generally highest in major urban areasand lowest in rural areas. Moreover, this pattern has persisted despite thefact that rural areas experienced the highest rates of acquisition of newqualifications at all levels. Indeed, it appears that rural areas have fallenbehind with a notable increase in the proportion of those with noqualifications. This, however, is partly due to their relatively greaterreduction in non-response and the real change in levels remains unknown.

GenderThe rate of increase in acquisition of qualifications has been greater forfemales in all levels of qualification, except vocational (Appendix TableA16). Aboriginal females, in particular, display very high rates of increasein the number of those with qualifications, although the low base fromwhich these rates are calculated needs to be borne in mind. Thus, whilesome improvement in the distribution of indigenous males and femaleswith qualifications has occurred this is a very minor gain and generally lessmarked than among other Australians. For example, the proportion ofAboriginal females over 15 years of age with other diplomas rose from 0.7per cent of the total to 1.8 per cent, while the equivalent shift among non-indigenous females was from 3.8 per cent to 6.6 per cent. This laggedeffect for indigenous Australians is generally apparent with males faringworse than females, except in vocational qualifications where Aboriginal

37

and Torres Strait Islanders males increased their numbers and other malesdeclined. Ironically, one complicating factor, particularly amongAborigines, is the decline in numbers not stating their level ofqualification. Just how this alters the changing distribution ofqualifications is not known. Leaving this aside, however, it seems that anyemployment returns from higher levels of educational attainment,particularly in the form of more skilled employment, are more likely toshow up in the relative labour force status of indigenous females ratherthan males.

Conclusion

Precise analysis of intercensal shifts in the nature of employment ishampered by large increases in the number of individuals who did notrespond to census questions regarding various labour force characteristics.In some cases, notably in respect of occupation, quite opposite conclusionscan be drawn regarding the change in occupational status depending uponassumptions made about the inclusion, or otherwise, in the analysis ofthose who did not state their occupation. Notwithstanding this problem,certain trends do emerge and indicate that employment change amongindigenous people has, in part, followed shifts generally in the workforce.At the same time, unique departures are evident reflecting the relativeimportance of program-driven job growth and the role of communityorganisations as primary sources of work.

Note

1. Correspondence from the Director, Population Census Processing and UserServices, ABS, Canberra dated 24 February 1993.

2. It should be noted that the data on levels of qualification refer to the populationaged 15 years and over and not the working age group of 15-64 years.

5. Income status, 1986-91

A key goal of the AEDP is to achieve an improvement in Aboriginalincome levels to a point where they are equal to those of the generalpopulation. In this endeavour, much depends on, not just accelerating therate of Aboriginal employment growth above that of the rest of theworkforce, but also ensuring that the types of jobs created generateincomes that are at least commensurate with those of the generalpopulation. Given the relative improvements in Aboriginal and TorresStrait Islander labour force status, as well as the apparent upgrading ofoccupational status, there would appear to be statistical grounds forexpecting that the income gap between indigenous and non-indigenousAustralians may have narrowed.

Table 5.1. Change in income status among Aborigines, Torres StraitIslanders and other Australians, 1986-91.

Aborigines Torres Strait Islanders Others1986 1991 1986 1991 1986 1991

($,000) ($,000) ($,000) ($,000) ($.000) ($.000)

Mean 8.1 11.6 9.4 13.5 13.2 19.3Median 6.2 8.8 7.8 11.4 11.3 16.3

Ratio of Aborigines/othersmean 0.61 0.60median 0.55 0.54

Ratio of Torres Strait Islanders/othersmean 0.71 0.70median 0.68 0.70

Overall, however, the census indicates little change with Aboriginal meanincomes as a ratio of non-indigenous mean incomes falling slightly from0.61 in 1986 to 0.60 in 1991.1 While the Torres Strait Islander ratio washigher, this also fell slightly from 0.71 in 1986 to 0.70 in 1991. Medianincomes were somewhat lower as a ratio of non-indigenous medians andfollowed a similar decline among Aborigines (from 0.55 to 0.54), while themedian income ratio for Torres Strait Islanders rose slightly from 0.68 to0.70. This overall lack of improvement in relative incomes is notsurprising given that such a large proportion of new jobs for Aboriginesand Torres Strait Islanders have been generated by participation in the

39

CDEP scheme, although this has occurred at a time when incomeinequalities for the population generally have widened (Saunders 1992). Ifthe CDEP scheme, with its current emphasis on low wage work, continuesto provide the bulk of new employment for indigenous people, there seemslittle prospect that the income gap between Aborigines and Torres StraitIslanders and the rest of the population in Australia will ever narrow. Ifanything, it is likely to widen further. This is of crucial policy significanceas it signals that improvements in labour force status alone are notsufficient to enhance income status, unless the CDEP scheme becomesmore oriented to stimulate income generation. Of equal importance to jobcreation is the nature of the work involved and the income it generates.

Income change by section-of StateThe fact that overall income levels are influenced as much by the nature ofwork as by the rate of employment growth is reflected in data showingchange in Aboriginal income status by section-of-State (Table 5.2).

Table 5.2. Change in income status of Aborigines, Torres StraitIslanders and other Australians by section-of-State, 1986-91.

Major urban1986 1991

($.000)

AboriginesMeanMedian

Torres StraitMeanMedian

OthersMeanMedian

9.17.2

Islanders10.79.3

13.812.2

13.710.9

14.812.5

20.217.3

Other urban1986 1991

($,000)

8.26.3

9.37.7

12.410.4

11.89.4

13.311.5

17.915.1

Rural1986 1991

($,000)

7.25.7

8.16.1

11.69.0

9.67.5

12.210.2

17.313.9

Total1986 1991

($.000)

8.16.2

9.47.8

13.211.3

11.68.8

13.511.4

19.316.3

Ratio of Aborigines/othersMean 0.66 0.68 0.66 0.66 0.62 0.56 0.61 0.60Median 0.59 0.63 0.60 0.62 0.64 0.54 0.55 0.54

Ratio of Torres Strait Islanders/othersMean 0.77 0.74 0.75 0.75 0.70 0.71 0.71 0.70Median 0.76 0.72 0.74 0.76 0.68 0.73 0.68 0.70

Despite the fact that intercensal improvements in Aboriginal and TorresStrait Islander labour force status have been most noticeable in rural areas,

40

income status remains inversely related with geographic remoteness.Furthermore, the rural/urban gap appears to be widening, at least amongAborigines. The ratio of mean incomes for Aboriginal people in rural areascompared to those in major urban areas, for example, fell from 0.79 in1986 to 0.70 in 1991. Comparing rural incomes with other urban incomes,the ratio of mean incomes fell from 0.88 in 1986 to 0.81 in 1991. Theopposite trend emerges for Torres Strait Islanders, as well as for otherAustralians. Among Torres Strait Islanders, for example, the rural/majorurban ratio of mean incomes rose from 0.75 to 0.82 while the rural/otherurban ratio increased from 0.87 to 0.91. This result for Torres StraitIslanders is interesting as a large proportion of those in rural areas arelocated in the Torres Strait and participate in the CDEP scheme.Notwithstanding this, the widening of the urban/rural income gap amongAborigines is more in line with expectations given the composition ofmuch rural employment as remuneration based on unemployment benefitequivalence. This leaves rural areas structurally disadvantaged comparedto urban areas where a much greater proportion of jobs are full-time andbased on awards.

Income change by genderThe primary cause of the widening gap between indigenous and non-indigenous incomes was a relative decline in the income levels ofAboriginal and Torres Strait Islander males. Using the figures for nominalmean income in 1986, Aboriginal male incomes were almost three-quarters(71.2 per cent) of the total mean for non-indigenous Australians. By 1991,this proportion had fallen to only two-thirds (66.3 per cent). Althoughincome levels for Torres Strait Islander males were higher, they also fell asa proportion of the total non-indigenous mean (from 89.3 per cent in 1986to 83.9 per cent in 1991). In contrast, mean incomes for Aboriginalfemales rose as a proportion of the total non-indigenous mean incomesfrom 51.5 per cent in 1986 to 53.9 per cent in 1991, while a similar riseoccurred among Torres Strait Islander females from 53.7 per cent to 55.9per cent. If these figures are expressed in terms of 1989/90 prices (using aConsumer Price Index of 73.5 in 1985-86 and 105.3 in 1990-91), the realgender-based shift in incomes is apparent with Aboriginal male incomesfalling slightly from a real mean of $12,789 in 1986 to $12,155 in 1991and the female equivalent showing a clear counter trend by rising slightlyfrom $9,251 to $9,876. A similar pattern emerges for Torres StraitIslanders. This growing divergence in male and female incomes isconsistent with the trend revealed by Treadgold (1988) for the intercensalperiod 1976-1986 and is linked to the relatively better performance offemales in sectors of the labour market less affected by the vagaries of theeconomy. It also probably reflects the gender differentials noted earlier interms of the relatively longer hours worked in more skilled employment byfemales.

41

Table 5.3. Change in income status of Aborigines, Torres StraitIslanders and other Australians by gender, 1986-91.

AboriginesMeanMedian

Males1986 1991

($,000)

9.4 12.87.5 9.1

Females1986 1991

($.000)

6.8 10.45.7 8.7

Total1986 1991

($,000)

8.1 11.66.2 8.8

Torres Strait IslandersMean 11.8 16.2 7.1 10.8 9.4 13.5Median 11.0 14.6 5.6 9.0 7.8 11.4

OthersMean 17.5 24.2 8.8 14.1 13.2 19.3Median 16.1 21.4 6.4 11.1 11.3 16.3

Ratio of Aborigines/othersMean 0.54 0.53 0.77 0.74 0.61 0.60Median 0.47 0.43 0.89 0.78 0.55 0.54

Ratio of Torres Strait Islanders/othersMean 0.67 0.67 0.81 0.77 0.71 0.70Median 0.68 0.68 0.88 0.81 0.68 0.70

Notwithstanding these gains, incomes for Aboriginal and Torres StraitIslander females failed to keep up with the rate of increase in non-indigenous female incomes. Nominal mean income for Aboriginal females,for example, increased by 52.9 per cent and that of Torres Strait Islanderfemales by 52.1 per cent. Non-indigenous females, on the other hand,increased their mean income by 60.2 per cent starting from a higher base(Table 5.3). Thus, ratios of indigenous to non-indigenous incomes revealthat the gap between female incomes has widened while that betweenmales has remained relatively unchanged. At the same time, in monetaryterms, indigenous females remain behind their male counterparts with theaverage income for Aboriginal females rising by only a slightly greateramount than that of Aboriginal males, while the increase among TorresStrait Islander females was much less than that among Torres StraitIslander males.

Welfare dependency

In the AEDP, welfare dependency is equated with dependency onunemployment benefit. In Altman and Smith's view (1993: 21), thisdefinition is somewhat narrow, reflecting as it does, the labour market

42

focus of the AEDP. They take a broader definition of welfare to include alltransfer payments from the Federal Government to indigenous citizens.Such a wider definition is also necessitated by the limited availability ofofficial sources of income data for indigenous Australians. At an aggregatelevel, the most comprehensive indication of Aboriginal and Torres StraitIslander reliance on welfare income is available from census data using across-tabulation of individual incomes by labour force status. From thissource, Table 5.4 shows the proportion of total income accruing to eachcategory of the labour force and those not in the labour force for 1986 and1991.

Table 5.4. Total income by labour force status: Aborigines, TorresStrait Islanders and other Australians, 1986-91.

Labour force status1986

Income ($m) Per cent1991

Income ($m) Per cent

AboriginesEmployed 478.9 58.3Unemployed 110.7 13.5Not in the labour force 232.4 28.2Total 822.0 100.0

Torres Strait IslandersEmployed 76.1 74.4Unemployed 8.7 8.5Not in the labour force 17.5 17.1Total 102.2 100.0

Other AustraliansEmployed 111,233.6 88.5Unemployed 3,254.7 2.6Not in the labour force 11,135.4 8.9Total 125,623.7 100.0

826.4173.4386.4

1,386.3

132.616.132.9

181.7

168,285.46,955.8

16,975.1192,216.3

59.612.527.9

100.0

73.18.8

18.1100.0

87.53.78.8

100.0

Overall, there is little change in the contribution of employment income tototal income. If anything, a slightly higher proportion of Aboriginalincome derives from employment and slightly less for Torres StraitIslanders and others. This seems to suggest that the trend of a decline inemployment income relative to total income, noted by Daly and Hawke(1993) for the period 1976-91, has been arrested, no doubt due to theclassification of a high proportion of income from the CDEP scheme asemployment income. At the same time, Aboriginal employment income asa proportion of total Aboriginal income remains fixed at a level muchlower than that of other Australians, while Torres Strait Islanders remain in

43

an intermediate position. This is despite the relatively greater improvementin Aboriginal labour force status. Thus, the policy objective of a reductionin Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander welfare dependency to a levelcommensurate with that of other Australians is no closer to being achievedthan before the introduction of the AEDP.

Table 5.5. Change in mean employment/non-employment income:Aborigines, Torres Strait Islanders and other Australians, 1986-91.

Mean income ($,000) ChangeLabour force status 1986 1991 Net Percent

AboriginesEmployed 13.61 17.55 3.93 28.9Unemployed 5.59 8.22 2.64 47.2Not in the labour force 5.10 7.65 2.55 49.9Total 8.18 11.68 3.50 42.9

Torres Strait IslandersEmployed 14.34 18.56 4.22 29.4Unemployed 5.51 8.89 3.38 61.3Not in the labour force 4.50 7.55 3.05 67.8Total 9.50 13.64 4.14 43.6

OthersEmployed 17.94 25.07 7.14 39.8Unemployed 5.42 8.55 3.13 57.8Not in the labour force 4.21 7.09 2.88 68.5Total 13.30 19.38 6.08 45.7

Ratio of Aborigines/othersEmployed 0.76 0.70 -0.06 -7.8Unemployed 1.03 0.96 -0.07 -6.7Not in the labour force 1.21 1.08 -0.13 -11.0Total 0.61 0.60 -0.1 -2.0

Ratio of Torres Strait Islanders/othersEmployed 0.80 0.74 -0.06 -7.4Unemployed 1.02 1.04 0.02 2.3Not in the labour force 1.07 1.07 0.00 -0.5Total 0.71 0.70 -0.01 -1.5

Actual shifts in mean employment and non-employment incomes areshown in Table 5.5. The most striking feature is that mean employmentincomes for Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders have increased at aconsiderably slower rate than for other employed Australians. This isfurther indicated by the decline in ratios of indigenous/non-indigenousemployment income. As already noted, this is to be expected given that a

44

substantial share of new employment income for Aborigines and TorresStrait Islanders is essentially fixed at a rate roughly equivalent tounemployment benefit (now Jobsearch and Newstart Allowances). As forwelfare income, the mean individual income of unemployed Aborigines in1986 was $5,599, which was less than half (41 per cent) of the meanincome for those in employment. By 1991, this gap had closed somewhat,but unemployed Aborigines still had incomes less than half of those inemployment (46.8 per cent). Furthermore, compared to non-indigenousAustralians, the ratio of mean incomes for unemployed Aborigines, as wellas for those not in the labour force, actually fell.

Conclusion

The relative lack of improvement in the income status of indigenousAustralians in the context of much improved labour force statusemphasises the need for quality, as well as quantity, in job creationschemes if the overall aims of AEDP are to be achieved. This is givenadded weight when account is taken of growing income inequalities for thepopulation as a whole. Indigenous people appear to remain firmly behindin an economy which is increasingly divided between the "haves" and"have-nots". From a labour market perspective, one difficulty continues tobe the substantial proportion of indigenous adults of working age who arenot in the labour force. This accounts, in large part, for the persistence ofrelatively high levels of welfare dependence. Given that much newemployment growth has involved a shift into employment of individualsformerly outside the labour force, it could be argued that levels of welfaredependence are actually higher than revealed by the census. This isbecause income derived from employment in a CDEP scheme merelyrepresents the transfer of social security entitlements under a differentguise.

45

6. Policy pointers

The evaluation of policy impacts using census data is at best an explorationof possible associations between intended outcomes and revealedcharacteristics. Apart from the indeterminacy of any such links established,limitations are also imposed on rigorous analysis by the nature of the data.Leaving aside questions regarding the method of enumerating indigenousAustralians, particularly in remote areas (Taylor 1993b), the issue of thecultural appropriateness of standard economic indicators may be raised(Smith 1992), although much depends here on the population sub-group inquestion and the particular characteristics to be measured. Altman (1992:9), for example, suggests a continuum in the applicability of economicindicators: in remote areas where Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islandergroups may be more tradition-oriented, indicators such as labour forcestatus and income often over-simplify complex realities, whereas in urbancontexts such measures may be far more relevant given the greateractuality and likelihood of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander integrationinto mainstream labour markets.

Of greater concern is the difficulty encountered when trying tounravel the underlying causes of economic change. This is exacerbated byinordinately high increases in non-response to census questions between1986 and 1991. For some indicators, the inclusion of non-responses mayradically alter the pattern of change observed, but no rational basis for theirinclusion in the analysis exists. To the extent that this may undermineconfidence in any policy implications drawn from census indicators, urgentscrutiny of non-responses is required to determine the extent of anysystematic bias with consideration given to possible means of adjustment.

Successful implementation of the AEDP which has sought toincrease the relative rate of employment growth among indigenousAustralians as well as upgrade their occupational status in the hope ofraising incomes to higher levels, was always going to be difficult, andmore so during a period of national economic recession and risingunemployment. Indeed, some would argue that AEDP goals wereinherently destined to fail given that the causes of employmentdifferentials are deep-rooted and structural and unlikely to be easilyovercome (Sanders 1991). This is leaving aside the fact that, due to a lackof regard for the dynamics of growth in the indigenous working agepopulation, AEDP targets grossly underestimated the scale of new jobcreation required to achieve statistical equity (Altman 1991: 158-9). Thisanalysis of change in Aboriginal socioeconomic status in Australia duringthe intercensal period 1986 to 1991 provides the first comprehensiveindication of the impacts of the AEDP since it was implemented after1986. The results, in terms of stated policy objectives, appear to be mixed.

46

On the one hand, AEDP targets in terms of net employment growthhave been achieved. As a result, Aboriginal employment andunemployment rates show distinct signs of improvement leading to aclosing of the gap (albeit slowly) in these indicators with the rest of thepopulation. On the other hand, when these results are disaggregatedspatially and the nature of employment growth is dissected, theachievement is revealed to be a predominantly rural phenomenoninvolving mostly part-time work with an increasing emphasis on labouringand para-professional jobs in community services. At the same time,labour force status for males in urban areas has actually worsened, whilethere is no evidence pointing towards a closing of the gap in overallincome differentials. Indeed, if anything, the signs are regressive.Variation is also evident in the relative economic status of Aborigines andTorres Strait Islanders with the latter maintaining their intermediateposition between that of Aboriginal people and the rest of the population tomuch the same extent as observed using 1986 Census data (Taylor andGaminiratne 1993).

The most significant policy implication to emerge from this analysisis the indication that recent net employment growth among indigenousAustralians has been due in large part to the expansion of the CDEPscheme. While the census provides no direct measure of CDEP schemeemployment, nor, indeed, any precise indication of how such employmentwas coded, the coincidence of substantially increased participation in thescheme together with marked shifts in related census characteristics suchas rural labour force status, hours worked, industry sector, industrydivision of employment and income status, means that no other possibleconclusion can be drawn. In estimating the proportion of new employmentgrowth due to participation in the CDEP scheme, much depends onassumptions made regarding the ratio of CDEP scheme workers toparticipants. The 60 per cent ratio employed here is a best estimate usingthe scant evidence available from the 1993 review of the CDEP scheme(Deloitte Touche Tohmatsu 1993: 51). Clearly, a higher (or lower) ratiowould increase (or decrease) the contribution of CDEP schemeemployment to total employment with associated policy significance. Withthis in mind, and given the continued expansion of the CDEP schemearound Australia since the 1991 Census, it is essential that steps be taken toensure that scheme participants are adequately identified in officialstatistics. Apart from improving program monitoring, one possible meansof achieving this would be to use a prompt to indicate communityorganisations participating in the CDEP scheme as employers in answer tothe employer question on the 1996 Census schedule and make provisionfor this as a coding option for industry sector.

Contrasting with the expansion of CDEP scheme employment is thegeneral lack of growth, and in some cases actual decline, in urban-basedpublic and private sector jobs. While this runs counter to expectations,given the strength of program efforts to encourage such employment, it

47

may be that the impact of AEDP public and private sector programs in thecontext of a depressed mainstream labour market has been to simplyameliorate what might otherwise have been a far worse outcome. Thisproposition cannot be validated from census data alone and requires closescrutiny of DEET's program placement and post program monitoring(PPM) data to examine the precise nature and spatial application of labourmarket programs, as well as their links with employment outcomes.However, it is clear that some Aborigines and Torres Strait Islandersperformed notably better than non-indigenous Australians in many areas ofthe labour market during the intercensal period and this alone suggests thatfocused labour market programs have left their mark.

An anticipated corollary of such program-driven job growth hasbeen an increased concentration of Aboriginal employment into narrowersegments of the labour market. Involvement in public administration andcommunity service industries, for example, is now more concentrated thanbefore, as is employment in the local government sector and in para-professional and labouring occupations. While this may reflect, in part,census procedures for coding data, the pattern is consistent with theexpanding role of Aboriginal organisations and special programs asemployers of Aboriginal labour. While there is nothing inherentlyproblematic with this, not least as it may reflect Aboriginal preferences, itdoes raise the issue of a likely growing dependence of Aboriginalemployment on sustained public funding. Not only does this run counter toavowed aims of government policy to reduce Aboriginal dependence onthe public purse, it also ties an increasing share of Aboriginal employmentto the caprices of government policy.

As Altman and Daly (1992a) have noted, this poses a policydilemma in so far as, on the one hand, striving for employment equality viathe mainstream labour market exposes Aboriginal people to the vagaries ofmarket fluctuations, while on the other hand, dependence on governmentsubvention leaves Aboriginal employment vulnerable to changes ingovernment policy. If, as noted, such employment is primarily in theCDEP scheme, it also hampers the longer-term AEDP goal of achievingincome equality. Despite obvious growth of Aboriginal employment inAustralia between 1986 and 1991, income differentials remain firmly inplace not only between Aborigines and the rest of the population, but alsobetween Aborigines resident in rural areas as opposed to those living inurban areas.

A related issue concerns the possible role of the CDEP scheme as asubstitution funding regime. Given the excessive concentration ofAboriginal employment in areas of the labour market that are functionallythe preserve of Commonwealth, State and Local governments, thelikelihood that the CDEP scheme serves to offset responsibilities in thisarea has frequently been raised (Altman and Sanders 1991b: 520-1).Empirical support for such a notion has been presented by Altman andDaly (1992b) using 1986 Census data. The evidence of labour market

48

shifts revealed by 1991 Census data for rural and other urban areas,particularly in industry sector of employment, strengthens this hypothesis.What is not clear, however, is the extent to which apparent job losses inCommonwealth, State and private sector employment simply representhidden transfers caused by reclassification into an expanded localgovernment sector. Indeed, the census can provide no direct measure ofemployment substitution and the intercensal change data are onlyindicative of the possibility.

Aggregate data showing socioeconomic change clearly have thecapacity to conceal important intra-regional and gender variations. In brief,marginal improvements in labour force status evident at the national levelare seen to be reversed in urban areas and exaggerated in rural areas.Notwithstanding this, rural incomes remain firmly behind those in urbanareas. Likewise, the economic status of indigenous women shows distinctimprovement compared to that of men which, in income terms at least, hasregressed. This clearly underlines the importance of assessing policyimpacts on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander economic status atvarying scales of analysis and for different sub-groups in the population.

Note

In estimating mean incomes, the mid-point for each income category has beentaken on the assumption that individuals are evenly distributed around this mid-point. The open-ended highest category is problematic, but following Treadgold(1988) it is arbitrarily assumed that the average income received by individuals inthis category was one and a half times the lower limit of the highest category.Clearly, estimates of mean incomes will vary according to the upper leveladopted. In this analysis the full range of income categories has been utilised with$50,000+ as the highest category in 1986 and $70,000+ in 1991.

Appendix: detailed statistical tables

Table Ala. Aboriginal labour force status by section-of-State andgender, 1986-91.

MalesEmployment rateUnemployment rateParticipation rate

FemalesEmployment rateUnemployment rateParticipation rate

Major1986

49.532.973.7

31.028.843.5

urban1991

47.934.773.3

35.926.849.0

Other urban1986 1991

39.941.868.4

23.038.137.2

39.41.68.

26.35.41.

851

685

Rural1986 1991

40.136.463.0

20.238.332.8

482363

292338

.5

.4

.3

.1

.5

.0

Total1986 1991

42,37.67.

24.35.37,

.3

.6

.8

.2,3,5

45.033.767.8

30.029.542.5

Table Alb. Torres Strait Islander labour force status by section-of-State and gender, 1986-91.

MalesEmployment rateUnemployment rateParticipation rate

FemalesEmployment rateUnemployment rateParticipation rate

Major1986

66.918.882.5

45.317.855.1

urban1991

61.821.478.5

42.621.254.0

Other urban1986

55.626.575.6

29.031.442.3

1991

54.128.976.1

36.725.049.0

Rural1986

58.221.474.1

29.323.838.5

1991

69.013.480.6

36.914.243.0

Total1986

59.323.077.0

33.725.145.0

1991

61.221.778.2

38.821.149.2

Table Ale. Labour force status of non-indigenous Australians bysection-of-State and gender, 1986-91.

MalesEmployment rateUnemployment rateParticipation rate

FemalesEmployment rateUnemployment rateParticipation rate

Major1986

77.08.3

83.9

52.88.8

55.1

urban1991

73.12.83.

57.10.54.

5,2,7

,2,3,0

Other urban1986 1991

75.9,

84,

4611.42,

.7

.9

.0

.2

.5

.3

72.812.983.6

51.911.349.0

Rural1986 1991

76.79.6

84.8

50.69.6

38.5

74.611.584.3

54.99.4

43.0

Total1986 1991

76.8.

84.

51,9,

56,

,7,8,1

,1,4,5

73.512.283.8

55.810.462.2

50

Table A2. Employment distribution by industry division: Aborigines,Torres Strait Islanders and others, 1986-91.

Industry

AboriginesAgricultureMiningManufacturingElectricity gas and waterConstructionWholesale, retailTransport and storageCommunicationFinancial ServicesPublic administrationCommunity ServicesRecreation, personal servicesNot statedTotal

Torres Strait IslandersAgricultureCommunicationCommunity ServicesConstructionElectricity gas and waterFinancial ServicesManufacturingMiningPublic administrationRecreation, personal servicesTransport and storageWholesale, retailNot statedTotal

OthersAgricultureCommunicationCommunity ServicesConstructionElectricity gas and waterFinancial ServicesManufacturingMiningPublic administrationRecreation, personal servicesTransport and storageWholesale, retailNot statedTotal

Per cent employed1986 1991

7.31.98.31.65.98.75.71.63.8

12.529.85.47.5

100.0

5.71.3

18.66.51.63.9

12.62.29.45.69.5

14.98.2

100.0

5.62.1

17.36.61.9

10.215.0

1.46.06.15.3

18.93.7

100.0

4.81.67.10.94.69.33.71.33.7

12.833.05.4

11.8100.0

5.31.2

20.06.61.24.4

10.21.7

11.37.05.1

14.511.5

100.0

4.51.7

17.65.91.3

11.213.2

1.25.67.04.6

18.97.4

100.0

ChangeNet Per cent

-35494

413-150

811,324-315

51377

1,6855,170

6663,009

12,051

7622

472134

4113645

323213

-145257410

1,948

-43,410-18,117125,583

-5,571-34,568125,848-43,756-5,3498,168

100,699-20,7641 10,248282,706581,717

-13.013.213.4

-24.43.7

40.7-14.8

8.726.536.246.433.1

107.932.3

23.531.045.136.54.5

51.49.04.0

60.967.4

-27.130.688.634.6

-12.0-13.4

11.2-1.3

-27.619.1-4.5-5.92.1

25.7-6.09.0

118.39.0

51

Table A3a. Change in Aboriginal employment by industry divisionand section-of-State, 1986-91.

Industry division

Major urbanAgricultureMiningManufacturingElectricity gas and waterConstructionWholesale, retailTransport and storageCommunicationFinancial servicesPublic administrationCommunity servicesRecreation, personal servicesNot statedTotal

Other urbanAgricultureMiningManufacturingElectricity gas and waterConstructionWholesale, retailTransport and storageCommunicationFinancial servicesPublic administrationCommunity servicesRecreation, personal servicesNot statedTotal

RuralAgricultureMiningManufacturingElectricity gas and waterConstructionWholesale, retailTransport and storageCommunicationFinancial servicesPublic administrationCommunity servicesRecreation, personal servicesNot statedTotal

Per cent employed1986 1991

0.80.4

13.31.86.4

12.05.62.66.5

14.322.96.96.5

100.0

3.73.38.12.06.68.67.31.73.6

14.027.7

5.87.8

100.0

18.21.63.61.14.55.73.80.51.58.8

39.43.48.1

100.0

0.50.5

10.51.25.8

12.94.62.56.4

13.123.17.7

11.2100.0

3.43.07.91.25.29.74.21.13.5

14.327.0

6.113.3

100.0

9.91.33.30.43.05.62.20.41.4

11.147.9

2.810.7

100.0

ChangeNet Per cent

-122153

-25127553

5183

214323832356933

3,509

6439

218-75-37468

-303-4199

485723231

1,1923,063

-40634

142-50-9

303-63

964

8773,615

79884

5,479

-13.642.9

3.5-12.217.340.27.9

28.328.719.731.644.8

125.230.6

12.18.2

18.9-26.1

-3.938.3

-29.2-17.219.424.318.328.0

107.121.4

-19.418.534.1

-41.0-1.746.3

-14.217.037.986.479.620.295.047.5

52

Table A3b. Change in Torres Strait Islander employment by industrydivision and section-of-State, 1986-91.

Industry division

Major urbanAgricultureMiningManufacturingElectricity gas and waterConstructionWholesale, retailTransport and storageCommunicationFinancial servicesPublic administrationCommunity servicesRecreation, personal servicesNot statedTotal

Other urbanAgricultureMiningManufacturingElectricity gas and waterConstructionWholesale, retailTransport and storageCommunicationFinancial servicesPublic administrationCommunity servicesRecreation, personal servicesNot statedTotal

RuralAgricultureMiningManufacturingElectricity gas and waterConstructionWholesale, retailTransport and storageCommunicationFinancial servicesPublic administrationCommunity servicesRecreation, personal servicesNot statedTotal

Per cent employed1986 1991

0.80.4

19.42.16.8

21.16.91.76.86.2

14.96.86.4

100.0

3.43.9

11.01.56.8

12.812.7

1.53.39.4

19.16.28.5

1()0.0

17.11.76.01.15.7

10.27.30.21.1

14.022.8

2.810.2

100.0

0.40.7

13.91.57.8

19.34.82.07.68.1

14.07.3

12.6100.0

4.13.0

11.41.57.2

15.86.60.94.27.5

16.88.5

12.6100.0

12.41.44.40.54.57.23.80.70.9

19.531.04.88.8

100.0

ChangeNet Per cent

-41181

81121

12276999468

215793

28-15355

26109

-135-1331

-30-1974

130226

529

21-22727

-11136

254397

7165

929

-28.6157.1

2.22.6

64.831.00.8

71.060.886.834.254.4

180.742.9

33.7-15.612.913.915.634.6

-43.3-34.238.3

-13.0-4.048.161.99.2

23.039.126.6

-14.336.020.1

-11.5650.042.9

137.3131.9191.948.570.4

53

Table A3c. Change in non-indigenous employment by industrydivision and section-of-State, 1986-91.

Industry division

Major urbanAgricultureMiningManufacturingElectricity gas and waterConstructionWholesale, retailTransport and storageCommunicationFinancial servicesPublic administrationCommunity servicesRecreation, personal servicesNot statedTotal

Other urbanAgricultureMiningManufacturingElectricity gas and waterConstructionWholesale, retailTransport and storageCommunicationFinancial servicesPublic administrationCommunity servicesRecreation, personal servicesNot statedTotal

RuralAgricultureMiningManufacturingElectricity gas and waterConstructionWholesale, retailTransport and storageCommunicationFinancial servicesPublic administrationCommunity servicesRecreation, personal servicesNot statedTotal

Per cent employed1986 1991

0.50.6

17.11.76.3

19.75.42.2

12.46.2

18.06.03.9

100.0

3.63.8

12.72.87.4

20.15.92.27.26.2

18.07.03.2

100.0

31.11.89.01.66.4

13.34.21.44.84.7

13.25.03.6

100.0

0.40.5

14.41.15.7

19.64.81.8

13.45.8

18.26.97.3

100.0

3.13.1

12.02.06.6

20.14.71.67.95.5

18.28.07.3

100.0

24.11.89.21.26.1

14.23.71.15.74.6

14.25.98.2

100.0

ChangeNet Per cent

-2,242-3,001

-61,774-22,892-5,91961,608-9,562

-10,82191,847

6,29774,13462,975

168,174348,824

-2,054-4,7915,017

-9,076-3,48524,227

-10,091-6,06219,075-2,28625,77023,02062,147

121,411

-39,1142,443

13,001-2,6003,833

24,413-1,111-1,23414,9264,157

25,67914,70452,385

111,482

-10.0-12.1

-8.6-31.2

-2.27.4

-4.2-11.517.62.49.8

24.8103.0

8.3

-4.4-9.73.0

-24.5-3.69.2

-13.1-21.420.3-2.811.025.2

149.39.3

-13.414.715.4

-17.66.4

19.6-2.8-9.733.19.3

20.731.2

154.411.9

54

Table A4a. Change in Aboriginal employment by industry divisionand gender, 1986-91.

Industry division

MalesAgricultureMiningManufacturingElectricity gas and waterConstructionWholesale, retailTransport and storageCommunicationFinancial servicesPublic administrationCommunity servicesRecreation, personal servicesNot statedTotal

FemalesAgricultureMiningManufacturingElectricity gas and waterConstructionWholesale, retailTransport and storageCommunicationFinancial servicesPublic administrationCommunity servicesRecreation, personal servicesNot statedTotal

Per cent employed1986 1991

9.82.8

10.02.48.67.88.21.72.7

13.320.94.07.7

100.0

3.10.45.40.41.3

10.31.51.45.6

11.044.6

7.77.1

100.0

6.82.59.01.47.18.75.51.52.7

13.326.14.0

11.4100.0

1.90.44.40.21.0

10.11.11.05.0

12.243.07.4

12.2100.0

ChangeNet Per cent

-30266

270-134

57717

-31532

142757

2,713242

1,5345,779

-5228

143-1624

6070

19235928

2,457424

1,4756,272

-13.310.111.6

-24.12.8

39.7-16.5

8.122.324.455.725.985.824.8

-11.950.018.9

-27.113.042.00.09.9

29.859.939.239.3

147.244.7

55

Table A4b. Change in Torres Strait Islander employment by industrydivision and gender, 1986-91.

Industry division

MalesAgricultureMiningManufacturingElectricity gas and waterConstructionWholesale, retailTransport and storageCommunicationFinancial servicesPublic administrationCommunity servicesRecreation, personal servicesNot statedTotal

FemalesAgricultureMiningManufacturingElectricity gas and waterConstructionWholesale, retailTransport and storageCommunicationFinancial servicesPublic administrationCommunity servicesRecreation, personal servicesNot statedTotal

Per cent employed1986 1991

7.23.0

14.72.19.5

13.013.5

1.32.7

10.510.23.68.9

100.0

3.30.99.00.71.5

18.22.71.25.97.6

32.99.07.1

100.0

7.02.3

12.01.7

10.012.57.51.53.0

12.714.15.0

10.7100.0

2.50.87.30.51.4

17.41.50.86.59.0

29.310.112.8

100.0

ChangeNet Per cent

70-1344

124118

-1352343

215288101179

1,063

66

300

10139-10

-170

108184112231885

27.5-0.96.55.5

36.925.7

-28.251.144.358.079.878.357.030.0

8.831.616.00.0

32.336.7

-17.9-3.856.967.926.859.9

155.042.4

56

Table A4c. Change in non-indigenous employment by industrydivision and gender, 1986-91.

Industry division

MalesAgricultureMiningManufacturingElectricity gas and waterConstructionWholesale, retailTransport and storageCommunicationFinancial servicesPublic administrationCommunity servicesRecreation, personal servicesNot statedTotal

FemalesAgricultureMiningManufacturingElectricity gas and waterConstructionWholesale, retailTransport and storageCommunicationFinancial servicesPublic administrationCommunity servicesRecreation, personal servicesNot statedTotal

Per cent employed1986 1991

6.42.1

18.12.99.4

17.57.22.58.86.7

10.24.63.7

100.0

4.40.4

10.30.52.2

21.02.41.4

12.44.9

28.28.43.6

100.0

5.51.9

16.52.08.9

18.06.22.09.86.2

10.35.47.2

100.0

3.20.38.70.41.9

20.02.41.1

12.94.8

27.59.17.6

100.0

ChangeNet Per cent

-27,216-6,104

-43,127-33,170-8,46241,862

-29,799-17,23453,224

-10,89917,89340,616

145,623123,207

-16,194755

-629-1,3982,891

68,3869,035-883

72,62419,067

107,69060,083

137,083458,510

-10.9-7.5-6.1

-29.6-2.36.1

-10.6-17.315.4-4.24.5

22.799.4

3.1

-14.58.4

-0.2-10.7

5.312.814.6-2.523.015.215.028.2

148.318.0

57

Table AS. Employment distribution by occupation: Aborigines, TorresStrait Islanders and others, 1986-91.

Occupational group

AboriginesManagers and administratorsProfessionalsPara-professionalsTradespersonsClerksPersonal services and salesPlant and machine operatorsLabourers and related workersNot statedTotal

Torres Strait IslandersManagers and administratorsProfessionalsPara-professionalsTradespersonsClerksPersonal services and salesPlant and machine operatorsLabourers and related workersNot statedTotal

OthersManagers and administratorsProfessionalsPara-professionalsTradespersonsClerksPersonal services and salesPlant and machine operatorsLabourers and related workersNot statedTotal

Per cent employed1986 1991

3.25.16.1

13.515.77.8

10.032.36.3

100.0

4.54.14.8

15.614.19.6

11.730.84.7

100.0

11.811.96.5

15.317.112.48.2

14.32.6

100.0

4.17.27.5

12.113.09.48.3

25.512.8

100.0

5.74.85.8

14.611.911.09.7

24.512.1

100.0

12.212.66.8

13.515.013.97.0

12.36.7

100.0

ChangeNet Per cent

8461,6731,417

951580

1,727358519

3,98012,051

17613217222510628973

123652

1,948

98,8551 19,25257,472

-38,291-44,791173,196-34,285-56,234306,543581,717

71.688.562.218.99.9

59.49.64.3

169.932.3

69.357.463.525.513.353.211.17.1

247.034.6

13.015.513.7-3.9-4.021.5-6.5-6.1

182.49.0

58

Table A6a. Change in Aboriginal employment by occupation andsection-of-State, 1986-91.

Occupational group

Major urbanManagers and administratorsProfessionalsPara-professionalsTradespersonsClerksPersonal services and salesPlant and machine operatorsLabourers and related workersNot statedTotal

Other urbanManagers and administratorsProfessionalsPara-professionalsTradespersonsClerksPersonal services and salesPlant and machine operatorsLabourers and related workersNot statedTotal

RuralManagers and administratorsProfessionalsPara-professionalsTradespersonsClerksPersonal services and salesPlant and machine operatorsLabourers and related workersNot statedTotal

Per cent1986

3.26.36.4

14.122.08.89.9

24.54.7

100.0

2.54.95.9

14.415.68.3

11.931.2

5.4100.0

4.04.16.1

11.99.56.27.8

41.69.0

100.0

employed1991

4.610.07.1

12.418.711.18.6

17.010.5

100.0

3.37.47.0

12.613.310.19.2

23.613.5

100.0

4.54.68.3

11.67.77.27.2

34.914.1

100.0

ChangeNet Per cent

321767338233279651142

-2601,0383,509

21358836512086

576-106-362

1,5833,063

312318714598215500322

1,1411,3595,479

87.9105.646.214.411.164.412.5-9.2

193.330.6

59.084.443.2

5.83.9

48.8-6.2-8.1

206.421.4

68.467.9

101.943.719.769.635.723.8

130.947.5

59

Table A6b. Change in Torres Strait Islander employment byoccupation and section-of-State, 1986-91.

Occupation

Major urbanManagers and administratorsProfessionalsPara-professionalsTradespersonsClerksPersonal services and salesPlant and machine operatorsLabourers and related workersNot statedTotal

Other urbanManagers and administratorsProfessionalsPara-professionalsTradespersonsClerksPersonal services and salesPlant and machine operatorsLabourers and related workersNot statedTotal

RuralManagers and administratorsProfessionalsPara-professionalsTradespersonsClerksPersonal services and salesPlant and machine operatorsLabourers and related workersNot statedTotal

Per cent employed1986 1991

4.03.94.1

16.519.212.812.221.9

5.6100.0

3.03.74.6

16.512.98.4

13.133.74.0

100.0

8.05.06.2

12.99.57.68.3

37.84.7

100.0

5.05.06.1

16.115.012.89.5

18.312.2

100.0

2.94.54.8

15.713.012.210.626.310.1

100.0

9.84.86.8

11.57.07.58.6

29.614.3

100.0

ChangeNet Per cent

596086

12041

1012780

219793

229141733

120-38

-124173226

115437288326884

167260929

80.883.3

114.739.311.542.812.019.8

212.642.9

2.731.512.34.2

10.458.0

-11.7-14.9174.7

9.2

108.565.287.851.825.668.076.433.5

419.470.4

60

Table A6c. Change in non-indigenous employment by occupation andsection-of-State, 1986-91.

Occupation

Major urbanManagers and administratorsProfessionalsPara-professionalsTradespersonsClerksPersonal services and salesPlant and machine operatorsLabourers and related workersNot statedTotal

Other urbanManagers and administratorsProfessionalsPara-professionalsTradespersonsClerksPersonal services and salesPlant and machine operatorsLabourers and related workersNot statedTotal

RuralManagers and administratorsProfessionalsPara-professionalsTradespersonsClerksPersonal services and salesPlant and machine operatorsLabourers and related workersNot statedTotal

Per cent1986

8.613.36.7

15.119.612.97.6

13.52.5

100.0

9.09.96.7

17.614.013.910.216.22.5

100.0

29.88.05.0

12.910.08.38.1

14.93.0

100.0

employed1991

10.014.27.0

13.016.914.46.4

11.56.6

100.0

9.510.26.9

15.712.915.28.7

14.26.8

100.0

25.48.75.5

12.810.09.77.5

13.37.1

100.0

ChangeNet Per cent

93,05586,87135,489

-45,246-56,715114,343-28,063-46,562195,652348,824

18,78115,89211,072-6,024

47135,268-8,766-9,80864,525

121,411

-12,98116,48910,91112,97911,45323,585

2,544136

46,366111,482

25.715.412.5-7.1-6.821.0-8.7-8.2

182.68.3

16.012.312.6-2.60.3

19.4-6.6-4.6

199.69.3

-4.622.023.310.712.230.23.40.1

162.011.9

61

Table A7a. Change in Aboriginal employment by occupation andgender, 1986-91.

Occupation

MalesManagers and administratorsProfessionalsPara-professionalsTradespersonsClerksPersonal services and salesPlant and machine operatorsLabourers and related workersNot statedTotal

FemalesManagers and administratorsProfessionalsPara-professionalsTradespersonsClerksPersonal services and salesPlant and machine operatorsLabourers and related workersNot statedTotal

Per cent1986

3.74.05.3

18.55.83.2

14.638.56.3

100.0

2.36.87.45.3

32.015.52.4

22.16.3

100.0

employed1991

4.75.47.3

17.45.13.9

12.730.512.9

100.0

3.29.97.84.6

24.417.22.0

18.312.6

100.0

ChangeNet Per cent

521624879748121402295

-1092,2985,779

3251,049

538203459

1,32563

6281,6826,272

60.966.470.817.48.9

54.68.7

-1.2157.224.8

99.7110.351.927.510.261.018.720.3

191.144.7

62

Table A7b. Change in Torres Strait Islander employment byoccupation and gender, 1986-91.

Occupation

MalesManagers and administratorsProfessionalsPara-professionalsTradespersonsClerksPersonal services and salesPlant and machine operatorsLabourers and related workersNot statedTotal

FemalesManagers and administratorsProfessionalsPara-professionalsTradespersonsClerksPersonal services and salesPlant and machine operatorsLabourers and related workersNot statedTotal

Per cent1986

4.83.34.1

21.55.04.5

16.934.84.9

100.0

4.05.55.95.6

29.618.32.8

24.04.3

100.0

employed1991

6.23.65.6

21.43.75.0

14.328.012.2

100.0

4.86.66.24.1

24.720.22.5

19.111.9

100.0

ChangeNet Per cent

11750

113221

-9705757

3871,063

5982594

115219

1666

265885

68.443.176.928.9-5.043.59.54.6

221.130.0

71.171.947.6

3.418.657.327.613.2

297.842.4

63

Table A7c. Change in non-indigenous employment by occupation andgender, 1986-91.

Occupation

MalesManagers and administratorsProfessionalsPara-professionalsTradespersonsClerksPersonal services and salesPlant and machine operatorsLabourers and related workersNot statedTotal

FemalesManagers and administratorsProfessionalsPara-professionalsTradespersonsClerksPersonal services and salesPlant and machine operatorsLabourers and related workersNot statedTotal

Per cent employed1986 1991

14.511.76.1

22.87.48.1

11.315.22.7

100.0

7.512.07.03.8

32.019.23.3

12.82.4

100.0

15.312.26.4

20.96.08.9

10.413.16.8

100.0

7.913.07.33.5

27.320.62.5

11.16.7

100.0

ChangeNet Per cent

49,86133,87018,709

-48,713-50,63543,281

-25,507-65,216167,557123,207

48,99485,38238,76310,4225,844

129,915-8,7788,982

138,986458,510

8.77.37.8

-5.4-17.413.7-5.7

-10.9156.3

3.1

25.827.921.610.90.7

26.6-10.3

2.8228.3

18.0

64

Table AS. Change in employment by industry sector: Aborigines,Torres Strait Islanders, and others, 1986-91.

Industry sector

AboriginesAustralian governmentState governmentLocal governmentPrivate sectorNot statedTotal

Torres Strait IslandersAustralian governmentState governmentLocal governmentPrivate sectorNot statedTotal

OthersAustralian governmentState governmentLocal governmentPrivate sectorNot statedTotal

Per cent1986

9.823.57.0

52.77.0

100.0

6.722.36.2

58.56.3

100.0

7.715.72.2

72.42.1

100.0

employed1991

8.617.09.6

54.410.3

100.0

5.414.79.4

60.79.7

100.0

6.213.92.0

72.05.8

100.0

Net

635-334

2,1687,2162,470

12,155

31-149363

1,284380

1,909

-56,706-31,823

1,263393,403275,592581,729

ChangePer cent

17.5-3.883.736.894.832.7

8.2-11.8103.138.8

106.433.7

-11.4-3.10.98.4

207.59.0

65

Table A9a. Change in Aboriginal employment by industry sector andsection-of-State, 1986-91.

Industry

Major urbanAustralian governmentState governmentLocal governmentPrivate sectorNot statedTotal

Other urbanAustralian governmentState governmentLocal governmentPrivate sectorNot statedTotal

RuralAustralian governmentState governmentLocal governmentPrivate sectorNot statedTotal

Per cent1986

16.119.64.5

54.45.4

100.0

9.827.3

8.647.4

7.0100.0

3.422.77.4

57.88.7

100.0

employed1991

14.318.22.8

54.79.9

100.0

8.319.910.050.211.6

100.0

4.013.015.258.39.3

100.0

ChangeNet Per cent

298480-89

1,939863

3,491

38-426517

1,9741,0103,113

299-388

1,7403,303

5975,551

16.221.4

-17.431.1

140.630.5

2.7-11.042.229.2

101.221.8

76.7-14.9203.5

49.860.148.4

66

Table A9b. Change in Torres Strait Islander employment by industrysector and section-of-State, 1986-91.

Industry

Major urbanAustralian governmentState governmentLocal governmentPrivate sectorNot statedTotal

Other urbanAustralian governmentState governmentLocal governmentPrivate sectorNot statedTotal

RuralAustralian governmentState governmentLocal governmentPrivate sectorNot statedTotal

Per cent1986

8.414.42.4

70.74.1

100.0

7.125.8

6.353.77.0

100.0

3.426.911.350.3

8.1100.0

employed1991

8.511.42.6

66.511.0

100.0

4.918.44.9

61.810.0

100.0

2.514.222.353.0

8.0100.0

ChangeNet Per cent

632824

410211736

-44-143

-2532493

205

12-3436455076

968

39.910.453.331.0

277.639.3

-25.4-22.7-16.124.754.1

8.4

26.1-9.4

239.581.169.771.9

67

Table A9c. Change in non-indigenous employment by industry sectorand section-of-State, 1986-91.

Industry sector

Major urbanAustralian governmentState governmentLocal governmentPrivate sectorNot statedTotal

Other urbanAustralian governmentState governmentLocal governmentPrivate sectorNot statedTotal

RuralAustralian governmentState governmentLocal governmentPrivate sectorNot statedTotal

Per cent1986

8.815.21.8

71.92.2

100.0

6.419.03.2

69.61.9

100.0

4.512.92.3

78.61.6

100.0

employed1991

7.213.6

1.771.6

5.9100.0

4.916.22.9

70.25.8

100.0

4.012.12.2

76.25.5

100.0

ChangeNet Per cent

-43,012-20,993

704237,249174,925348,873

-13,188-16,344

-92393,73458,176

121,455

-5065,5141,482

62,42042,491

111,401

-11.6-3.30.97.8

187.48.3

-15.8-6.6-2.210.3

239.09.3

-1.24.56.88.5

280.911.9

68

Table AlOa. Change in Aboriginal employment by industry sector andgender, 1986-91.

Industry sector

MalesAustralian governmentState governmentLocal governmentPrivate sectorNot statedTotal

FemalesAustralian governmentState governmentLocal governmentPrivate sectorNot statedTotal

Per cent1986

8.821.09.5

54.26.6

100.0

11.427.7

2.850.47.7

100.0

employed1991

7.514.011.656.910.0

100.0

10.221.46.8

50.810.8

100.0

ChangeNet Per cent

154-798

1,1703,9561,3615,843

481464998

3,2601,1096,312

7.6-16.453.231.588.825.2

30.212.0

255.946.3

103.445.2

Table AlOb. Change in Torres Strait Islander employment by industrysector and gender, 1986-91.

Per cent employed ChangeIndustry sector 1986 1991 Net Percent

MalesAustralian government 6.2 4.9 3 1.4State government 20.8 12.7 -161 -21.6Local government 8.0 12.0 265 92.7Private sector 58.8 61.0 700 33.2Not stated 6.3 9.5 209 92.1Total 100.0 100.0 1,016 28.3

FemalesAustralian government 7.5 6.2 28 18.1State government 24.9 17.8 12 2.3Local government 3.2 5.5 98 148.5Private sector 58.1 60.3 584 48.6Not stated 6.3 10.2 171 131.5Total 100.0 100.0 893 43.2

69

Table AlOc. Change in non-indigenous employment by industry sectorand gender, 1986-91.

Industry

MalesAustralian governmentState governmentLocal governmentPrivate sectorNot statedTotal

FemalesAustralian governmentState governmentLocal governmentPrivate sectorNot statedTotal

Per cent1986

8.514.22.7

72.81.8

100.0

6.518.0

1.471.8

2.4100.0

employed1991

6.911.92.4

73.25.6

100.0

5.316.6

1.670.4

6.1100.0

ChangeNet Per cent

-52,738-73,664

-9,871105,838153,692123,257

-3,96841,84111,134

287,565121,900458,472

-15.8-13.2

-9.43.7

211.83.1

-2.49.2

31.415.7

202.418.0

70

Table All. Change in employment by hours worked: Aborigines,Torres Strait Islanders and others, 1986-91.

Hours worked

Aborigines0-2425-34Total part time35-3940+Total full timeNot statedTotal

Torres Strait Islanders0-2425-34Total pan time35-3940+Total full timeNot statedTotal

Others0-2425-34Total pan time35-3940+Total full timeNot statedTotal

Per cent1986

17.77.3

25.022.446.669.06.0

100.0

17.05.4

22.418.652.471.0

6.6100.0

16.95.8

22.725.049.774.7

2.6100.0

employed1991

24.98.8

33.721.337.158.38.0

100.0

20.67.8

28.419.045.064.07.6

100.0

19.16.7

25.822.446.669.05.2

100.0

ChangeNet Per cent

5,6861,6397,3252,162

9713,1331,697

12,155

596289885384440824200

1,909

250,69297,036

347,728-38,41172,28233,871

200,130581,729

86.360.378.726.05.6

12.275.832.7

61.995.169.936.414.820.553.633.7

22.925.723.6-2.42.20.7

119.99.0

71

Table A12a. Change in Aboriginal employment by hours worked andsection-of-State, 1986-91.

Hours worked

Major urban0-2425-34Total pan time35-3940+Total full timeNot statedTotal

Other urban0-2425-34Total pan time35-3940+Total full timeNot statedTotal

Rural0-2425-34Total pan time35-3940+Total full timeNot statedTotal

Per cent employed1986 1991

14.26.0

20.230.545.175.64.2

100.0

16.86.1

22.922.848.371.0

6.1100.0

22.410.132.513.945.959.87.8

100.0

16.67.1

23.728.140.969.07.3

100.0

23.78.1

31.822.237.459.6

8.6100.0

33.311.144.514.333.347.6

7.9100.0

ChangeNet Per cent

846376

1,222714943

1,657612

3,491

1,729527

2,256608

-378230627

3,113

3,111736

3,847840406

1,246458

5,551

52.055.052.920.518.319.2

126.430.5

72.360.469.118.7-5.52.3

72.521.8

121.263.3

103.252.8

7.718.251.448.4

72

Table A12b. Change in Torres Strait Islander employment by hoursworked and section-of-State, 1986-91.

Hours worked

Major urban0-2425-34Total pan time35-3940+Total full timeNot statedTotal

Other urban0-2425-34Total pan time35-3940+Total full timeNot statedTotal

Rural0-2425-34Total part time35-3940+Total full timeNot statedTotal

Per cent1986

14.75.9

20.627.148.275.3

4.1100.0

16.64.7

21.317.853.170.87.9

100.0

21.05.9

26.98.3

57.165.47.7

100.0

employed1991

19.35.9

25.323.643.366.9

7.9100.0

19.87.4

27.320.044.364.3

8.5100.0

22.910.433.312.747.860.56.2

100.0

ChangeNet Per cent

22945

274107227334128736

12082

20295

-124-2932

205

24716240918233751940

968

83.340.971.221.125.223.7

166.239.3

29.671.338.821.9-9.6-1.716.78.4

87.3205.1113.0162.543.858.938.571.9

73

Table A12c. Change in non-indigenous employment by hours workedand section-of-State, 1986-91.

Hours worked

Major urban0-2425-34Total pan time35-3940+Total full timeNot statedTotal

Other urban0-2425-34Total pan time35-3940+Total full timeNot statedTotal

Rural0-2425-34Total part time35-3940+Total full timeNot statedTotal

Per cent employed1986 1991

16.56.0

22.528.147.075.1

2.4100.0

18.45.8

24.222.450.973.32.5

100.0

16.65.3

21.814.760.174.8

3.3100.0

18.96.8

25.724.444.969.3

5.0100.0

20.16.9

27.121.346.367.6

5.3100.0

18.16.4

24.515.154.569.7

5.8100.0

ChangeNet Per cent

167,89456,645

224,539-70,66067,820-2,840

127,174348,873

47,78822,95570,74311,439-3,9107,529

43,183121,455

35,01017,43652,44620,810

8,37229,18229,773

111,401

24.122.523.7-6.03.4

-0.1123.2

8.3

19.930.122.33.9

-0.60.8

133.19.3

22.535.225.615.0

1.54.1

95.311.9

74

Table A13a. Change in Aboriginal employment by hours worked andgender, 1986-91.

Hours workedPer cent employed1986 1991

ChangeNet Per cent

Males0-2425-34Total part time35-3940+Total full timeNot statedTotal

13.05.3

18.322.453.375.86.0

100.0

20.47.4

27.821.043.864.77.5

100.0

2,910908

3,818885335

1,220805

5,843

96.873.590.017.02.76.9

58.225.2

Females0-2425-34Total part time35-3940+Total full timeNot statedTotal

25.610.636.222.335.357.76.1

100.0

31.310.942.221.727.549.1

8.6100.0

2,776731

3,5071,277

6361,913

8926,312

77.649.369.340.912.923.7

104.145.2

Table A13b. Change in Torres Strait Islander employmentdistribution by hours worked and gender, 1986-91.

Hours workedPer cent employed1986 1991

ChangeNet Per cent

Males0-2425-34Total part time35-3940+Total full timeNot statedTotal

Females0-2425-34Total part time35-3940+Total full timeNot statedTotal

12.53.516.017.060.177.07.0

100.0

24.98.6

33.521.539.160.65.9

100.0

14.56.2

20.718.953.071.97.4

100.0

30.010.440.419.132.651.77.8

100.0

22215838026128454591

1,016

374131505123156279109893

49.6124.466.142.813.219.736.428.3

72.674.073.027.719.322.388.643.2

75

Table A13c. Change in non-indigenous employment by hours workedand gender, 1986-91.

Hours worked

Males0-2425-34Total pan time35-3940+Total full timeNot statedTotal

Females0-2425-34Total part time35-3940+Total full timeNot statedTotal

Per cent1986

8.93.4

12.325.659.685.32.4

100.0

29.29.6

38.824.134.358.42.9

100.0

employed1991

10.14.1

14.222.658.080.65.2

100.0

31.110.341.422.131.253.35.2

100.0

ChangeNet Per cent

58,66631,29289,958

-89,8927,893

-81,999115,298123,257

192,02665,744

257,77051,48164,389

115,87084,832

458,472

16.723.418.6-8.90.3

-2.5122.4

3.1

25.927.026.1

8.47.47.8

116.718.0

76

Table A14. Change in level of qualifications: Aborigines, Torres StraitIslanders and others, 1986-91.

Level of qualifications

AboriginesHigher degree/diplomaBachelor degreeOther diplomaVocationalNo qualificationNot statedTotal

Torres Strait IslandersHigher degree/diplomaBachelor degreeOther diplomaVocationalNo qualificationNot statedTotal

OthersHigher degree/diplomaBachelor degreeOther diplomaVocationalNo qualificationNot statedTotal

Per cent1986 1991

0.10.20.65.0

75.518.6

100.0

0.050.20.98.4

72.517.9

100.0

1.23.83.5

17.560.313.6

100.0

0.20.61.45.1

80.112.5

100.0

0.20.41.88.4

76.013.1

100.0

1.95.75.2

13.561.212.3

100.0

ChangeNet Per cent

193591

1,2961,097

21,350-5,03619,491

1943

181258

2,819-246

3,074

102,977289,375262,305

-323,316796,054

-5,4681,121,927

153.2217.3186.2

17.622.8

-21.915.8

237.5134.4143.722.728.7

-10.122.1

68.663.962.6

-15.511.0-0.39.4

77

Table A15a. Change in level of qualifications of Aborigines by section-of-State, 1986-91.

Level of qualification

Major urbanHigher degree/diplomaBachelor degreeOther diplomaVocationalNo qualificationNot statedTotal

Other urbanHigher degree/diplomaBachelor degreeOther diplomaVocationalNo qualificationNot statedTotal

RuralHigher degree/diplomaBachelor degreeOther diplomaVocationalNo qualificationNot statedTotal

Per cent1986 1991

0.20.61.08.6

74.115.5

100.0

0.10.10.55.2

77.216.9

100.0

0.030.060.32.3

74.522.7

100.0

0.51.42.47.9

76.511.3

100.0

0.10.41.25.3

81.012.0

100.0

0.10.30.72.7

82.114.1

100.0

ChangeNet Per cent

110340611393

6,486-434

7,506

28142478397

7,413-16426,816

55109207307

7,451-2,9605,169

159.4180.9197.1

15.025.6-9.124.5

70.0240.7203.4

15.119.2

-19.513.6

323.5436.0137.131.323.3

-30.312.0

78

Table A15b. Change in level of qualifications of Torres StraitIslanders by section-of-State, 1986-91.

Level of qualification

Major urbanHigher degree/diplomaBachelor degreeOther diplomaVocationalNo qualificationNot statedTotal

Other urbanHigher degree/diplomaBachelor degreeOther diplomaVocationalNo qualificationNot statedTotal

RuralHigher degree/diplomaBachelor degreeOther diplomaVocationalNo qualificationNot statedTotal

Per cent1986 1991

0.050.70.8

12.671.014.8

100.0

0.030.060.97.5

73.418.1

100.0

0.10.11.15.5

72.320.8

100.0

0.31.02.0

10.772.613.3

100.0

0.040.21.68.2

76.713.2

100.0

0.10.22.05.7

79.212.8

100.0

ChangeNet Per cent

163080

1421,490

2101,968

18

4845

178-322-220

25

5371

1,151-134

-3

800.0125.0258.1

31.058.139.254.4

50.0200.0

85.79.33.7

-27.6-3.4

50.0125.0135.936.745.5

-18.4-0.1

79

Table AlSc. Change in level of qualifications of non-indigenousAustralians by section-of-State, 1986-91.

Level of qualifications

Major urbanHigher degree/diplomaBachelor degreeOther diplomaVocationalNo qualificationNot statedTotal

Other urbanHigher degree/diplomaBachelor degreeOther diplomaVocationalNo qualificationNot statedTotal

RuralHigher degree/diplomaBachelor degreeOther diplomaVocationalNo qualificationNot statedTotal

Per cent1986 1991

1.54.63.6

17.758.414.1

100.0

0.82.43.2

17.862.613.2

100.0

0.92.53.7

17.163.112.7

100.0

2.36.85.3

13.359.412.8

100.0

1.23.64.9

14.563.512.2

100.0

1.43.95.5

14.363.711.2

100.0

ChangeNet Per cent

77,610218,305168,094

-253,666470,361

-7,067673,637

14,06440,49154,087

-51,790173,330

4,673234,855

11,30330,57940,124

-17,860131,287

-3,074192,365

67.262.260.6

-18.710.5-0.68.8

68.565.965.5

-11.310.8

1.39.2

79.475.067.7-6.412.9-1.511.9

80

Table A16a. Change in level of qualifications of Aborigines by gender,1986-91.

Level of qualification

MalesHigher degree/diplomaBachelor degreeOther diplomaVocationalNo qualificationNot statedTotal

FemalesHigher degree/diplomaBachelor degreeOther diplomaVocationalNo qualificationNot statedTotal

1986

0.10.20.46.1

74.118.4

100.0

0.10.20.74.0

76.818.3

100.0

Per cent1991

0.20.50.97.3

78.612.4

100.0

0.20.71.83.0

81.612.7

100.0

ChangeNet Per cent

68215358

1,42110,058-2,7119,409

125376938

-32411,292-2,32510,082

97.1145.3130.238.622.7

-24.015.7

223.2303.2222.8-12.823.1

-19.915.8

Table A16b. Change in level of qualifications of Torres StraitIslanders by gender, 1986-91.

Level of qualification

MalesHigher degree/diplomaBachelor degreeOther diplomaVocationalNo qualificationNot statedTotal

FemalesHigher degree/diplomaBachelor degreeOther diplomaVocationalNo qualificationNot statedTotal

1986

0.10.30.6

11.069.618.3

100.0

0.020.21.25.8

75.217.5

100.0

Per cent1991

0.10.31.1

12.872.912.6

100.0

0.20.62.54.1

79.013.6

100.0

ChangeNet Per cent

69

48312

1,304-189

1,490

1334

133-54

1,515-57

1,584

100.050.0

114.342.628.3

-15.522.5

650.0242.9158.3-13.429.1-4.722.9

81

Table A16c. Change in level of qualifications of non-indigenousAustralians by gender, 1986-91.

Level of qualification

MalesHigher degree/diplomaBachelor degreeOther diplomaVocationalNo qualificationNot statedTotal

FemalesHigher degree/diplomaBachelor degreeOther diplomaVocationalNo qualificationNot statedTotal

1986

1.54.73.2

23.553.913.1

100.0

1.02.93.8

11.766.714.0

100.0

Per cent1991

2.26.33.8

21.155.211.4

100.0

1.75.16.66.2

67.113.2

100.0

ChangeNet Per cent

48,082126,54654,541

-28,856366,492-40,326526,479

54,895162,829207,764

-294,460429,571

34,858595,457

52.945.328.8-2.011.6-5.28.9

92.593.590.4

-41.610.74.19.8

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The Relative EconomicStatus of IndigenousAustralians, 1986-91

is the first of several CAEPR contributions to the mid-term review of the Aboriginal EmploymentDevelopment Policy (AEDP). The work wascommissioned by the Aboriginal and Torres StraitIslander Commission and the CommonwealthDepartment of Employment, Education and Trainingto assess the labour market impact of the AEDP. Adetailed analysis of 1986 and 1991 Census data wasconducted to ascertain the degree to which AEDPobjectives of employment and income equality havebeen achieved. The analysis compares changes in theeconomic status of Aborigines and Torres StraitIslanders separately with that of other Australians,using a range of social indicators at the national level,disaggregated by section-of-State. These indicatorsinclude labour force status, occupational status,industry, industry sector of employment, hoursworked, level of qualifications, income status andlevels of welfare dependence.

As the first national overview of the relative economicstatus of indigenous Australians to be based on 1991Census data, this study lays the ground for furtherinquiry into the contemporary economic situation ofAboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people. As wellas directly informing the AEDP review process, thismonograph will be of great relevance to indigenousAustralians generally, policy makers, bureaucrats andresearchers with an interest in Aboriginal and TorresStrait Islander affairs.

The author

John Taylor is a Fellow at the Centre for AboriginalEconomic Policy Research. He has an academicbackground in geography and population studies andhas published extensively on the demography andlabour market status of indigenous Australians.

ISBN 07315 1841 1ISSN 1036-6962