The Institution for Archaeology

and Ancient History

The Reign of Akhenaten:

The Inhabitants of Tell el-Amarna through a

Religious Perspective.

Amelie Norén

Bachelor Essay 15 hp in Egyptology

VT 2020

Supervisor: Prof. Andreas Dorn

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Abstract

Norén, A. 2020. The Reign of Akhenaten: The Inhabitants of Tell el-Amarna through a

Religious Perspective.

The purpose of the study is to demonstrate the complex religious climate of Tell el-Amarna, the capital city of ancient Egypt in the 18th dynasty, during the reign of Amenhotep IV/Akhenaten (1353–1336 B.C.E.). These complex elements refer to the devotion of pharaoh and his new-established ideology of Atenism and the simultaneously ongoing worship of traditional gods of which many were actively persecuted by the state during this time.

The conclusions of this study presents a general picture of the lives of the inhabitants of el-Amarna by drawing on examples of religious objects which have been excavated from the city and what these may suggest about the religious beliefs of the people. However, the study does not focus primarily on the distribution of objects or social stratification.

The sources which have been employed in this study consists of books and articles published by Barry J. Kemp and Anna Stevens, among others. The primary source material by Kemp and Stevens comprises archaeological theories and methods which in this study have been employed in an attempt to bring the material one step further, namely to analyse the religious climate at el-Amarna through the perspective of its inhabitants and place the material evidence in relation to the ideologies of Akhenaten. Norén, A. 2020. Akhenatens regeringstid: Invånarna i Tell el-Amarna ur ett religiöst perspektiv. Syftet med studien är att redogöra för det komplexa religiösa klimatet i Tell el-Amarna, som var huvudstaden i det antika Egypten under den 18nde dynastin, under Amenhotep IV/Akhenatens regeringstid (1353–1336 f.v.t.). Med komplexa element menas den hängivenhet som uttrycktes inför farao och hans nyetablerade ideologi som kallas Atenism samtidigt som det existerade en fortsatt tro på de traditionella gudarna som aktivt förföljdes och raderades av staten under den här tiden.

Slutsatserna i den här studien presenterar en generell bild av livet för invånarna i el-Amarna genom att återge exempel på religiösa objekt som har hittats i staden och vad dessa må berätta gällande det religiösa utövandet hos människorna som bodde här. Studien fokuserar inte primärt på spridningen eller mängden av objekt och heller inte på social stratifikation.

De källor som använts i den här studien består av böcker och artiklar som publicerats av Barry J. Kemp och Anna Stevens samt andra forskare. Det primära källmaterialet av Kemp och Stevens utgörs av arkeologiska teorier och metoder som används i den här studien med avsikten att ta materialet ett steg längre genom att analysera det religiösa klimatet i el-Amarna ur invånarnas perspektiv och sätta de materiella lämningarna i relation till Akhenatens ideologier.

Keywords: Egypt, Tell el-Amarna, Akhenaten, Aten, archaeology, religion.

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Table of Contents

1. Introduction………………………………………………………………………………….4

2. The city and its people……………………………………………………………………....6

2.1. Tell el-Amarna………………………………………………………………………....6

2.2. The burials and skeletal analysis……………………………………………………….7

2.3. The inhabitants of the city……………………………………………………………...9

3. Hail to the king……………………………………………………………………………..11

3.1. Pharaoh as the intermediary to Aten………………………………………………….11

3.2. Religious elements and practice through landscape and architecture………………...12

3.3. Pharaoh’s loyal followers……………………………………………………………..13

4. The many religious elements of the Amarna-period……………………………………….16

4.1. The nature of the traditional gods and the ideologies of Akhenaten………………….16

4.2. The persecution of the traditional gods……………………………………………….17

4.3. The meanings behind an object..............……………………………………………...19

5. The ancient Egyptian world requires religious diversity.……………………………….....21

5.1. The presence of evil and the need for protection……………………………………..21

5.2. The lack of an antagonist and the need for explanation……………………………....24

5.3. The concept of sin and the vanquishing of evil……………………………………....25

6. Conclusions………………………………………………………………………………...27

7. Bibliography………………………………………………………………………………..28

8. Illustration index…………………………………………………………………………...29

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Introduction

The purpose of this study is to present religious objects from Tell el-Amarna which demonstrate that the religious climate of the city and the religious beliefs of the inhabitants was quite complex. The diversity of gods and goddesses which are present at el-Amarna needs to be clearly expressed and a selection of deities are accounted for in this study.

Popular themes concerning the reign of Akhenaten are questioned, especially those focusing on the monotheistic elements of the Amarna Period and the ‘fanatical’ traits with which pharaoh Akhenaten ruled. In other words, an underlying theme of this study is to question opinions which suggests that the Amarna Period was a religiously strict and monotonous period of ancient Egyptian history. This study does not answer a specific question, but rather compares, by studying religious objects, the presence of traditional deities at el-Amarna with the presence of the ideologies related to Akhenaten’s theology. Additionally, this study suggests that Atenism did not provide people in general with the elements required for a religion to survive its founder. The sources primarily used in this study concerns the archaeological work which has been performed at the city and cemeteries together with the work of Anna Stevens who has compiled many of the religious objects from the site in an extensive publication. And, most importantly, the purpose is to investigate whether religious objects might give indications to the religious climate at el-Amarna. The first chapter presents Tell el-Amarna as archaeological site and ancient city, describing the North- and South Tombs cemeteries containing burials of individuals from different social contexts and attempts to portray the changes of the Amarna Period as perceived by the inhabitants. The second chapter treats the meaning of pharaoh as primary intermediary to Aten and important elements in architecture and landscape which enhanced Akhenaten’s religion and could be perceived by the inhabitants of el-Amarna. Furthermore, this chapter introduces loyal followers of pharaoh with the official Panehesy as an interesting example. The third chapter gives a short introduction to ancient Egyptian gods in general and the ideologies of Akhenaten and the nature of the god Aten. The study describes Akhenaten’s persecution of the traditional deities, followed by contradictory examples of attestations of traditional gods and goddesses at el-Amarna simultaneously with the veneration of the king and Aten. Additionally, this chapter explains the complexities of religious objects with clay cobra figurines as an example. The final chapter addresses what the ideal world looked like according to the ‘Hymn to the Aten’ compared with the reality of how dangerous it was, giving examples of religious objects excavated at el-Amarna which concerns protection. Additionally, the chapter addresses the implications of a religious theology lacking an antagonist that represents the evil elements in the world and discussing the concept of sin and how it was generally addressed in ancient Egypt, how evil forces were defeated and that many of the bad elements were missing during the reign of Akhenaten.

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Fig. 1: Tell el-Amarna, showing the excavated areas and the environment surrounding the city. The high desert

is located to the east and the Nile river to the west.

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2. The city and its people.

2.1. Tell el-Amarna.

Tell el-Amarna, in antiquity referred to as Akhetaten, meaning the ‘horizon of Aten’, was to become the capital city of ancient Egypt during the reign of Akhenaten (1353–1335 B.C.E.) and the cult centre for pharaoh’s primary god Aten. It was founded in Middle Egypt, on the east bank of the Nile.1 As pointed out by Kemp, el-Amarna is particularly interesting because it is representative as a settlement site which was established and abandoned during a relatively short period of time and under a single ruler.2

According to Hornung, the city of el-Amarna can be assumed to have begun construction in year five of Akhenaten’s reign and major parts of the royal administration may have moved to the city only three years later, in year eight.3 The rapid construction was carried out by a labour force which is quite anonymous. However, it might be assumed, according to Reeves, that it was a mixture of people from different social classes. The military as well as Egyptian and foreign slaves are likely to have carried out the construction.4 The first extensive excavations of el-Amarna were conducted by Flinders Petrie in the 1890s. It is also relevant to mention the extensive work conducted by Norman de Garis Davies between 1901 and 1907, when he carefully copied scenes and inscriptions from different contexts of the city. However, the Egypt Exploration Society have been excavating at el-Amarna since 1977, under the leadership of Barry J. Kemp.5

In the northern parts of the city is where the palaces and temples are located. This, most likely, was the main residential areas for the king and his family as well as the administrative and religious centres. The North- and South Tombs cemeteries are in the mountains to the east of the city. A Workmen’s Village and Stone Village were located roughly between the Main City and the cemeteries.6 When studying the layout of the city, a difference is made between the ‘central’ and ‘main’ city of el-Amarna. The Main City is located to the south of the Central City and may be termed a ‘residential area’. It is possible to see a difference concerning the sizes of houses located in the Main City, which may suggest social- and economic differences between the people who lived here. This is particularly interesting because the houses are located together and not divided into different neighbourhoods. Additionally, some houses at el-Amarna appears to contain rooms outfitted for grain storage and some even include grain silos. This clearly indicates that private individuals stored their own food, might have been quite economically independent and perhaps even owned some arable land.7

1 Bard 2015, 241. 2 Kemp 1977, 123–24. 3 Hornung 1999, 63–64. 4 Reeves 2019, 110. 5 Bard 2015, 242. 6 Ibid., 242–43. 7 Ibid., 243–45.

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The Workmen’s Village contained six rows of houses, divided by five streets and each row appears to contain twelve separate structures.8 According to Lacovara, the construction of the Workmen’s Village is based on a plan which is ‘rigidly geometric’.9 It is suggested by Kemp, that the Workmen’s Village was home to the people who attended the graves and tombs of the city. He further states that they may have been quite independent and that they were relatively high status individuals.10 As mentioned above, many of the houses of the Workmen’s Village is similar in size, although one house is larger than the others and probably belonged to an overseer.11 The village is one of the most studied parts of el-Amarna and the most recent work was done by Kemp between 1979–1986.

However, according to Stevens, the settlement site of the Stone Village has only recently received the attention of scholars because it has been poorly understood in the past. Stevens points out that according to ancient Egyptian standards, the eastern desert of el-Amarna, where the Stone Village is located, cannot be considered an appropriate settlement site.12 When compared to the Workmen’s Village, although only located 1.2 km from the Stone Village, Stevens points out that the latter is more isolated.13 The house plans of the Stone Village appear to be less well-organized than that of the Workmen’s Village. Although the work with attempting to discern how the Stone Village was provided food and water is ongoing, the obvious lack of building material and assistance in the construction of houses is apparent at the site. It is possible that the Stone Village was even more independent than the Workmen’s Village.14

2.2. The burials and skeletal analysis.

The tombs which were intended for the royal family and officials were discovered early during the excavation process of el-Amarna. The non-elite burials, however, perplexed scholars with their obvious absence for many years. It was not until the beginning of the 21st century that they were identified, approximately 100 years after el-Amarna had been discovered.15 Two primary cemeteries have been uncovered at el-Amarna, situated to the east of the city with one located to the north and the other to the south. The non-elite burials at these cemeteries are comprised mainly of so-called pit graves.16

According to Stevens, the South Tombs cemetery has been badly robbed sometime in antiquity, but enough material remains intact to make an estimation about the individuals buried there. The objects discovered includes a small amount of pottery vessels and other grave goods were even more unusual. The excavators only occasionally discovered amulets or jewellery.17 To give an estimation of the archaeological information of the South Tombs cemetery, Stevens points out that if the cemetery contain 6000 individuals and an occupation period of el-Amarna of about 15 years is accepted, it would result in approximately one burial a day.18

8 Arnold 2009, 11. 9 Lacovara 1997, 50. 10 Kemp 1987, 43. 11 Stevens 2011, 101–03. 12 Ibid., 100. 13 Ibid., 103. 14 Ibid., 115–16. 15 Stevens 2018, 1. 16 Ibid., 106. 17 Ibid., 106. 18 Ibid., 119.

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The North Tombs cemetery contains three different burial grounds and, like the South Tombs cemetery, is mostly comprised of pit graves.19 The excavation seasons during 2015 and 2017 focused on a relatively large pit grave cemetery close to the North Tombs. It is suggested by Kemp that the construction and maintenance of el-Amarna was managed by the individuals buried there.20

There occur obvious similarities between the burials studied during the season of 2017. The pit graves contained a majority of sub- and young adults. According to Dabbs, 93.7 % of the individuals were between 7 – 25 years old at the time of death.21 Additionally, many of the burials were modest regarding grave goods and many graves contained more than one individual.22

Like the burials studied at the South Tombs cemetery, the pit graves of the North Tombs cemetery also contain a small amount of burial goods. Some objects which have been found is a necklace and a steatite scarab inscribed with the name of Amenhotep II. These were discovered in an un-disturbed grave during the season of 2015 and during this season, this was the only intact burial of a total of 11 which contained burial goods. A bead depicting the wedjat-eye and three cylinder-beads were discovered in another, unfortunately disturbed, grave.23

According to the estimations and conclusions drawn by Dabbs, the inhabitants of el-Amarna that were buried at the North Tombs cemetery were hard-working. Overall, they were not only relatively young individuals, but the skeletal remains contain several signs of stress-related injuries which suggests that they worked hard from an early age. Perhaps the individuals buried at the North Tombs cemetery were part of a so-called support team for the quarry crew and that they carried out basic logistic work like carrying water and transporting stone.24 There is one major difference between the burials of the North- and South Tombs cemeteries. The individuals buried at the South Tombs cemetery are mixed between male, female, children, and infants.25 Many of these burials suggests that great care was taken for preparing the grave and burying the individual(s). The skeletal analyses further indicate family groupings and connections between burials and clusters of graves. In the North Tombs cemetery, however, the burials generally indicate that many individuals were buried at the same time and on top of each other. The lack of care for the deceased may suggest that speed, rather than caution while handling the body, was a primary concern.26

The burials of both the North- and South Tombs cemeteries does not appear to contain an abundance of grave goods, but this is basically where the general similarities end. The South Tombs cemetery presents interesting information concerning burial customs, although it has unfortunately not revealed much concerning grave goods. The North Tombs cemetery, however, gives another impression. The badly executed burials and the carelessness with which the bodies appear to have been handled generally contradicts the burial customs of ancient Egypt. It is important to mention that several of the inhabitants of el-Amarna were not born during the occupation of the city but rather moved there when the administrative centre of Egypt was re-located by pharaoh. Additionally, many of them did not die here either since the city was

19 Stevens 2018, 109. 20 Kemp 2017, 137. 21 Dabbs 2019, 179. 22 Kemp 2017, 137–38. 23 Ibid., 144–45. 24 Dabbs 2019, 183–84. 25 Stevens 2018, 106. 26 Dabbs 2019, 184.

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abandoned after approximately 15 years and many of the inhabitants moved to other locations.

2.3. The inhabitants of the city.

Although the pit grave cemeteries at el-Amarna are relatively poor concerning grave goods, they provide an image of the afterlife beliefs following the religious changes of Akhenaten. What did people prepare for and what could they expect after their burial? What did their afterlife look like and had it changed at all? Is it realistic to assume that this was something they reflected on? In general, during the 18th dynasty (1550–1307 B.C.E.), extensive resources were placed on preparing and outfitting the grave or tomb. Following the success abroad, conquering parts of Nubia and the Near East, the elite tombs show an increased quantity of grave goods as a result of the raw materials and wealth which was brought back to Egypt during this prosperous time.27 It would make sense if this wealth was also reflected in burials of the non-elite. However, as mentioned above, the pit graves of the North- and South Tombs cemeteries of el-Amarna did not contain many grave goods except for a tiny amount of personal treasures, jewellery which probably meant a lot to the individual during life. According to Grajetzki, the burial customs before and after the Amarna Period are generally quite similar. The non-elite burials, for example, contain many objects assumed to have been used in daily life.28 So why are grave goods so rare among the pit graves at el-Amarna?

Wealth is relevant when studying personal piety because it might, for example, be assumed to indicate the amount of dedication people placed in earning favour with their superiors. The support or non-support of pharaoh is particularly important to study during the Amarna Period because the religious beliefs of the elite were different, in general, compared to those of the non-elite. However, in the beginning of Akhenaten’s reign, before the persecution of the traditional gods, Aten was simply a god of the ancient Egyptian pantheon that grew in popularity. The changes during the Amarna Period, especially those concerned with religious tradition, raises several questions. In general, how implicated were the common people of changes occurring in the palace? A realistic viewpoint is to assume that the less people interacted with the palace, depending on connections and work-related occupations, the less important these changes were. Who were the people that followed Akhenaten to establish a new capital at Tell el-Amarna and what compelled them to leave their established lives and family connections in their place of origin? It is suggested by Kemp that presumably many of the inhabitants of el-Amarna originated from major cities like that of Memphis and Thebes. Kemp provides a theory for the possibility to re-locate all these people who, it is safe to assume, were some of the most influential and skilled in the country. Kemp suggests that it is most likely that a timetable was established, comprised of when and where people were to arrive at the new city and make their services available to pharaoh.29 Although a viable explanation for how the move was organised and how the administration of Egypt continued so fluently, it does not provide an answer to why people moved.

It may be assumed that the people who answered to the palace, was forced to follow every whim of pharaoh to be able to provide for the family. If the king wanted to build monuments or even a new city, then the people were certainly building it. Perhaps some

27 Grajetzki 2009, 66. 28 Ibid., 66. 29 Kemp 1977, 136.

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people saw the potential of el-Amarna as a fresh start. If nothing else, they may have been forced to stay positive, if they, for example, had a family member who answered to pharaoh and they were required to move.

However, if some level of independency from the palace is accepted, as mentioned above, then the circumstances of the non-elite inspires to many interesting questions. Assume that with independence follows free-thinking and ambition, which in turn allows people to start questioning their surroundings. What were they thinking? It is suggested by Reeves that people felt exiled to serve at the court of Akhenaten or to work in the city of el-Amarna. He further suggests that many of the inhabitants of the city must have maintained communications with friends and family in their respective hometowns. This might have been places were the influence of Akhenaten and his innovations did not reach.30 Although a colourful and thought-inspiring suggestion, nothing is certain unless letters and communications are discovered which validates this. However, it is an interesting point and it may be assumed that pharaoh’s religious innovations did not reach all over Egypt. After all, his main building projects were performed at el-Amarna, where people can be assumed to primarily have been influenced by Atenism. By studying priorities and achievements of previous rulers it is possible to suggest that the wealth of the 18th dynasty provided people in general with a sense of security during the beginning of the Amarna Period. The accomplishments of previous rulers like Amenhotep III might suggest that the religious ‘revolution’ of Akhenaten was rather a natural development of religious changes during the end of the 18th dynasty. Akhenaten worked with a concept which had been established way before his own time. He accentuated his close relationship to the god Aten and, in so doing, stressed the importance of pharaoh in religious practice and further enhanced royal authority.31

30 Reeves 2019, 127. 31 Trigger et. al. 1983, 220.

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3. Hail to the king.

3.1. Pharaoh as the intermediary to Aten.

Gods of the ancient Egyptian pantheon could be associated with different cities and areas and according to traditional practices, the popular gods were dedicated great temples and received grand offerings for being favoured by the currently ruling pharaoh. Additionally, many of the popular gods had their own priesthood with accompanying singers and dancers. During the Amarna Period, however, the priesthood may be assumed to have been next to non-existent although several titles related to the provisioning of god are attested. The official Panehesy, for example, bore the title of ‘first servant of the Aten in the house of the Aten at Akhetaten’.32 However, the person who primarily provided for the god and carried out the daily cult rituals was probably Akhenaten himself. What is with certainty known about the Amarna Period is that pharaoh Akhenaten held a prominent role concerning the worship of Aten. It is quite clearly pointed out in the ‘Hymn to the Aten’ that the religious ideologies of Akhenaten were centred on his personal relationship to the Aten.33 In general, concerning the religious practices of ancient Egypt, it is not an innovation of Akhenaten to place himself as an intermediary between the people and god. Rather, this was a widely practiced concept by the king of ancient Egypt. Pharaoh was certainly mortal, but there existed another mysterious element to kingship which was concerned with cult practices and the interaction with ancient Egyptian deities. With the intention of studying the personal piety of the non-elite at el-Amarna, the relationship between Akhenaten and Aten indicates how these people could connect with the god. To reach Aten, people were required to worship pharaoh.

The concluding passages of the ‘Hymn to the Aten’ gives the impression that pharaoh directly addresses the Aten. When the author speaks to the god, it is revealed that Akhenaten is the only one who knows the deity and that its divine plan and its power is revealed only to pharaoh. Akhenaten is the son of Aten and according to the hymn he is descended directly from the body of the Aten.34 Generally, the human characteristics of ancient Egyptian deities and their behaviours made them relatable and approachable to the Egyptians.35 Before the Amarna Period, the traditional deities were closer to the people. The gods and goddesses were approached by prayer and private religion could be expressed by leaving offerings at shrines and in temples.

It is suggested by Teeter that to worship the Aten and get access to the god during the Amarna Period, was synonymous with showing loyalty to the king who, in turn, was expected to transmit prayers and wishes to the Aten.36 This is the essence of the new theology of the Amarna Period. The primary element which received adoration and worship was Akhenaten himself. And although people may not have understood Aten like many of the traditional gods, they could approach Akhenaten who was the primary representative of the Aten.

32 Reeves 2019, 130. 33 Simpson 2003, 278. 34 Ibid., 283. 35 Teeter 2011, 182. 36 Ibid., 189.

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This is an attempt to explain the fundamentals of Atenism, a brief religious innovation which is represented in the archaeological record by the existence of religious objects in both elite and non-elite contexts at el-Amarna. However, this study points to the existence of the new theology advocated by Akhenaten and his followers simultaneously with an ongoing worship of traditional gods and goddesses which are also represented in the archaeological context.

3.2. Religious elements and practice through landscape and architecture.

Some of the greatest events in ancient Egypt were the festivals and processions that were held for the most popular deities. These celebrations were joyous occasions filled with music, dancing and an abundance of food and drink. During processions, an image of the deity was carried by the priests of the temple in a portable barque. The deity was carried on a pre-determined route, making short stops along the way to receive adoration and praise by the participants and onlookers.

Additionally, the celebrations of various festivals and processions were important parts of the calendar year. The themes of these celebrations often revolved around renewal and rebirth, particularly important aspects for the ancient Egyptians.37 The people believed that the deities were present during these celebrations by inhabiting their representations, which was often an image in the form of a statue. In the presence of their gods and goddesses, the king and the people celebrated, and they all received new energy from the deities.

During the Amarna Period, however, the religious climate was different. The procession of pharaoh Akhenaten and the royal family along the so-called ‘royal road’ of el-Amarna may be interpreted as a new version of former processions of the traditional gods. Images from the tomb chapel at el-Amarna depicts the king, often accompanied by the queen, travelling between the royal residence in the north to the cult centre located in the south of the city. These scenes paint quite the grandeur image of the royal couple surrounded by an entourage of servants and people bowing down, kissing the ground, before them.38

Images of the king standing in the ‘window of appearance’, accompanied by queen Nefertiti, is another image of royal worship were the king receives adoration and praise by foreign delegates and admirers. The royal couple is also shown bestowing gifts upon their most trusted followers.39

However, Reeves suggests that these images meant little to the inhabitants of el-Amarna when compared to the alternatives of the traditional practices. He assumes that the processions of pharaoh Akhenaten along the ‘royal road’ soon became tedious for people and that the great festivals held for the traditional gods were sorely absent and missed.40

This study, however, simply argues that these displays of royal power are part of the religious climate at el-Amarna and may suggest how the monumental architecture of the city was used to reinforce the ideologies of pharaoh. One of the key elements is the ‘royal road’ and how it was presumably utilized to establish royal power. And this, it may be assumed, made an impression on the inhabitants of the city. Additionally, it is important to note that unlike ancient Egyptian tradition, relief scenes of the rock-cut tombs at el-Amarna did not focus on the achievements of the deceased. The mortuary cult at el-Amarna focused on the royal family worshipping and adoring the Aten, and not on the titles and estates earned by the deceased official for whom the tomb was intended.41

37 Wilkinson 2017, 45. 38 Robins 2000, 155, fig. 180. 39 Ibid., 155, fig. 181. 40 Reeves 2019, 133. 41 Bard 2015, 246.

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According to Reeves, even beyond the confines of their intended tombs, many of the officials of el-Amarna were quite anonymous.42 It appears that the cult buildings at el-Amarna, which were constructed and maintained by the state, were primarily dedicated to the royal family and the Aten. One of the most impressive, the great Aten temple, is where Akhenaten and the royal family presented offerings to the Aten at the altar in the open court of the sanctuary.43 In general, the religious climate changed drastically for the inhabitants who followed Akhenaten to el-Amarna. There were no state temples dedicated to traditional gods where they could leave offerings and connect with a personal deity.44 According to Stevens, it is possible to make a distinction concerning temples and shrines that appears to have been maintained by the state and those that were maintained privately.45 At the Workmen’s Village, 24 private votive chapels have been excavated. Many of these chapels were not associated directly with a tomb. However, according to Stevens, the chapels are located close to the remains of a small cemetery which was likely used by the inhabitants of the Workmen’s Village. Many of the chapels were presumably related to upholding a so-called ‘ancestor cult’, although veneration related to deities should not be ruled out completely.46 Stevens speculates that architectural elements of state-run temples might indicate that private worship for the inhabitants of el-Amarna were occurring at these sites. For example, the first pylon of the Small Aten Temple contains elements that could support small stelae or statues, perhaps votive offerings which could be placed here by the inhabitants of the city. Additionally, but again completely speculative, is that the large open areas of several temple complexes could have supported crowds of people during celebrations.47

It is important to clearly point out that these are speculations. However, concerning the present discussion, it is an interesting suggestion concerning the religious circumstances of el-Amarna. The following question would be what type of stelae and statues were placed here and what they depicted, if they were concerned with cult that was accepted by the state or if there possibly occurred cases where traditional gods, elements or symbols were depicted.

3.3. Pharaoh’s loyal followers.

It may be assumed that because Akhenaten presented himself as an intermediary to Aten, he was worshipped by people who tried to connect to the new god. Certainly, he must have had followers among the people. The royal family and Aten appear on stelae among the archaeological material which have been found at residential areas of el-Amarna. Some of the larger houses contained shrines dedicated to the royal family and there are fragments of wall-paintings which contain scenes and texts indicating the presence of a royal cult.48

However, it is difficult to determine to what extent this royal cult resembles a trustworthy and realistic view of the religious climate at el-Amarna. Akhenaten built tombs for his most loyal subjects and followers.49 Are the decorative images of royal worship in these tombs to be interpreted as representing a realistic picture of personal piety in el-Amarna,

42 Reeves 2019, 129. 43 Bard 2015, 243. 44 Stevens 2006, 7. 45 Ibid., 249. 46 Ibid., 251–52. 47 Ibid., 249. 48 Ibid., 6. 49 Aldred 1991, 23.

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or do they testify to a self-serving truth that these people dedicated themselves to anything to secure their afterlife? It is important to try and understand the religious climate of el-Amarna and attempt to determine what was expected from- and allowed for the inhabitants. The official Panehesy was an individual who may be assumed to have been relatively close to pharaoh because of his title of ‘first servant of the Aten in the house of the Aten in Akhetaten’.50 Panehesy had an ‘official residence’ beside the Great Temple in the Central City of el-Amarna. Presumably termed ‘official’ regarding the bricks which has been excavated containing the insignia of Akhenaten in the form of so-called royal cartouches. Furthermore, Panehesy had another house which belonged to him, located in the Main City. It is pointed out by Stevens, however, that it is not known whether these houses were occupied simultaneously.51

The ‘official residence’ of Panehesy contained an exquisitely carved and elaborate domestic altar which is constructed entirely of stone and decorated with painted, incised images of the royal family worshipping the Aten. Akhenaten and Nefertiti can quite clearly be identified, as well as three princesses.52

This is the only clear example of a domestic stone altar at el-Amarna.53 According to Stevens, however, there are several houses that contain foundations which might indicate the existence of several other domestic altars. The archaeological work carried out in the Main City has this far revealed 30 possible altars, houses in the North Suburb may have contained seven and there may have been two in the Workmen’s Village as well.54 However, exactly how these were constructed or what they may have contained is difficult to determine since barely anything remains of them.

Fig. 2: Domestic altar from the ‘official residence’ of Panehesy.

50 Reeves 2019, 130. 51 Stevens 2006, 298. 52 Ibid., 219. 53 Ibid., 221. 54 Ibid., 233.

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The combination of architecture, furnishing and location concerning the ‘official residence’ suggests that this was a house were Panehesy was ‘at work’. According to Stevens, however, it was not common practice to make a separation between work and private life in ancient Egypt.55 Perhaps the ‘official residence’ of Panehesy was given to him in combination with a promotion, maybe he earned a new title, which required him to be closer to the Great Temple in the Central City. It is pointed out by Stevens that the participation in religious cult is not necessarily synonymous with believing in it. Although the excavation work at different places of el-Amarna yields garden shrines and domestic altars, these are poorly represented, and their existence does not necessarily prove that they were actively used. It is suggested by Stevens that these shrines and altars may have been presented to officials as gifts or that they represent an obligation required by the officials towards pharaoh. After all, people were generally dependent indirectly on pharaoh and directly on state institutions to sustain themselves.56

55 Stevens 2006, 298. 56 Ibid., 318.

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4. The many religious elements of the Amarna Period.

4.1. The nature of the traditional gods and the ideologies of Akhenaten.

An important aspect to how the gods developed in ancient Egypt are the many representations of animals which can be found from pre-history onwards.57 Many of the ancient Egyptian gods display both anthropomorphic and zoomorphic elements. An excellent example is the popular goddess Hathor, often depicted having a human face with the horns and ears of a cow. Another example is Thoth, the god of wisdom who might be depicted as a baboon or as a human with the head of an ibis. Many of the gods display characteristics of animals which are potentially dangerous. Some examples of popular deities are Sekhmet, the leonine goddess, Serket, the scorpion goddess and Sobek, the crocodile god. Many of the ancient Egyptian deities harboured personalities which were representative of the animals they were based upon. Therefore, it may be assumed that it wasn’t bizarre for the ancient Egyptians to accept a complex deity which represented the light of the sun-disc. Especially concerning ancient civilizations, people can be assumed to have been knowledgeable about the impact which the seasons and weather had on their lives. By studying the lives of the ancient Egyptians, it is possible to suggest a reasonable origin to many of their gods and goddesses. However, it is pointed out by Assmann that unlike the origin of many gods of ancient Egypt, Atenism did not evolve naturally, it was founded by Akhenaten.58

The god Aten represents the light of the sun-disc and its rays. This god is classified by Wilkinson as an ‘inanimate object deity’.59 Of the several classifications given by Wilkinson in his book, describing the Aten as ‘inanimate’ is not entirely correct, but is a close enough fit. The Aten is certainly a complex deity. In the guise of a two-dimensional god representing the light of the sun-disc, there is no question to whether it being ‘inanimate’ or not. However, in scenes where the Aten is depicted interacting with pharaoh and the royal family, the deity is often displayed having arms which extend forth from the disc as rays. Some of these arms end in hands which holds the hieroglyphic ankh-sign (meaning life) which it presents to Akhenaten, Nefertiti, and their daughters. How was this new religion perceived by people in general during the reign of Akhenaten? The religious changes were not so drastic in the early years. For common people, many of the changes which occurred during the Amarna Period was probably barely noticeable and certainly did not affect many of them directly. An important point made by Assmann is that many gods and goddesses of the ancient Egyptian pantheon changed and evolved over thousands of years. These deities were a natural element present in people’s lives and their daily habits.60 In a society like ancient Egypt, practicing what is today termed polytheism, the focus of one primary god above the countless others was not a foreign concept. Archaeological sources testify to the rise and fall of deities throughout ancient Egyptian history. Therefore, it might be assumed that people were not fazed by Akhenaten’s affinity for the god Aten.

57 Wilkinson 2017, 12. 58 Assmann 2001, 198–99. 59 Wilkinson 2017, 236–41. 60 Assmann 2001, 199.

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4.2. The persecution of the traditional gods.

The primary concerns regarding the religious changes of Akhenaten, is when he targeted and intended to erase many of the traditional gods. Assmann mentions that the ‘old gods’ were prohibited and persecuted by members of the elite, by the orders of Akhenaten, and further states that it necessarily didn’t implicate the non-elite on a personal level. However, when the authorities were tasked with erasing the name of the god Amun on monuments, people must have noticed what was happening.61 The way Akhenaten hunted down the traditional gods may be viewed as the ultimate heresy of his reign. According to Teeter, even personal names of people in private monuments were attacked if they gave reference to a traditional god.62 Having officials ransacking temples and shrines all over the countryside must have generally worried people and made them aware that the religious climate of Egypt was drastically changing. The god which primarily was at the receiving end of Akhenaten’s wrath was Amun. He was not only one of the most popular deities of the ancient Egyptian pantheon, but also one of the most important. Amun was a god of many aspects and one of the epithets used to describe him may be translated to ‘mysterious of form’ which is most likely suggestive to his many different characteristics. More importantly, Amun was known as a ‘creator god’ and, when syncretized with Re and becoming Amun-Re, he was known as one of the foremost solar deities. Amun was also titled king of all the deities of the Egyptian pantheon and was termed a universal god who pervades all living things. His power reached far out into the cosmos and beyond.63

As a ‘creator god’, Amun could certainly be viewed as a threat to Aten. The ‘Hymn to the Aten’ stresses that the sun-disc is the source for all life in Egypt and that ‘the earth comes forth into existence by your [the Aten’s] hand’.64 However, when Amun was syncretized with Re and taking the form of the solar god Amun-Re, the god gained even more power and eventually his popularity rivalled that of the Aten. This was un-acceptable, there was only one solar deity which filled the world with light. What may the religious objects at el-Amarna suggest concerning the representations of Akhenaten’s ideology compared with traditional beliefs?

During the Amarna Period there existed a religious ideology of pharaoh simultaneously with an ongoing cult of the long-established traditional deities. With the intention to investigate the religious beliefs of the population in a city where many of the traditional gods were no longer accepted, one turns to religious objects which are small and easy to hide but at the same time powerful enough to draw the attention of the divine. An amulet, for example, is an object enhanced with religious or magical properties. They are often carried on the person or worn as jewellery.65 Religious objects related to the persecuted god Amun-Re is attested at el-Amarna. For example, in the Main City, the excavators found a blue faience scarab which was inscribed with the name of Amun-Re and the name of Amenhotep IV (Akhenaten). This is probably a relic from the early years of his reign. Even the sanctuary of the Small Aten temple contained a glazed limestone scarab which was inscribed with Amun-Re. Beads and rings related to the god have also been found in different contexts and locations of el-Amarna. However, Stevens only mentions eleven jewellery-classified objects related to Amun-Re in her publication.66

61 Assmann 2001, 222–23. 62 Teeter 2011, 184. 63 Wilkinson 2017, 92–94. 64 Simpson 2003, 283. 65 Pinch 2010, 105. 66 Stevens 2006, 29–30.

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This might be an indication, however, that religious objects related to the god was packed and brought from the city when many of the families moved.

In comparison, it may be interesting to note that Stevens also mentions a minimum of at least 28 faience pendants with the name of the Aten. Rings and beads were also found. Stevens lists a total of approximately 44 jewellery-classified objects inscribed with the name of the Aten.

It may further be of interest to note that a pendant inscribed with the name of Aten has been excavated at Malqata, the city, which was founded by Akhenaten’s father, Amenhotep III. Stevens suggests that jewellery related to Aten may have been in production prior to the Amarna Period and that they are not only attested at el-Amarna.67 However, although not certain of the context of the object in question, it may very well be a pendant which was brought from el-Amarna when people abandoned the city and returned to their place of origin.

Additionally, an interesting observation made by Stevens is that there are more cult images at el-Amarna which depicts the royal family than there are of traditional deities. However, Stevens further points out that when the city was abandoned, objects related to traditional divinities may have been prioritized to bring to the new settlement.68 It is important to mention that many of the categories of objects cannot be considered representing a clear and complete truth about religious practices at el-Amarna. This study argues that merely a small number of objects is representative for a discussion concerning private religion and personal piety. This is not a study primarily concerned with the quantity of objects, but rather the attestation of objects containing deities besides Aten or the royal family. Besides many of the objects already mentioned, there are several so-called household items containing images and depictions of gods besides the Aten. The category which Stevens calls ‘vessels’, for example, contains colourful pottery jars depicting the god Bes. Although fragmentary, these jars are estimated by Stevens to have been quite large and their size might suggest their value. One of the vessels was found in the Main City and one in the North Suburb. Stevens mentions several similar vessels which are currently in different museums around the world and believed to originate from el-Amarna.69

Stevens argues that it is ‘extremely difficult’ to determine the specific usage of a vessel, considering that household items can be assumed to serve many functions besides the originally intended.70 Vessels can, because of their many functions, be considered highly valuable items. Might these objects which contains depictions of Bes be considered exceptions from the rule of Akhenaten, concerning the ban which he placed on all gods except Aten? Stevens further argues that it is difficult to determine the extent of the plans which Akhenaten had for his religious enterprise. It is not known with certainty if the ancient Egyptian state persecuted people in general for worshipping traditional deities in private. Neither is it known if Akhenaten and his followers intended to replace all traditional, religious practices with Atenism. However, an important point made by Stevens is that the worship of traditional gods was not ‘actively encouraged’ at el-Amarna.71

67 Stevens 2006, 30–31. 68 Ibid., 320. 69 Ibid., 168. 70 Ibid., 167. 71 Stevens 2006, 7.

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4.3. The meanings behind an object.

Fig. 3: Drawing of a clay cobra figurine found at the Workmen’s Village at el-Amarna. One type of artefact which have been found at el-Amarna depicts a rearing clay cobra. Several fragments have been found close to the wall of the Workmen’s Village.72 It is argued by Szpakowska that the function and meaning of the clay cobras is uncertain. The cobra can be associated directly with the royal uraeus or be a manifestation of a god or goddess, to which there are several possible candidates. Additionally, the clay cobra could possess magical properties and protect against the forces of evil. By studying instructions and spells concerned with protection against demons that assault people in their sleep, Szpakowska suggest that the clay cobras can be associated with the power of the uraeus snake or the goddess Wadjet. The cobra is a symbol generally called upon to frighten demons with fire which they are commonly portrayed spitting from their mouths.73 Clay cobra figurines appear in the archaeological record displaying different characteristics, but Stevens has estimated approximately 130 fragments of free-standing cobra figurines from el-Amarna. Scholars have suggested that some of these cobras display traces of head-discs, but Stevens argues that this is probably an incorrect interpretation. However, a feature which figures more prominently are traces of what appears to be uraeus appliqués on the front of the snake’s body.74 The clay cobras from el-Amarna may be used as an example of the many symbolic meanings regarding an object and how an object may be interpreted depending on the context. The new-founded theology of Akhenaten involved establishing a city entirely dedicated to the god Aten in a place which was carefully selected due to the absence of previous settlement or religious activity. However, the study of religious objects from different contexts of the city reveals an

72 Szpakowska 2003, 114. 73 Ibid., 119–22. 74 Stevens 2006, 100.

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image of el-Amarna which is quite different from the monotonous ideal of Akhenaten’s religion. The diverse nature of the gods and goddesses of the ancient Egyptian pantheon makes the interpretations and intentions behind objects in general, difficult to determine. From the Early Dynastic Period onwards, for example, the uraeus symbol have been associated with the solar cult and was also highly associated with the power of royalty.75 The popular goddess Wadjet was represented by the image of a cobra. Her importance in connection to the pharaoh may be seen in the royal title which is called ‘the name of the two ladies’. This is one of the names of pharaoh where Wadjet, together with the vulture goddess Nekhbet, represent the Upper and Lower parts of Egypt. Wadjet is the primary protective goddess of the king, represented in the uraeus, the cobra symbol depicted on pharaoh’s crown or headdress. More importantly, as mentioned by Wilkinson, the god Aten is often depicted with a uraeus. Although it is likely that the uraeus of Aten symbolizes power in general, the origin of the symbol is that of the goddess Wadjet protecting the king or a deity.76 In summary, the cobra may be associated with the uraeus, it may be a clay figurine containing magical properties and protecting from nightmares and it may be a symbol associated with the goddess Wadjet. Additionally, the image of the sun-disc Aten is often depicted adorned with a uraeus symbol. During the Amarna Period, the diverse meanings behind religious objects and imagery appears to be especially relevant for reaching an understanding on the gravity of the ban on traditional deities.

75 Stevens 2006, 51. 76 Wilkinson 2017, 226–27.

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5. The ancient Egyptian world requires religious diversity.

5.1. The presence of evil and the need for protection.

The ‘Great Hymn to the Aten’ is argued by several scholars to possibly, although in no way entirely proven, have been authored by pharaoh Akhenaten himself. According to Hornung, this is where the essence of the god Aten is described and where the theology of pharaoh can be found in its ‘purest expression’.77

The hymn contains a passage describing that the land of Egypt is covered in darkness as if engulfed by death whenever the Aten sets in the western horizon. The hymn further states that during the night, people are un-aware of what is happening around them. It is a time of uncertainty, a realm which people do not control. The hymn describes that when the Aten is resting during the night, that is when the serpents bite and the lions hunt. When the Aten rises at dawn, however, all darkness is dispelled and the land with all its people rejoices.78 According to Assmann, it is possible to perceive the diversity of gods and goddesses of the ancient Egyptian pantheon through its concept of polytheism. Assmann further states that this diversity is expressed in different ways in the world of the ancient Egyptian people. The deities can be perceived through the reality of the opposing elements working in the world as, for example, good and evil, safety and danger. An especially interesting point made by Assmann is that to ignore the plurality and diversity of the polytheistic gods and goddesses is to deny the workings of the world.79

In a society like ancient Egypt, this idea is particularly relevant. That which today is termed ‘religion’ was for the ancient Egyptians an element which was ever present in life and death. To believe or not believe in the gods is a question which they cannot be assumed to have asked themselves. Therefore, as suggested by Stevens, to get close to the mindset of the ancient Egyptians, it is particularly interesting to explore circumstances of life which are potentially dangerous. In a civilization like ancient Egypt, mothers-to-be and children were thought to be especially susceptible to the dangers of the world.80 However, the growing interest in solar deities during the reign of Amenhotep III and the priorities of Akhenaten and his sole devotion to the Aten which followed, left people with little protection against evil. As Teeter points out, the main aspects of the solar deities are as ‘givers of life’ and ‘renewers of life’ which, without complementary gods, left people with no explanation to unfortunate and unfair circumstances of life.81 What did the evil of the world look like for people living in a world where the religious ideologies of pharaoh were based on light? For the answer to this question it may be relevant to look at the functions and aspects of gods and goddesses. For example, Bes and Taweret are two of many deities associated with protection and protective figurines of these deities have

77 Hornung 1999, 78. 78 Simpson 2003, 279–80. 79 Assmann 2001, 11–12. 80 Stevens 2006, 17. 81 Teeter 2011, 185.

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been found in upper rooms of houses located in the Workmen’s Village at el-Amarna.82 These are two of the deities which figure prominently at el-Amarna and was, in general, particularly popular during ancient Egyptian history.83

Fig. 4: A selection of amulets from el-Amarna depicting the god Bes. During the New Kingdom (1550–1143 B.C.E.), the god Bes rises in popularity and were to become one of the more widespread deities of ancient Egypt. Among the many roles of Bes, he is commonly known as one of the primary protection deities of pregnant women and children.84 Bes have been termed a ‘household deity’ by Wilkinson in relation to the different votive objects where he can be found.85

According to Stevens, the imagery of Bes is present on over 500 objects at el-Amarna that belong to the category of ‘jewellery’. Several different designs of the creature Bes occur, and he is depicted on rings, pendants, and amulets. Generally, Bes is represented holding a musical instrument, such as a drum or flute. In some cases, he is also shown holding snakes which is one of his standard representations.86 This imagery is suggestive of his ability to provide protection against snakes and, therefore, he is often shown holding or biting them.87

Approximately 198 jewellery-classified images of Bes were found in the Main City of el-Amarna, 177 in the North Suburb and 90 in the Workmen’s Village.

The images of Bes depicted in profile, holding a circular instrument, is for the first time attested under the reign of Amenhotep III and many examples have been found at his city of Malqata.88 This may suggest that many of the inhabitants of el-Amarna originated from this city.

82 Pinch 2010, 127. 83 Hornung 1999, 111. 84 Wilkinson 2017, 102. 85 Ibid., 104. 86 Stevens 2006, 31. 87 Wilkinson 2017, 103. 88 Stevens 2006, 32–33.

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Fig. 5: A selection of amulets depicting the goddess Taweret. Another so-called ‘household deity’ was the hippopotamus goddess Taweret. Her representation can be found on domestic objects like beds and headrests, cosmetic items, and fertility objects like the paddle doll.89 The jewellery classification of the objects at el-Amarna contained images depicting Taweret as well as Bes. However, only 106 pendants have been identified, which suggests that in comparison with the Bes-images, Taweret were not present on as many jewellery-classified objects and neither on as many different types of jewellery.

According to Stevens, a small number of rings have been excavated, as well as a steatite scarab with an image of the goddess. A steatite amulet and several similar objects made in glass, also classified as amulets, have been found. The distribution of the jewellery depicting Taweret may be found at the same places as where the Bes-jewellery were common. Approximately 43 objects were found in the Main City, 45 in the North Suburb and 14 in the Workmen’s Village.90 It is worth mentioning a painted scene of traditional deities located in a house in the Workmen’s Village. The scene depicts Bes-inspired figures dancing in front of a deity which is most likely Taweret.

The representations of domestic architectural scenes depicting traditional deities are not common at el-Amarna. However, they may be poorly represented in the archaeological record because they were painted rather than carved which makes them more susceptible to damage and less likely to survive. Stevens describes other houses in the Workmen’s Village showing traces of painted decoration which was difficult to interpret and that it appears like attempts to cover the scenes with plaster occurred in several cases. According to Stevens, many scenes containing a religious theme, which can be found in domestic contexts, appears to reflect fertility-related cults.91 The Bes-inspired domestic scene at the Workmen’s Village at el-Amarna is assumed to have depicted traditional deities. Whether it is relevant or not that the scene was painted rather than carved is not necessarily of importance for this discussion. However, the point is that traditional deities not only occurred as small amulets which was easy to conceal if necessary. They were also represented in wall-paintings in domestic contexts and, although assumed not to have been seen by pharaoh himself, these scenes can be assumed to have been seen by other guests visiting these homes.

89 Wilkinson 2017, 186. 90 Stevens 2006, 39. 91 Stevens 2006, 216–17.

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Fig. 6: Domestic scene from the Workmen’s Village depicting dancing Bes-figures in front of what is assumed

to be the goddess Taweret. Bes and Taweret are very good examples of so-called ‘household deities’ which were commonly present in domestic contexts during the New Kingdom. They were the primary deities who protected women, mothers-to-be and children.

Concerning this aspect of society, the ever-present need of protection in a dangerous world, the sun-disc Aten falls utterly short. And, the religious ideologies of Akhenaten aside, Bes and Taweret were present as protective deities at el-Amarna because people were still depending upon them.

5.2. The lack of an antagonist and the need for explanation.

Another important element of the ancient Egyptian pantheon which requires to be mentioned is represented by the god Seth. He is attested early in Egyptian religion and generally represents the forces of chaos and confusion which often struck the ancient world. Seth became linked with the foreign enemies of the Egyptian state, because of his association as the god of the desert and foreign lands.

Seth represented evil and violence. As the primary god of chaos, he stood in direct opposition with the goddess Maat and the concept of maat (order). According to funerary literature, Seth was rumoured to prowl the netherworld searching for souls of the un-suspecting dead. The god of chaos appeared whenever there was civil unrest and foreign invasion, problems and crimes, sickness and disease, suffering and death, even bad weather was blamed on the ill-tempered Seth.

However, being the cause for much misery, Seth was undeniably one of the forces which people turned to for protection. It is pointed out by Wilkinson, that Seth is a god connected with both positive and negative aspects.92 It is reasonable to assume that a god connected with so many negative aspects could also be appealed to and attempts could be made to appease him. Although not a very likeable character, Seth was necessary to explain the origins of evil in the world.

92 Wilkinson 2017, 197–98.

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Of the religious objects from el-Amarna, Stevens identifies eight pieces of jewellery which might depict Seth or Anubis. According to Stevens, it appears difficult to ascertain with certainty which of the two gods are depicted. However, the images contain a jackal-headed figure holding a w3s-sceptre. Although it is suggested by Stevens that the images most likely depict Anubis, the god Seth cannot be ruled out completely and is therefore mentioned as a possibility.93 Additionally, the excavations have this far yielded at least fourteen pendants shaped like w3s-sceptres. The w3s-sceptre could be associated with gods, particularly Seth, but could also hold the meaning of sovereignty and divine power.94 Stevens suggests that motifs depicting the w3s-sceptre or resembling animals like crocodiles, pigs and/or gazelles, could be associated with Seth.95 However, there doesn’t seem to be any clear evidence of Seth at el-Amarna. Seth is the representation of the evil which stands in opposition to the good. Why would the religious ideologies of Akhenaten have been accepted by the ancient Egyptian people when it, as far as is known, addressed the forces of evil so poorly?

Generally, what people search for when turning to religion are answers and explanations to questions like ‘why are we here?’ and ‘what is the meaning of life?’. The ancient Egyptians may be assumed to have searched for answers to similar questions, especially the questions which would be relevant to ask for hard-working, struggling people. Duality is a concept which is generally present in religion and a re-occurring element in ancient Egypt that provides a satisfactory explanation to the concept of duality is the connection between the gods Horus and Seth.

One of the many important roles of Horus was as the ‘god of kingship’ and he was considered the heir to the throne of Egypt. The title of pharaoh was therefore synonymous with Horus and his struggle with the forces of chaos, which was often symbolized by the god Seth. According to ancient Egyptian stories, Seth made several attempts to take the throne from Horus, believing himself to be the rightful ruler of Egypt.96

Seth was the antagonist who made it possible for the king, as a descendant and embodiment of Horus, to establish maat (order) and demonstrate royal power over the unruly elements of the world.

5.3. The concept of sin and the vanquishing of evil.

According to Assmann, one of the ‘central religious ideas’ of ancient Egypt was the so-called ‘judgement of the dead’. The concept of death, as portrayed in the ‘confession’, might give an indication to what life should be and what it was for the Egyptians.97 Wallis Budge has written that the funerary prayers and ceremonies were of ‘considerable importance’ to the ancient Egyptians and that people in general were focused on attaining a good afterlife for themselves.98 The ‘judgement of the dead’ are chapters from the Egyptian ‘book of the dead’ dealing with the events which transpire after an individual has died. The deceased enters the realm of the god of death, Osiris, and stands before a tribunal of gods answering for the events which took place during his or her life.99 One of the central scenes of

93 Stevens 2006, 30. 94 Ibid., 71–72. 95 Stevens 2006, 293. 96 Wilkinson 2017, 201. 97 Assmann 2005, 73. 98 Budge 2008, 22. 99 Ibid., 21.

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the judgement is ‘the weighing of the heart’ where the heart of the deceased is weighed against a feather of Maat, the goddess of truth. The heart (or conscience) is supposed to be as light as the feather. If the heart would weigh more than the feather, the terrible Ammut or ‘Devourer of the Dead’ would swallow the deceased and condemn him or her to the ultimate death. Presiding over the judgement is (usually) Anubis in the presence of the enthroned Osiris. The god of wisdom, the ibis-headed Thoth, documents the verdict.100 However, as Hornung points out, during the Amarna Period, the ‘judgement of the dead’ was replaced by the grace of pharaoh Akhenaten. People were required to show loyalty to the king to be able to ‘survive death’. Therefore, it might be suggested that the afterlife beliefs of el-Amarna contained the simple elements of death synonymous with darkness/night and life synonymous with light/day. During the day, pharaoh Akhenaten, as intermediary of Aten, provided his god and the dead with provisions. During the night, however, they were all sleeping, unaware of the world around them.

Additionally, according to Hornung, the horrifying creature Ammut, represented by a body combined of a hippopotamus, lion, and crocodile, was an element added to scenes depicting the ‘judgement’ after the Amarna Period. As mentioned above, Ammut would devour anyone who was not light of heart and a ‘true’ believer of the Egyptian gods and goddesses.101 Another element of ancient Egyptian religion which requires attention is the netherworld serpent, Apophis. According to Wilkinson, Apophis is believed to have emerged as an evil entity following the Old Kingdom (2575–2134 B.C.E.). These were times which were filled with fear and uncertainty. Apophis symbolised darkness and non-being.

Especially relevant for the discussion is that Apophis was an adversary of the sun-god Re. According to the mythology, Re became the embodiment of the sun. When he descended the sky in the evening, he prepared himself for the journey to the netherworld, where he travelled on the sun barque and faced various challenges during the hours of the night. If victorious against the various foes of the netherworld, he would rise in the morning to a new day, having conquered the forces of evil and dispelled the darkness.102

Several different versions of the sun-god’s journey through the netherworld are recorded, but generally, the serpent Apophis is the last and final adversary which needs to be defeated by Re. Like the stories about Seth and Horus, the eternal battle between Re and Apophis is another symbol of how good triumphs over evil. During the Amarna Period, however, the elements mentioned above was, as far as is known, largely absent. Where are the clear elements of good and evil represented by the gods Horus and Seth, the nightly battle between Apophis and Re, the afterlife beliefs as related by chapters from the ‘book of the dead’ where the heart of the deceased is weighed against the feather of Maat? Why are these elements absent and how (if?) did it implicate the ancient Egyptians?

100 Budge 2008, 22–25. 101 Hornung 1999, 101–02. 102 Wilkinson 2017, 221.

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6. Conclusions

As mentioned above, the new-founded city of el-Amarna was a place which had been chosen as a fresh start for the dedication and sole worship of the god Aten. Did the presence of traditional gods taint the carefully selected ‘virgin soil’ of el-Amarna? The traditional gods are attested in small objects like amulets, but also bigger, and more noticeable, objects like clay cobra figurines and decorative wall paintings. Therefore, albeit a small selection of religious objects which are mentioned in this study, they do confirm that traditional gods were present at el-Amarna simultaneously with the favoured religious concept of Akhenaten.

The question is whether Akhenaten was concerned with amulets and figurines related to the traditional gods? The religious objects which are mentioned in this study suggests that he was not, although pharaoh did persecute traditional deities, he may have had priorities which are difficult to determine through the information currently available.

I would argue that the religious climate of the Amarna Period was one of the more diverse and complicated of ancient Egyptian history, containing religious themes related to a ‘monotheistic’ theology concerned with Aten and a polytheistic system concerning the traditional gods. Additionally, the religious climate contains an ever-present element of ancestor worship, but, also, an increased popularity of royal cult worship related to Akhenaten’s important role as intermediary to Aten. One of the most important issues concerning Atenism and one of the key factors which determined the eventual end of the religion has been pointed out by Pinch. As far as is known, Atenism did not explain the cause for the many evils and sorrows of the world.103 An important concept concerning religion is that it needs to attempt to explain the issues generally plaguing mankind. These issues are usually concerned with death and suffering, or survival and health, questions which are usually answered by introducing an antagonist, someone or something which is said to be the cause for the suffering.

Although religious elements like that of Horus and Seth, Re and Apophis, are not attested during the Amarna Period, they were generally recurring elements of religious and royal contexts. Applying these elements to the Amarna Period makes it possible to address the changes occurring at el-Amarna and point to important religious concepts that were missing during this time.

It may safely be assumed that some people accepted having pharaoh being the sole provider of life after death and to provide for the dead. The requirements for attaining a good afterlife appears easier during the Amarna Period because there no longer existed a judgement hall where the deceased had to face Osiris and a tribunal of gods. During the dynasties which followed the Amarna Period, the concept of ‘personal piety’ developed and the focus appears to be on the ‘human heart’ and the ‘individual’. The relations between the ancient Egyptians and their deities had changed. People appear to have connected with their gods and goddesses on a more personal level. Perhaps the religious changes of the Amarna Period were one factor which created opportunities for people in general to re-evaluate their religious beliefs.

103 Pinch 2002, 110.

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Teeter, E. 2011. Religion and Ritual in Ancient Egypt, Glasgow.

Trigger, B. G., Kemp, B. J., O’Connor, D. & Lloyd, A. B. 1983. Ancient Egypt: A Social History, New

York.

Wilkinson, R. H. 2017. The Gods and Goddesses of Ancient Egypt, London.

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8. Illustration index

Picture on title page: Picture of Aten, an illustration of a pottery ostracon from the workmen’s

village at Tell el-Amarna.

Source: Stevens, A. 2006. Private Religion at Amarna: The Material Evidence, p. 154.

Fig. 1: Map of Tell El-Amarna.

Source: Stevens (2006, 9, fig. I.1.1.)

Fig. 2: Domestic altar from the ‘official residence’ of Panehesy.

Source: Stevens (2006, 220, fig. II.13.2.)

Fig. 3: Clay cobra figurine.

Source: Stevens (2006, 101, fig. II.3.20.)

Fig. 4: A selection of Bes amulets from el-Amarna.

Source: Stevens (2006, 32, fig. II.2.2.)

Fig. 5: A selection of Taweret amulets from el-Amarna.

Source: Stevens (2006, 39, fig. II.2.9.)

Fig. 6: Domestic scene of Bes-figures and Taweret.

Source: Stevens (2006, 217, fig. II.12.1.)